Chapter: III

History of Manipur – an Independent Kingdom (A.D 33-1949).

Introduction:
Manipur has come under the influences of cultures of many different ethnic groups who
came at various times and contributed to the growth of civilization. The Tibeto-Burman
or Sino-Tibetan speaking Meiteis, Naga and Kuki-Chins of Manipur, which is a
continuation of an early nation-state in South East Asia, represent a unique South East
Asia personality through the ages since the Paleolithic period till contemporary epoch
(Sanajaoba 1995). Acharya (1988) noted that Manipur has always attracted historians,
traders, invaders and preachers of all hues is indeed significant; it was perhaps due to
Manipur suitable climate, fertility of soil and superiority of culture. Cultural superiority is
discernible in almost fields. A concrete civilization appears to have evolved in Manipur
long before the historic period. The Kings of early Manipur had matrimonial relations
with Royal family of Assam, Tripura and neighbouring Shan lands. Manipur had trade
relations with the countries like Burma, China, British India, Arab and Greek world.
Indian trade route to China and South East Asia also lay through Manipur. These large
scale contacts had left far-reaching consequences in the history and culture of Manipur on
the one hand and the negotiating far-flung lands on the other.

The state was known by different names to different peoples. Few of them includes —
‘Poirei Meitei Leipak’ or ‘Kangleipak’ to the indigenous people of Manipur more
particularly Meiteis; ‘Kathe’ or ‘Ponnas’ to the Burmese; ‘ Hsiao-Po-lo-mein’ to the
Chinese; ‘Cassay’ to the Shans; ‘ Moglai’ to the Cacharis and Bengalis and ‘Mekle’ to
the Assamese (as well as to the British in the 18th Century) in the pre-Christian period.
The Manipuri’s’ themselves knew the State by as many as 22 names in different ages and
at different times. The name Manipur was first officially introduced in the early eighteen
century during the reign of King Pamheiba, also known as Garnibniwaz (1709 – 48 A.D).
“Mekhala” was another name of the kingdom as indicated by a coin of the same king
describing him as “Mekhaleswar”, Lord of Mekhala or Mekhale. These names did not

79
occur in the pre Hindu literature, especially the chronicles of the Kingdom. The
reconstruction of the history of Manipur in the early period was based on the chronicles
of the Ningthouja dynasty supplemented by other clan genealogies and some literary
sources (Kabui 1991).

Some Manipuri scholars tried to relate Manipur with Mahabharata but it was rejected by
scholars from Manipur and outside. Bhattacharya observes that the Manipur mentioned in
the Mahabharata was situated near Kalinga and its identification with modern Manipur is
not justifiable. Similarly R.C Majumdar observes the description of Manipur in
Mahabharata is located in Orissa coast (cited in Sanajaoba 1988). Prof Gangumei stated
that after the conversion of the royal family to Hinduism, they claimed to be the
descendents of Arjuna, as indicated by the royal genealogy, prepared after Hindunisation.
But there was no mention of Bhrabrubahana or Arjuna in the Pre-Garibniwaz chronicles
and genealogies of the royal family which was founded by Nongda Lairen Pakhangba
(Kabui 1988).

As per the Manipur State Archives, Manipur was ruled by 76 kings since 33 A.D. The
development of the political power of the Meiteis was related to the control and
organization of resources around the central loci of Imphal, and the entire valley and
hills. The Kingdom was later governed based on the written constitution “Loyumba
Shinyen”. This decree was issued by King Loiyumba in 1110 A.D and was based on the
earlier codes and conventions. The Loyumba Shinyen was further expanded by the later
kings like Kiyamba (1467-1508), Khagemba (1597-1652), Garibniwaj (1709-1748),
Bhagyachandra (1763-1798) and Chourjit (1803-1813). The latter additions make the
decree a complete code on the duties to be rendered by the hill tribes and other
communities in the Kingdom (Kabui 2003). Oinam Bogeshwar, the renowned Meitei
historian and scholar observed that there was a centralized constitutional Government
since A.D 429 (CORE 2007). The power of Manipur was recognized by foreign nations,
especially by the Shan with the 1470 Agreement between the King Kiyamba of Manipur
and Khekhomba of Pong in upper Burma. It was followed by the Anglo Manipur
Friendship Treaty in 1762, Anglo Manipuri Defense Protocol of 1763, Treaty of

80
Yandaboo, 1826 between the British government and the Burmese government after the
Burmese occupy Manipur since 1819 – 1826 which is still remembered as the “Seven
Year Devastation” etc. Not only have the Meiteis possessed a distinct political and
territorial status for centuries, they can also legitimately boast of a highly literate and
developed culture , an advanced literary tradition which stretches back a thousand years,
and a distinctive linguistic tradition (Chandhoke 2006). The annexation of Manipur in
1891 by the British became a debate at the British Parliament and Manipur was not
annexed to her territory and allowed as an international Protectorate. Independence of
Manipur in 1947 and passing of the Manipur Constitution Act 1947 before the
contentious merger with India was an important landmark in the history of Manipur.

Manipur was more linked to South China and South East Asian countries. There is a
close cultural affinity of the Manipuris starting from household life and the individuals’
temperament to a community way of life and national ethos with the descendents of the
Hoang Ho and the Funan civilization. Cultural congruence and parallelism between and
among the South East Asians are remarkable despite variations in language and other
aspects. Many similar ethnic groups and cultures are still visible across the eastern
international border. Sanajaoba (op. cit) observed that as many as for customs of the
rituals of the death had been followed in both in Funan and early Meitei society. The
Meitei house has ‘Kai’ and even the royal palace has erected ‘Kai’ which had been a
common norm for the Thai construction. The early Chinese and the Meiteis have many a
common social tradition like digging tunnels surrounding the house, boat race, copying of
scriptures, and the 20 days compulsory military service which the Meitei call ‘Lallup
Kaba’ among others. Polo was played in Tibet and is one of the traditional games of
Manipur. The Meitei practice of writing ‘Lairel Lathup’ or the secret history and
accounts had been equally practiced in Mongolia which had secret history. The wrestling
style of South Mongolia ‘Bouch’ is similar to ‘Meitei Mukna’ and ‘Pena’ (musical
instrument) to the “Morin Huur’. Besides the Tais (Ahoms in Assam) and the Meiteis had
followed age-old practices of writing chronicles unlike several ruling ethnoses in several
place. Horam observed that Indonesians, Igorot tribes of Philiphinnes, tribes of Sumatra
and Burma use similar implements as by the Nagas (cited in Sanajaoba op.cit).

81
Manipur is one of the routes between South-Asia and South-East Asia and Central-Asia.
Chinese trade and civilization was transported to Manipur. Inter alias this was the
introduction of silk and silk worm rearing, brick making, gun powder production etc. The
trade between Manipur and Yunan province of China is recorded in the chronicle of
Manipur at circa 1630 AD. The trade continued as late as 1813 A.D (Gangumei 1998).
Various ethnic groups belonging to southern-Mongoloid groups, the Tibeto-Burman, the
Indo-Aryans and a sizeable section of Tai (Shans) came to Manipur from pre-historic
times down to the present day. The present ethnic groups of Manipur, viz the Meiteis, the
Naga tribes, the Kuki Chin tribes and other Indian communities are the descendants of
those migrating people. And Manipur and its central valley provided the ecological
setting for building up a civilization. These migrating people brought with them varying
degrees of technology ranging from the Old-Stone Age, rough-stone tools to more refined
Neolithic potters. With the coming of metal tools mostly bronze, cooper and tin during
the historical period from Thailand and Upper Burma cultural zone, the metal civilization
of Manipur was developed mostly through trades (Kabui op.cit). The trade between the
Burma and Manipur was terminated because of the emerging antagonistic relationship
between the two powers (Lokendra 1998).

Evolution of the State:

Prehistory:
Manipur being one of the oldest civilizations, the evolution process of the state goes back
to pre history. In Manipur prehistoric cultured objects have been discovered. Though
archaeological research in the area is still not fully developed, there are evidences of the
Old Stone Age, New Stone Age, Bronze Age, Iron Age cultures in Manipur. Further,
there are a number of caves and rocks shelters in the hills of Manipur which once
provided shelters to the prehistoric men, while the evidence of the Old Stone Age is
confined to the hills, the New Stone Age relics are spread over the hills and the valley. It
has been stated that Imphal valley may be an important zone of copper-bronze age culture
which is a cultural phase of great significance in human history, but still unknown in the
entire Northeast India. Manipur appears to have received Bronze Age Culture traits from
Thailand and Upper Burma where indigenous early metal age culture developed at a

82
comparatively early date around 4000 B.C (Kabui op.cit). Post 1970 Manipur evacuations
have led to the interference that Hoanbinhian culture also existed in Manipur sites. The
archaeological linkage of pre-historic culture also existed in Manipur with the cradle of
mankind on the one hand and with the South East Asian pre-history on the hand has been
fairly established.

Evolution of Social Structure:

Clan (Salai) System:

The ethnic group Meities, as we find it today was formed by the amalgamation of the
seven different but close knit and allied principalities, once settled in different parts of
Manipur, each independent of each other. The components of Meitie confederacy were:
the Meities, Khaba-Ngamba, and Chenglei, Angom, Khuman, Luwang, Moirang. Besides
these, there exist several other tribes, such as Mangang, Mangding, Chiren, khende,
Heiren Khunju etc., all of whom were in course of time, merged into one or the other
seven other principalities. Gangumei (ibid) also observed that, historical evidences
indicates the existence of various ethnic groups and lineage in the valley of Manipur, viz,
The Angoms, Luwangs, Mangang (Ningthouja), Khaba, Nganba, Sarangthem,
Leisangthem, Chenglei, Haorok Konthu, Manting-Mara, Lela Khongnang, Urok Usai,
Lokkha-Lokkhu. These ethoses’s belongs to the Tibeto-Burman, Tai and other
Mongoloids groups were first brought gradually under the political suzerainty of leading
clans with their principalities and group into seven clans.

T.C Hodson (1908) also observed that, there were ten clans before they were merged to
seven clan. He explained by quoting the traditional ballad “Numit kappa” or the man who
shot the sun, where mentioned is made of the ten kings. The head or piba of a certain clan
is designated as the Ningthous, or king of the clan. The ten kings were the head of the ten
clans. The seven salais were formed on the basis of powerful Meitei clan system so
people talk about only about these clans even though there are more than seven clans in
early Manipur. In some period Khaba and Nganba, Sarang and Leishangthem were

83
separated and it results in the increases to nine. Again when they are unified the seven
salais came into existence (Promodini 1987).

During the historical period, there were seven clan of the Meiteis but there were five
principalities ruled by five clan chieftains who were also both social and political head of
their respective clans. The foremost among them was the Kingdom of Kangla established
by Pahangba whose dynasty was the Ningthouja which, though the name was coined later
on becomes the name of the clan; the Luwang principality, the principality of Angom, the
Khuman principality, and the Kingdom of Moirang. The Khaba who once ruled at Kangla
and put up a strong challenge to Pakhangba were already destroyed by Ningthouja
dynasty, and Nganba had already ceased to be a political power. During the same period,
the Chengleis, the Sarang Leishangthem, The Heiren Khunjan, the Chakpas and the
Mangangs had village level chiefdoms (Kabui op.cit). Pakhangba consolidated the seven
clans with one pibas of each clan. After five days of coronation ceremony, He established
villages in different part of his kingdom for easy administration but in course of time, the
clans group became stronger with the growth of population, economic prosperity,
conquering small weaker groups and addition of captives and newly migrant groups.
With the growth of power they became independent groups and made frequent
disturbance within the Kangla principality. But Pakhangba controlled the rising power
diplomatically by introducing the clan system (Pramodini op.cit).

The seven principalities (or even tribes) again underwent an age long struggle amongst
themselves till the Meities or the Ningthoujas finally established supremacy over the rest
and absorbed them one by one in a period that covered several centuries. After their
assimilation, the name Meitie became the common nomenclature to identify for all of
them. Besides the Meiteis belonging to the seven clans, there is a community named the
Lois. They are believed to be one of the earliest bands of settlers in Manipur who were
subdued by the Meiteis. In formers days large numbers of Meiteis who committed crimes
against the state or those who violated social customs and traditions were degraded to the
Lois community as punishment. These people were then merged into the Meitei

84
community. The seven clan divisions are similarly to be found among many of the
highland communities (Sanajaoba op.cit).

But the question of how and when the seven salais originated is still a matter of
controversy. There are several myths and legends which try to explain the origin and
interconnectivity of the seven salais. The versions differ slightly from one another, yet all
of them agreed in that all the seven salais were descended from “Shidaba Mapu” (the
divine ancestry). Contrary to the myths and legends, historical evidence reveals that the
salais did not come simultaneously but emerged in different ages and different areas.
While four of the salais namely, Angom, Moirang, Khaba-Nganba and Chenglei were in
existence and flourished in different principalities years before the beginning of the
Christian era; the remaining three, namely, Khuman, Luwang, and Ningthouja emerged
around the beginning of the first century A.D. However, there are evidences of the
existence of the still known as Ningthouja Ariba (ariba-old) before the era of King
Pakhangba. ‘A sagei of this group’, ‘Kanghujam’ by name is still within the Ningthouja
salai founded by King Pakhangba: a member of this group named Kangpu Pukkanba
became a noble in the court of the King Pakhangba with the title of Pukkan Selungba
(Manikchand 1988). The independent clan genealogies and chronicles like the Moirang
Ningthourol, Lampuba, Khumanlon and Angomlon etc shows an independent history of
their own though social contacts were established and continued with the Meiteis since or
little before Pakhangba time (Kabui op.cit).

The emergence and sophisticated Meitei State under the leadership of the Ningthouja
chiefs was a significant development in the history of Manipur in pre-colonial period.
The state formation occurred in the valley, and the kings subsequently established their
control over the hills (Bhattarcharjee 2006) and also to other kingdoms that lay beyond
the hills. Their power was recognized by foreign nations especially the Shan principality
of Burma in the 15th century and later by the British and many Kingdoms in South East
Asia and South Asia. Along with the gradual expansion of political power of the Meitei
based on Kangla since 33 A.D, there was a simultaneous process of social formation in
the sense of gradual incorporation of clans, tribes and other ethnic groups in the Meitei

85
social structure. The first salai that was absorbed into the Meitei fold was Khaba. Till the
beginning of the Christian era, the Khaba Kings were ruling at Kangla. The spread of
Meitei power from Kangla was precipitated by the possession of rich agriculture land
around the pediment regions, increasing number of pigs, hens, cocks, doves and ducks
etc, the facilities for rapid boat communication from the Iril, Imphal and Nambul rivers,
and the strategic, defense oriented settlement patterns guarded by hillocks and natural
barriers around Kangla. The possession of the pony by the northern inhabitants (Chenglei
God Marjing was the first horseman) necessitated the utilization of this animals not only
for the aristocratic pastime and sports, but as a sure instrument of consolidation, of
martial strategies in offence or defense (Manipur State Archives 1988).

In pre-colonial times, plurality was organic, in the sense that the social structure was
organized in blood and Kin relationship when Meitei women were deliberately circulated
amidst communities, and the circulation of women and blood relationship was the
principle of organization of social forms. The establishment of Brahman caste, the
introduction of Muslim community, the incorporation of Nongpok Horam (eastern
comers), Nongchup Horam (western comers),and the central lineage forms in the Meitei
community included tribals, Hillmen, Shan, Burmese, Chinese, Bangalees and Assamese
into the constitution of the Meitei social structure (Arambam No date). The historical
evidence demonstrates that Manipur has always provided a broad socio-political
framework for integration and frequent assimilation of tribes into the Meitei fold. So it
can be view that Meitei formation was a continuous process. But nowadays there is no
longer question of tribal or non tribal seeking admissions into the Meitei fold or the
Meitei have any political machinery like the former Royal pressure to integrate the
people within its fold (Ranjan 1988). Priyadarshini Gangte similarly also opined that, it is
likely that the Meitei as distinct ethnic, linguistics, cultural and social entity was formed
in Manipur valley which is the melting pot of culture.

86
Boundary of Manipur:

The present boundary of Manipur with an area of 22,327 sq. km. more or less remained
fixed since the controversial transfer of Kabaw Valley to Burma (now Myanmar) in 1834.
But in olden days it was much bigger than its present size with fluctuations at various
stages. R.B. Pemberton observed as, “The territories of Muneepoor have fluctuated at
various times with the fortunes of their princes, frequently extending for three or four
days’ journey east beyond the Ningthee or Khyendwen river, and west to the plains of
Cachar”(Pemberton1966). Sir James Johnstone also observed that “The territories of
Manipur varied according to the mettle of its rulers. Sometimes they held a considerable
territory east of the Chindwin River in subjection, at other times only the Kubo Valley, a
strip of territory inhabited not by Burmese, but by Shans (Johnstone 1971). At one time
the eastern boundary of Manipur extended up to the peripheral limits of China and
Burma, while the south-sea remained as the southern boundary and Hiramba’s Kingdom
(Dimapur) as the northern boundary (Singh Mutum Jhulon cited in AMCTA 2001). This
account is also supported by Alexander Mackenzie’s in his book, The North-East
Frontier of India. Towards the west the boundary of Manipur, although not properly
defined, as referred in the treaty of 1763, was extended upto the Brahmaputra Valley.

In 1835 indeed the forest between the Doyeng and the Dhunsiri was declared to be the
boundary between Manipur and Assam (cited in AMCTA ibid). Supporting the above
account Sir James Johnstone mention in this book “Manipur and Naga Hills” that Raja
Gambhir Singh reduced several villages to submission, including the largest of all,
Kohima, at which place he stood upon a stone and had his foot prints sculptured on it, in
token of conquest. This was set up in a prominent position, together with an upright stone
bearing carved figures and a inscription. The Nagas greatly respected this stone and
cleaned it from time to time. They opened a large trade with Manipur, and whenever a
Manipuri visited a Naga village he was treated as an honoured guest, at a time when
British subject could not venture into the interior without risking of being murdered.
Even up to the Naga Hills campaign of 1879-80, the Nagas regarded Manipur as great
power of the two, because her conduct was consistent; if she threatened she act. One

87
British subject after another might be murdered with impunity, but woes betide the
village that murdered a subject of Manipur. A force of Manipuris was instantly dispatch,
the village was attacked, destroyed, and ample compensation exacted. The system
answered well for Manipur; many of the Nagas began to speak Manipuri, and several
villages paid an annual tribute. Still up to 1851, we considered that we had shadowy
claim to the hills, though we never asserted it (Johnstone 1971).

Hokishe Sema observed that after the establishment of an officer in the Naga hills and is
stern action had for some time, brought a cessation of the Naga raids on the British
territory. However, trouble arose in another direction. It came from the side of Manipur.
The hills areas over which this state had territorial jurisdiction were vague and ill defined.
This often resulted in a confrontation with the neighbouring large and powerful villages.
In order to solve this problem, in 1872 the boundary line between Manipur and Naga
Hills was clearly laid down. At all essentials points, and wherever it could be identified,
the boundary line of 1872 was retained. The few villages which fell on the dividing line
and over which Manipur has acquired control were given to this state. Further, from the
Telizo Peak, which marked the termination of 1872 line, to the watershed of the main line
of hills which divide the effluents of the Brahmaputra from those of the Irrawaddy, as far
as the Patkai Pass, was declared to be the limits of the Manipur State on its Northern
frontier. The Naga Hills district was advanced to match with the boundary of Manipur
thus determined (Sema 1986).

Chandramani (1970) give a detail description of the boundary of Manipur in his book
“The Boundary of Manipur”. He states that the territorial possession of the western
boundary of Manipur extends upto the Brahmaputra valley. He supported his claim by
quoting from the Treaty of alliance dated 14th September 1762. On November 5, 1832,
the Government of Bengal finally resolved to transfer the tract eat of the Jiri River
between the two branches of the Barak River, over which he had already extended his
influence. Thus the territorial extent of Manipur was confined to the two hills Range, the
Kalanga Range and Noonjai Range which are situated between the eastern and the
western bunds of the Barak. Thus the line of Jiri and the western bunds of the Barak

88
formed as the boundary of Manipur and Cachar. His account is supported by report from
Manipur State Archives (Manipur State Archives op.cit).

The Kabaw valley marked the eastern boundary between Manipur and Burma but it
remained controversial between the countries because of its economic importance arising
out from rich teak woods and to extend their sovereignty over that valley. In-spite of the
British claims that the Kabo Valley belongs to Manipur Kings; the Burmese Kings
rejected the boundary demarcated by the Grant and Pemberton. They supported their
argument by quoting the agreement between the King Kiyamba of Manipur and King of
Pong of ceding the valley to Manipur in the year 1485 AD. They further add that the
King of Pong was not a tributary of Awa 400 year ago. The cede territory comprises the
Norjeeree and the Muyalong Hills on the eastern side of the Ningthi River. In-spite of the
rightful claim of the King of Manipur, the Supreme Government of England ceded the
territory to Burma because they felt that Burma was more important than Manipur in
term of the natural resources which the British are more interested with. Major Burney
was therefore directed to announce to the Manipur King that “The Supreme Government
still adheres to the opinion that the Ningthi forms the proper boundary between Awa and
Manipur but in consideration for his Majesty (King of Burma) feelings and wishes and in
spirit of amity and good will subsisting between the two countries the Supreme
Government consented to the restoration of the Kabo Valley to Awa and to established of
the boundary at the foot of Yoomdoung Hills (cited in Chandramani 1970). But the King
was compensated by the Government of British with a sum of sicca Rs 500/- p.m to be
paid by half yearly for the loss of the valley. Grant and Pemberton handed over the valley
without the consent of the King and the people of Manipur on 9 January 1834 and the
treaty was concluded the same day.

The northern boundary was marked by the forest between the Doyeng and Dhunsiri in
1835. In 1842 a kind of vague boundary between Manipur and Naga Hills, was laid down
by Lieutenant Bigge from the British side and Captain Gordon as the representatives of
Manipur. But the Angamis had little regard for the Bigge-Gordon line. In 1854, the
Maharaja of Manipur invaded the Angami country and threatened to bring all the hills

89
under complete subjugation. When the Mozuma Nagas and other headman Heekalay and
Nephoo, appeal to the supreme Government for the protection from the Muniporis. Their
request was turned down because the Supreme Government opined that Manipur being an
independent Kingdom could act independently. However, after the annexation of
Manipur in 1891, the territory of Manipur was confined to Mao thanna for administrative
conveniences. The southern boundary was marked by raids by the Lushai tribes on
different occasions but finally after many expeditions by the British as well as Manipur
King the boundary line was demarcated in 1894 towards Lunglen Hill westwards to
Tipaimukh. The proposed boundary ran the course of the Tin Zin River to its source in
the Yomadung range thence for 4 miles south west wards the crest of that range and then
the course of the Yangdung River to its mouth on the Manipur River. The Government of
India accepted the proposed boundary and officially approved it in 1898.

Maharaja Bhudachadra in his proclamation to the first Manipur State Assembly on

October 18th 1948 mentioned about the boundary of Manipur to be over a wide area
extending as far as the southern portion of China in the north, the gold mines in the
Sibsagar valley, the river Chindwin in the east and south, and Chandrapur (Cachar) in the
west. Her present are is 8,650 square miles plus 7,000 square miles of the Kabaw valley,
including 7,900 square miles of the hills. The treaty of Yandaboo, dated 9th January 1834
ratified between Maharaja Gambhir Singh and the Company. This treaty left us a good
heritage, namely the Kabaw valley of 7,000 square miles for which we now get from
Burma Rs. 6,270 as annual tribute which according to the spirit of the terms of the
Agreement, will cease when the area is reverted to our state.

It can be observed from the above presentation that Manipur was a powerful Kingdom
comparing to her small population. She could defend herself and her people for more
than 2000 years with few exceptions like the seven year devastation (1819-26). The
boundary has been fluctuating from time to time but not beyond the present boundary.
The present boundary has been maintained for more than two century. After becoming an
international protectorate of the British, the boundary remains static. All this accounts
were supported by the Maps collected by British as well as by other scholars and

90
travelers from time to time. Henry Yule map (1500 A.D) is one of the earliest but we
have plenty of maps in the nineteenth century.

Kangla as Symbol of Power:

The Kangla:
The recorded history of Manipur begins with the coronation of the first Meitei King,
Nongda Lairen Pakhangba in 33 A.D. The historical capital and focal centre of the state
was Kangla, the control of which lay at the roots of all political and religious power. The
legendary `Kangla' complex had been the capital of Manipur from the very ancient times
down to 1891. Topographically, Kangla incorporated adjoining stretches of land from the
traditional four divisions or Panas of the state, namely Laipham, Khapham, Ahallup and
Naharup, with Imphal forming a separate administrative territorial unit inclusive of the
capital Kangla. Kangla was earlier a vast piece of sprawling land, originally a mound or
hill east of the Nambul River. It included the ancestral abode of the ruling clan, their
burial places, and areas of worship with a host of scared shrines and thatch-roof house
spread over its territorial complex. There was the megalithic structure of ritual
importance. Geomorphologically, Kangla was the first piece of dry land that emerged
after prolonged submersion of the valley under water in probably upper Pleistocene
times. The word Kangla emphasizes the fine spread of dry earth at the centre of
Kangleipung, the area of freshly emerged dry land. It was indeed a piece of life from the
cosmic vastness of the embryonic watery void. In fact the Loktak Lake, which lies at the
southern side of the valley near Moirang, has its shores right upto Imphal where the
General post office stands. It is still known as Loktak Maru (seed of Loktak). Kangla also
signifies the central architectural construction of palace, where the king sat for the
transaction of his public duties. The big palatial house was constructed with utmost ritual
attention and care, with materials for its construction being supplied from different
regional areas of the state (Arambam 1991).

The ancient treaties, especially Sakoklamlen, Chinglon Laihui, Nuglon, Kanglei, Layat
and Kangla Houba etc laid down the rules for the construction of Kangla. The rulers of
Manipur, who belonged to the Ningthouja clan strictly followed the ancient text for the

91
construction of Kangla (Khelchandra et al 2006). In the manuscript Kangla Houba, we
find that for the construction of palace hall-pillars were brought by the chiefs of different
ethnic communities from their respective localities. Special type of wood was preferred.
It was stated that the main pillar of Kangla should be made from the wood of particular
tree, Haiyukhok found in the Koubru hills. The pillar opposite to the main pillar was to be
made from the wood of Chingthang Upan available in the Chingkhei hill. The wood for
the pillar next to the main pillar again was brought from Wangbren hill. The wood for its
opposite pillar made from Tumitla tree was brought from Pishum hills. The next pillar
was brought from the wood of Taimeran brought from Langing Ching and the next pillar,
opposite to the pillar, was brought from Heibok hill. Kangla, which was a name of a
beam, was brought from Khebu ching. Ura-Umdang (Kanchi), which was a typical
bamboo, was collected from Thanga Karam. Charot of thatch roofing was obtained from
Langmaijing hills. Paya (bamboo ribbon) was obtained from Wabagai. Sanayumbi,
another pillar, was brought from Thangjing hills. Khagen, another beam, was collected
from Langol hills. The four pillars for the four directions were to be brought from the
four pannas- Ahallup, Naharup, Khabam and Laipham. Later these pannas were renamed
as Leikais (locality)- Khwai, Yaishkul, Khurai and Wangkhei respectively. The chiefs of
these leikais were made responsible for the collection of different kinds of wood as
mentioned above, whenever the need arose. It appear that this arrangement of
constructing Kangla from woods brought from different places was an attempt to
integrate and consolidate the people living in the valley along with the people of the
hills. This settlement pattern was singular and effectively maintained since Kangla was
the capital of many ethnic communities so each of them had to share their wealth with a
sense of responsibility (Sanasam 2006).

The coronation ceremony was conducted at the sacred Kangla and is known as the
Kangla Men Tongba or Phambal Kaba. The more respectful alternative to address the
king is to refer to the Phambal Minghul or the coronation name derived from whatever
the king would catch or conquer at the traditional Phambal Lal, "an excursion of the king
before the coronation (or Phambal Tongba or Men Tongba)." Before coronation the
designate-king is ordained to proffer clothes for deities and even to live with the royal

92
deity, `Yumjao Lairembi' for five days according to M. Jhulon Singh.'' As a tradition
Angom Piba or clan would offer royal robe for coronation, itself attended, among others,
by all his Naga Chiefs. Kaomacha records that in 411 A.D the coronation ceremony of
King Naokhamba was performed by the 64 Phamdous and other nobles, as per `Phambal
Lon' or Manipuri Puya (Khelchandra 2008).

The act of accession to the throne of the Meitei king, like its counterparts in Southern-
Mongoloids South-East Asian Kingdoms, was not simply a political act of affirming the
ruler’s right to get obeisance from the ruled. It was to be a serious invocation to the
ancestral spirits to help secure the life power for affecting the welfare and prosperity of
the realm. The entire rituals were built up on traditional cosmogonies, embellished by the
cult of veneration of ancestors and belief in the fertility principle. The cult of the placenta
was also deeply embedded into this principle. The coronation celebrations revealed
therefore, deep socio-cultural layers in structured relationships between the ancestors, the
rule and his people, encapsulating the past, present and future in one solid time frame,
and generating one huge theatrical exercise the governing ideology of the state
(Arambam op.cit). Apart from being a seat of power, Kangla is the nerves centre of
Meitei cosmology and in fact, a miniature version of the land of Meiteis and the
surrounding tribes. It is the very embodiment of the myths, the State, the philosophy, the
culture, the arts and literature, the concept of design and architecture all rolled together. It
is believed to be the place where first settlement was established. It is the cradle of the
evolution of culture and tradition of Manipur. According to Meitei belief, there is a
relationship of homology between the physical world and the parts of a human being.
Following this homology, Kangla was the navel; the head is represented by Koubru hills
in the North West; Loktak lake – the pelvic zone. Kangla, therefore, occupied a strategic
area, a vital connection that gives life-blood to the child. Kangla therefore plays a crucial
role in transmitting energy and life power to all parts of the system (Brara 1998).

The idea presented is similar with Arambam (op.cit). He observed that Kanga becomes
organically related to the physio-geographically setting of the state in a special manner. It
occupies the ritual centre in Meitei cosmogonic thought. Pre-Hindu Meitei belief system

93
provides a biological homology of the physical state functioning like a human organism,
where Kangla occupies the navel, the hollow in the belly left by the detachment of the
umbilical cord. In the bio-physical structure of the state, the Koubru hills in the north-
west the early settlement areas in pre-historic times, is regarded as head; the three river-
Iril, Imphal, and Nambul are regarded as the main arteries of the body, and Loktak lake
as the pelvic zone. The drain at the Chindwin beyond the “Sugnu Nungthong” (Stone
Door of Sugnu) was regarded as the rectum. He further describe another belief system
which talk about Kangla as the microcosm of the state, the miniscule representatives of
the macro-organism f the body, had within its geographic confines the macro-
representation of the entire body symbolized by specific allocation of ritual areas. The
macrocosm was present in the microcosm itself. The Koubru hills or the organic head
was represented by the physical presence of the shrines of the first creators, the Aseeba
(Sanamahi), and Pakhangba templesalong with the Okshang (Pig’s house 7), slightly to
the northwest of the coronation seat. The breast of the organism was represented by the
Sanathong (Golden Door) and Kangla Uttra (House of the Public Duities) at the south-
east of the coronation site. The main arteries of the body was now represented by Khongs
(rivulets)- the Laikhongm Khakhong, Marongkhong etc, which washed the central areas
of the historic site in a semi subterranean drain system. The coronation seat (Phammoimit
or Phallangmei) which was a stone at a cave (Surung) was regarded as eye-the all seeing,
light emitting centre in the human organism. This symbolic representation of the
coronation seat as the eye or light (Nongmoinu) was however, to be intermixed later on
with the seed giving placental and serpentine homologies. For according to
“Phampallon” (Book for coronation), the coronation seat was where the placenta of
seven ancestral father were buried. Again, the book “Leihou-Namfalol” gives the place
of the coronation seat in the cranium of the ancestral father (ancient serpent-dragon with
nine horns), the two sides of the seat being placed in the area between the two horns of
the deity. Kangla therefore, perform a vital function in the human organism of the state,
transmitting energy and life-power to all parts of the system.

Even though the period of Kangla’s existence dates back to antiquity but the royal
chronicle gives many references to the construction of 'Kangla' by successive reigning

94
kings in Manipur. The major landmarks in the growth of 'Kangla Fort' were constructed
by King Khagemba (1597 - 1652 A.D.) - the conqueror of the Chinese. The royal
chronicle records that in 1632 A.D., Khagemba constructed a brick wall at the western
gate of 'Kangla Fort'. It appears that the art of brick making was acquired from the
Chinese prisoners who were captured during the Chinese invasion of the eastern frontier
of Manipur. His son Khunjaoba (1632 - 1666 A.D.) improved on the fortification and
beautification work of 'Kangla Fort'. It is said that the king excavated a moat (Thangapat)
on the western side of the 'Fort'. During his period, the power and prestige of Manipur
was at its peak. Burmese kings/chiefs approached him to settle their disputes and beg the
hands of Manipuri princesses. The present state symbol Kanglasha (Dragon by British)
stood in front of the Uttra toward the west, facing west. The Chronicle Cheitharol
Khumpapa records the construction of the Kangla Sha in Saka Era 1726 (1804 A.D)
during the reign of Maharaja Chourjit. The Burmese destroyed the two fabulous statues
of the two Kanglasha (Nongsha) again in 1844. But after the British conquest of Manipur
on 27 April 1891, the two Nongshas were blow off by the British on Monday the 14th day
of ingel (i.e. 20th of July) in 1891. The Fort was further improved and enlarged by king
Garibaniwaz and after him by successive kings of Manipur. Since the reign of Maharaja
Bhagyachandra (1762 - 1798 A.D.), due to repeated invasion by the Burmese, 'Kangla'
was deserted for several times. Maharaja Gambhir Singh, with the help of the Manipur
Levy, liberated Manipur from the hands of the Burmese invading forces which occupied
Manipur for seven years. This period of Burmese Rule is known as "Chahi Taret
Khuntakpa" (Seven Years Devastation) in the annals of Manipur. Gambhir Singh,
however, established his capital at Langthabal which is now known as Canchipur. During
the reign of Nara Singh, the capital was shifted to 'Kangla' in 1844 (Khelchandra et al
op.cit). Kangla has indeed had been connected with never ending cycle of human action
since the dawn of Meitei consciousness. A host of struggles, fights, deaths, births and
dramatic happening ad centered at Kangla from time immemorial. In these areas, were
associated physiognomic revelations or mythic memories of creation, of birth of the
creator gods and goddess and deeds of many supernatural cultural heroes of the ancestral
past (Arambam op.cit). After Manipur was defeated by the British in 1891, the 'Kangla'

95
has been under occupation by the Security forces/Assam Rifles. The Assam Rifle vacated
the Kangla in 2001 after a violent protest by the people of Manipur.

Joykumar (2006) observed that People look at Kangla from different perspectives. The
people who believe in the traditional religious practices regarded it as scared place.
Therefore they are trying to install the images of deity inside the place. Because of the
construction of temple of Govindaji, the people of who believe in Hindu religion thought
that, it is also a scared religious place of Hindu religion. The people who worked on
culture took it as an important cultural site and historians took it as an important
historical monument. They are all corrected from their own angles. This is quality and
beauty of this place “Kangla” he furthers add, Kangla is the history of people of Manipur
is Kangla and history of Manipur is Kangla.

Form of Governance:

Manipur had gone through certain phase of administrative changes ranging from village
polity to constitutional monarchy like many ancient countries of Europe and Asia. For a
longer period its history the kingdom was under the system of centralized monarchy
based on feudalism. Centralized monarchy is one where the socio-economic and political
activities of the state are concentrated around the king as the ultimate authority in the area
of his sphere of influence. On the other hand, feudalism is characterized by granting of
fiefs, chiefly in the form of land and labour, in return for political and military services, a
contract sealed by oaths of duty and devotion. The grantor was lord of grantee
(Goshwami 2006). With the foundation of the Ningthouja dynasty, the social and political
development of the Meitei’s was centered around the ruling dynasty. Monarchy was the
prevalent form of government. Gangumei observes that the state emerge as a result of the
gradual growth of human civilization with development of economic organization, social
order and steady livelihood. The King was the head of the state and all veto powers were
vested to him. However there was no evidence of centralized king’s power. The
autocratic rule of the king and his power was controlled and limited by the Ninghou
Pongba Tara, Nine Khunpangthous, Sixty four Phandous and Clan Pibas. The Angom

96
Ningthou was the most powerful. He was the head of the 64 Phamdous. He was always
on the advice of the Maichous (Pandits). Both the King and Council of Minister
controlled each other. There were some traces of democratic elements. Even if, the King
was the head of the state, public opinion was an important factor that restrained the power
of the King and the State. However with the increase of King’s power, the monarchy
form was strengthened. It also depends on the power of the Council of Minister. If the
Angom Ningthou and other members were weak, the King could use his autocratic
power. Otherwise his extraordinary powers were checked and control by the powerful
nobles (Promodini op.cit). Sanajaoba (1991) opined that the king, himself by exercise of
auto-limitation did not take any major decision, without the aid and advice of the
“Pongba Tara” and the “High lords” although the reasons behinds the adoption of the
Meitei ‘Rule of Law” of that age and civilization are very little known. Successive Meitei
Kings established good administrative relationship between the centre and the other
subordinates groups and tributary hill tribes.

The governance of the country was based on the written constitution “Loyumba
Shinyen”. Prof Kabui (1998) observed that it is a royal edict (Constitution) on the social
distribution of economic and administrative functions proclaimed by King Loiyumba of
Manipur (1074-1112 A.D). It is an important historical document for the reconstruction
of the social, political and economic history of Manipur. This decree was issued by
Loiyumba in 1110 A.D. The decree was based on the earlier codes and conventions
during the previous resign as there are references to them in the text. The Loyumba was
further expanded by later kings like Kyamba (1467-1508), Khagemba (1597-1652),
Garibniwaz or Pamheiba (1709-1748), Bhagyachandra (1763-1798) and Chourjit (1803-
1813). This expanded document was edited by Khullen Chandresekhar Singh and
published in 1975. There is another text known as Mashin as pointed out by N
Khelchandra. If we read together then it will give a mine of information on the social and
economic history of Manipur. The decree of Loiyumba deals with the distribution of
occupation according to Yumnaks (families), assignment of duties to priests and
priestesses, assignment of the works of maintenance of abode of village deities
(Umanglais), creation of administrative department (Loishang), duties and function of the

97
kings and queens, royal etiquette, titles and decorations awarded to the nobles,
administration of justice, keeping of standard time and many other things.

Maichou Oinam Bogeshwor in one of his unpublished monographs, traces the Meitei
style of administration, based on joint collaboration between the people and the King,
which has been expressed by the proverb “Leibanka Nama, Ningthouna Nama” meaning
“One part by the people and another by the king”, all powerful arbitrary, despotic was
probably not a model of Meitei monarchy. The constitutional framework-in its early
pattern, with little sophisticated-was found during the period of king Neophangba in 429
A.D. and the administration of the Meiteileipak was done by 10 cabinet ministers, known
as “Pongba Tara” viz Nongthongba, Khwairakpa, Yaiskul Lakpa, Naharus Lakpa,
Ahallup Lakpa, Hiyangloi, Wangkhei Louremba, Khurai Angouba, Pukhangba, and
Chonghanba, over and above 64 high lords representing 32 administrative units (cited in
Sanajaoba op.cit).

The Council of Minister (Ningthou Pongba Tara) was regarded as a vital organ for the
administration of the country. Their importance lay in the fact that the king feels that he
should have diverse views in dealing with his people and the country. The king should
enlist the competent person as minister. It is not hereditary. The members of the council
can be represented by any person who is considered of marked ability and loyalty to the
throne. Earlier without the approval and cooperation of the Council of Ministers the King
does not act on any issue of national importance. But during the period of Pamheiba, he
overrules his Council of Minister and adopts Vaishnavism. This depends upon the
personality of the King. The strength of the council of Ministers varied from time to time.
Out of the sixty four Phamdous, ten were selected and known as “Ningthou Pongba
Tara” Therefore generally the strength of Council of Minister was 10 till the time of
King Loyumba (1074 A.D). Afterward the strength was reduced to nine and during the
period of King Garib Niwaz, the number was again increased to twelve including his
Chief Queen. The post of Chief Queen was replaced by Awa Purel (foreign Minister)
during the time of King Chandrakiti. The Awa Purel was associated with the military

98
rather than the civil organization. The Pandit Achouba (Chief Pandit) was also treated as
member of the council during emergencies (Singh 1976).

Administrative System:

From the very beginning of introduction of centralized administration, the kingdom was
broadly divided into two categories i.e. the administration of the centrally located valley
and the administration of the surrounding hills. The administration of the valley was
again sub-divided into urban and rural administration. Likewise for the hill areas, the
administration was again sub-divided into administration of the hills areas adjoining to
the valley and administration of the hills areas far and wide from the valley (Goshwami
op.cit). Oinam (2005) observed that, in the traditional political set up, relationship
between the ruler and its subjects, between the conqueror and the vanquished, are marked
by submission in the form of tribute either through ‘cash’ (gold), kind or labour. There
were three forms of subjecthood that the people had to adhere under the king. Those were
(i) phamnaiba, (ii) lallup, and (iii) loipot. All the inhabitants as subjects of the king
constitute the aristocrats, commoners and vanquished (applicable to the hill tribes). In
accordance with their nature of relationship with the king as the subjects, each has to
undergo and perform certain forms of obligation as duty towards the king (state). The
king possessed the divine rights and each individual under his political control owe
allegiance to him. The aristocrats were known as phamnaiba. They were exempted from
undergoing any physical labour. Their duties were to assist the king in both the day-to-
day administration as well as military affair depending upon the nature of the job. This
was characterized by hierarchy. The chiefs, priests, and the selected favourites of the
king, particularly those who have martial connection with the royal family and were
appointed to the high office, formed the aristocracy and served the king by performing
‘non-labourious service’ (fandom) (Bhattacharjee 2006).

Those subject-commoners who were directly under the administration of the king had to
provide labour to the king in the form of lallup. This labour was compulsory for all the
commoners between the ages of 16 to 60. Loipot, on the other hand, was a means of

99
administrative and revenue control of the king to his subjects, who are not directly under
his day-to-day administrative fold. These are the people, who have been conquered,
defeated or controlled. Most of the hills tribes of Manipur where Manipur king could lay
his military expedition fall under the category. The significance of Pakhangba's reign lies
in his bold attempt to turn the tide against joint family system by introducing Lallup
(forced male labour in return for land-use) and to also restructure the then disorganized
society in his kingdom into four Pannas or divisions and consolidate the system of
administration, including stationing of 400 regular militia always available in Kangla.
And this system of Lallup 'was first introduced, it is said, in the reign of Pakhangba, and
it has undergone little change since.' For it remained in force till the Britishers overran
Manipur and abolished it while introducing land revenue system based on permanent land
settlement to farmers so as to realize land revenue with which modern administration
with proper budgeting could be had (Khelchandra op.cit). Lallup literarily mean
Association for War (Lal-War, Lup- Organisation or Association).

Ethnicity was first introduced in the governance of Manipur during the colonial rule
when they separated the administration of the hill tribes from that of Manipur valley. The
Maharaja was entrusted with the administration of the Meitei inhabited valley with the
help of Manipur State Durbar while, the President of the Manipur State Durbar, a British
ICS officer was to administer the hill tribes who were sub-divided into the Nagas and the
Kukis. And the British indirect rule was introduced in the hills areas. The British further
recognized the Kuki Chiefs and the headmen or the Khullakpas of the Nagas who were
authorized to administer their villages through the tribal customary laws (Kamei op.cit).

100
Valley:

For efficient administration, the people were divided into four Pannas (administrative
division) to pay service to the Meitei King. The Pannas was believed to have started
during the Pakhangba period but the date of establishment is uncertain. But during the
period of the Loyumba, he systematized the administrative division of the country by
creating six lups. Khongchalup, Nongmailup, Angoubalup, Leichol Lakpa Talong
Khombalup, Khurailup, Lipphambamlup and Khangjeilup. The six lups were perhaps the
basis of the development of the Panna system at a later historical period (Kamei op.cit).
Initially there were four Pannas namely Ahallup (comprising of old men), Naharup
(comprising of Young men), Laipham (ancestral are of worship), Khabam (Kha-south,
mapham-place). Later on two more pannas were added comprising of the Tangkhuls and
Lois. The Lois was Hidakphanba (those who attend the Hookah or tobacco) and the
Tangkhuls were Potsangba (watchman). The potsangba later become potsangbam and
assimilated to the Meitei fold. Each panna is headed by a head called Panna Lakpa and
next to him s the Lallup Chingba. He served as an intermediary between the officers in
Kangla and men in the villages. Machahal is the position next to Lallup Chingba, who
assists him during the meeting with the Lallup providers. Each of the four principal
pannas was divided into two departments, Sanglen and Sanguba. The office of the
Sanglen department looks after the service of the King, while those of Sanguba looks for
the Queen (Brara op.cit).

The system of Pannas is more or less similar with the present day district. Each pannas
consist of number of families and tribes. The head of each family or tribe would select
from his families and tribes who can render ten day service (lallup) to the king for and on
their behalf. The liability of the Lallup commenced as soon as a man reached the age of
seventeen- sixty when he becomes entitled to cultivate one part of land (about one
hectare) with tax in kind exacted by the King. This ten-days-service is so arranged that a
man works his ten days and has an interval of thirty with regularity all the year round. In
default of his Lallup, the man had to forfeit one rupee, and or a substitute is hired. In the
case of permanent illness or disability, a man under sixty may be excused from labour,

101
but notice must be given and the authorities satisfied of the true nature of the case". In the
event of an individual wishing to escape his turn of duty, he must either provide a
substitute or pay a certain sum, which sum goes to pay for a substitute if required, or the
rest of the lallup may agree to do the extra duty receiving the money. In no case does the
money paid for exemption go to Government. A payment of twelve annas will, it is said,
exempt a man for forty days. Over every Lallup or class of labourer independent of
number is an officer named the "Lakpa" who is responsible for the performance of the
prescribed duties. There is no lallup for women (Khelchnadra op.cit). There is also a
branch of lallup called Khundin, the duty of which was to see that men liable to lallup
performed their task well. Lallup cover all state works (M Ibohal 1988). To summon all
these lallup to the Kangla at the king's command, a big royal drum (Kangla Pungjao) had
to be beaten five times to herald invasion by attacking enemies or declaration of war.
Subsequently cavalry unit would be utilized to inform the people and gang up the lallup.
Every able-bodied countryman had to report running to the Kangla. Such signal used to
play a vital role, as the palace had very few regular infantry. After 1627, the Kangla drum
was replaced by gunshots (Khelchandra ibid).

In terms of peace it did work for economic development and in times of war, it becomes
military service. As a matter of fact, there was hardly any works which are not covered
by Lallup. It is a glaring and indispensable fact that Lallup system was the pivot of the
governmental machinery of the early Manipur state (Ibohal op.cit). This practice was
considered as ‘forced labour’ by Maxwell, the political agent of Manipur (1892–), and
the system was later abolished. Similarly Brown viewed it as 'an institution of the greatest
consequence to the people of Manipur. However, Oinam observed that, this form of
institution had several positive sides. It not only kept the subject responsible to the state
but also was economically self sustained with king’s rewards (land allocation) to the
people in return for lallup (Oinam op.cit).

Besides Lallup, there was another system of work allocation called “Yumnak Mashin”.
Under this system, each ‘Yumnak’ (household) of each of the seven salais has its own
“Mashin” (work), interesting to note that the work done by each yumnak determines

102
name, for instance the Yumnak Khoirem meaning Khoi-Bee and rom-rearing. In this way
all the Yumnak have their own respective allocation of work. The works are so prepared
that to cover the socio-economic, political, religion and cultures aspect of the society
(Ibohal op.cit). Lallup was attended by the male population while Yumnak Mashin was
attended to the work assigned to the Yumnak. This development of Lallup system was
the manifestation of the emergence of feudalism in the social, administrative and political
structure of the Meitei Kingdom. The Lallup was better administered through the
administrative and social divisions. Loiyumba introduction of the six administrative units
called Pannas was a significant contribution to the strengthening of the working of the
feudal service system of Lallup. The Lallup system was in existence the centuries
preceding Loyumba rule (Kabui op.cit). After Manipur was defeated by the British in
1891, Regent Major Maxwell had taken the charge of the valley as Superintendent of the
state. On the occasion of investiture of the Raja Churachand (before he was sent to
Ajmer), in April, 1892, the Lallup system was abolished on 29th April 1892 and house tax
was of Rs 2 was imposed for every house occupied by a male adult as a substitute for
Lallup (Goshwami op.cit). After the assumption of the Maharaja Churachand in 1907 and
subsequent introduction of the Manipur Administrative Rules 1907, the Manipur State
Darbar (MSD) was responsible for the valley administration and the hill administration
was entrusted to the Vice President of the MSD, a British official. The Raja was the
President of the MSD.

Hill:

The administration of the hills adjoining to the valley was almost in uniformity with that
of the valley. The hill people inhabiting these areas had to perform Lallup like the people
of the valley. On the later period many tribal villages adjacent to the valley were also
given village wise duties (not surname wise which is the case of the valley), like Kabuis
of Lamangdong (Bishnupur) were asked to grow sugarcane for the royal family, Kabuis
of Wakha (a village situated some six kilometers east of Kangla), near the foothill of
Nongmaiching were asked to grow Kaphoi (Pomegranate), Kabuis of Keikhu were to
supply plantain leaf, Kabuis of Ngariyan hills ( situated some eight kilometers south east

103
of Kangla) to supply Karpur (Camphor). They are also known as Karpur Sungba Kabui,
Sandand Senba Kabuis were asked to look after the royal cows, Lamtan Kabuis to plant
Kwa (betal nuts) etc.. For the hills areas lying far and wide from the centrally located
valley, some sort of indirect administration had prevailed. In these areas, two tier
administration systems were in existence. First, the people had to render service regularly
to their respective Ningthous or Khullapas. They were under his direct control. However
in the case of some tribes, the authority of the Ningthou or Khullapa was absolute
whereas in case of some other tribes, the Khullapa or Ningthou had to exercise limited
authority. Secondly besides performing their duties for the village and the village chief,
the people in the hill had to render service to the state. They had to co-operate with the
state administration at the time of war campaign, hunting expeditions, Pothang during the
visit of royal dignitaries and officials, cutting of timber for various purposes of the state
etc. The King does not interfere in the administration of these villages as long as the
Khullapas or Khunbus or Ningthous remain peaceful and render service to the state
administration. Prof Gangumei stated that during the reign of king Charairongba (1697-
1790) the kingdom of Manipur had established a department in charge of hill tribes
known as Haomacha Loisang and his lost son ( Garibniwaz or Pamheiba) was made in-
charge of the department. It was establisged to look after and regulate the activities of the
hill people. However Padmashree Khelchandra suggested that Haomacha Loisang had
existed since long and Meidingu Charairongba had only reorganized it (Goshwami ibid).

Noted anthropologist B.K Roy Burman pointed out that the Anal which is located at the
buffer zone between Burma and Manipur has used three terms for the village chief:
Khurwung, Kolapa, and Khullakpa. Khurwunng means chief of the village and Kolapa or
Kholpu means owner of the village and Khullakpa is a Meitei word, which stands for the
administrators of the village. Historically some villages had a treaty of alliances with the
Meitei King, those villages had only Khurwung and no Khullakpa. But some villages
were also under direct subjugation of the King. These villages had Khullakpa. Prof
Gangumei Kabui has given a case history of how in one village the office of Khurwung
was reduced to that of a Khullakpa by the King. The differential reckoning of these two
offices continues even now among the Anals and allied tribes of the region (Roy Burman

104
1985 foreword to Gangumei, Anal-a Transborder tribes of Manipur). Imchen (2006)
observed that ,over the years, a number of Meitei designations appeared in the hills to
facilitate political relationships. R Brown reports that among the Kabuis or Rongmeis
there were three hereditary officers, i.e., Khullakpa, Lalukpa and Lampu. The Khullakpa
was the village chief; whereas Lalukpa was in charge of the Lallup or Laliup labour
service extracted by the Meitei Raja. Khasim Ruviah refers to an administrative post,
called Luplaka (or Luplakap), which was known to the Tangkhuls. “In those days, just
below the headman (Awanga), there was a senior councilor, called Luplaka, or group
leader-who represents the next oldest clan to that of the headman’s clan. The Luplakpa
assist the village headman in all affairs of the village administration. He was the next to
first man among the equals-the headman. As a group leader, he might initiate (sic) in all
the administration affairs. But in any case he could not override the rights and obligation
of the other councilors”.

The other Naga segments, namely, Moyon, Monsang, Lamkang and Tarao have also
assimilated certain features of the Meitei structure in their politics. Among the Moyon’s
two moieties, viz, Sumphuw and Jungvain, the Iruwung or headman’s post was held by
the Sumphuw moiety, while the post of Khurfu (rituals head) was reserved for the latter.
The traditional structure had the Iruwung heading a council composed of Khurfu,
Vankhrah (aide to Khurfu), Pakhanglak, Ningolakpa and Nahalakpa (controller of young
boys, girls and youth respectively), Jupan and Keirung (caretakers if rice beer for elders
in session), Serung and Keirung (tax collector) and Changlu (village crier).Their oral
tradition points to the development of a chieftaindom of sorts alongside the Moirangs of
the valley. It is said to have emerged around the seventh century A.D under one Kurkham
Ngoru clan. He is said to have controlled twelve villages at that time. There is an account
of the Moirangs and the Moyons going on war in their narratives. Kurkham was lost in
the battle with Moirangs (the Moirangs knew him as Konggam Ningthou). The latter
erected a monolith in honour of their slain enemy. His sword was buried in the ground
and in course of tome a bamboo grove grew at the spot. The Moyons say that this grove
was still around when the Chandel district headquarter was established in this place in the
era of independent India. Today, a monument erected around this place in his honour is

105
called the Ruwth-iphan or memorial stone. Eventually, the Meitei functionary posts were
introduced into their village administration (Imchen ibid).

Prof Kabui (1985) observed that the name Anal is given by the Meitei. This argument is
accepted by the authority of the Anal tribes. There is even a living Legend that the Meitei
God of water and rain Wangburen married Shangnu, a girl from Anal Khullen. It is
believed that Meitei King of Manipur had contacts with Anal Khullen as early 16th
century. He further stated that there was a tradition current among the Anals of southern
region especially in Anal Khullen. Once a dispute arose between two persons of Anal
Khullen, named Khoruwung and Chamtong for the Khulpuship of the village. The dispute
becomes so serious that the matter was referred to the king of Manipur who had
established his authority over this village. He further adds that the position like Mantra,
Senapati and Meitei Lampu were introduced and other villages copied them. It was not
only in Anals area but also among the Tangkhuls, the Maos and the Kabuis that the
Khullakpa and the subordinate office bearers were introduced. Among the Kukis of
Manipur too, the king instituted a number of posts with high sounding titles similar to
those in use among the meiteis like the Khullapas, Lup-lakpas,Zupalba and Meitei
Lambu or Lampu, etc. it is also evident from Loyumba Shinyen (royal edict) that the hill
Lambus were officially deputed by the state to performed certain duties. In Shinyen, the
role of Lambu is mentioned while settling disputes. The English version which was
translated by Chandrasekhar and Sanajaoba reads as “ You the Nongton Amaibi, dip the
Laija Phusing (offer of khayom lakpa by the use of unburnt earthen pot). Throw the
Khalei Louka ( the first sowing of seed in the field), and act the part of Tangkhul Nurabee
(on the first day of sylvan festival, a Tangkhul lady digs in the paddy field with her seven
maids; meanwhile the Tangkhul youths assert rival claims; the Meitei Lambu sits on
judgment” (cited in Goshwami op.cit). There are many historical accounts that illustrate
the enforcement of administration of Manipur in hills areas.

The British administered the hills of Manipur since 1891 through the political agent who
was also the superintendent of the state. After the abolition of the Lallup system in 1892 a
sum of rupees three per house per annum was imposed in the hills areas. Though Lallup

106
was abolished, a new system of forced labour was introduced. The Manipuri hill tribes
had to supply coolies for road making, transportation, survey, police and the military. The
Tangkhuls were forced to serve in the Chin Hills in 1893. The Kabuis refused to pay the
house tax for four years and Mr F.L. Crawford, the Assistant political Agent had to resort
to force in Febuary and March 1894. In 1893, the hills areas were divided into Mao,
Ukhrul, Tamenglong, Tengnoupal and Churachandpur division. Each division was placed
under the charge of a Sardar with seven Lambus. With the Assumption of the authority
by Raja Churachand on 15th May 1907,the raja become the president of the Manipur State
Darbar (MSD) and an English ICS officer namely as W.A. Cosgrave (1907-1910) was
appointed as the vice president of the MSD. The Manipur Administrative Rules 1907 was
introduced under which the hill administration was placed under the vice president of the
MSD. The Maharaja and other members of the MSD were not permitted to take part in
the hill and tribal affairs. Thus the hill administration of Manipur was always placed
under the supervision of the British official since 1891 (Goshwami op.cit). The British
urged that the system is to save the hill tribes from the long reign of tyranny and
oppression perpetrated by the Meitei King. But a close examination of the system
revealed that the colonial master was pursuing a policy of divide and rule. In similar line
Prof Lal Dena states that they (hill man) were not treated not so much as human beings
but merely a human machine for doffing trenches, carrying loads and building base
camps. The purpose of the policy was to extract as maximum services from the hill
people and if they objected to the British colonial design, the valley people were directed
against them to this end in order that the blame goes to the valley people. Thus the
colonial officers tried to blame on the Rajah and the Meiteis (cited in Goshwami op.cit).

During Independence:

In the post-independence period, the representatives of the hill tribes were appointed as
Ministers of the State which had never occurred in the history of Manipur. In the election
of 1948, 18 seats were reserved for the hills but not on the basis of tribes, the remaining
seats were for the valley including Mohammedans. Democracy had provided the
opportunity for participation in the governance of the State either as Ministers or

107
members of the Assembly. Every community was represented except the Mao as there
was no election due to political agitation. The election of 1948 was the endorsement of
the State by the people of Manipur in a democratic way. There were 8 Naga MLAs - 5
Tangkhuls, 2 Zeliangrongs and one Monshang, the other 9 were Kuki-Chins including
Kom and Paite. In this short-lived experiment in constitutional monarchy, the tribal
people accepted the primal position of the Maharaja as the head of the kingdom and
leadership of the Meiteis in the democratic set-up as the Chief Minister was a prince
appointed by the Maharaja. The hill people accepted the Maharaja as the symbol of unity
of the kingdom. This symbol was destroyed when the State was merged with the
Dominion of India in October 1949. The Merger destroyed both autonomy and
democracy of Manipur and brought a bureaucratic Central rule under a Chief
Commissioner. This was, in practice, the continuance of the colonial rule, a mere
replacement of the white men by the brown sahibs of the Government of India. This was
a most unfortunate political development in the modern history of Manipur which was as
disastrous as the British conquest of Manipur of 1891 in its consequences. Had the
Government of India permitted the continuation of the working of the Manipur State
Constitution within Indian Union, the people would not have felt the change from the
Maharaja to the Chief Commissioner (Kamei 2003).

Economic System:

The Meitei supremacy in the Manipur valley began with the establishment of their
control over the fertile agriculture land. The Meitei occupy the northern plains that were
the most fertile area in the valley. The Manipuri Muslims (pagan - who was war captives)
were experts’ agriculturist and they were expected to teach the Meiteis the technique of
paddy transplantation. Therefore they were allocated the land on the banks of rivers. The
Brahmins were settled along with the Meiteis. The subdued Lois and other groups
including those who had to undergo punishment for offences, immigrants and those
captured in wars and other who were not liked by the king due to various reasons were
forced to settle in marshy lowland which is less fertile (Bhattacharjee op.cit).

108
Agriculture was the main occupation and also the main contributor to the kingdom
economy. In the early parts of its civilization, the mode of cultivation was primitive and
production was mainly for local consumption only. Tradition and myths as recorded in
number of literary texts indicates that the ancient Manipuri practices shifting cultivation.
Loyumba Shilyen the edicts of the King Loyumba mentioned the adoption of the wet rice
cultivation by the Meiteis. Another ancient’s text Panthoibi Kongkhul refers to the
plantation of varieties of crops and paddy by Nongpok Ningthou and Panthoibi. The
Chronicles refers to several irrigation works by dredging the rivers and making drainages
to drain out the water from low-lying marshy areas. King Taothingmang is remembered
for his skill and techniques for making the valley suitable for cultivation.

People in the hills practiced slash and burn or Jhum cultivation whereas the peasant
communities in the plain areas practiced wet rice cultivation. The method and technology
of the production was fairly developed as compared with those of the neighbouring
communities. E.W.Dun refers to striking similarities between the agricultural practices of
Manipur and those of East Bengal. Two fundamental forms of cultivation- (i) Punghool,
in which seeds was directly sown in the wet ploughed fields and (ii) Lingba in which
transplantation of seedlings from the nurseries were extensively used in the valley areas
of Manipur. The tools and implementation of cultivation were also not qualitatively
different from those in east Bengal. Animal power, particularly bullocks and buffalos
were commonly used in drawing plough and carts. Langol (Iron tipped single hoe
plough), Kangpot (sledge), Cheirong (paddy thresher) etc were the important
implementations of cultivations. Yot (spade), Thangjou (multi-purpose large dao) and
Sinjang (a solid iron hand axe) were also commonly used though the use of wheels cart
was not popular during the 19th century. The soil was fertile. Silts brought from the hills
by the numerous streams constantly enriched the upper layers of agriculture land in the
valley area. It was believed that even in the time of harvest failure due to some reason or
other, crops from only the Thoubal (now a district) area was sufficient to feed the entire
population. The valley people had also developed through the centuries their own system
of water management. Through the indigenous methods of Thingel (dam/dykes), Khong
(canal), Tutengba (dredging of rivers) etc, the people of Manipur valley succeeded in

109
harnessing 142 cm of annual average monsoon rain to their advantage and made the place
one of the most fertile rice producing areas in the entire region (Lokendra 1998).

The people in the valley have mastered the art of dredging rivers and digging new
courses in the first century A.D and the peasantry had become a solid aspect of life. By
the fifth century, wet rice cultivation through irrigation systems of dams and canals
known as the Ethei-Loukhong complex were carried out. The developed culture of crops
husbandry especially for rice, led to the abundance of rice production in the valley and
stability of the food economy. Brown reported paddy yields of 2,700 kg per hectares on
the worst land and 4,320 to 5,400 kg per hectare on the best land. He estimated a yield of
4,954 kg per hectare on the average which is not much below the yield in post-Green
Revolution Manipur. In-spite of the stability of the food economy and high surplus of
agriculture, the manufacturing sectors was extremely weak and of subsistence in nature.
The principal manufacture at the turn of the nineteen century was coarse, clothes, muslin
and silk. Silk was traded with Burma and Yunan. Chinese also took away wax, ivory,
cloths and ponies from Manipur (Priyoranjan 2005).

The land system in the valley can be broadly classified into Ingkhol (homestead land) and
Lou (paddy field). All the land in the kingdom theoretically belonged to the king.
However one third of the total land was under his direct control and another one third (or
more than that) was in the possession of the members of the ruling family, the brahmins
and the sepoys. The kings used to grant land to the priests, temple, officials and other
favourites either permanently or for a specific period. The commoners were only the
users of the land on payment of taxes. The king required a large labour to cultivate the
huge land under their direct control. They extracted labour mainly through the Lallup
system (compulasry service to the king). The land under direct control of the king was
cultivated for them for the Lallup kabas (lallup attendants). In return of this lallup service
an individual was entitled to cultivate for his own support one pari (2.5 acre) of land, but
he was required to pay a tax in kind for that land. The tax varied from two to thirteen
basket of paddy per pari per annum. The favourites were required to pay only two
baskets, but from the commoners twelve baskets of paddy were realized on an average

110
for each pari of land. In time of war and emergencies the demand for tax used to be
higher than usual. Aristocrat and the sepoys were exempted from tax but they have to pay
tax if they cultivate more than their fixed proportion. The king also allowed the Meiteis to
stabled new villages in reclaimed land on payment of taxes. This privileged was not
extended to others (Bhattacharjee op.cit).

The Ingkhol are those land occupied by the household and the garden and were free from
revenue and could be sold at the pleasure of the owner. It was inheritable and
transferable. The Kotwal was n charge Ingkhol land within the Imphal areas where he
kept a register showing the name of the owner and location of the lands. Most of the Lou
or paddy fields were subjected to payment of revenue in cash or kind. At the village level
the headman act as the agent of the king that looked after the cultivation and was
responsible for the realization of tax payable by the cultivators in his village. Howell
wrote that an officer called Lourangba (Officer in charge of paddy field) was given the
responsible to collect revenue payable in rice whereas another officer known as
Phourangba (Officer in-charge of paddy) was responsible for the collection of revenue of
paddy. The actual collection at the village level was done by the village- Lou panaba
(watchman of paddy fields) and it was from his Keis (Granaries) that the Lourangba used
to take rice as was required. The Lourungba also maintained the settlement records. The
Tax payable Lou are (i) Tounalou, (ii) Sarkari Lou, (iii) Phamlou. The Tax free lou are (i)
Sepoy Lou (Kings Army), (ii) Manalou (State awardees), (iii) Brahminlou (Priest), (iv)
Templelou (Forest deities), (v) Royal familylou, (vi) Maharanilou (vii) Panglou (person
of distinguish service in war) (Lokendra op.cit).

111
Table No 3.1: Distribution of Land for cultivation during 19th century

A. Tax Paying Land

Sl No. Type of Amount of Land under each Rate of Revenue Per
Tenure Tenure Pari
1 Taona Lou 5,000 Paries 6 Chenggoks of rice
2. Sarkari Lou 3,700 Paries Different rate of revenue
depending on the type of
tenure
3 Pham Lou 1,200 Paries 1 Pot of Dhan
B. Tax Free Land
Sl No. Type of Amount of Land under each Rate of Revenue Per
Tenure Tenure Pari
1 Sepoys Lou 9,000 Paries Revenue Free
2 Mana Lou 3,000 Paries Revenue Free
3 Brahmins Lou 2,500 Paries Revenue Free
4 Royal family 1,000 Paries Revenue Free
Lou
5 Maharani Lou 600 Paries Revenue Free
6 Temple Lou 600 Paries Revenue Free
Grant Total 26,500 Paries

1 Pari = 2 and Half Acre 1 Pot = 2 baskets of 60 lbs ( R Brown)

2 Chenggoks = 3 Mound of Rice 12 Pots = 15 mounds
Source: N Lokendra 1998

In addition to agriculture, the handloom was almost household for the Meiteis and
considered as a respectable craft. The Pagans lived in the riverbanks and they grew
vegetables, besides depending on agriculture. The agriculture yields for the Lois and
other groups including those who had to undergo punishment for offences, immigrants
and those captured in wars and other who were not liked by the king due to various
reasons were not enough for subsistence so they also engaged on other occupation like
fishing, basketry, salt making, lime making, iron work and such other professions which
the high status Meiteis would refuse to perform (Bhattacharjee op.cit). Trade added to
the economic prosperity and supplemented the agricultural income. The volume of trade
was small as such. The bulk of the exports consisted of livestock like ponies, buffaloes,
elephants. Forest products like rubber, tea seeds, wax, elephants tusk, etc and textiles like

112
silk and coarse cloths were also exported. Finer textiles and good of low volume were the
main items of imports from the Cachar valley of British India (Priyoranjan op.cit).

Internal trade was carried on essentially by women in the various open bazaars in the
valley. And a great number of markets were established during the period of Meidingu
Senbi Khagemba (1592-1652) in different places by observing suitable conditions of
business transactions relating to respective areas. In the market all selling and buying are
done by women. The women who are involved in this trade mostly belong to age group
of 45-70 years. The women from different places come to this market and it is a glaring
example of the way the Manipuri women are struggling for their existence. All the
essential commodities are made available here. The power of the market women of
Manipur were demonstrated on various occasions (Indira and Devi 2004). The first Nupi
Lan-1904 (Women War) as well as Nupi Lan of 1939 are glaring example. It is not only
an economic centre but also a political centre as well. In order to developed trade with the
people from the hill, a Hao Keithel (Tribal market) was developed at Imphal. The most
important bazaar in the valley was the Khwairamand Bazar or Sana Keithel at Imphal.
The women’s market of Manipur is the only market of women in the north-east region of
India and probably could be the only in the world. The economy was better even during
the colonial rule in Manipur (1891-1947) (see table below). The administrative report of
1894-95 writes, ‘At the present moment a two years’ food surplus is stored in the
village’. Productivity levels declined as new land was taken up for cultivation and as such
we have taken the lowest of the productivity reports. If productivity levels are scaled
down further by 23 percent, the economy was still generating 22 and12 percent rich
surpluses in 1931 and 1941 (Priyoranjan op.cit). The table shares the surplus rice
production and exports trends:-

113
Table No 3.2: Area, Production and Rice Surplus in Manipur (1891-1941).

Year Valley Area Demand Rich Surplus Percent

Population (Hectare) (Tonnes) Production (Tonnes) Surplus
(Tonnes)
1891 1,35,782 26,500 28,107 38,160 10,053 26
1901 1,91,207 42,283 39,580 60,755 21,175 35
1931 2,86,843 71,316 59,376 1,02,695 43,319 42
1941 3,43,694 75,370 71,145 1,08,533 37,388 34
Source: Priyoranjan 2005

Table No 3.3: Rice and Chira (in tones) Export from Manipur during 1901-40.
Year 1900-01 1911-12 1924-25 1932-33 1934-35 1938-39
Rice 2,655 4,107 7,589 10,541 9,334 14,143
Chira - - - - 5,311 7,551
Total 2,655 4,107 7,589 10,541 14,645 21,694
Source: Priyoranjan 2005

Judicial System:

The efficiency of government means the efficiency of the judiciary. In early societies the
administration of justice was a private affair but sometimes it was administered with the
help of the community. The punishment for breaking the community law was given
before the whole people of the community so as to prevent others from breaking the
community law particularly customary law. Such type of administration of system was
prevalent in the early Manipur. The criminal law of the early Manipur was very simple.
When a complaint was received, Dolaipada (Police) was sent to arrest the accused. When
the accused was produced before the court, trail was at once commenced by giving
punishment or oral examination. The Royal Edicts are the earliest materials sources for
criminal law, and the most important among them was the Edict of Meidingu
Naophangba (429 A.D). The Edict of Meidingu Naophangba chalked out a brief account

114
of crimes and punishments of ancients Manipur. But the various accounts in short are
available from cheitharol Kumbaba, The royal chronicle of Manipur. Further,
Nangshamei Puya and the annual Administrative reports of the Political Agents and the
writing of British Administrators in Manipur also attributed some information about
criminal justice system (Nongmaithem 1988).

Before 1709, the kings of Manipur sat in the Cheirap Court (Highest Court) and disposed
all the cases in consultation with the sixty four phamdous. He took active parts in day to
day administration of justice. But in 1715, during the Garib Niwaz (Pamheiba) a reform
was introduced. The administration was handed over his nobles but the king remained the
highest appellate authority. In Manipur there used to have four kinds of court over and
above the king court (Kuchu) which is the highest. The courts were: (i) Courts concerning
religious matters, (ii) Court concerning secular matters, (iii) Court for females, (iv)
Military courts. The court can be divided into Cheirap Court (Similar to Supreme Court)
which has both original and appellate jurisdictions and Village court that tried small cases
(Singh op.cit).

The Kuchu was instituted during the reign of the kind Nongda Lairem Pakahngba (33
A.D-154 A.D). It was the highest court having comprehensive jurisdiction of the state. In
the court the king and his nobles tried serious cases. The king presided over the hearing.
It was situated in the south western corner of the Kangla (the area of the old palace). It
was regarded as a scared spot in which all oaths with other Yeks and tribes were formally
sworn. The Cheirap court which is the Supreme Court is administered by the Angom
Ningthou (chief) with the nobles. The strength court varies from time to time depending
upon the king. Sometimes it was sixty four reduces upto thirty. After the annexation of
Manipur by the British in 1891, there are many reforms in the legal system of Manipur.
In 1892, the strength of the Cheirap was reduced with the introduction of five magistrates
which sat in Imphal. At the village level the delivery of justice was done by the village
headman and elders of the village. Appeals against the decisions of the village court
could be taken to Cheirap. It was usually conducted at the house of the village headman
or at the village Mandop (community hall). In 1892-93, for the purpose of administration

115
of the judicial system, the valley was divided into eleven circles with a panchayat court in
each circle. Each circle contained about one thousand houses. The strength of the
panchayat court was five including the village headman. Similar to the village justice
system, the hill areas were tried by the village council which consists of Khullakpa
(headman), Luplakpa, Khunpu and Yu Phalba and some village elders. Oath taking was
very common among the hills for delivering justice (Singh op.cit).

Punishment in early Manipur society is of various kinds. Women and Brahmins were
exempted from death sentence and imprisonment. Treason or conspiracy against the king
was the highest offence in the state. The highest punishment to be inflicted on the
accused was death sentence. But the nature of punishment awarded for this offence varied
from time to time. But sometimes the king adopted lenient attitude toward offender and
sent to Loi and Naga villages. Offence of Murder was also awarded death sentence. Such
punishments were given to all the people involved in the activities. Mutilation of Limbs
was given to offender of stealing, theft, robbery etc. Kidnapping and murder were
punished by blinding the offenders. Whipping and other corporal punishment were
administered in case of general quarrel, beating of any person without sufficient cause
and trading in man. Cases of assault and petty offences were punished by flogging with a
cane on the shoulder of the accused. Sometimes the culprit was severely beaten and
exposed in the bazaar for the said offences. Another feature of corporal punishment was
Phaouba (exposed in the sun). Banishment means sending away to Loi village was very
common form of punishment. Imprisonment was given to the offender as it gives
sufficient time to the accused to change his law breaking behavior (Nongmaithem op.cit).
The jail or Keishumsang or Koidi or Awashnag or Shumsang was established by Raja
Naothingkhong. It was situated within the palace. In 1895 a small branch jail containing
25 convicts was established at Foijing, 9 miles from Imphal. Again in 1896-97 another
branch jail for forty convicts was established at Bishnenpur or Lamangdong (Singh
op.cit). Dismissal from office and deprivation of rank, fines and attachment, enslavement
and punishment for cowardly soldiers, were common form of punishment.

116
 Table No 3.4: The establishment of Police (Civil and Armed Battalions) in Manipur
(AD 33 - 1826).

Sl. Civil Police Year Reigning King Armed Battalion

No
1 Establishment of Lallup, Patcha 33 Pakhnagba
Pheida, Panchayat
2 Leikai Lakpas and Ningol 2nd Khuyai Tompok
Lakpas Century
3 Establishment of jail 664 Naothingkhong
4 Laws Codified 1074-1112 Loyumba
5 Establishment of 18 police Out 1467-1508 Kiyamba
posts
6 (i)Establishment of Doliapas 1596 Khagemba
(Civil Police)
(ii) Dolaipabas replaced
Loishanglois
7 (i) Changes in the functioning of 1709-1740 Garib Niwas
Patcha Pheida.
(ii) Establishment of
Shangkhuba Shanglakpa in
charge of Jail and Law and order
(iii) Khurailakpa made in charge
of Flaw and order of Khurai.
(iv) Pacha Hanjaba made in
charge of Pacha
1824 Gambhir Singh Establishment of
Manipur
Levy(Army)
1825 Gambhir Singh Mr.Grant &
Pemberton
Attached to teach
drill and
Discipline to
Manipur Levy
(Army)
1826 Gambhir Singh Manipur Levy
was changed to
State Military
Police.
Source: Singh Ibomcha (2007).

117
Religion of Manipur:

Manipur presents a unique cultural, ethnic, linguistics and religious profile not to be
found in any region in India. While the Sanamahi trait prevailed over majority of the
people in the valley of Manipur particularly among the Meitei’s, Christianity made a
profound effect on the tribesman inhabiting the hilly districts of the Manipur and
converted most of them to Christianity. But the Indigenous gods is seen to be worship by
some of the tribal communities particularly Kabuis and Meiteis. The fact is Vaishnavism
practiced by Meiteis in Manipur consequently became a peculiarly Manipuri Vaishnvism
in form, adopting aspects of olden culture and modified by it. Before the advent of
Hinduism following the event of oath taking known as Nongkhrang Iruppa in 1724 A.D
during the reign of King Pamheiba, the Meiteis professed their traditional Sanamahi
religion and even after this oath taking event by several hundreds of Meiteis under the
threat of ostracization by holding the “Nongkhrang” plant, those who disapproved the
new religion defied the harsh prerogative of the King, social ostracization at the instances
of émigré priests and professed their conventional religion. Even today, every Meitei
household worships Lord Sanamahi with whom the real Meitei spirit had been merged
and they follow the ceremonies of Hinduism and outward forms without lending and
emotional attachment whatsoever (Sanajaoba op.cit).

The pre-Hindu deities celebrated by the Meitei’s can be broadly into three groups. The
term lai (god) is used generally to cover all the categories of god, although it also has
narrow meaning when applied specifically to the first of the three groups (Parrat 1980).
Kamei (op.cit) observes that forty five were assigned to look after forty five abodes of
deities (Umanglais) which were scattered all over the kingdom. Parratt broadly classified
Umanglai into four groups.
(i) Ancestors or deities which were believed to have had a human existence at some
point in the past. Examples of these are Pakhangba, Nongpok Ningthou,
Poireiton.
(ii) Important Lai associated with one particular yek.

118
 (iii) The domestic deities’ known as Yumjao Lai, which are the possession of
particular clan of family groups.
(iv) Tutelary deities, i.e. guardian spirits connected with particular places or areas.
There are various places in Manipur which are regarded as scared. These are
often hills,which are associated with a particular deity. Examples are hills in
Moirang and Nongmaiching which are associated with Ningok Ningthou and
subsequently with Siva after the advent of Hinduism.

Brara (op.cit) observed that everything pertaining to the religious realm was preceded by
the word Lai such as Laishang (temple of God), Laipham (place of gods), Laining Lambi
(ways of god), Laipao (message of god ) etc. The Meiteis believe to have one hundred
and eight god in addition to Atiya Sidaba (Sky God), Sanamahi (Household deity) and
Pakhangba (Mangang Ancestor, who later become the originator of all Salais). She
broadly classified the Lais into three groups

(i) The Directional Deities

(a) Wangburen or Wangpurel is a deity residing in water. He is the guardian of
the southern part of the Manipur State. He is depicted as a deity riding a black
tiger. He is anger and terror personified. He drowns people, and creates
floods. He should be kept in good humour with all devotion. Gold necklaces
and sexual indulgence is strictly forbidden during his worship. His main
temple is at Sugnu on the bank of Imphal River.
(b) Koubru is the directional deity of the North-West. It is believed to be the place
of origin of the Meiteis. The Deity was worship annually by the king with the
sacrifice of goat’s sheep’s etc, in order to avoid famine. His temples are
located in the Loi village of Sekmai and Phayeng.
(c) Nongpok Ningthou is the most prominent and dominant god among the
Meitei. He is the guardian of the eastern direction and over the years has
become the central deity of the Lai Haraoba festivals.
(d) Thanjing is the directional deity of the South-West direction. His temple is at
Moirang.

119
 (e) Marjing is the protector of the North-Eastern direction and also the protector
of animals. The Manipur version of polo and hockey are traced to him. Polo is
originated from Manipur. People invoke and worship him with a polo stick
and a ball when any animal in their house becomes sick.
(ii) Household deities
(a) Phunga Apokpa, is worshipped in every household. An iron tripod called
Yotsabi is placed is placed on the fire (phunga). The fire is to be kept burning
day and night. Every Meiteifirst offer to this deity and then eat his/her food.
When a new house is built, a fire should be kept burning for five days before
entering the house for living.
(b) Sanamahi is the most important deity in every Meitei house. Everyone takes
the blessing before undertaking any activity. Although he is worshipped
everyday, his main worship is done on the last day of the Meitei chak (year),
which corresponds to the middle of March in the Gregorian calendar. Some
Kabuuis tribes also worship him, although unlike the Meiteis, they offer the
sacrifice of fowls, pigs and yu (rice beer) etc.
(iii) Ancestral deities:
Ancestral worship forms the basis of all worship in Meitei society. The ancestors
of the salais are called Apokpa. Every sageis has its own ancestors or deities,
who are worship according to their prescribed norms. Thus for example,
Laishram sageis will worship Laishram Lairembi as its sagei deity, Sanamahi as
its household deity and khuman Apokpa as its salai deity. Besides these major
ancestral deities ther are also some immediate ancestral spirits called Kasai.
These spirits are worshipped on the occasion of Ipanthaba (on the sixth day of
the delivery of a child) and also on Cha-woomba (rice giving ceremony) to the
tree month old baby.

Parrat (op.cit) has pointed out that even though all the three sects had entered Manipur
during the last quarter of the 17th century, it was Chaitanya Vaishnavism which was
accepted by the King Pamheiba (1714- 1754) in 1714, and it subsequently began to
influence among the Meiteis. Immediately after the initiation to Hinduism, Pamheiba

120
changed his name to Graribniwaz and declared Hinduism as state religion. The Hindu
concept of ‘Divine Kinship’ was indeed what Pamheiba needed to legitimize his rule in
Manipur. Further, since Vaishnavism represented a more progressive ideology, it had
attracted the attention of many people though it certainly did not grow unopposed. He
destroyed many traditional Lais (Local Dieties) and also burnt many books on ancient
literature. The event is still remembered today as the ‘Puya Meithaba’. Along with it
Garibniwaz took up a numbers of measures to spread Vaishnavism in Manipur. He
ordered to discontinue all the ceremonies and rituals of the old Meitei faith and they were
substituted by the Hindu ceremonies and rituals. With the advice of the Santidas Mahanta
, the king destroy the image of Sanamahi, the greatest deities of Umanglais (family) of
the Meiteis. As a result of this, it was believed that, the king’s son and wife was seriously
ill (both mentally and physically). The king was perplexed. All the advice of the Hindu
priest was in vain. At last the king requested the Meitei Maiba (Pandit) a priest known as
Moirang Lalhanba to cure the miserable position of his wife and son. With the advice of
the priest, the king re-installed the image of Sanamahi. After that the princes and queen
recovered. Even today, every Meitei worships Sanamahi in every family from above
incident. The king and the people worshipped both the god (Manipur State Archives
1988). In the context of strong resistance from the traditional religion and its leaders, he
could not have completely ignored the interest of the Maiba and Maibis. King
Bhaighyachandra (1820-1849) further consolidated Vaishnavism in Manipur but he
however continued to encourage the ancient Gods and he used to worship “Sanamahi”,
the traditional family deity (Lokendra op.cit).

Shakespear (1913) observed that Manipur figures as a Hindu state in the list of the
Feudatory states of India, and Hinduism is the State religion, but when we have said this
we have by no means stated the whole case, for alongside of Hinduism we have the
worship of the Umanglais Forest gods and various other distinctly non-Hindu cults,
which are practiced by good Hindus as well as by those who have not yet abandoned the
faith of their forefathers. As a matter of fact even the best Hindus in Manipur, except
perhaps a few of the most holy Brahmans, cannot be said to have abandoned the ancient
faith; rather, they accepted the Hindu pantheon in addition to the old gods of their own

121
country. McCulloch (1857) observed that the hold of the Hinduism among the Meiteis
was at a superficial level, it was “professed not from the conviction but because it (was) a
fashion”. In fact the brand of Hinduism that the Meitei practices had some unique local
variations and it represented a blending of various elements of traditional Meitei religion
and Hinduism. While there was an increasing popularity of the worship of many Hindu
mainland gods and goddesses there were also an equally strong hold of the traditional
gods of the Meiteis. He further wrote, “Children upto 10 to 12 years of age eat every sort
of food without regard to Hindu notion of purity and impurity…The very early marriage
of Hinduism are not approved of… and never take place”. He further wrote, “Sati was
unknown and widows were not treated as in Hindustan” and they might “…marry again,
eat such food and dress in such style as they please”. He also wrote that it was a common
practice for “old people to abandon altogether Hindu observances”.

The state of affairs of Manipur is closely paralleled in Burma and Japan. Most Japanese
follow Buddhism and Shinto which is the pre Buddhist religion. It is believed that there
are no written rules to Shinto, and there is little organization of the faith, which makes it
very flexible. While Buddhism is more "organized," it is also relatively flexible. This is
why Japanese can comfortably adopt both Buddhism and Shinto into their lives without
conflict (Buddhists argued that some of the Shinto kami were Buddha’s, thus helping to
close the divide). The resemblance is closest in the case of Burma, for there, as in
Manipur, only one conversion has taken place. The state religion, in Burma Buddhism,
and in Manipur Hinduism, existing side by side with the more ancient faith. As a simple
matter of fact, it is undeniable that the propitiating of the Nats is a question of daily
concern to the lower class Burman, while the worship at the pagoda is only thought of
once a week." Similarly, in Manipur, although most of the inhabitants of the valley
profess Hinduism and are strict in observing many of its customs, they are also ardent
supporters of the Umanglais, who seem practically identical with the Burmese Nats. The
Umanglais of Manipur are better off than the Nuts of Burma, for they are officially
recognized and some of them receive tax-free lands for their maintenance, and are every
bit as much honoured as the Hindu gods. Each set of divinities has its own ministers.
Krishna and the other Hindu gods are served by Brahmans, while the local gods have

122
their own priests and priestesses, known as Maiba and Maibis. The Raja is the recognized
head of both religions. As a Hindu the Manipuri calls in the Brahman on occasions of
births, marriages, and deaths, and observes the Hindu festivals, but in sickness he
consults the Maiba and he worships the gods of hills and rivers of his country as his
forefathers did before him (Shakespear op.cit).

Arambam (2008) prefers to use the term “Meiteinisation of Hinduism” rather than
“Hindunisation of Meitei”. He differs with the point of Sanskritsation of the Meitei as
observed by some scholars. He further add he used the Meiteinisation of Hinduism as a
concept on the strength of the indigenous culture itself, which did not indicate total
surrender of the society to the higher religion, but used the higher culture for indigenous
needs of the day. He further adds, there is no massive re-orientation of social and cultural
forms as seen in Hindu-Meitei society today. In the similar pattern Brara (op.cit)
observed that, even though the new religion succeeded in diluting, and sometimes, even
disintegrating, the rites and rituals pertaining to the traditional Meitei faith. A few Hindu
rites and rituals were also adopted and incorporated. Yet, in the event of bringing a child
to this world, and sending the soul of the being back to heaven, the required rituals were
and still are conducted by the maibas and maibis. All the others intermediate rites-of-
passage were influenced by Hinduism, which nevertheless retained some of the
traditional cultural characteristics. With new elements incorporated and old elements
modified, the rites and rituals pertaining to this society evolved as “Meitei-Hindu rituals’
rather than just Hindu rituals.

It can observe from the above account that the traditional religion of the Meiteis could
not be eroded in-spite of the King repressive measure by adopt Hinduism. So the King
and his few wise men synthesized the new religion with the traditional religion. The
concept of Hinduism has a different form in Manipur as describe by Lokendra Aramabam
as “Meiteinisation of Hinduism” and “Meitei-Hindu rituals’ by Brara. It is further
supported by that fact that, in every household of the valley of Manipur particularly
among the Meitei, a small area is reserved in the room of the household elders for the
traditional god “Sanamahi” irrespective of their religion (Hanjabam 2008).

123
Puya or the Literature of the Meitei’s:

The possession of the rich literacy heritage would have been impossible, unless the
people of that age had developed the language and alphabet or scripts. Dr Sunitkumar
Chatterjee estimated the age of the Meitei language and literatures: ‘The beginning of this
old Manipuri literature (as in case of Newari) may go back to 1,500 years, or even 2,000
years, from now. He further wrote “Manipur Literatures is most emphatically an advance
Modern Indian literatures, and cannot be described as the background literatures of the so
called Advasi or primitive people-the Manipuri writers are already in the frontline of
modern Indian writing and translation (cited in Sanajaoba op.cit). George A. Grierson
write that Meithei is the chief language of the Manipur valley, and has apparently had a
long and independent development… the Manipuries are mentioned in the Shan
Chronicles so early as 777 A.D. Probably owing to the fact that it has developed into a
literary language, their forms of speech gives the impression of possessing a peculiar
archaic character. Although they have become subjected to Hinduism, they have not
adopted any Aryan tongue; Meithei is the official language of the state which all other
tribes have to use in their dealing with the rulers” (Linguistics Survey of India, Vol-III,
part III). Noted Littetatuer Nandalal Sarmah noted that Meithie literature was close to
Chinese literature in both religious and secular literatures in the ancient periods. He
further mentioned that novels were written for the first time in China and also the oldest
fruit of Manipuri literatures is novels Meitrabak 1960). CIEFL Linguistics Professor
Nadkarni wrote that “Meitei has a varied and rich literary tradition dating back to the 1st
century A.D and most of this literature is in Meitei Mayek (W Tomchou Singh 1986 cited
in Sanajaoba op.cit). Wahengbam Ibohal (1985) observed that the Meiteilon was borned
in about 800-850 A.D.

The Meitei literary heritage, pooled by the early and medieval literati and illuminati,
which are mostly in early manuscripts or copied or rewritten in the case of political
upheavals in some cases is estimated to exceed one thousands. The intellectuals reservoir
of manuscripts, which are in the personal custody of the “Maichous” and many of which
has been published in modern Meitei enriched the knowledge of a number of human

124
disciplines viz., Administration, Arts and Culture, astrology, Charms and Mantras,
creation theories, Dictionaries, Fine Arts, geography, Geology, Health and Hygiene
Genealogy. Poetry, Prediction, Prose, religious philosophy, Scripts Supernatural stones,
Yek, Salais and Miscellaneous aspects (Khelchandra quoted in Sanajaoba op.cit). Few of
them in Manpuri title includes Cheitharol Kumbaba, Ningthourol Lumbaba, Numit
Kappa, Leithak Leikharon, Chainarol, Panthoibi Khongul, Nungan Pombi Luwaoba,
Loyumba Shinyen, Sanamahi Leikal, Mashin, chadda Laihui, Chakpa Khunda Khunthok,
Naothingkhong khungthoklon, Poirenton Khunthokpa, Pakhangba Nongkarol,
Laishemlon and Sakok Lamlel etc are some of the outstanding Meitei early scriptures
which record the story of human evolution, the myths, legends, pre and proto-history and
the history of the seventy-four kings who ruled in the country since 33.AD till the merger
of Manipur with the Union of India in 1949 (Sanajaoba op.cit).

Most of the works of the early and medieval Manipuri literature contain no particulars
name in respect of their authors, compilers, and editors. Every Pibas has (family head) or
his eldest male descendent was allowed to have a copy of the relevant Yumdaaba Puyaa
(family genealogy) from the Amaaiba Laoishing (Department of Royal Archives and
Records). The “World View” of the Meiteis is not merely frozen into the classics and
archaic manuscripts, but is given adequate respectability in the form and festivals if the
traditional Lai Haraoba, which is celebrated all over the land annually in the place, where
the traditional sylvan deities are worship (Sanajaoba op.cit). The Manipur State Archives
had a good number of collections written in the ancient Meitei script which can be
broadly classified into Political history, General Administration, Culture and Religion,
External Relations, Military Administration etc

Ethnic relation:

Whenever we talk of ethnic relations in Manipur, the term ‘Hao’ always comes in the
fore fronts as the people staying in the hills and those staying in the valley but link their
ancestry in the hills is term as Hao by the Meiteis. But how and when the term was
coined is not exactly know. But many people in the hill as well as in the valley believe it

125
as a derogatory word, without trying to understand the reality of it. And even misuse the
term for the political gain. Paojailung Thaomei observes that the people originated from
Mahou are known as Hao. The land bounded by the hills is also known as Haorei i.e. the
place where the Hao settled. He further opined that in olden days when we point south we
use to say ‘Haorei kha’ (Haorei South), Heorei-awang (Haorei North), and so on. The
ancient text ‘Ningthourol Lambuba’ states that the ancient people of Haokap Chingsangm
Khunpham Ngangchenga were gradually called Hao (Ibohal cited in Goshwami op.cit).

Prof Kangjiya believed that the term Hao is derived from the Kabui word Hao meaning
‘hills’. Because it is believed that, the term is derived from a very old Kabui settlement at
Langol hills which was known as Chingsang khunpham Nganchenga. Similarly,
Thokchom Angouyaima observes that the term Hao is ‘old’. He further rejected Mr. K.
Zhou observation that "The word "HAO" is derived from one of the name of the Suhte
King called Mr. Kamhao Suhte, who rose up just after King Chandrakirti in 1850-51. to
support his point stronger, he opined that King Charairongba (1697-1714) was the next
successor of king Paikhomba (1666-1697). He consolidated the relation between hill and
plain people and constructed "HAO-MACHA LOISANG" (Tribal department) for the
hill people at Kangla. King Charairongba was father of King Pamheiba (Garibniwaz).
Thus the word 'HAO' was used by meeteis during the reign of Charairongba period
(1697-1714) (Angouyaima No Date http://www.e-
pao.net/epSubPageExtractor.asp?src=news_section.opinions.My_opinion_to_the_article).

Goshwami (op.cit) observes that the term ‘Hao’ in Meitei language is ‘tasty’, i.e., good
without prefix ‘a’ and suffix ‘ba’. Meitei call one of the most beautiful flowers, Lei-Hao,
the best rice Chak-Hao and so on. The term “Hao’ also features in the name of the Meitei
deities, Kings, queens, clan name etc. For instance, One of the name of Pakhangba
mother is ‘Inung Haobachanu’; the name of the wife of King Taothingmang is called
Haonukhu; the name of the queen of king Kainou Irengba is Haoreima Tamheiba and
Haoreima Pidongnu; there is also Meitei female deity call Haoreima Sambubi which is
also known as Nongthang Leima; lastly, there are numbers of sageis (clans) called
Haobam, Haideijam, Haobijam, Haorongbam, Haooibam and Haorokcham and so on. He

126
thus concludes that the term is not a derogatory term. If it is derogatory, hw will the
Meitei mentioned to the name of the Kings, Queens, Deities and clans.

The people of the valley believe that the mountains and hills of Manipur are the abode of
their ancestors. Even today they visit these mountains and hills and worship the Surungs
(caves), Leikhun (holes inside earth) and Leikut-Leirai (gorges) siuated in the hills as
their original abodes of their ancestors. Kangkhui Surung (Kangkhui caves) in Ukhrul
district of Manipur east is regarded as ancestral abode of the Angoms Clan (one of the
seven clan of the Meiteis). Similarly is the mountain of Thanjing, Nongmaiching and
Koubru. The hill people believes that Koubru mountain and its surrounding highland as
the first human settlement from where people migrate to different direction. The first Lai
Haraoba of the ancestors of both the hills and valley people is believed to have taken at
Koubru Haraothel at Koubru hill (Goshwami op.cit). Ng Kanjia referring to ancient texts
like Koubru Chingoiron and Chingni Chuplen stated that there are more than fifty scared
places in the Koubru hills where the hill and the valley settle before the separation of
which mentioned can be made of Sanggai Yumpham Achouba, Sangai Yumpham Macha,
Amam Leisalok, Saroithel, Nung-Yangkok, Nung-Sunbal, Nung-Suk, Sanathong Ikon,
Pokpi Leisanu, Meeren Pontinpham, Pakhangba Laikhom etc cited in Goshwami ibid).

The Meiteis, the Nagas and the Kuki-Chin-Mizos had inbuilt affinities in the course of
the ethno-genesis process. In the living folk traditions of the Meities, Nagas and Kuki,
they are said to be brothers, although the interpolation differ. The old Kuki-Chin has been
a part of early Meitei folk traditions and the Nagas have also been components
throughout. One of the Puya Leithak Leikharol describes that in mythology, Waheng
Chantou, Thikleng and Marong innovated the hills while Chakmaringpa, Taomaringpa,
Ukonglen reconstructed the valley. It also describes that several Meitei families and the
hills people were the same. In the time of Poireiton Khunthok, metal tools had been used,
people weave Haophi (clothes of the hill tribes) and people with slanted eyes (Chinese
features) remained. Seven clan systems of the Meiteis has also been found to have existed
in the ethnic structure of the hills viz., Tangkhul, Mamring, Kabui, Koireng, Anal,

127
Chothe-Kom and Moyon and Mongsang, among others. The Chiru and Mao-Marams too
might have similar structure (Sanajaoba op.cit).

The history of Naga and Kukis which co-inhabits the hills areas of Manipur since time
immemorial includes peaceful co-existance and conflicts. Friendship known as mangai in
Tangkhul dialects or kajol in Kuki dialects and etao in the Meitei language exemplifies
the traditional camaraderie between members of the two communities. Many Naga and
Kuki speak the Meitei language. The proficiency in Meitei language among the tribes
varies with the distance from the vally and depth of intercourse with the valley in the
past. Among the tribes, the Tangkhuls and Kabuis are well verse in Meitei language. In
many cases, especially in the villages, members of the two communities speak each other
dialects. They had been intermarrying and also practiced the same religious faith,
Christianity. Next to the Meiteis, The Thadous-Kuki tribe constitutes the largest
population followed by the Tangkhuls. Demographically, both the Naga and Kuki ethnic
groups are more or less of equal importance (Haokip 2009). Inter-marriage between the
Meitei and different communities has been established since time immemorial.

Gangte (2007) briefly illustrated the land holding among the Kukis and Nagas in Manipur
as follows:-

Table No3.5: Land holding among the Kukis and Nagas in Manipur

Sl No Districts Kukis Nagas

1 Churachandpur 100 Nil
2 Chandel 75 25
3 Senapati 50 50
4 Tameglong 35 65
5 Ukhrul 30 70
Source: T.S.Gangte (2007).

Imchen (op.cit) illustrated the interdependence of the people and valley of Manipur
through the economic exchanges. The Nagas in the hills depend on the valley traders for
the crude metal which is necessary for making their dao and spears. The valley traders in
turn obtained from the Lois which settled in the foothills of Manipur. The raw materials

128
for weaving by the tribal of the hills are also obtained from the valley. Similar is the case
of the earthen pot which is manufactured in Shugnu and Chairen. The tribals in turn bring
vegetables, fruits either to sale in the market or for exchange with goods of their interest.
The Ngai sanaba (freinship) between the hills and the valley was very popular. The Hao
Keithel is still to be seen in the Imphal. The indispensability of such a close and ancient
relationship is clearly evident from the facts that the Meiteis still continue to regard the
same by observing presentations of ‘Tangkhul Leirum Phi-cloth’ as a compulsory item
among the marriage-gifts to their daughter-brides, and indispensably using of tribal
dresses and costumes and also the forms of dances of the Tangkhuls and Kabuis during
their Laiharaoba performance, and even by their kings and queens during the time of their
coronation ceremonies attiring only the tribal dresses (Phambal-Tongba occasions). So
also the Meiteis had adopted their ‘spear fighting techniques’ in four different names –
the Meitei Ta-Khousarol, the Tangkul Ta-khousarol, the Kabui Ta-Khousarol and the
Maram Ta-khousarol clearly indicating that there had been very close relationship in
between these sections of people (Singh 2003). A folk song often sung at the Lai Haraoba
reveals that, whether it be the settlers of the hills or that of the valley, both are of the
same stock. The song ‘Chingda Taba Mahaige, Tamda Taba Mahaige, Wakon Tanoi
Noi… when sung in its indigenous and primeval tune significannly expresses ‘oneness’
and deep relationship that exist between these groups of people (Gangte 2007).

Roy Burman (2001) noted that the clan names or surnames of five chieftains’ families of
the Tangkhul Naga of Ukhrul districts are similar to Meitei surnames and are suggestive
that they are the descendents of the families which fled the valley. The affinity between
Nagas and the Meiteis is also established by alluding that Manipur kingdom was one of
the seven clan principalities. It is also commonly cited that king Garib Niwaz or
Pamheiba who consolidated the Meitei rule in the 18th century, was a descendent of a
Meitei father and Naga mother. During the Lai Haraoba ceremony, a Meitei man wears
the traditional Tangkhul dress and performed a ceremony at the end. He further adds the
Treaty between the Manipur King and Tangkhul Chief of Hundung was a good example.
But the signing of treaty was because of the harmonious relationship and should not
compare the Hundung Chief as par with the Meitei King. The Foots prints of the two

129
Meitei King carved on two slabs of stone at Hundung is a token of conquest similar to the
one at Kohima at present day Nagaland. The Nagas greatly respected this stone and clean
it from time to time.

According to the traditional belief of the Tangkhuls it is said that in an early period, a
Tangkhul left his home for the valley who became a king there and who later on came to
be known as PAKHANGBA, who is a dynastic god or deity of the Manipuris still
worshipped ardently by all of them - this belief has no doubt some relevance regarding
the appearance of Pakhangba in the valley, as according to the puyas (purans) of the
Meiteis, Nongda Lairen Pakhangba (Jabista), the great is described to be a "heaven born"
person. Since there is actually no such a thing as "heaven" in the high space physically
the above proverb should have meant only to a high place i.e. a hill or mountain (Singh
op.cit). Traditionally the Tangkhuls have enjoyed close relationship with the Meiteis of
the Manipur Valley. Tangkhul folk tales and songs collected by Arokianathan (1982)
have numerous references to interaction with the Meiteis of the valley but no reference to
interaction with the Nagaland based Naga tribes. The Meitei Kings and the Tangkhuls
chief used to have martial relations, the Tangkhuls Chiefs host the Meitei army in the
hills, the Meitei and the Tangkhuls participated in each other festivals and ceremonies,
the Meiteis visited the fairs and markets in the hills for trading and the Tangkhuls used to
work in the valley for livelihood. Because of the intense two way interaction describe
above, Manipuri words entered into the vocabulary of the tribals dialects (Ghosh and
Kumar 2005).

The cultural function of the “Mera Wa Yungba” which is celebrated in the month of
october is an important function to remind the relationship between the people of hill and
the valley. There is a belief that the people of the hill and the valley have originated from
a small place in the hill while the younger brother went down to the valley in search of
livelihood and the elder brother stay back at the hill. In order to commemorate the
linkage, both the valley and the hill people celebrated in a particular way. In the valley a
long bamboo post is erected with a light at the top of it in every household so that the
people of the hill can see it. The belief is that, when the younger brother left the hill, he

130
promised his brother that he will put up a light in the month of Mera (October) to show
that all are fine and doing well in the valley. In reciprocate to this, the hill people burn a
part of the hill which is called “Langmai Thaba” to show prosperity and well being.
Apart from Mera Wa Yungba, another ceremony called the “Mera Hou Chongba” is
celebrated in the same month. The entire Tribal chief, village headman under the Kings
was invited to the Palace at Kangla on this particular day. The Tribal headmen as well as
the Village heads exchange gifts and wishes during this particular function. These
promote greater amity between the hill and the Meiteis. It is celebrated with greater
vigour (Hanjabam op.cit).

It is a fact that it was a group of Kuki Chiefs, particularly Haokip Chiefs, who determined
to help the Maharajah to resist the Merger. Here, to be specific, a group of Kuki Chiefs
was led by the Haokip Chief of Chassad, whom the Chief of Aihang, Chief of Nabil,
Chief of Lonpi and many other Haokip villages supported. These Chiefs went to the
extent that about 200-300 volunteers with muzzle-loading guns were kept at the gate of
Palace to protect the Maharajah and his kingdom. This is the account of the events on the
last minute events before Maharajah Budhachandra Singh had to leave for Shillong, to
sign the Agreement against his will (Haokip 2008).

Common Deities:

Lainingthou Sanamahi: It is the household deities of both the hills and the valley
though the names are different from community to community. Lainingthou Sanamahi
and Dampaipu of Kanbuis is said to be the same deity. Sanamahi worship is also a part of
the Luira (seed sowing) festivals of the Tangkhuls. Kom, Purums, Marings, Chothes also
worship a diety similar to Lainingthou Sanamahi. Konthoujam Leireima: Konthoujam
Leireima of the Meiteis and Haigonthang Chanu Dilenglu of Kabuis are the same. In
both stories the lady went to her parental home where she eat forbidden food and
separated with Sorarel (god of heaven). It can be noted that the Lai Haraoba festival of
the Konthoujam Leireima could not be observed until the Kabuis at the Konthoujam
village facilitated some presentation to the Deities. Lainingthou Nongsaba: Lainingthou

131
Nongsaba is believed to be the incarnation of Chingu Khoiyum Sidabi is a common deity
of both the hills and the valley. It is said that the deity was taken secretly from Thayaipok
Khamba of Mantak village to different location but it was finally brought back to the
original place during the time of meidingu Khagemba (1597-1652). The Kom
communities of Mantak village still worship the deity at its original place.

Haoreima Sambubi: This is the story of Haorema Sambubi of the Tangkhul and
Meidingu Tabungba (1359-1394), the King of Manipur. The Meiteis believed that she is
the incarnation of the Panthoibi. Thus the Meitei worship this deity (Tangkhul Lady) as
one of the important deity. Lainingthou Chothe Thangwai Pakangba: He was the king
of Moirang who married Khamlangtaobi, daughter of the Chothe Tamang Khul. Chothe
believed that Lainingthou Chothe Thangwai Pakangba was of Chothe origin. The Chothe
worshipped the king at Chothe Nungsukhung. Chothe also believe in Sorarel and
Sanamahi. Ibudhou Thanjing Koirel Lai: the Koireng community believed that the
deity was taken by the Moirang after their defeat at the Hand of the Moirangs. It is
worship by both the Meiteis and the Koireng community. Langol Tarung Leireima:
Langol Tarung Leireima belongs to Maram tribe name Makinei and Ingallei when
married to the King Paikhomba (1666-1697) of Manipur. The king sneaked into the
Maram village in order to recover his father head from the Maram chief but he later fall
in love with the daughter of the chief. Ingallei was married to the king but she was
forbidden to enter into the Palace. She was later driven out when the King was on
expedition. After her death she becomes Langol Tarung Leireima, an important deity of
the Meiteis.

Wangbren Khana Chaoba: It is the ruling Meitei deity of the south respected and
reversed by both the Anals and Meiteis. Wangburen married Shangkhurembi or Shangnu,
the only daughter of Anal chief Mongyam Ngamba. He won the hand of the daughter
after defeating the Anal youths in various competitions. Relics believed to be connected
with the legend are still seen at a place known as Hungke-pa in Anal Khullen in Chandel
district of Manipur. Nongpok Ningthou- Panthoibi: It is the ruling Meitei deity of the
east but Nongpok Ningthou is believed to the a Tangkhul youth who had a relationship

132
with Apanbee alias Panthoibi – a lady belonging to Wangam or Poirei-Ningthouja.
Konthong Leireima: The Meitei deity is worshiped by both the hill and valley by
constructing the temple at Moreh in Chandel District of Manipur (Goshwami op.cit).

133