Journal of International Development: Vol. 9, No.

5, 739±752 (1997)

FIELD REPORT

TRADITIONAL TECHNOLOGY
EMPHASIZED IN A MODEL FOR
ANDEAN RURAL DEVELOPMENT
ANN KENDALL*
Cusichaca Trust

The Cusichaca Trust has pioneered rural development approaches in the ®eld allied to
archaeological and ethnographic research in the Peruvian highlands NW of Cuzco.
In the last two decades pilot schemes, based on traditional technology, have been
developed into successful projects. With a minimum of technical and material assistance,
mixed and traditional farming communities can improve their resource base dramatic-
ally by exploiting the neglected potential of their own past.
In an integrated project, irrigation and terracing infrastructure is restored; women and
health issues are addressed in productive home-based economic activities; and a
community centre provides a forum to artisans and future developments.
Replication in the region will be by a new NGO founded by the local project sta€.
The Trust will found new projects further a®eld in priority areas designated by
the government, and will also train and work with recently formed national NGOs.
# 1997 by John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

J. Int. Dev. 9: 739±752 (1997)

No. of Figures: 2. No. of Tables: 0. No. of References: 31.

It has been an objective, since I began to study the Inca agricultural infrastructure in
1968, to ®nd ways of bringing back into productive use some of the impressive
irrigation systems of pre-Columbian society, thus combining archaeological research
with a practical application of ®ndings. This became the main aim of the Cusichaca
Trust which I founded in 1977. It is our hypothesis that small-scale development
projects, which are based on an understanding of traditional technology and local
value systems have a higher than average probability of success.

* Correspondence to: Ann Kendall, c/o Proyecto Cusichaca, Apartado 703, Correo Central, Cusco, Peru.
After September 1997, send correspondence to: Cusichaca Trust, Spring®elds, 62 High Street,
Belbroughton, West Midlands DY9 9SU, UK.

CCC 0954±1748/97/050739±14$17.50
# 1997 by John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
740 A. Kendall

Here we will be concerned with two issues which have been the mainspring of our
work.
(i) Building on an existing infrastructure and traditional technology in rural Peru.
(ii) Formulating integrated projects suitable to encompassing an even-handed
approach to development within a complex area of diverse ecological niches Ð
having di€erent populations with di€erent needs Ð typical of many highland
Andean valley systems.
The Trust has carried out two major local rehabilitations of ancient agricultural
infrastructure. The ®rst was the Quishuarpata canal in the Huallancay/Cusichaca
drainage, which was of pre-Inca origin, already improved and reworked by the Inca
(Kendall 1991a). The second, a much more ambitious project, integrated in a wider
rural development project `The Patacancha Valley project', centred on the restoration
of an Inca canal and the rehabilitation of 160 hectares of agricultural terracing systems.
The emphasis of these projects has been to study the local traditional technology
and to follow it as closely as possible in restoring the ancient infrastructure, seeking to
provide long-term solutions to some of the economic problems of rural communities.
This was a relatively new approach to Andean rural development in the late 1970's,
so hence we have also sought to di€use the experiences by following up the projects
with two seminar workshops. The ®rst, in 1992, was on the theme `Archaeology and
rural development: pre-Hispanic, present and future agricultural and hydraulic infra-
structure'. In 1995, as we approached the completion of the most recent agricultural
rehabilitation scheme, the second seminar workshop was entitled `The recuperation
of pre-Hispanic hydraulic and agricultural infrastructure'.
Both seminar workshops brought together specialists and students of diverse
®elds, and local community members, concerned with the utilization of water and
extending the agricultural frontier. Participants included archaeologists, engineers,
socio-economists, anthropologists, agronomists, local agriculturalists, stone-masons
and restorers of monuments. The ®rst seminar, (Kendall 1992), compared irrigation
projects which utilized modern and traditional materials, pointing out the over-
whelming case for the latter approach. The second is to be published shortly and will
include a manual for restoration projects.
Firstly, we are concerned directly with researching and demonstrating the feasibility
of the restoration of pre-Hispanic agricultural systems in Peru because this is the most
appropriate, low-cost approach for extending local irrigation agriculture production
in the `Quechua' ecological zone in the valleys of the Central Andes (altitude 2,200±
3,300 m above sea level).
In many countries local people have in the past possessed the necessary technology
to construct and maintain irrigation and agricultural systems adequate to meet their
needs. These have, in general, been in equilibrium with conservation of the environ-
ment and have produced sustainable methods of land-use. Typical examples are: the
Inca and pre-Inca canals and terracing systems in Peru; rain harvesting methods used
in the Negev, India, USA and Libya; the raised ®eld systems of South America; the
¯oating gardens of Mexico; and qanats which were once widely used in Iran Oman,
Afghanistan, South America and elsewhere.
In the last decades environmental archaeologists in particular have undertaken
research relevant to agricultural development and the future of the environment, but
few appear to have orientated their research to proposals for practical implementation.

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 Traditional Technology in Andean Rural Development 741

As a part of the initial research undertaken by the Cusichaca Trust in Peru, an

investigation was made in the late 1970s of an ancient agricultural scheme and its
evolution over more than 600 years in the late pre-Hispanic period (Farrington,
1980). An evaluation was then made of the feasibility of rehabilitating a pre-Inca and
Inca irrigation canal system. It showed that using traditional methods of construction
the system could be restored and water provided to the local community for irrigation
and domestic purposes. The work was carried out between 1981 and 1983 by the local
people with the minimum of technical assistance by the Cusichaca Trust. It was
subsequently followed up with an agricultural programme, and has to date proved a
highly successful sustainable development project in which the area under cultivation
continues to be extended by the community (Kendall 1992). Subsequently the more
extensive Patacancha system has been rehabilitated by the Trust leading to a number
of such projects in the Cuzco region.

PRE-HISPANIC ANTECEDENTS AND THE

AGRICULTURAL BACKGROUND

The Incas and their immediate predecessors were skilled agriculturalists. Archaeolo-
gists have mapped their agricultural systems and excavated their canals and terraces to
investigate their construction. Ethnohistorical accounts detail how the best soils were
moved to be placed in prime Inca terrace systems. The Inca rulers in their private estates
developed some of the most advanced and grandest of these `sustainable environ-
ments', essential in the Andes for long-term planning for agricultural production. Their
methods, which can be shown to be highly responsive to local conditions, were applied
within the constraints of a Bronze Age technology in which building works reached
high levels of engineering ability and execution using stone, clay and sand. Many of
these works were primarily intended to extend agricultural productivity and emphasize
the magico-religious world-view in which the deities were persuaded to co-operate in
this endeavour (Kolata, 1996). The Huari and the Inca in Peru were mainly concerned
with maize agriculture and to solve the problems created by soil erosion. Fine standards
of stone-laying, appropriate to the needs and prestige of slow and fast gradients, with
careful design features for controlling velocity and selection of appropriate ®rm terrain
to steep gradients ensured long-lasting structures. Their maintenance through carefully
structured community responsibilities further guaranteed their durability so that some
systems are still at least partially in use after a thousand years.
The present potential for such restoration work, using traditional or appropriate
technology, can be shown in the District of Ollantaytambo. Here, in the pre-Hispanic
period up to AD 1534, 6,000 hectares were under cultivation Ð 2,500 of them were
terraces, capable of feeding 106,000 people (Kendall, 1991). The population of
the past was similar to the most recent census of some 8,500 people, which suggests
95 per cent was once re-distributed or exported outside the area. Today this region
exports very little because the infrastructure has not been well maintained. People
have made sporadic e€orts to re-establish old systems or build new ones, but have
either used inappropriate modern materials or have failed to make adequate
allowance for the existing community organization and level of technology.
Why did such outstandingly successful agricultural systems fall into disuse so
quickly after the Spanish conquest? It was the food resources supplied by the Inca
storehouses that supplied the Spaniards during several decades of the 16th century

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742 A. Kendall

after the conquest. The conquistadores saw no immediate need to maintain the
irrigation and terracing systems which produced such surpluses; they allowed the
breakdown of Inca administration, while disease and massive population declines
followed their conquest. There was more interest in sending rural communities to
work mines with valuable minerals such as silver and gold, which resulted in the death
of most miners within a short term of work.
Archival investigation on the formation of the post-conquest Spanish colonial
haciendas, under ownership by private and religious bodies, in the District of
Ollantaytambo, is traced from the 16th to 19th centuries by Glave and Remy (1983).
A period of capital investment in the 17th century of the agricultural sector did take
place Ð for example in the Bethlehemites extensive Sillque hacienda Ð which lasted
about 150 years before another depression took place. The author also made detailed
investigations into the landownership, inventories and production outputs of the
district's haciendas during the last colonial and republican eras, in a period of further
destructuralization/renewed disintegration up to the 20th century, when landowners
rented out their properties, or delegated their responsibilities in a pre-capitalist
renting system. The second downwards spiral was caused by a reduced economy and
internal market and has lasted until the present. It was not halted by the Agrarian
Reform of the late 1960s and 1970s, the results of which caused increased deterior-
ation of the existing infrastructure and environment.
Following agrarian reform in the 1960s, Peru has been in a deep economic
depression since in 1970s. This and its accompanying population ¯ow abandoning the
land for Lima and other cities sharply increased during guerilla and counter-
revolutionary activities in the 1980s and early 1990s. The key factors of this have been
declining agricultural production exacerbated by low prices for primary products and
resulting in high imports of food including wheat and rice, declining real wages (until
recently), a large balance of payments de®cit, a soaring public debt service, and
extremely high in¯ation until 1994. Agricultural populations in Cuzco have been
shown to have returned to eating less acquired foods, seeking to supplement this with
products of their own lands (Gonzales, 1987 p. 141) Ð but they have not concentrated
on producing crops for marketing.
In a social, economic and ecological assessment of the Quinua in Ayacucho,
Mitchell (1991) has pointed out that despite hunger, many ®elds lay fallow while
community members sought other avenues to material survival Ð and even wealth.
The densest populations were found by him to live in the two most productive
zones Ð the irrigated savannah (quechua ecological zone) and valley bottom. These
zones represented only a small part of the district and most of its lands were not
productive. He sought to explain why ®elds were abandoned when there was hunger.
He found the wealthy had turned to the non-farm cash economy in response to low
agricultural prices in national markets. The poor found they were unable to feed their
families on the available land allocated to them Ð estimated at 0.25 to 0.50 of a
hectare, which supplied only 50 per cent of their needs (Mitchell, 1991, p. 193). Poor
farmers therefore switched to wage employment to feed their families when their
lands were inadequate. Amongst the Quinenos, Mitchell also showed these practices
further reduced the labour available for agriculture, and therefore the feasibility of
living o€ farming on all but the most ecient, irrigated lands.
The most productive lands in the highlands are in the warm quechua ecological
zone c. 2200 Ð 3300 m (Tosi 1963; Gade 1975; Farrington 1980), where the past

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 Traditional Technology in Andean Rural Development 743

civilizations took advantage of the snow or river fed irrigation schemes and built their
terracing systems. In special valley-side locations with prime Inca terraces and good
sunlight this prime cultivation zone can extend upwards to 3,500 m (Kendall, 1991b)
Ð and in the colla suyos (raised ®elds) of Lake Titicaca, even higher (Kolata and
Ohtlo€, 1989). These are still the most valuable resources for meeting the require-
ments and economic pressures of highland communities Ð as well as for their
potential contribution towards meeting the national food shortages.
Farming and traditional community organization have been undermined world-
wide by non-agricultural wage employment caused by population growth, ecological
stress and national political pressures. While intensive modern farming methods
which can counteract these conditions often provoke problematic, environmental
backlashes the most productive lands of the past may o€er the appropriate technology
with/by which to achieve ecient agriculture without compromising the environment.
Highly productive at low cost (often incorporating a virtually bio-mass type of terrace
system), rehabilitation of these lands could draw some people back to farming.

A FIRST EXPERIENCE IN AGRICULTURAL REDEVELOPMENT AND

ANDEAN TECHNOLOGY IN THE CUSICHACA REHABILITATION
PROJECT 1977±1987

As part of the research undertaken by the Cusichaca Trust in Peru an investi-

gation was made of an ancient agricultural scheme and its evolution over nearly a
thousand years in the Huallancay/Cusichaca drainage (Kendall, 1991b; 1991a). In
1977 Archaeological investigations were combined with ecological/environmental
studies to establish the extent and success of the ancient rural system and its present
functioning, with a view to developing a rural development programme for revital-
izing ancient agricultural systems more widely in the region.
The study made of the canal systems showed that, like the Incas, the pre-Incas of
the region (especially in the Late Intermediate Period, c. AD 1000±1400) were past
masters in engineering and that the canal and terraces built during this period were
rehabilitated and consolidated in pre-Hispanic times. Thus a precedent existed to the
rehabilitation of the Quishuarpata canal and its terraces, which began in 1978 with
some necessary feasibility surveys on the soils, terraces and canal structures, comple-
mented by social studies of the local farming community from 2300±4100 m altitude
(Keeley, 1984; Huaman, 1992; Michel, 1979; Villafuerte and Saico, 1980).
Research on the canal and terraces Ð with clearing of sections of canals
(Farrington, 1980) and trenches across the pro®les of some terraces (Keeley,

Figure 1.

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744 A. Kendall

1984) Ð revealed that some sections of these had been rebuilt (occasionally twice) and
in some cases remodelling had taken place in pre-Hispanic times.
Generally, the principle of traditional technology was followed as closely as
possible in restoration work using the sources of the original materials which were
found close at hand. However it cannot be claimed that some specialized additional
materials may not have been used by the pre-Hispanic builders (for instance cactus
juice for hardening and llama fat for sealing in critical places. We also resorted to
other measures when critical or high gradient stretches begged for extra reinforce-
ment Ð for example, a cement mix Ð leading us into the ®eld of appropriate
technology.
In our ®rst project it was a relatively easy task to organize the rebuilding within the
dry seasons Ð when local agriculturalists rested from their agricultural cycle. The
agricultural year ®nished in May/June and started up again in August. In the case of
the more ambitious Patacancha Valley Project which started in 1991, it was not
possible to limit the agricultural work to this short season.
Both the Chamana and the Ollantaytambo agricultural communities were to
view the experience of rehabilitating their lands as highly bene®cial and morale
boosting Ð in neither community did the individual members really believe they
could carry out the work themselves. The realization of their achievement has spurred
them on to other local projects. In the case of Chamana the school was greatly
expanded and a chapel was built near it Ð as far as we know Ð for the ®rst time in the
post-conquest history of the area. In the case of Ollantaytambo we have still to see the
full realization of the potential results but the community's new projects and
organizational drive suggest it is gaining much from the shared experience of
undertaking such a considerable task.
A total of 45 hectares of terraced land was brought under irrigation by the
Quishuarpata restoration. It was felt that it was up to the local population to use and
further the pilot development as their needs and desires dictated. However, the
restoration was followed up with a small input to tools and seed capital, and technical
assistance in the form of a visiting agronomist. A pilot cultivation of several hectares
was developed with the collaboration of the agricultural research station of KAYRA
at the University of Cuzco (UNSAAC). This proved highly successful to both
partners, since the agronomists carried out an experiment with the newly redeveloped
Kiwicha seed. Ideally suited to the altitude of the rehabilitation plots on the Huillca
Raccay tableland at 2,800 m altitude, it has since been developed widely as a product.
KAYRA also contributed cleaned Andean cultigens of quinoa, tarwi and potato
seeds to complement local maize in a carefully monitored rotation of crops.
Following the completion of the agricultural rehabilitation project it was antici-
pated that there would be organizational problems for the local people concerning
sharing of land and keeping animals out, that could cause some family con¯icts that
only they could resolve. Left to their own devices the local farmers, after a initial,
dicult year when some of the production was lost to animals, resolved to tackle
these problems, dividing up the land between extended groups of families and
creating boundaries to keep out the animals. The irrigation committee which had
been formed in 1983, was, in 1992 (when the project was re-evaluated during the
Seminar visit in July), found to have successfully maintained the canal, although they
were still somewhat over enthusiastic about using cement. This we had tried to explain
was inappropriate in most cases. At the same time the community was found to be

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 Traditional Technology in Andean Rural Development 745

successfully cultivating all the area under irrigation. They were also hoping to extend
the system further.
What the Cusichaca Project had achieved, though applied in a limited area and
involving only a small number of farming families (a total of 17), clearly had potential
for other areas. This ®rst programme was implemented together with several rather
disparate complementary rural development initiatives undertaken with the local
community of Chamana to their local infrastructure: support for the school, the
training of paramedics for emergency care, equipment and training for a blacksmith,
construction of a small reservoir, and a small rotating seed capital and a storage
structure for potatoes providing di€used light (based on Inca precedents, this
unfortunately did not survive until 1992 Ð it had been modi®ed for occupation). The
Project also provided the impetus for Accion Popular to build a new bridge across
the Urubamba river at Km 88 Ð to provide access for local people to export their
produce as much as to facilitate the tourists walking the famous `Inca trail' to Machu
Picchu.

INTRODUCTION TO THE PATACANCHA PROJECT AND ITS

AGRICULTURAL REDEVELOPMENT PROGRAMME

The experience of the Cusichaca programme provided the impetus for a more
carefully integrated and extensive rural development project within the Patacancha
Valley, where the Ollantaytambo Agricultural Community invited the Trust to
carry out the restoration of the Upper Pumamarca Canal Ð a project of much
more ambitious proportions with 202 family members interested in rehabilitating
160 hectares of terrace systems.
In the case of this new Project, which started in 1991 and took nearly four full years
to complete, it was not possible to limit the restoration work to the short season
between agricultural cycles.

The Patacancha Research Project

In 1986±87 the Cusichaca Trust proposed a 2±3 year research project which would
provide a ®rm basis for an appropriate integrated rural development programme over
a catchment area comprised of three ecological zones in the Patacancha Valley. It
would also have potential for application in other Andean valleys.
The concern was to balance a contribution to lower valley irrigation farmers with
appropriate projects for the communities that lived in the upper ecological zones of
the drainage system.
The main focus of the Research Project was an area of some 50 km2 in the valley
above Ollantaytambo, including the communities of Pallata, Huilloc and Patacancha.
Further outlying villages and hamlets were also included and exploratory trips
were made to adjacent valleys and the communities of Quelcanca, Plateriayoc and
Yanamayo, as well as Occobamba (in the sub-tropical co€ee and cocoa growing
zone) connected to the Patacancha Valley and Ollantaytambo by an Inca road. The
`Socio-economic report of the Patacancha project' (Kendall et al., 1990), and
various scienti®c reports submitted in 1987±90 on vegetation (Carter, 1987), soils

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746 A. Kendall
Figure 2.
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 Traditional Technology in Andean Rural Development 747

(den Ouden, 1990) and land-use (Holden, 1987) described the area and laid the
foundations for the rural development work.
The ®ndings of the research suggested a number of appropriate projects from
which a ®nal selection was made to form a coherent and viable overall programme.
The full programme, for an Andean model, conceived with the participation of the
local population, was to address fairly and even-handedly the needs of both the
more isolated ayllu communities (traditional social groups living in the mid and high
altitude ecological zones) and the misti (mixed) communities of the lower Patacancha
Valley based in Pallata and Ollantaytambo. This was a necessary balance of
inputs, which would avoid local con¯icts and political confrontations. Indeed, it took
a three-month period of testing proposals with the Agricultural Community of
Ollantaytambo, clarifying lower valley community interests and the prevailing
socio-political in¯uences, which resulted in making some additions and modi®cations
to the initial proposals, before the right balance was achieved and the full programme
was accepted. Even so, it included a project for some initial electri®cation support
which we had not anticipated having to ®nance. In fact, if this type of project is not
included to enhance the quality of rural life, people will continue to leave their
communities. Also, due to interaction with another NGO, Arariwa, we gave up a
quite ambitious soil erosion programme which had been carefully worked out by our
soil specialist.
Two main rural development programmes were developed in consultation with
local people at all levels, from the individual family to the community as a whole.
These two integrated programmes were appropriate to the di€erent populations and
their concerns and the conditions found in each of the main ecological zones in the
Patacancha valley area.

The Upper Pumamarca Canal Restoration Project

The request came from the Central Agricultural Community to assist them to
rehabilitate the major canal at the upper limits of maize cultivation (the quechua/
suni zone, c. 3,300±3,600 m altitude), where much of the ancient infrastructure of
terraces lay abandoned or under-used. Although we had investigated other canals in
the valley none of these would have brought sucient bene®t for the work required.
Given a declaration of community intent and full co-operation demonstrated during
feasibility studies, we saw that this would be the ideal input to improve agriculture in
the lower valley. it would also provide us with an opportunity to re-introduce
traditional Andean technology more widely, including the crops (Kendall, 1992;
1995).

The Integrated Potable Water and Kitchen Gardens Project (Kendall 1996)
This programme addresses human and ecological needs in the mid and upper
ecological zones of the valley (the Suni rain-fed agro-ecological zone and the cold
Puna herding and potato zone). Work began in late 1989 and has since developed into
a full-scale women's home-based project emphasizing health, nutrition and small-
scale market enterprises, as well as a recent addition of a small animals project and a
worm-culture project. Originally, linked objectives were also to conserve the environ-
ment and lead to more ecient farming practices through improved water manage-
ment soil conservation and reforestation. On sharing these latter aims with another
NGO, Arariwa, which agreed to pay the bene®ciares, the Trust's goals were reduced

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748 A. Kendall

to small-scale educative inputs Ð a native tree-nursery project and small-scale soil

erosion actions.
The Trust's policy of implementing projects of traditional or appropriate tech-
nology as being more sustainable may not at ®rst seem so apparent in this pro-
gramme, however, it is the case:
. Potable water systems were part of the pre-Hispanic infrastructure for settle-
ments Ð although many Andean villages today collect water from unclean
sources. So far 20 community systems have been installed, reaching a total of
over 900 extended families, a co-operative and 11 schools (not including
Quelcaybamba, with an additional 150 families and 3 schools).
. Gardens are part of the traditional home-base although these were rare when the
Project began. The traditional gardens grew medicinal herbs, colorants and some
decorative plants and trees. There was therefore a precedent through which to
introduce European-style vegetable gardens to improve health and diet, hopefully
leading to market gardening. From a pilot scheme with 25 gardens in 1990±91,
there was an increase to 274 bene®ciaries with gardens in 1993±94. Now over
300 families have bene®tted from this project, many gardens are now self
supporting and pro®table.
. Greenhouses built of adobe with plastic roo®ng were introduced in 1992 and are
based on the concept of small micro-environments (created with stone-walling and
corrals in which early potato crops can be grown Ð which can be used to extend
the range of crops grown in relation to altitude). So far 49 have been installed
through the area.
. The tree-nursery projects put an emphasis on native trees, which are distributed to
those who want them for soil conservation, creating micro-climates and for other
purposes. Five small and one large central tree-nursery have been established in
di€erent locations. Eucalyptus, which is not a native tree and which rapidly
removes nutrients from the ground, is also much in demand.
. A small animal project includes cross-breeding the larger mauromina guinea-pigs
with local native guinea-pigs and teaching local people to grow some of the
adaptive foods they need. This and the following project started in 1994±95 and
have each recently reached about 100 bene®ciaries.
. A lombri-culture (worm/compost) project is introducing worm pits throughout the
valley to maintain/support organic agriculture and to counteract the encroachment
of arti®cial fertilizers which cause much damage to local crops in the long term.
The connection between the traditional past and new activities in each of these
two programmes has played a crucial role in their acceptability.
A further programme involved supporting the communities and in establishing
infrastructure. It included: some support to starting a valley electricity project;
establishment of an agro-industrial ¯our mill following on the agricultural rehabilita-
tion programme (in partnership with the NGO Arariwa); and establishment of a
community cultural centre (in a historic building restored by COPESCO). However,
these projects are self-evidently not all directly connected with traditional technology.
In the case of a Community Museum and the cultural centre, a self-sucient entity,
CATCCO (Centro Andino de Tecnologia Tradicional y Cultura de las Comunidades
de Ollantaytambo), will run the centre, re-inforcing local culture and interests for the
district's population of nearly 9000 inhabitants. Its educative orientation reinforces

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 Traditional Technology in Andean Rural Development 749

local appreciation of traditional and appropriate technologies as well as a wider

educative role for visitors from other regions of Peru and beyond. A ceramic work-
shop established within the centre, and training support, are as much concerned
with helping the communities meet their 20th century economic needs outside of
agriculture as within it.

The Organization of the Patacancha Valley Project

The canal project was carried out directly with the Central Agricultural Community
of Ollantaytambo and the integrated potable water and horticultural project was
carried out mainly through created Potable Water Committees (formed through the
Community Assemblies) and the Clubes de Madres (Mother's Clubs) Ð many of
which were already established in the area. The projects put a heavy emphasis on
training and self-help.
With regard to the internal organization of the Patacancha Valley Project, stang
was largely with local people who live in the district and nearby Urubamba. The Trust
has had one full-time ex-pat representative in place and has slowly built up a sta€ of
permanent administration, technicians, promotors and part-time valley workers. In
1997 the Trust will complete testing its `Andean Model' and its programme of pro-
jects. The two main projects are nearing completion in a ®nal transition phase in
tandum with the sta€'s newly formed NGO, ADESA.
The establishment of an independent national NGO after a period of 10 years
research and rural development programmes by the Cusichaca Trust in Ollantay-
tambo, should be bene®cial all round. Ollantaytambo and its region has developed
considerably over the last decade. While the Trust's programmes can form a basis for
replication and for further concepts by the new NGO, in other similar valleys of the
district which are in need of development support, it can in turn establish a new
initiative to carry out a new programme in a priority area where there has been
virtually no rural development input. Thus the process of building up a new team
elsewhere interested in improving the future for communities in their own district can
start up again where it is most needed.
To enhance the sustainability of the valley projects and ADESA, in 1997 the Trust
will establish a garden centre in Ollantaytambo, based on the present tree-nursery,
from which horticultural and small projects can be supplied and provided with
technical support. Meanwhile, during the ®nal year of the Patacancha Project, the
Trust will encourage and support the new organization through its incipient period.
Both organizations will also be working to attract funds for new projects.

CONCLUSION

We are now hoping to work in the priority designated areas of Ayacucho and
Apurimac, developing the foregoing approach to widely felt needs and abandoned
pre-Inca agricultural systems of the Huari and Chanca cultures. It is already evident
that our approach will need to be adjusted to greater demands and some di€erent
social attitudes. However, the essential elements of the projects needed by
communities (as expressed directly to us) appear to be similar to those in the Cuzco
region but we must re-orientate our management strategies and training programmes
to meet the new situation, and making sure that in each area the appropriate projects

# 1997 by John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. J. INT. DEV. VOL. 9: 739±752 (1997)
750 A. Kendall

are perceived as pilot schemes which can be replicated by the many newly formed and
often inexperienced local NGOs Ð who must gain their experience and become
credible in their ability to attract funding.
In October 1991 at the UNEP-UK/RGS preparation for the Rio summit confer-
ence, the Trust drew attention to the importance of the immense and wide-spread
heritage in the world of irrigation systems which could be rehabilitated if appropriate
actions were taken. This was followed by a statement on the potential achievement of
sustainable agriculture through restoration of ancient irrigation systems.
Whilst isolated research and rehabilitation programmes have been implemented,
for example, in Israel and Bolivia, to our knowledge no one has attempted to
co-ordinate the various research activities in order to formulate options for tackling
rural development potential world-wide. We believe that existing ancient systems
can be restored to increase e€ective cultivation and furthermore that the results of
the research could be used to recommend technologies for areas that do not possess
ancient infrastructures. Without further research it is however impossible to say
whether all such systems can or should be revived. While an awareness of the dangers
of heavy dependence in the past on specialized agricultural systems, such as the
Tiahuanaco colla suyus (raised ®eld systems) in the face of changing climates (Kolata,
1996), and the changing social systems imposed by foreign conquerors, there is no
reason to suppose that redevelopment with some modi®cations is not a positive
option. This has already been shown to be the case in the wayru wayru or colla suyos in
the Titicaca Basin (Erickson, 1985; Erickson and Candler, 1989; Kolata, 1996).
It is, therefore, also our hypothesis that small-scale development projects, based
on an understanding of past stable irrigation systems and more closely related to
traditional methods, have a high probability of success under a wide-range of climatic
and environmental conditions throughout the world.
Not only is the restoration of agricultural systems appropriate for intensive farming
with organic fertilizers, but many other local traditions which enhance the environ-
ment or have potential for improvements show considerable potential for building
upon for rural development strategies. As many agencies now recognize, an appro-
priate strategy deriving from the local cultural background is more likely to be
sustainable in the long term.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

For major funding: ODA (Overseas Development Administration/JFS), Leverhulme

Trust, European Commission, Womankind Worldwide, The Baring Trust, The Hilden
Trust, British Petroleum, Tarmac, FCGPC (Peru/Canada Fund) any other donors.
To the Field Ocers of the Cusichaca Trust, the local sta€, and all who have
contributed their research and commitment in the UK and Peru.

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