Developmental perspective on anger 1

Running head: DEVELOPMENTAL PERSPECTIVE ON ANGER

A developmental perspective on anger: Family and peer contexts

Barbara D. DeBaryshe

University of Hawai`i

Dale Fryxell

Hawai`i University Affiliated Program

Psychology in the Schools, Vol. 35, 205-216

Author note: Address requests for reprints to the first author at: University of Hawai`i, Center on

the Family, 2515 Campus Road, 103 Miller Hall, Honolulu, HI 96822. E-mail:

debarysh@hawaii.edu.
 Developmental perspective on anger 2

Abstract

A model of the development of anger in family and peer contexts is presented. Emotional

socialization begins in early infancy, in the context of parent-infant caretaking. Children’s

awareness and understanding of their own and other people’s anger depends on exposure to

models of anger expression and conflict resolution, parental emotional coaching strategies such as

discussing feelings and problem-solving about emotion-based actions, coercive vs. authoritative

parenting practices, and opportunities to engage in constructive conflict resolution with family

members. Emotional socialization in the home affects children’s physiological reactivity and

physiological self-regulation, social information processing, and behavioral strategies for anger-

provoking situations. When the child brings these characteristics to the peer arena, anger and

emotion management skills affect peer social status, aggressive vs. prosocial peer interactions and

the ability to form and profit from close peer relationships. Implications for school psychologists

and other school personnel are discussed.

KEY WORDS: Anger, emotional socialization, emotional intelligence, parent-child

relations, peer relations

 Developmental perspective on anger 3

A Developmental Perspective on Anger: Family and Peer Contexts

Problems stemming from children’s undercontrolled expressions of anger and aggression

are among the most common and serious concerns of parents and teachers (McGee, Silva &

Williams, 1983). Despite widespread concern with the negative consequences for both affected

individuals and society as a whole, there has been remarkably little attention paid to anger per se.

While a voluminous literature exists on the etiology and sequellae of children’s aggressive and

antisocial behavior, the theorized accompanying characteristic difficulty with anger frequency,

anger management and anger expression have received scant attention.

The purpose of this paper is to present a developmental model of anger. We will explore

how children come to recognize and label emotions in themselves and others, how they come to

learn appropriate or inappropriate methods for dealing with anger, and what links may exist

between manifestations of anger in family and peer settings. We will show how emotional

socialization within the family affects children’s physiological regulation of emotional states, social

information processing, and response strategies in emotion-laden situations. We will then explore

the links between these aspects of children’s emotional competence and the quality of their peer

interactions and relationships with peers. Finally, we will discuss the implications of this review

for improving school-based anger management and conflict resolution programs.

Anger and the Family Context

Family life is our first school for emotional learning; in this intimate cauldron we

learn how to feel about ourselves and how others will react to our feelings; how to

think about these feelings and what choices we have in reacting; how to read and

express hopes and fears. This emotional schooling operates not just through the

things that parents say and do directly to children, but also in the models they offer

for handling their own feelings and those that pass between husband and
 Developmental perspective on anger 4

wife...How parents treat their children--whether with harsh discipline or empathic

understanding, with indifference or warmth and so on--has deep and lasting

consequences for the child’s emotional life (Goleman, 1995, pp. 189-190).

Family Members as Emotional Coaches

Family members, particularly parents, play a crucial role in emotional socialization. Family

members may be the cause of different emotional experiences, depending on the content and

affective tenor of family interactions. Family members provide models of emotional expression

and affect-related coping and behavior strategies. Finally, family members provide direct

instruction, teaching children how to recognize and label emotions, and how to act on their

emotional states.

Early parental responsiveness to infant emotions. Infants and young children rely on

adults for help in regulating negative emotional states (Kopp, 1989). Neonatal distress is almost

entirely a function of physiological status and the young infant has only a small repertoire of

reflexive behaviors (such as sucking or shutting of the eyes) that have a self-soothing function.

Between 3-8 months, several important developments occur. The first is the emergence of

associative learning related to emotions. For example, the infant may calm at the sound of a

parent’s voice, as a conditioned response to the parent’s anticipated assistance. Infants also

attempt to control their environments through techniques such as voluntary crying or using

distinct calls to express different emotional states. Infants also engage in social referencing; in

ambiguous or novel situations, they look for the parent’s emotional reaction and use parental

affect as a guide for their own behavior. As infants express a wider variety of emotions, parents

show greater differentiation in their response to infant behaviors, e.g., mothers are more soothing

when the child is fearful than when the child is angry. Kopp proposes (a) that caretakers’
 Developmental perspective on anger 5

distinctive behaviors help infants recognize variation in their own emotional states and (b) that by

providing assistance at times of distress, parents teach children that the child’s own behavior can

be instrumental in soliciting assistance. She further proposes that true self-regulation of emotional

distress does not occur until age two when children have the requisite physical agility and

cognitive insights. Across the preschool years, parents increase their expectations for self-

regulation and gradually cede responsibility for emotional control to the child.

Kopp’s argument is similar to that proposed by a large number of attachment researchers.

In the attachment paradigm, consistent, responsive caretaking of infants, especially during times

of stress, is thought to be crucial. Responsive caretaking sets the stage for the development of a

secure parent-infant attachment. Securely attached infants are thought to have an unconscious,

positive “inner working model” of the world as a safe and welcoming place and the self as

efficacious in eliciting assistance (Cassidy & Berlin, 1994; Kobak, Cole, Ferenz-Gillies & Fleming,

1993). Cassidy and Berlin (1994) suggest that attachment in toddlers and preschoolers is

associated with distinct patterns of emotional regulation. Securely attached children have been

taught that their negative emotions will be soothed; they more openly express their emotions, are

most easily consoled and may be the most skillful and proactive in emotional self-regulation.

Insecurely attached infants have been taught either that their parents will reject their expressions

of negative emotion, or that negative affect will be met with inconsistent parental reactions. In

the first case these infants will suppress affect and avoid parental contact in stressful situations.

In the latter case, infants become emotionally labile, difficult to soothe and show conflicted

approach-avoidance patterns towards the parent during times of stress. Overall, a secure

attachment is associated with more positive social competence. Children with secure attachments

show more positive ego development, prosocial skills and social relationships across the lifespan

(Waters, Vaughn, Posada, Kondo-Ikemura, 1995).

 Developmental perspective on anger 6

Talking about emotions. Starting in toddlerhood, family members talk with children about

emotions. When young children exhibit negative emotions (anger or sad distress), mothers

attempt to teach their children how to interpret and act on these emotional states. Mothers’ label

their children’s emotions, provide explanations, and attempt to guide children’s behavior towards

acceptable resolutions (Saarni, Mume & Campos, 1997). Toddlers’ goals in the conversations are

primarily expressive, the aim is to let the mother know what they are feeling. Later, children

initiate talk about emotions when they themselves are in a neutral state; these more mature

conversations tend to be less emotionally self-centered (Dunn & Brown, 1994). Finally,

conversations between preschooolers and older siblings serve a complimentary function.

Compared to mothers, siblings are more interested in communicating their own states and

achieving self-interested goals (Brown & Dunn, 1992). Sibling discussions about emotions are

more frequent and more intense than discussions with mothers, and provide the preschooler with

more opportunities to focus on and talk about another person’s emotional state.

Talking about emotions appears to affect emotional competence. The frequency and

emotional intensity of mothers’ discussions about distress displayed by a third person is associated

with toddlers’ propensity to show comforting, altruistic behavior (Zahn-Waxler & Radke-Yarrow,

1979). The frequency of emotion-focused discussions at age three also predicts children’s

sensitivity to other people’s emotional signals at age six (Dunn, Brown & Beardsall, 1991; cited in

Saarni et al., 1997).

School age children and their parents most often discuss emotions in the context of

conversing about prohibited child behavior or peer issues. With older children, a nondirective,

reflective parental discussion style is associated with greater social competence. Nondirective

parents (a) encourage self-reflection by acknowledging the child’s feelings, (b) provide principles

about emotional causes and the consequences of the child’s actions, and (c) encourage the child to
 Developmental perspective on anger 7

try to apply these principles to his or her own situation. When parent-child discourse follows this

style, children show better social perspective-taking skills, greater person-centered peer

communication, and more positive peer relationships (Burlson, Delia, Applegate, 1995).

Noncrictical discussions of children’s real-world problems in which parents focus on eliciting and

understanding the child’s perspective without imposing a solution are also associated with more

rapid growth in the maturity of moral reasoning (Walker & Taylor, 1991).

Shaping children’s physical reactivity to emotional states. An important component of

emotional socialization is learning to regulate the physiological arousal that accompanies

distressed emotional states. Empathy, the ability to mirror another person’s emotions is a

prerequisite for most prosocial or altruistic behavior (Eisenberg et al., 1992). Empathic responses

may be adaptive or maladaptive. Sympathy, the adaptive variation, involves the expression of

concern and taking action to relieve another person’s distress while maintaining a low level of

arousal oneself. The maladaptive empathic response is one of personal distress. When faced with

other people’s negative emotions, some children (and adults) experience anxiety and heightened

physiological arousal. Personal distress inhibits prosocial responding and may disinhibit

aggressive reactions. Sympathy, on the other hand, is associated with positive peer status and

social competence (Cummings & Davies, 1994; Eisenberg & McNally, 1993).

Mothers’ personal empathic characteristics as well as their specific socialization practices

in response to child negative emotions appears to play a causal role in determining whether

children will show adaptive or maladaptive empathic responses. Mothers who are themselves

empathic, concerned and sympathetically responsive have the most empathic and self-regulating

children (Eisenberg et al., 1992; Eisenberg, Fabes & Murphy, 1996; Eisenberg & McNally, 1993).

Children are also more likely to show adaptive, sympathetic behaviors when (a) family discussions
 Developmental perspective on anger 8

focus on “gentle” negative emotions such as sadness and grief, (b) when mothers engage in other-

oriented induction by drawing links between their children’s own experiences and the distress

experiences of other people, and (c) when mothers express approval of children’s sympathetic acts

(Eisenberg et al., 1992).

Parents who show moderate encouragement of their children’s own negative emotional

expressions may be providing an optimal experience (Eisenberg, Fabes & Murphy, 1996). If

parents are overly permissive of negative expressions, children may not develop self control.

However, when the expression of negative emotions is too strongly discouraged, children remain

physiologically aroused, even if outward behavioral expressions are suppressed. Unresolved

arousal interferes with information processing, leads to withdrawal from the situation, and may

cause conditioned anxiety or helplessness. Supportive parental reactions to negative emotionality

include encouraging the child to express his or her feelings, providing comfort, and helping the

child problem solve about ways to handle the situation (Eisenberg et al, 1992). Supportive

parental reactions are associated with lower child negative emotionality, better coping skills, and

better peer relations. Unsupportive parental reactions such as minimizing or punishing children’s

expressions of negative states are associated with poorer coping and social skills.

Gottman has recently identified four distinctive styles of parental reactions to children’s

negative emotions (Gottman & DeClaire, 1997). Disapproving parents are actively critical or

punitive in reaction to their children’s negative emotions. Dismissing parents downplay or ignore

such emotions and attempt to distract their children, believing that negative emotions are harmful

and reflect poorly upon the parent. Laissez faire parents accept the child’s emotions empathically,

but do not know how to counsel their child in handling the negative emotional state; these parents

feel that emotional experiences must simply be ridden out. Finally, emotional coaches show both

empathic acceptance of negative emotions and supportive, directive guidance. Emotional coaches
 Developmental perspective on anger 9

approach a child’s negative state as a teachable moment; they want the child to learn adaptive,

positive response strategies. Emotional coaches (a) are sensitive in recognizing children’s

emotions, (b) are empathic listeners, (c) help the child label his or her feelings and (d) set limits

for acceptable and unacceptable behavior while exploring problem-solving strategies with the

child.

Longitudinal evidence suggests that emotional coaching is associated with a variety of

desirable child outcomes including better physical health, school performance, social skills, peer

relations and psychological well-being. By maternal report, children of emotional coaches show

more positive affect and less negative affect than children of other parental styles. Most

important, Gottman found evidence that emotional coaching was associated with better ability to

regulate stress at the level of autonomic physiology. Under conditions of stress the sympathetic

nervous system activates the “fight or flight syndrome.” The parasympathetic nervous system

exerts counter-acting control, or calming of physical arousal; specifically, the vagus nerve controls

parasympathetic response. Children of emotional coaches have high vagal tone. This enables

them to show quicker recovery to emotional distress and lower levels of overall arousability.

In summary, parents are involved from the very first days of their child’s life in shaping and

socializing their child’s emotional style. Emotional socialization by family members helps children

learn to recognize and label their own and other people’s emotions, influences both physiological

and behavioral capacities for emotional regulation, and provides children with models and

strategies for assisting other people in emotionally-charged situations. Although the refinement of

these skills is doubtless a life-long process, individual differences in the basic style of emotional

reactivity and emotion-related social behavior are clearly identifiable by the end of the preschool

period.

Children’s Experiences with Anger Among Family Members

 Developmental perspective on anger 10

Children as witnesses of anger. Considerable evidence shows that marital conflict co-

occurs with child dysfunction. Conflict between parents, whether in intact or divorced families, is

a risk factor for externalizing and internalizing behavior problems, low school achievement and

low social competence (Cummings & Davies, 1994; Grych & Finchum, 1990). The more specific

question as to how marital conflict might affect children’s understanding of anger and anger

management strategies has received less attention. A related issue is whether children can learn

positive lessons as a result of witnessing parental conflict. For example, can children learn that

anger does not necessarily impair relationships, and that conflicts can be constructively

negotiated?

Since children are frequent observers of interparental conflict, Cummings and his

colleagues have investigated the effects of witnessing adult anger (Cummings, Ballard, El-Sheik &

lake, 1991; Cummings & Davies, 1994; Cummings, Ianotti, & Zahn-Waxler, 1985; Cummings,

Pellegrini, Notarius, & Cummings, 1989; Cummings, Simpson, & Wilson, 1993; Cummings,

Zahn-Waxler, & Radke-Yarrow, 1981). One of the most striking findings of this work is that

children as young as 10 months of age show behavioral reactions to adult anger such as concerned

facial expressions or crying (Cummings et al., 1981). Among two- to five-year-olds, distress is an

almost universal reaction to observed adult anger, and the repertoire of distress reactions now

includes behaviors such as freezing, seeking comfort from the parents, discussing the incident, and

attempting to mediate the adult’s quarrel (Cummings et al., 1985, 1989). Preschoolers also

showed delayed anger as a common reaction (Cummings et al., 1985). After the adult conflict

subsides, preschoolers are likely to direct (nonimitative) aggressive behavior toward peers. Such

peer victimization is more common when the offending child is male, has an aggressive reputation,

or has been exposed to repeated episodes of background anger. Prosocial child interventions in
 Developmental perspective on anger 11

adult anger episodes are also seen; one-quarter of preschoolers attempt to intervene, offer

comfort or inquire about the adults’ feelings.

Children exposed to frequent parental conflict at home appear to be most sensitive to adult

anger. Low marital satisfaction between the child’s parents, and particularly, physical conflict

between spouses is associated with greater attention, concern and involvement with conflicts

between the mother and an adult confederate (Cummings et al., 1989, 1985). As with younger

children, early adolescents report stronger negative reactions, including anger, fear, sadness and

shame as adult conflict intensity increases (Grych & Finchum, 1993). Intensity increases

children’s judgments that the conflict could escalate and that the child may be blamed and/or

drawn in.

Not all adult conflicts have negative or lasting effects on children. When conflicts are

unresolved, child witnesses feel greater fear and anger and adolescents are more likely to

intervene (Cummings et al., 1991, 1993). When conflicts are fully resolved, and both participants

display congruent, friendly emotions, children’s emotional states quickly revert to baseline.

Moreover, children as young as age five can infer from friendly behavior and descriptions that

conflicts have been resolved, even if the resolution occurred in the child’s absence.

When parental conflict is about the child, children feel greater shame, guilt, and fear of

being drawn into the argument and are also more likely to intervene (Grych & Finchum, 1993).

Of particular concern is the finding that younger children are quite inaccurate in judging whether

or not they are the cause of an adult’s anger (Covell & Abramovitch, 1988; Covell & Miles,

1992). Younger children erroneously blame themselves when a parent is angry, especially if the

anger was caused by another family member (Covell & Abramovitch, 1988).

The implications for parents are straightforward. Children need not be shielded from

parental conflict per se, as long as the conflict style is not aggressive and the adults behave
 Developmental perspective on anger 12

lovingly (or at least civilly) towards each other once the dispute is resolved. Parents of young

children should reassure the child that he or she is not responsible for anger caused by others.

Additionally, for children of any age, parents should be aware of the special significance and

impact of arguments about the child.

Children’s direct experiences in family problem-solving and conflict resolution. Parent-

child and sibling conflicts are ubiquitous events. For example, preschool children present their

mothers with 3-4 mildly aversive events per hour and mothers direct a command or criticism to

their two- to three-year-olds once every three minutes (Patterson, 1980). A second peak period

of parent-child conflict occurs during adolescence, when 15-20% of families report severe levels

of parent-child conflict (Montemayor, 1986, cited in Rubenstein & Feldman, 1993) and the quality

of problem-solving interaction declines (Vuchinich, Angelelli & Gatherum, 1996). Puberty

appears to be the peak time of parent-child conflict and mothers and children are the most likely

to see increased animosity (Steinberg, 1987).

Most parent-child conflicts revolve around low-level, mundane concerns such as chores,

homework, personal appearance and getting along with others (Barber, 1994; Smetana, 1989).

Such frequent, low-stakes events potentially provide children opportunities to learn negotiation

and conflict resolution skills. Parent-child conflict may be an especially important arena in which

adolescents may gradually bid for and be granted increased autonomy (Smetana, 1989).

Parents and children tend to show reciprocity, or matching, of both affect and behavior in

the course of family conflicts (Forgatch, 1989; Kobak et al., 1993). Some families are able to

hold problem-solving discussions in an atmosphere of emotional calm, cooperation, and support.

These families tend to listen attentively, generate a wide variety of possible solutions, and agree

upon reasonable, feasible strategies that each participant can support (Forgatch, 1989; Reuter &

Conger, 1995). It seems to be important for children to be granted floor time, to have their ideas
 Developmental perspective on anger 13

heard, and to be given room to negotiate and advocate on their own behalf (Kavanaugh, Frey &

Larsen, undated; Smetana, 1989). Dysfunctional parent-child conflict strategies include anger,

criticism, avoidance of continued discussion, parental coalitions against the child, and unilateral

parental power (Forgatch, 1989; Kobak et al., 1993; Rubenstein & Feldman, 1993; Reuter &

Conger, 1995; Vuchinich, Vuchinich & Wood, 1993).

Family problem-solving interactions are associated with children’s social competence in

other settings and with their overall adjustment. For example, adolescents who listen, reason and

compromise during parent-child conflicts show low internalizing and externalizing problems, high

academic achievement and high school-related effort (Rubenstein & Feldman, 1993). Adolescent

conflict avoidance, e.g., the child “clams up” during family arguments is associated with

internalizing problems, whereas child anger and verbal or physical belligerence during parent-child

conflict is associated with internalizing, externalizing and academic problems (Rubenstein &

Feldman, 1993). Negative emotion expressed by the parent-child dyad during problem-solving

leads to lower quality solutions, and poor solutions are characteristic of children who show verbal

and/or physical aggression at home and school (Forgatch, 1989). Finally, parents who mediate

sibling conflicts with fairness and low differential treatment set the stage for low rates of sibling

conflict both now and in the future (Brody, Stoneman, McCoy & Forehand, 1992).

Coercive family interactions. Problems with high levels of anger and low anger control

are almost by definition central to externalizing behavior problems such as conduct disorder and

antisocial behavior disorder. Patterson’s coercive family process model (Patterson, 1982;

Patterson, Reid & Dishion, 1992) is one of the most widely-accepted explanations of how family

interaction plays a key role in the etiology of childhood conduct problems. According to this

model, the more severe and chronic forms of antisocial behavior are rooted in patterns of family

interaction that begin in early childhood. When parents routinely acquiesce to their child’s
 Developmental perspective on anger 14

negative behaviors, young children quickly learn to initiate negative behaviors as a way of getting

what they want (Gardner, 1989; Patterson et al., 1992). Over time, family members attempt to

control each other’s behavior primarily through aversive means. Children with conduct disorders

live in coercive families where interactions are characterized by (a) high rates of aversive

behaviors, (b) a tendency to reciprocate negative behaviors in kind, (c) rapid escalation to high

levels of intensity, and (d) longer bouts of negative interaction. The problem child is most often

the “winner” of these coercive cycles. However, parents in coercive families are inconsistent and

at unpredictable times will revert to more explosive, harsh discipline strategies, in an attempt to

control the problematic child. In addition to this pattern of ineffective discipline, coercive families

are also characterized by poor parental monitoring of children’s companions, activities and

whereabouts when children are not at home, poor family problem-solving patterns, lower

responsiveness to child prosocial behavior, and low warmth and involvement with the child

(Patterson, et al., 1992).

Coercive children face many social challenges outside the home as well. When coercive

children enter school, some are socialized by peers and teachers to adopt more typical, positive

modes of social influence. Children who do not become more prosocial are rejected by their

peers; teachers also tend to minimize their interactions with coercive children (Patterson et al.,

1992; Patterson, DeBaryshe & Ramsey, 1989). Over time, coercive children suffer decrements in

self-esteem and academic motivation. With few alternatives for socialization, they coalesce in

deviant peer groups in early adolescence. These peer groups become the prime training ground

for the adoption of delinquent behaviors and antisocial attitudes (Patterson et al., 1989, 1992).

The coercive family process model may be placed in the context of a larger literature on

global parenting styles. The authoritative parenting style involves an overall pattern of parental

warmth, involvement, clear rules, rationale-based discipline, and granting the child psychological
 Developmental perspective on anger 15

autonomy. Children of authoritative parents tend to show positive social outcomes such as high

self-esteem, school achievement, and work orientation, as well as low substance use, internalizing

and externalizing behavior problems (Barber, Olsen, & Shagle, 1994; Maccoby & Martin, 1983;

Steinberg, Mounts, Lamborn & Dornbusch, 1991).

The literature on both coercive family processes and antisocial behavior has by and large

ignored the specific topic of emotional socialization and the development of anger regulation per

se. However, it is quite reasonable to suggest that coercive families do a poor job of emotional

coaching and that antisocial children have significant problems with anger management. The links

between family emotional socialization (whether skillful or coercive) and peer competence are

considered in the next section.

Anger and the Peer Context

As children reach the preschool and early elementary school years they begin to venture

out of the home and family environment and spend increasing amounts of time and energy

interacting with peers. Even though they are leaving the family environment, many of the things

that they initially learned there, including their experiences with anger and aggression, accompany

them into this larger social world. A foundation for social interaction patterns that children

originally developed through relationships with parents serves as the child's basis for interpreting

and navigating the larger social environment. The patterns that young children have developed to

process social information appear to play a significant role not only in how they will experience

the environment but also in how the environment responds to them.

Social Information Processing and Peer Relations

Social information processing models provide a clue into the role that cognitive

processing plays in a child's decision to use aggressive or negative behaviors in response to angry
 Developmental perspective on anger 16

feelings and hostile thoughts. Children who often demonstrate competent behavior in social

situations with peers are thought to be skilled at social information processing, whereas children

with social information processing deficits are more likely to experience chronic anger and act out

in aggressive or socially inappropriate ways with peers (Trachtenberg & Viken, 1994).

Aggressive children exhibit difficulties or biases at one or more of the sequential steps used in

social information processing (Dodge & Frame, 1982; Dodge & Somberg, 1987; Gouze, 1987).

The steps include (a) encoding social cues from the environment, (b) interpreting this social

information, (c) clarifying goals, (d) constructing possible responses, (e) making a response

decision, and (f) enacting that social behavior (Crick & Dodge, 1994).

Two distinct deficient patterns in social information processing have been found in

aggressive children (Dodge, 1980). The first pattern includes children who have negative biases

at the interpretation step. These children are likely to interpret ambiguous social information

negatively and attribute hostile or malicious intent to social cues much more often than would

normally be expected. As a result, they are more likely to see others, including peers, as

threatening and respond aggressively in response to a perceived threat. This reactive response

pattern has been found to result in a negative cycle that begins when the child attributes hostile

intent to another child and reacts in an aggressive manner (Crick & Dodge, 1996). As a response

to this aggressive behavior the child's peers respond negatively in return. This negative response

confirms for the child that his or her earlier biased interpretation was correct, reinforcing the belief

that peers often pose a threat.

The second deficient social information processing pattern involves the response decision

step in the model. Dodge and Crick (1990) state that as part of this step, children evaluate

possible responses and assess the likely outcomes for each response. In addition, they determine

their confidence level regarding their ability to perform each of the possible responses. It is
 Developmental perspective on anger 17

through this process that children select the response option that they believe will result in a

favorable outcome. Many children who have a history of anger and aggressive behaviors are

highly confident in their ability to perform aggressive acts and expect that aggressive acts will be

effective in meeting their social goals (Crick & Ladd, 1990). This positive assessment increases

the likelhood that aggressive strategies will actually be employed. If the aggression is indeed

effective, the child’s behaviors as well as his or her judgements will be reinforced.

Thus, aggressive children, have poor social problem solving skills (Lochman, Lampron, &

Rabiner, 1989). They often fail to attend to social cues (Dodge, Bates, & Petit, 1990), interpret

peer intentions incorrectly and often assume hostile intent (Dodge & Frame, 1982; Dodge,

Murphy, & Buchsbaum, 1984), are the targets of unprovoked aggression more often than their

peers (Dodge & Frame, 1982), and interpret their aggressive behaviors as leading to positive

outcomes (Dodge, Pettit, McClaskey, & Brown, 1986).

Aggressive and conduct disordered children also appear to also show information

processing deficits in regards to positive emotions and behaviors. They have difficulty

interpreting other people’s prosocial initiations and their own emotional reactions to these

prosocial events (Casey & Schlosser, 1994). They show more surprise and hostility when they are

the recipients of a peer’s compliments. They are also less able to remember the details of the

peer’s positive act, less accurate in describing their own external emotional displays, and less able

to provide an explanation for their feelings in the situation.

Finally, problem children may be less upset by anger and aggressive confrontations for

physiological reasons. Studies of antisocial adolescents and adults have led some researchers to

conclude that they experience a chronic state of underarousal (see Patterson, et al., 1992 for a

review). These individuals may engage in sensation-seeking behaviors as a way of achieving

needed physiological stimulation. This need for stimulation may appear as early as the preschool
 Developmental perspective on anger 18

years. For example, four- and five-year-olds high on externalizing symptoms show less

physiological reactivity when exposed to angry situations involving others (Cummings & Davies,

1994). Problem boys in particular feel less aroused by these scenes and will actually elect to view

scenes of intense anger when given a choice.

The risks associated with social information processing deficits are well known. These

chidren are often ostracized or rejected by their peers, primarily because of their aggressive

behaviors (Ladd, Price & Hart, 1990). Aggressive children who are socially rejected often

congregate into groups with other deviant children (Coie, 1990). Membership in such peer

groups is predictive of several other negative outcomes including dropping out of school and

delinquent behavior (Cairns, Cairs & Neckerman, 1989; Patterson et al., 1992).

Is There a Link Between Social Cognitive Processes Involving Family and Peers?

Much theoretical emphasis has been placed on cognitive structures that are thought to

provide a bridge between the quality of family and peer relations (Burks & Parke, 1996). Indeed,

there is evidence that family interaction patterns affect social information processing in nonfamily

situations. Weiss and colleagues (Weiss, Dodge, Bates & Pettit, 1992) found preschoolers

exposed to harsh parental discipline showed classic decrements and negative biases in social

information processing in kindergarten. In middle childhood and early adolescence, parents and

children tend to show corresponding social information processing styles. Coercive mother-child

dyads make mutual hostile attributional biases about the other dyad member (MacKinnon-Lewis,

Volling, Lamb, Dechman, Rabiner & Curtner, 1994). Finally, nonproblem children and their

parents hold similar goals for social situations, make similar attributions about other people’s

behaviors, and hold similar expectations for success in social situations (Burks & Parke, 1996).

Thus, parents and children seem to show corresponding social information processing styles and
 Developmental perspective on anger 19

the way that children have learned to think about social episodes in the family context shows a

large degree of transfer to their reasoning about peer situations.

Finally, there is evidence for correspondence between parents’ behavior strategies for

dealing with emotional situations and their children’s strategies for dealing with peer-evoked

anger. Children of parents who provide comfort and problem solving assistance when their child

is distressed have children who show appropriate verbal assertion, low anger intensity, and the

ability to remove themselves from provocative peer situations (Eisenberg & Fabes, 1994). These

children also show higher levels of moral reasoning and are more likely to report that they would

offer help to a distressed peer (Miller, Eisenberg, Fabes & Shell, 1996).

What Peer Interaction Provides That Families Do Not

Parent-child and teacher-child relations are characterized by large differences in power,

cognitive skills, and personal perspectives. Peer relations are more egalitarian. For these reasons,

theorists have stressed that peer interaction provides children with different and valuable learning

experiences, primarily in the areas of role-taking and conflict management (Larsen, Hartup &

Koplas, 1996). Because peer play alternates between calm and rough and tumble, arousing

activities, one of the main outcomes of peer play is the chance to learn to regulate one’s own

arousal (Gottman, 1983).

It has also been suggested that close friendship and dating relations have a particularly

special role. These relationships are uniquely voluntary and require high levels of equity and

affective investment, since participants can exit the relationship if the expectations are unfulfilled

(Laursen et al., 1996). Conflicts between close peers are more risky than those with parents,

teachers, siblings or nonfriend peers. Fights with close peers more often end in compromise or

negotiation, are more positive in tone, more likely to address each person’s needs and more often

are felt to improve the relationship (Laursen et al, 1996). Close friendships and romantic
 Developmental perspective on anger 20

relationships seem to provide children with the best opportunities to learn constructive and caring

approaches to handling conflicts.

Summary and Implications

A model of the anger development process that summarizes and integrates the information

reviwed in this paper is shown in Figure 1. Although this paper did not comment extensively on

anger in the school context, the developmental model portrayed has several implications for

school psychologists, counselors, and teachers. Based on the processes specified in the model, we

make the following six recommendations for improving the content and effectiveness of school-

based anger management and conflict resolution programs:

-------------------------------------------------

Insert Figure 1 About Here

--------------------------------------------------

1. It is important to recognize that the way children understand anger (and other emotions) and

the way they react to their own and to other people’s feelings is the result of a socialization

process that started in early infancy. Because these patterns are long-standing, they may not

be amenable to quick or easy change.

2. To support the child, staff may need to also understand emotional socialization processes in

the child’s family. Recognize that families show both cultural and individual differences in

their expectations of acceptable emotional expression. If at all possible, work with the family

as well as the child in any intervention or prevention activities.

3. Anger management programs should focus on three levels--physiological regulation, social

information processing and behavioral strategies.

4. Educate parents about the widespread and lasting impact they have on their children’s

emotional style and emotional skills. Teach parents how to replace coercive discipline
 Developmental perspective on anger 21

practices with authoritative methods, teach effective family problem-solving skills and stress

the importance of talking about the child’s emotions and modeling constructive conflict

resolution.

5. Learn from the research on effective parenting practices. Teachers, psychologists, and others

can engage in the same strategies used by emotionally competent parents, and thereby serve as

children’s extrafamilial emotional coaches.

6. Capitalize on the unique nature of close peer relations. Raise children’s awareness about the

high levels of skill and motivation exhibited in these relationships and help children learn to

transfer these skills and insights to a wider set of relationships and settings.
 Developmental perspective on anger 22

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Figure Caption

Figure 1. Model of anger development in the home and peer contexts.

 Family Child Peer
Emotional Emotional Relations
Socialization Style

• Models of • Physiological • Empathic, prosocial

Child emotion and reactivity and vs. aggressive
Traits empathic behavior regulation behavior
• Age • Emotional • Social information • Peer social
coaching processing status
• Sex
• Exposure to • Behavioral • Ability to
anger and anger strategies for form close
management as emotional peer
bystander or situations relationships
participant