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Spin: From Tactic to Tabloid

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Journal of Public Affairs
J. Publ. Aff 6: 31-45 (2006)
Published online in Wiley InterScience (www.interscience.wiley.coin). DOI: 10.1002/pa.37

Spin: from tactic to tabloid

Leighton Andrews*
Member of the National Assembly for Wales; Honorary Professor, School ofJournalism,
Media and Cultural Studies, Cardiff University

• Over the last fifteen years, the word Spin has come to define both the process ofpoUtical
communication, and the practice of public relations itself. The history of the term requires
some examination. Arguably, until around 1992, Spin did not have such a widespread
meaning—it was simply one tactic in an election campaigner's armoury.
• Now it seems to embrace the whole process of communication, not only between election
campaigners and the media, but also between a Government and its people, or between a
public relations professional in any field, and his or her target publics.
• The development o/Spin as a word has gone through a number of stages which will be
addressed in the course of this paper. It now has widespread popular usage, which has
arisen through two principal processes: The increasing celebrity status of the spin-doctor
role: and the usefulness of the word to tabloid sub-editors.
• By 1997, when New Labour came into Government, the discourse of spin was firmly
established.
Copyright © 2006 fohn Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

Introduction between the Democrats and The West Wing

cast run deep of course: at the 2000 DNC the
At the recent Democratic Convention in cast held a party for delegates, and visited their
Boston, the camera cut aw^ay from the first biggest fan. Bill Clinton, in the White House
main speaker, former President Bill Clinton, to that year (TLehmann, 2003; Pampper, 2003).
show celebrities in the audience. First up was Spin is now one of the most overused, and
Richard Kind, the actor who plays the hapless arguably least meaningful, w^ords in use in
Press Officer, Paul, in Spin City. Next was political communication. This is a global phe-
Richard Schiff, who plays White House Direc- nomenon: as Esser e?«/. (2000) comment, 'over
tor of Communications Toby Ziegler in The the years, the usage of the term 'spin' has
West Wing. Here was the President on whose broadened in all countries'.
watch the term 'spin' took off, arguably 'the
Some recent examples will demonstrate the
most celebrity-focused President' (Schroeder,
development. According to the Daily Mirror
2004): and here w^ere two of the actors whose
(Gilfeather, 2002a), the British Home Office
careers bloomed thanks to the media's absorp-
spentib27 million 'on spin in just 12 months': in
tion with the subject. The interconnections
other words, the Government's advertising
budget, which includes relatively uncontested
items such as campaigns to persuade moto-
*Con-esponcience to: Leighton Andrews AM, National rists not to drink and drive, is now^ defmed as
Assembly for Wales, Cardiff Bay, Cardiff, CF99 INA,
Wales, UK. spin, (see also, Katbamna, 2004, suggesting
E-mail: leighton.andrew^sOwales.gov.uk that Royal Navy recruitment advertising was

Copyright © 2006 John WUey & Sons, Ltd. Journal of Public Affairs, February 2006
32 Leighton Andrews

'spinning the official line on Iraq'.) Standard ple, it is said of Osama bin Laden that 'his grasp
government press releases are also defined as of spin is chilling' (Magnet, 2001). Pitcher goes
spin (Gilfeather, 2002b). further: 'anything of w^hich one disapproves
But spin today also defines relationships has become spin' (Pitcher, 2002).
between a business and its stakeholders. The The development oispin as a word has gone
New Economics Foundation, recording the through a number of stages which will be
development of Corporate Social Responsibil- addressed in the course of this article. First, as a
ity programmes within business, warns that technical definition of a certain tactic used in
they are so much 'Corporate Spin'. (NEF, 2000) political campaigning; then loosely as a general
Beder (2002) analyses what she calls the term for political campaigning activities; to
'corporate assault on environmentalism' as describe the media operations of certain
'global spin'. governments, notably in the US and the UK;
The term is often used anachronistically. and finally, as a description of the profession of
Bernard Ingham is the 'spinner of yesteryear' public relations. It now^ has w^idespread popu-
(Atticus, 2002, and see Pitcher, 2002: p. 41) lar usage, which has arisen through two
though the term was not in widespread use principal processes: the celebrification of the
during his v^^ork for Mrs Thatcher. It has also role of the spin-doctor: and the deep cultural
been used of Kennedy's press secretary, Pierre resonance of the phrase 'spin' itself, which has
Salinger (Henley, 2004). Similarly, it has been become tabloid shorthand for the process of
used to define the profession of public relations political debate.I want to argue particularly that
itself (Ewen, 1996) and to define one of its the popular identity of the spin-doctor was
founding fathers (Tye, 1998; note also Pitcher, firmly entrenched by 1997, and that no matter
2002: p. 41). Had either book been written how New Labour behaved in office, the
even a decade earlier, it is unlikely that the discourse of 'spin' would drive one of the
word spin would have featured in their title. primary defining narratives for the manage-
Increasingly it features in similar w^ays in ment of government communications.
general reporting, for example in a review of
the latest film version of Graham Greene's Tbe
Quiet American: Spin: meanings
Steven Bamett, Professor of Communications
As Greene might have suggested, it all comes at Westminster University, has noted 'every
down to that point at which plain words now and then a word or phrase appears w^hich,
become political spin (Thomson, 2002). quite suddenly and unexpectedly, seems to
Or in history: capture a mood'. (Bamett, 2000) Bamett's
focus is the phrase, now widespread in media
Who was the greatest spin doctor of all? commentary on culture, dumbing Down.
Winston Churchill, Because he turned Similar views could have been expressed in
Dunkirk into a kind of victory (John Serjeant, the 1980s of a phrase like Political Correctness,
in Clarke, 2002). (Dunant, 1994) or for the phrase 'The chatter-
ing classes' (Watkins, 1989). The same might
One historian has even applied the term to also be said for Spin.
the presentation of the record of history in
It is important to define spin at the outset.
medieval England (Sharman, 2000).
Chambers (2002) defines it as follow^s:
In government, there are clear implications
As a noun:
of the spread of spin as a description, for
political life and campaigning. Spin has become said of infonnation, a news report, etc.
a euphemism for deceit and manipulation. But especially that of a political nature: a favour-
it has now been generalised to mean addition- able bias. The PR department willput a spin
ally, propaganda (Brow^n, 2003): so, for exam- on it.

Copyright © 2006 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Journal of Public Affairs, February 2006
spin: from tactic to tabloid 33

As a verb: on a particular story. The terms of his request

gave us a bit of a laugh.
to tell lies, spun a complex web of lies.
The political journalist Andy McSmith (1996)
It is of course difficult to talk about spin
believes that the phrase came into use in the UK
without also talking about its practitioners,
in the period after the 1988 US Presidential
who are spin doctors:
election, and provides a useful definition of
someone, especially in politics, who tries to how spin doctors operate:
influence public opinion by putting a favour-
able bias on information when it is presented Spin doctors are a product of the age of
to the public or to the media. instant communication, operating in the tiny
Moloney (2001) has noted that spin is a space between when a political event takes
'culturally rich metaphor' in the British con- place and vv^hen it is first reported to the wide
text. Though it appears to derive from US public.
baseball, it could equally have developed from
cricket, with equally deep resonances in Manning (2001: p. 114) sees the crucial art of
Britain. Esser et al. (op.cit.) comment: the spin-doctor as being 'how^ to bargain with
information: how much to release, when it
Spin doctors mainly exist because there is no should be released to optimise its value and
such thing as objective truth. Facts, figures, what can be secured in retum for the release of
events and w^ords all have different meanings information'.
to different people. So their interpretation is The phrase spin w^as occasionally in use in PR
the key issue. world in late 80s in UK:
When does spin start to become noticed as a We are by no means immune here from
phrase in politics? The first reference has been attempts to put a Government 'spin' on the
tracedbyBayley(1999:p. 186: see also Obome, day's news (Mathieu, 1989).
1999: p. 117) to Saul Bellow's 1977 Jefferson
lecture, where he talks of politicians 'capturing John Tusa argued in 1989 that 'what has
the Presidency itself with the aid of spin happened since 1979 appears to be a tighten-
doctors' (Bellow, 1994). ing and refining by a host of ministerial minders
of the rules of engagement' (Tusa, 1989), but
Chambers, however, says the real etymology
the likliehood is that the 1988 US Presidential
of the phrase spin doctor is the 1980s. In
election ('which some called the year of the
broader use, according to Vallely (1995), spin
handler') began the process of focusing atten-
'first appeared in 1984, in the New York Times,
tion on election 'image-makers'. Gitlin says:
and migrated across the Atlantic in 1988'.
Journalist and political speech-w^riter William
Safire notes the NY Times editorial, October 21, This w^as the campaign that made 'sound
1984 referring to the 'Spin Doctors, senior bite', 'spin control', 'spin doctor', 'handler'
advisers to the candidates' who w^ould be and 'photo op' (for 'oppportunity') into
spouting opinions on candidate performance household phrases (Gitlin, 1991).
later that night at the end of the Reagan- Spin and spin-doctor did not make it really
Mondale presidential debate (Safire, 1993). into wide usage until after the 1992 British
Bernard Ingham has said (Ingham, 1996): General and US Presidential elections. The first
joumalistic use in the UK is believed to have
It was, I think, in 1988 that, batting on the No been in 1987 by the Guardian's Michael White
10 Downing street wicket, I first heard of and Alex Bmmmer (White, 1998). In profes-
spin. A Daily Telegraph reporter telephoned sional circles, the BBC's Nicholas Jones was
the press office to ask us to give him the 'spin' using the term by 1990 Gones, 1990).

Copyright © 2006 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Journal of Public Affairs, February 2006
34 Leighton Andrews

Appearing before the Select Committee on to try to massage how reporters interpreted
Public Administration, Mike Granatt, then Head the meaning of the event. Spinning gave
of the GICS, was asked to define spin. He told political handlers a chance to explain away
the committee: and thus repair the damage a candidate had
done to himself, or to inflict damage on the
There are about as many definitions of spin as opponent that their candidate might not
there are people who spin actually Do have.... Debates in particular w^ere suited to
I spin? If I am talking on behalf of the civil spin because they w^ere difficult to analyse
service and I am trying to make sure people The UK does not have Presidential debates or
understand the point and I gloss it, I suppose even debates between party leaders in General
I am spinning. In terms of whether people in Elections. Instead, party political conferences,
my service or I, if I am a director, spin w^hen especially after the delivery of leaders' keynote
something happens, in terms of whether we speeches, provide the most obvious UK con-
should get stuck in and explain a particular text (Lansley, 1995; McSmith, 1996; Gaber,
gloss on an event which has happened so 2000; Stanyer, 2001, passim).
that the position of the department and Rosenstiel also noted that the development
the Minister are clear, then I plead guilty to of 24-hour news channels, and the increasing
that. That is what I understand by 'spin' competition between news outlets, contribu-
(Granatt, 2000). ted to the development of spin:
The increasing use of the term 'spin' of Spin also thrived because newspapers
course, suggests a time when politics was increasingly felt they had to bring something
unspun, more honest and open (Bew^es, 2000): more to the events they covered than simply
and we get an occasional glimpse of that w^hen telling people what happened. Television
certain politicians are seen as plain-spoken had already done that. So analyzing the
and uncomplicated, as when Estelle Morris strategy behind the debate became part of
resigned (Daily Mirror, 2002). the morning story (Rosenstiel: p. 310; see
also McCurry, 1996).
Original meanings He also argued that spin doctors became
According to Brendan Bruce (1992), Director gradually became bolder, venturing into press
of Communications at Conservative Central rooms in 1988, and by 1992 the press rooms
Office from 1989 to 1991: had become formal parts of the spin-doctors
itinerary. After one debate the Clinton cam-
Although lazy journalists sometimes use the paign burst into the press room before debate
term carelessly to refer to any image maker, it ended to make an impact of confidence. 'Spin
has in fact a very specialized meaning. The had become institutionalized': and as a conse-
concept w^as invented in the US and devel- quence, said Rosenstiel, it had become useless
oped originally as part of the process and was now dead.
whereby the briefers fought to claim victory President Bush's Press Secretary Mary Matalin
in the Ford-Carter [Presidential] debates. gave an honest overview after the 1992 campaign:
The principle to be established was that who The spin room is now^ a campaign constant,
claims victoryfirsthas won. As Tom Rosenstiel and the concept of hordes of reporters and
(1994: p. 309), LA Times Media and Political media personalities screaming at operatives
Correspondent, records: and spokesmen has entered the mainstream.
(Matalin and Carville, 1994: p. 400)
Spin was a uniquely American political
practice whereby, after a political event But US political professionals have no fears
had ended, campaign operatives emerged about owning up to spinning themselves, so

Copyright © 2006 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Journal of Public Affairs, February 2006
spin: from tactic to tabloid 35

Matalin, describing the technique in more report, he gave a linguistic signal to indicate
detail: that here was a curious term: 'the so-called
spin-doctors.' 'So-called allowed the speaker
Fact Correction was phase one. Phase tw^o to imply distance: the word w^as not really his
was political spin. Charlie would gather all word, but belonged to the strange world he
the spiimers together and give us marching was describing. Moreover, he explained the
orders. We were not responsible for memor- word, as if he expected his auditors to be
ising the fact sheets already distributed; our baffled by the neologism.
job was to put a positive spin on our
candidate's performance, and to denigrate But by the end of the campaign, they note:
the opposition (Ibid: p. 394).
the words had slipped into everyday news
Nor is this simply an attribute of the political usage: it could be used without definition
right. Her then partner, now husband, James or pause. ... In two weeks the word had
Carville, who headed political strategy for become a standard, natural description,
Governor Clinton publicly accept their depicting the world as-it-is.
involvement: Certainly, Labour's political opponents are
always keen to pin the label on Labour, as in the
That's all one hundred percent pure, una- 1992 election, when the Conservative spin
dulterated, unrefined, unfiltered, spin. And doctor Tim Collins, later an MP, said of Neil
everybody knows it's spin, us them, the Kinnock's performance at Labour's Sheffield
world Gbid: p. 402). rally: 'Labour's spin doctors must have been
salving through their w^rists' on Kinnock's
Carville says: Sheffield rally (in Jones, 1992). Media coverage
of elections became a story in itself in the 1992
The spin-room is the presidential equivalent
election, with the Guardian's Hugo Young
of the locker-room after the big game. But it's
presenting a programme on the broadcasters
a locker room where you don't know the
and party image-creation. (Channel 4,1992).
score. In fact, if you work hard enough you
Peter Riddell, Political Editor of The Times,
can tell them the score (Ibid: p. 401).
afterwards recalled that:
Studying the 1992 British General Election, The very term 'spin doctors' rapidly became
Michael Billig, David Deacon, Peter Golding a cliche in discussion of the parties' handling
and Sue Middleton, Loughborough University of the media, and consciously borrowed
Social scientists, found through media content from the US (Riddell, 1992).
analysis that many of the stories were about
behind-the-new^s operations. They paid parti- Gould (1999) also dates its arrival in Britain to
cular attention to a 12 March news report by 1999, though Pitcher (2002) recalls:
the BBC's Michael Crick for BBC Nine O'Clock
New^s. Crick said 'every day the so-called spin- I went to a Private Eye lunch in 1992 where
doctors from each party will be trying to the term came as news to editor Ian Hislop.
persuade the broadcasters to accept their For Labour, prior to the election victory of
interpretation and their agenda'. 1997, admitting to spin w^as a dangerous sin:
The researchers comment (Billig etal., 1993) the real issues are always about policy. Peter
Mandelson's comments go to the heart of this:
A linguistic curiosity illustrates the extent to
w^hich the news about campaign concerned It's been claimed that I was the first person
images and presentation. WTien Crick pro- in British politics to be labelled a spin-
duced that early feature and, when he doctor The truth is, of course, that much
introduced the w^ord 'spin-doctor' into his of the ballyhoo about presentation w^as a

Copyright © 2006 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Journal of Public Affairs, February 2006
36 Leighton Andrews

smokescreen covering the real disagreements When Clinton moved into the WTiite House,
about policy... The myth of spin-doctor, as he took his communications chief George
conjurer, brings in its train a whole retinue of Stephanopoulos w^ith him. In his autobiogra-
misconceptions, in particular the 'black art' of phy (1999), Stephanopoulos accepts the term
briefing journalists (Mandelson, 1996) 'the President's spin doctor' (p. 310), and
confirms his role in running 'the White House
In the US, the Republicans are happy to stick spin machine' (p. 438). He defines his job in
the label on the Democrats: more strategic terms, however, which closely
That's more Carville Spin (Matalin/Carville: follow those of New Labour in government
later: 'The job is to think about policy, politics
p. 359)
and the press all at once' (Remnick, 1996).
and At this time Spin rapidly passes into profes-
sional jargon as a legitimate description of
I got the big spin Gbid: p. 13)
government communications in the United
States. John Maltese entitles his book on the
Spin outside elections role of the White House Office of Communica-
and into government tions Spin Control (Maltese, 1994). Summaris-
ing the Clinton media machine, political
So spin clearly began as a concept in US
correspondent How^ard Kurtz titles his book
election campaigns. Even there it moves from
Spin Cycle (Kurtz, 1998). But it is perhaps
being simply a tactic used after debates to being
Kurtz's subtitle that is more telling: Inside the
a description of arguing a position through with
Clinton Propaganda Machine. In six short
reporters. Carville admits to doubts about the
years, spin has moved from electoral tactic to
usefulness of the approach, but sees it as a fact
become synonymous with propaganda, an
of life, a part of the political game of agenda-
organized process of persuasion. Similarly,
setting with journalists. Asked by a journalist
Nick Robinson, ITN's Chief Political Corre-
whether post-debate spin made any difference,
spondent, referred to 'The Government's
he answered that it did not but it had to be
Propaganda Chief, Alastair Campbell' in ITN
done:
News 9 o'clock bulletin on the 1st April 2003.
Because if I didn't do it, you'd say that we lost Part of the reason may be the media's
and we were scared to come out and defend continuing desire to wrote about itself. The
our candidate (402). online magazine. Slate, started a feature called
the week/the spin when it launched in 1996
But spin moves beyond just the post-debate (Kinsley, 1996), which w^as to focus on 'meta-
argument, into day-to-day communications news—news about the news, a sense of how
with journalists. As Carville says: the week's key stories are being played and
When you're spinning a reporter, you're perceived... .and the spin they're getting'.
telling them how to look at a story. Or you're As Gaber notes (2000), Spin in Government
telling them they're covering it wrong I'd becomes controversial for two reasons:
make anywhere from three to ten spin calls a - The term spin itself, associated with elec-
day. More on a Friday. Friday is a big, big spintions, does not suggest the impartial relaying
day (431). of information expected from governments
to the media or the public.
And Matalin confirms:
- Meanwhile spin as practice suggests the
My first call was to Atm Devroy at The danger that government is used as an
Washington Post. Unfortunately for politi- election machine, implying improper use
cians she has a really astute political mind- of public funds, and corruption of public
. . . She knew I was spinning (Ibid: p. 79). servants into party apparatchiks.

Copyright © 2006 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Journal of Public Affairs, February 2006
spin: from tactic to tabloid 37

New Labour in opposition O.J.Simpson trial might detract from it (Stanyer,

2001: pp. 96-105 and 130-1; Brunson, 1995). As
In Opposition, New Labour was famed for
the BBC's then Director-General, John Birt,
the strength of its media machine. Labour's
records:
election operation was based in London's
Millbank Tower and 'Millbank' became a term Alastair Campbell in opposition once over-
of abuse for anything done in the name of New stepped the mark and wrote a public letter to
Labour, According to senior Dow^ning Street the BBC demanding that Tony Blair's con-
aide Pat McFadden 'the very name Millbank ference speech should be placed ahead of
became a byword for ruthless professionalism, the O.J.Simpson trial verdict. I responded in
speed and determination' (McFadden, 2002), public, labelling his fax 'crass and inap-
Like many other initiatives that owed their propriate' (Birt, 2002: 290).
origins to lessons learned by New Labour from
Clinton's campaign, 'The idea of moving Labour It is in 1995 that Bernard Ingham complains:
campaigning to one modem, central space came All this worship of spin-doctors is becoming
from those of us who had worked on Clinton's silly —Politics and journalism were much
campaign in 1992' (Gould, 1998a: p. 298), healthier when we were called—at least
Labour's formidable communications ma- officially—press or information officers
chine in opposition has been well-documented —Spin doctors should keep their feet on
from the early days of Mandelson 'the master the ground (Ingham, 1995 and see also
of spin' (Maclntyre, 1997) as Communica- Ingham, 2003).
tions Director with the Shadow Communica-
tions Agency, providing advertising, polling and The next year, in an influential speech.
media support (Franklin, 1994; Scammell, 1995; Conservative chair Brian Mawhinney says that
Gould, 1998; Maclntyre, 1999; Routledge, spin doctors have become more high profile.
1999). The media side was significantly strength- (Maw^hinney, 1996), and there is an increased
ened after Blair became leader in 1994 and emphasis in media coverage, with the BBC
appointed Alastair Campbell, the Daily Mirror's running a series called Spin (Eldridge, Kitzinger
Political Editor, as his Chief Press Spokesperson. and Williams, 1997: p, 113 and 120)andin 1996
The influence of Campbell and other Labour a Panorama programme, iPR Week, 1996).
spokes people as spin-doctors becomes more By 1996, Steve Richards, Political Editor of
widely the subject of media comment from this the ne^v Statesman, is claiming that spin-
time Oones, 1995a,b). Spin-doctors were essen- doctors have become 'near-mythical figures'
tial to explaining Blair's first speech to a Labour (Richards, 1996)
Party conference as leader in 1994, in which he Spin, however, is coming to mean the entire
announced that Labour would produce a new range of election weaponry as Labour builds a
statement of objectives: in fact, the abolition of formidable campaigning machine:
the controversial Clause IV of the Party's con-
stitution (Jones, 1999; Routledge, 1999). We restructured our campaigning around a
But it ^vas arguably the 1995 Conference war-room in w^hich all campaign operations
speech, the first when Campbell was officially and all campaign personnel were in the same
Blair's spokes person, that attracted most cover- physical space; opposition activity was con-
age of 'spin', with suggestions that there ere stantly monitored; attacks were instantly
confusions between the different press spokes rebutted; dialogue w^ith the electorate was
persons, David Hill, Campbell, Mandelson, Joy constant (Gould 1998b; The Times, 1997),
Johnson and Charlie Whelan. 0ones, 1999;
There was a real focus on agenda-setting:
Stanyer, 2001) Campbell, in particular, sought
to ensure widespread coverage for Blair's Gaining momentum means dominating the
speech, and \vas anxious that the verdict in the news agenda, entering the new^s cycle at the

Copyright © 2006 John WUey & Sons, Ltd, Journal of Public Affairs, February 2006
38 Leighton Andrews

earliest possible time, and repeatedly re- sion, on the other hand, at least as presently
entering it, with stories and initiatives that constituted, needs personalities 'current'
ensure that subsequent news coverage is set affairs, conflicts, dramas and mini-dramas,
on your terms. It means anticipating and pre- verbal duels. Its time spans are compressed
empting your opponent's likely manoeuvres, and its narratives archetypical. In the tens-
giving them no room to breathe, keeping ion between the two, it is the logic of the
them on the defensive. It means defining meditim that has triumphed (Ginsboutg, 2004).
the political debate on your terms (Gould
1998a: p, 294). By 1997, celebrity had transferred from
politicians to spin-doctors as well (Moloney,
Labour also made significant investments in 2000). Like politicians, spin-doctors are also
personnel, such as its Rapid Rebuttal Unit, subject to the attentions of the tabloids:
designed to respond immediately to claims by
The tabloid press provides a scandalous tum
the Conservatives (for example, Maclntyre and
on the meaning of the celebrity and presents
Wyrm-Davies, 1995; Robins, 1997), and also
us with the possibility that the supposed
in computer hardware and software, in the
unique talents of celebrities are vulnerable
shape of their advanced Excalibur system.
and subject to dramatic falls as well as to
(Carr, 1997; McFadden, 2002), All of these
equally impressive moments of contrition
developments became part of the mythology of
and resurrection (Marshall, 1997),
Labour spin. As Gould has said himself of spin-
doctoring: Celebrity stmctures the relationship bet-
Somehow the name came to include anyone ween the media and politicians. It reduces
or anything included in what are believed to politics to personality clashes, and policy to
be the 'black arts' of campaigning (Gould, process. The discourse about media presenta-
1998a: p, 334). tion of politics is increasingly a discourse about
celebrity, about the individual actions of one or
another 'spin-doctor', reducing 'the cultural
Celebrity, the tabloids and television meaning of events, incidents and people to
The relationship of entertainment and politics their psychological make-up' (Marshall, 1997),
has a long history. The transfer of Hollywood- A reality TV show has been used to pick a spin
developed publicity skills to politics has been doctor for Israel (Urquhart, 2004),
well-documented Qarvie, 1992; Mitchell, 1993; Politics is now a soap opera, structured and
Puttnam, 1997; Schroeder, 2004). The develop- developed for tabloid consumption. The West
ment of politicians-as-celebrities has been Wing is literally the political world's own 'soap
analysed to death since Neil Postman's early opera'. It is 'avidly watched by Labour spin-
observations (Postman, 1987; Schickel, 2000; doctors' (Shrimsley, 2002). The Prime Minister is
Comer and Pels, 2003). Moloney (2001) has said to be a fan (Cockerell, 2004). In the UK, even
wamed of spin's role in this process. As Paul right-wing Conservatives enjoy it (Smith, 2004).
Ginsbourg has observed in his recent book on The West Wing is unusual however in its
Berlusconi: treatment of politics. The West Wing can be
argued to be a way of introducing voters into
The logic of democratic politics and the logic stories that are not fully explained in traditional
of television make uneasy companions. media coverage, including the process of govern-
Democratic politics depends upon lengthy ance, and the realities of the relationship
and complicated policy processes, upon the between the media, politicians and their staff
diffusion of power, upon participation in (Pampper, 2003), It can even be used as a peda-
decision-making. Its time-spans are pro- gogic tool (Beavers, 2003). Unlike the cynical
tracted and its narratives often undramatic. joumalistic view that politicians and their aides
It is sceptical of charismatic figures. Televi- are simply interested in self-advancement. The

Copyright © 2006 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd, Journal of Public Affairs, February 2006
spin: from tactic to tabloid 39

West Wing actually treats them as human beings poulos (Morris, 2000). He is supposedly the
seeking to deal with complicated issues (Pamp- model for the narrator in the anonymous novel
per; Levine, 2003). As Van Zooner observes Primary Colours (Rhodes, 1996). The Deputy
Mayor—the Michael J. Fox character—in ABC
Soap conventions enable this political drama
series Spin City is said to be based on him
to produce a hybrid understanding of poli-
(Morris, op cit). The series began in the autumn
tics, in which the different logics of rational
of 1996, at the same time as the Clinton re-
policy development, ieological struggle,
election campaign. The series itself fed back
personal convictions and preferences, pub-
into the real political campaign: Philip Gould
lic relations requirements, incompetence
recounts how the media area at one Presiden-
and bureaucracy, unite into a coherent and
tial debate in 1996 'had a huge sign over it
persuasive picture of 'best possible' political
saying SPIN CITY' (Gould, 1998a: p. 333).
practice (Van Zooner, 2003).
Stephanopoulos himself appeared in an epi-
Most political shows do not fall into the sode of Spin City early in 1997 (ABC, 2002).
same category. Almost universally, they depict Alastair Campbell has posters of a Paramount
politicians and their aides as vain, pompous, Comedy Channel advertising campaign for Spin
craven, lacking intelligence or integrity, fo- City on his bathroom wall. It is a mark of
cused on career-advancement. They feed into Cambell's own celebrity status that he was
and draw^ energy from the tabloid style of depo- the focus of the ad. (Guardian, 2003; Ahmed,
sing deference and bringing people down to 2003)
earth (Street, 2001). The tabloid representation Finally Sam Seaborn, played by Rob Low^e, in
of 'spin-doctors' feeds this same demand. T.V.'s The West Wing is supposed to be based
Moloney (2001) sees 'the incorporation of spin on him (Morris, 2002). Lowe himself denies this
into everyday language' as denoting 'a deflation in the DVD collection of the first series: 'First of
of the powerful', and therefore represents a all, I just need to tell everybody he (Martin
form of holding government to account. Sheen) is not Clinton; I am not Stephanopou-
lous' (Warner Brothers, 2002). But a large
Celebrity Spin-doctors section of the West Wing fan website
www.bartlett4america.org is devoted to 'The
As Street observes, the spin-doctor has become Clinton Connection' and says 'The first three
'a cultural icon' (Street, 2001: p. 145). Initially, seasons of The West Wing are peppered with
Stephanopoulos is the person w^ho embodies political problems that may seem oddly familiar'.
this. He is 'the world's most famous spin- Martin Sheen himself of course is an actor
doctor'(Draper, 1997). As spin moves into who doubles as an anti-war activist in the USA.
common currency, he is 'the most talked about (Campbell, 2003). In 2003, Carville and Matalin
practitioner' (Morris, 2000). He 'was treated are appearing in George Clooney's new drama
like a rock star' (Kurtz, 1998): series about the world of Washington political
During the first months of the Clinton era, consultancy (Russell, 2003). The UK also boasts
Stephanopoulos with his boyish good looks, its own less successful attempts to bring the
tousled hair, and aura of pow^er, enjoyed a world of spin to the small screen, such as The
brief flurry of attention from the tabloids as Project (Hellen and Brooks, 2001). The rela-
the sexiest man in the President's inner circle. tionship between Alastair Campbell and Tony
Gossip columnists ^vrote stories on his dating Blair is satirised in Bremner, Bird and Fortune,
habits, his taste in restaurants, and other with Campbell allegedly bullying Blair into
personal aspects of his life (Walsh, 1996). decisions. In Michael Dobbs' Hose of Cards the
politician is cleverer and more devious than the
Hollywood soon gets in on the act. The spin-doctor and the journalist. Other fictional
President's adviser in the movie The American representations of 'spin' included the movie
President is allegedly modelled on Stephano- Wag the Dog (www.wag-the-dog.com) based

Copyright © 2006 John WUey & Sons, Ltd, Journal of Public Affairs, February 2006
40 Leighton Andrews

on the Larry Beinhart thriller American Hero 1997) broadcast in the summer of Labour's
(1993), which was in fact a satire on the 1997 victory 'made him a star' (Lloyd, 1997).
Republican's late spin-doctor Lee Atwater, Lloyd argued:
and the airport bestseller Spin (Geary, 1995).
Even the Queen's former Press Secretary got in The star w^as WTielan: hyperactive, frank,
on the act: (Shea, 1995) and latterly, so too has profane, funny; and because the cameras
the former Whitehall communications chief found a star to power the 50 hours of footage
Martin Sixsmith (Sixsmith, 2004). from which 2 hours had to be carved, it stuck
with him.
In real life, Stephanopoulos's lifestyle is
glamorized. He and Carville are the stars of Whelan subsequently said he came over as 'a
a documentary on the Clinton campaign, slightly naive, foul-mouth spin-doctor' (Whe-
(Pennebaker, 1994). He gets a $3m book lan, 2000).
contract for his memoirs (Rhodes, op. cit). He The glamour of Millbank transferred itself
becomes a TV pundit and then host of ABC's to the campaign staff who worked there. Some
This Week (Donegan, 2002). He was regularly connection with Millbank became a passport
linked to the New Labour campaign in 1996 to jobs in the early euphoria of 1997. Many
(Guardian, 1996; Independent, 1996). By lobbying and PR companies hired young
1996, the Editor of Campaigns and Elections staffers who had been often quite junior
magazine was warning of the danger of political personnel at Millbank (Economist, 1999;
consultants becoming 'polebrities—political Michie, 1998). Spin and lobbying became
insiders who become celebrities' (Faucheux, intrinsically linked as a result. Lobbying became
1996). It is generally a given amongst PR a sub-branch of the spindustry. The arts of spin
operatives that they should never become the became publicly saleable commodities, and
story, as that would mean distracting attention boasting of the skills of spin appeared for a
from the policy of the politician they serve. period to be popular, resulting in books like
For some young male New^ Labour figures that of Richards (1999). But the bubble was
spinning had become glamorous: 'where it to burst with lobbying scandals such as
really counts (lobbying, policy wonkery and 'Drapergate'—principally a 'sting' by the
spin mastery) power remains firmly in male Observer newspaper on three lobbying com-
hands.' (Wilkinson, 1998). Dee Dee Myers had panies, GPC, GJW and LLM (Observer,
a similar complaint about the White House 1998a,b). The high-profile lobbying activities
(Brodie, 1996; Levine, 2003). Certainly, the of Derek Draper and the high-octane spin of
behaviour of some of the younger New Labour Charlie Whelan may have been the exceptions,
apparatchiks appeared to suggest that they had but they gave a strong sense of young-ish males
come to enjoy spinning for the sake of it—and intoxicated with pow^er. Pitcher alleges that
the recognition of proximity to power it Millbank was 'a very sexy place to w^ork. You
suggested. They certainly excited envy. One could cut the testosterone and oestrogen with a
Labour minister commented anonymously to chain-saw' (Pitcher, 2002: p. 81). For a brief
Ian Hargreaves and Steve Richards in 1997: period, thanks to the cult of celebrity and the
short-term glamour of Millbank, spin was sexy.
These people are running around like pigs in
shit, w^ith their bloated salaries, chauffeur-
driven cars, and their mobile phones, invent- Conclusion
ing government policy in pubs (Hargreaves By the time New Labour entered Government,
and Richards, 1997). the cult of the spin-doctor was firmly estab-
Treasury spin-doctor Charlie Whelan's appe- lished, and the discourse of spin clearly
arance in a documentary on the Treasury ('an defined. The problem for New Labour in
injudicious celebration of the spin-doctoring Government is that the tabloid, popular focus
skills of Whelan' (Hargreaves and Richards, on spin and process has come to dominate all

Copyright © 2006 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd, Journal of Public Affairs, February 2006
spin: from tactic to tabloid 41

discussion of Government Communications. nication operations, but it has also come to

In Government, there have been three main describe all organized communication. Valle-
elements which have further contributed to ly's early article notes that royalty and financial
New Labour's reputation for spin: the moder- PR have spin-doctors. 'Politicians rely on them,
nization of the Government media machine; tycoons swear by them, even the Queen has
the attempts to re-shape the Government's one. Paul Valely reports on the unstoppable rise
own communications strategy at different of the spin-doctors' (Vallely, 1995). PR is now
stages of its life; and specific incidents of seen as a fashionable career, described as spin:
spin—spincidents—which have revolved aro-
und different individuals with responsibility for This is a sophisticated generation. They seem
communications strategy or implementation. It to have grown up very quickly but to have
is these incidents which people remember— totally imbibed the culture of spin and
and they have overshadowed the Govern- surface: but then again with everyone from
ment's necessary reforms of its media machine. a prince to a chancellor of the exchequer
Certainly we have now reached a time when marrying PR girls, maybe it is not so
any form of communications by a government surprising (Stevens, 2002).
is described as spin.
Leading PR consultants are described as spin-
Today then, spin has made the progression doctors, such as Alan Parker of Brunswick: 'A
from a simple election post-debate tactic to an spin doctor sets his sights high' (Michie, 1998;
all encompassing word for communication by Blackhurst, 2000; Tomkins, 2001; Johnson,
government. This journalistic concern has 2004). Pitcher (2002) argues that it all started
been fed at different moments by specific in the arena of financial PR.
incidents w^hich have appeared to demonstrate As the BBC's Media Correspondent, Torin
crises within the Government's management of Douglas has recognised:
the media, all of which are categorized as spin.
These have been the incidents which have The problem is that 'spin' has become shor-
taken the word spin clearly into the popular thand for the whole apparatus of corporate
domain through the tabloid press. They include and public relations, much ofwhich is perfect-
events such as resignations of Ministers such as ly proper —Spin's sin has been to damage
Peter Mandelson and Stephen Byers, press credibility and forfeit trust—the very oppo-
spokespeople such as Charlie Whelan, Jo site of good communications (Douglas, 2002).
Moore and Martin Sixsmith; the saga of Cherie
Blair's dealings with Peter Foster; the Prime So serious has this become that the British
Minister's discussions with Black Rod in rela- Institute of Public Relations held a conference
tion to the Queen Mother's funeral, the at the end of 2002 entitled Public Relations—
lobbygate expose, and many others Qones, substance or spin? The IPR's President Ian
2001; Franklin, 2003). Wright called for spin doctors to sign up to a
Major enquiries into Government Commu- general industry ethics code (Wright, 2001).
nications— by the Select Committee on Public One PR professional closely associated with
Administration, by the Committee on Standards New Labour, Colin Byrne, has blamed the
in Public Life, Mountfield, Phillis and of course media for its obsession with spin 'The trashing
Hutton—which deserve discussion on their of our desire to communicate w^ith target
ow^n merits have in many quarters simply audiences, via the media, as "spin" and there-
provided platforms which have kept the spin fore suspect, has implications for all PR
story moving forward. professionals' (Byrne, 2002).
Not only has the word 'spin' moved beyond Some writers have expressed their concern
its original origins as a description of a limited that the media has become so cynical that it is
election tactic into a general description, at now deeply and fundamentally suspicious of all
least in the US and UK of government commu- political communication and all politicians.

Copyright © 2006 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Journal of Public Affairs, February 2006
42 Leighton Andrews

(O'Neill, 2002; Bamett, 2002a,b; Kettle, 2002; References

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