Butler and Wallenstein

An Authentic Account of the Death of Wallenstein, with a Vindication of the Motives of
Colonel Walter Butler

Author(s): Francis Prendergast
Source: Transactions of the Kilkenny Archaeological Society, Vol. 2, No. 1 (1852), pp. 9-32
Published by: Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland
Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/25489808
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9
Clonmel, 5th July, 1853.
My Dear Sir?I received yours of the 29th ult., and am sorry to say that I
have not the tapestry you allude to. I think about twelve years since, I saw it in
Carrick Castle. There were two large pieces, one was " Sampson killing the Lion," the
subject of the other I do not now recollect. It was very much faded, as it was lying
there I suppose for a couple of centuries, and going fast to decay. I got a friend of
mine to enquire of Lord Ormonde's agent (I do not remember his name) if it would be
sold : he would not sell it, and a short time after I heard it was sent to Kilkenny Castle.
I have four pieces of Tapestry?1st " Hercules and Omphale;" this is 10 feet by 12,
colouring very brilliant. 2nd, " Rebecca at the Well," 9 feet by 18, rather faded. The
two others are sporting subjects, very old and much faded. I had two other pieces, one
a "Merry-making," after Teniers, 10 feet by 18, containing fifty-two figures, colours very
good. The other, " Jupiter and Leda," 10 feet by 12; these I parted with to a gentleman
in Carrick?Mr. Wogan.
I am, dear Sir, yours very truly,
Rev. James Graves. John W. Dowsley.
The second piece of tapestry which was original

Castle, and the subject of which Dr. Dowsley w
remember, is probably Sampson pulling down the P
already alluded to as being at present at Kilkenny C
AN AUTHENTIC ACCOUNT
OF
THE DEATH OF WALLENSTEIN,

WITH A VINDICATION OF THE MOTIVES OF COLONEL WALTE
BY FRANCIS PRENDERGAST, ESQ., BARRISTER-AT-LAW.
The death of Wallenstein, the principal figure in the

War, has always been enveloped in a mystery neve
plained, even to the present day. Schiller's tragedy, his
".The Death of Wallenstein," has given the subject
renown, and invested the character of the hero of the
grandeur which has not only caused posterity to deal l
his errors or his crimes, but to pass even a harsher ju
usual, on those who are supposed to have betrayed him
Our object here, however, is to show that the most rec
hav? placed the whole transaction in a very different ligh
in which it has been hitherto viewed, and to prove th
author of Wallenstein's death, does not deserve the obl
been heaped upon his name by the great poet and hist
as by writers of later date. Butler was one of the fa
town, a cadet branch of the great house of Ormonde,
not to be a matter of indifference to the county of Ki
2
10
deed, to Ireland, whether the name of one of her sons, which must
remain on the page of history, should stand there in its proper charac
ter as that of a soldier of fortune, who had won his way to honours
and estates by fidelity and valour, or, as it has hitherto appeared, as
that of a base and hired assassin, incited by sordid motives to execute
the behests of an ungrateful sovereign.
The usual story of the close of Wallenstein's career runs to the
effect that he had grown too powerful with the army under his com
mand, and that the emperor Ferdinand, fearing to attempt to remove
him from it or deprive him of the extraordinary powers with which
he had been invested, meditated his ruin, and even his assassination.
That Wallenstein, apprised of the intrigues of his enemies at the
Imperial court, and aware of his danger, entered into treasonable
communications with the Swedes and Saxons, and tampered with the
loyalty of the army?endeavouring to secure its fidelity to himself by
means of a written bond or pact, which the principal officers, and
among them Walter Butler, the commander of an Irish dragoon regi
ment, voluntarily subscribed their names to, and thereby entered into
a traitorous conspiracy against the emperor. That a proclamation
was issued against Wallenstein, offering rewards for his arrest alive or
dead, and that he retired, accompanied by some of his troops, and
among them Butler's regiment, to the fortified place of Eger, and
was there, with his principal officers, treacherously assassinated by
Butler, aided by Lesley, Gordon, Devereux, and other Scotch and
Irish officers. That Butler was the instigator of this assassination, and
as such received honours and rewards from the emperor.
Such are the outlines of the account given by Schiller in his
tragedy, and in his " History of the Thirty Years' War," by Forster,
by colonel Mitchell, and other authors, who, however their opinions
may vary as to Wallenstein's innocence or guilt, are unanimous in
considering the deed of Butler as base and unworthy of a man of
honour. "We must strive," says Mitchell, p. 106, alluding to the
officers from these kingdoms in the Imperial service, "to find in their
military glory some compensation for the foul blot which we shall see
British hands inflicting on the name and fame of our country."
But the position of Butler and his conduct towards Wallenstein
appear very differently in the excellent History of the Austrian
Empire, lately published by John count Mailath.1 He has had
access to and examined very carefully the public archives at Vienna
and Prague; it is not necessary here to bring forward the evidence
by which Wallenstein's treasonable intrigues with France are made
manifest, it is sufficient to state that it is difficult to doubt that he
engaged in such, and that the emperor, who had long harboured
suspicions, was suddenly informed of Wallenstein's dealings with
France through the channel of the duke of Savoy.
1 Geschichte des Ostreichischen Kaiserstaates, von Johann Grafen Mailath. Ham
burgh, 1850.
11
Mailath states that the efforts of Wallenstein's enemies at the

Imperial court suddenly acquired great force by an entirely unex
pected communication from the court of Savoy, by which the em
peror was fully and completely informed of Wallenstein's negotiations
with the French court. At the same time, intelligence was received
from various quarters of the written agreement subscribed by the
colonels of the Imperial army at Pilsen. This was the last drop in
the cup, and determined the Imperial court to take decided steps
against Wallenstein. The emperor signed a proclamation by which
he withdrew the chief command from Wallenstein and conferred it
upon Gallas, but apprehensive of Wallenstein's influence over the
army they did not venture to publish the proclamation till its fidelity
could be ascertained. When Wallenstein called the officers to a second
meeting at Pilsen, Gallas thought it time to come forward, and issued
a public notice to the army not to obey in future any orders from
Wallenstein or his officers, but only from himself and other generals
named in the proclamation. It is necessary here to observe that this
proclamation is stated by most authors to have been a proclamation
of outlawry, offering rewards to whomsoever should take Wallenstein
alive or dead. But this is not true, it was only to remove him from
the command of the army, and went no further. It appears quite
clearly, from the correspondence between the Imperial generals who
superseded Wallenstein, that their object was to drive him out of
Bohemia, and that his death, in the manner in which it took place,
was quite unexpected by them. When Wallenstein, who was at
Pilsen, was informed that a proclamation deposing him from the com
mand had been posted publicly in Prague, he endeavoured to collect
his army and retire to form a junction with the Swedes. But the
greater part of the troops abandoned him, and he entered Eger with
only ten companies of two regiments and 200 dragoons of Butler's
regiment. Mailath says, " immediately about him were his brother
in-law Kinsky, Illo, Terzka, and Butler. This last, Wallenstein had,
to his own destruction, compelled to accompany him to Eger. He
was a Catholic Irishman, a colonel in the Imperial army, commanding
a regiment of dragoons, consisting chiefly of Irishmen." Hitherto
little more has been known about Butler during the last days of Wal
lenstein, than what is stated by Forster, and in the " Austrian Military
Journal." It is to this effect: Gallas informs the emperor, " colonel
Butler has let me know that he will remain true, and endeavour to
do his duty to your majesty, which will be no slight impediment to
Erevent
irther, onthe traitors
the 27th of Feb.from
1634, toexecuting theirsends
Maradas : " Butler designs."
word Gallas writes
to me that, if Arnim comes within two miles of Eger, he will arrest,
or slay, the traitor (Wallenstein)." But Diodati wrote to Gallas:
" that the poor cavalier (Butler) had only gone to Eger upon com
pulsion, and that he had already written to him (Diodati) that he
would withdraw himself." Up to this time we have had no other
12
clue to Butler's sentiments; but a document hitherto unknown throws

much light upon the conduct and feelings of Butler in the last days
of Wallenstein. This is an account of what occurred, written by his
regimental chaplain, father Patrick Taaffe, which has been found
among the legal papers of a suit between the relations of Butler, con
cerning the property he had left. Taaffe's account is dated Prague,
12th February, 1653, and it would appear that he had been requested
by another priest to relate to him the course of the events at Eger,
and Taaffe in his answer gives a circumstantial account of what oc
curred. He states that Butler was in winter quarters at Klatrub, and
his regiment was dispersed in detachments to guard the passes from
the upper Palatinate into Bohemia, when suddenly at midnight a
courier arrived from the duke of Friedland, with express orders that
the colonel should at once, without loss of time, assemble his regiment
and march to the White Mountain, near Prague. " The colonel aston
ished, had me awakened and called to him. He assured me that this
unexpected order of the generalissimo confirmed him in the suspicions
which he had entertained, of his disloyalty, on several previous occa
sions. For what else is it, said he, to call away me and my soldiers
from the defence of the passes against the enemy so near to us, but to
open the door to the enemy and invite him into Bohemia ? But go
we must, said he, for so peremptory an order cannot be disobeyed.
He added to this : I think that I shall die on the White Mountain,
but if, as I hope, I find many honourably-minded, and of approved
fidelity, I shall not die unrevenged; and I think that the White
Mountain will be stained with more blood than in the battle against
the Palatine Frederick." Taaffe then relates that the detachments
of the regiment were immediately called in and that they marched
towards Pilsen. About half way, they met some cavalry and infantry
with baggage from which Illo or Terzka (Taaffe does not remember
which) gallopped forward, and, in the name of the generalissimo, or
dered Butler to join them and march towards Mies. On the 22nd of
Feb., continues Taaffe, we arrived at Mies. By order of the duke of
Friedland, and contrary to military usage, the colonel was obliged to
pass the night with the colours, in the town, while the soldiers re
mained without in the field. This still further increased his suspicions
of Wallenstein, as he concluded from it that they feared he would
make his escape. He consulted with father Taaffe, who advised him
to fly, but Butler maintained that flight was unworthy of a courageous
man, and that it would be of no advantage to the emperor, unless he
could bring off the soldiers and the colours with him. On the next
day, Butler and his regiment were so placed on the march among the
other troops, that he could not remain behind, and go off with them
as he intended to do if he could. Butler was again, on this night,
separated, with the colours, from the regiment. He sent for father
Taaffe, and after a private conversation with him, sent him with a
written message, in the English language, to Gallas, or Piccolomini,
13
to the effect, that he would die a hundred deaths rather than draw
his sword traitorously against the interests of the emperor ; and also
told Taaffe to assure whichever of them he should meet first, that he
might be considered in all respects, a faithful and honourable officer of
his majesty. He even added, continues Taaffe, that perhaps by the
special providence of God, he had been compelled to this march, that
he might perform some especially heroic act. Taaffe then relates that
he delivered the message to Piccolomini, at Pilsen, and that the latter
said he had never doubted Butler's loyalty to the emperor, but that,
as he was placed among the disaffected, in order that others who were
not so welt acquainted with his character, might know it also, Taaffe
should, as secretly as possible, apprise him in writing to return, and
bring Wallenstein with him alive or dead, if he wished to be advanced
by the emperor. " Of all this," says Taaffe, " I was an eye-witness."
"I here," proceeds Mailath, "interrupt father Patrick Taaffe's
narrative, to make some observations. When Butler was at Klatrub,
the emperor's proclamation against Wallenstein was unknown to him,
for otherwise he would not have obeyed Wallenstein's order to march
to the White Mountain; and nevertheless, he already suspected
Wallenstein's disaffection. He believed that there was a great faction
for Wallenstein in the army, and expected a great battle at the
White Mountain, between the emperors troops and the adherents of
Wallenstein; the latter must therefore have already given many
tokens of treason, and his proceedings have met with approbation in
the army?Further, the decision which Butler came to, and ex
ecuted in regard to Wallenstein, was his own and not from any
superior authority; for the letter of Taaffe, containing Piccolomini's
charge, to bring in Wallenstein living or dead, did not reach Butler
before the deed. If this had happened, Taaffe would relate it, and
Butler would have made its contents of effect with Gordon and Leslie,
which he did not do, as the continuation of Taaffe's story proves.
Lastly, Taaffe's account is quite worthy of credit, for he separates
accurately what he communicated as an eye-witness from that which
he only heard; and even in that which he gives as from an eye
witness, he distinguishes accurately what he knew with certainty,
from that which he does not remember well."
The continuation of Taaffe's narrative is as follows:?
That which follows I relate from Butler's own account, whom I ever found not less
true in words than brave in deeds. On the way from Plana to Eger, Friedland had
Butler summoned to his carriage and held, contrary to his custom, the following friendly
and confidential conversation with him. He said?Herr Butler, I regret that I have
hitherto been so strange, and even ungrateful, to so brave and meritorious a commander
of a regiment; but the blame rests not so much upon me as on the emperor, who pro
mised me much with which I could have rewarded meritorious officers and brave soldiers;
but as he did not keep his promise, it has not only been out of my power to recompense
the military according to my wishes, but I am also even compelled, not so much on my
own account as for the sake of my officers, to take another course by which I can oblige
the emperor to fulfil his promise, so that I may be able to recompense the deserving.
Among these I am aware that few come before Herr Butler. But that he may see how
14
highly I esteem him, and how much I shall benefit him, I will give him two regiments?
one of horse and one of infantry of Terzka's, and besides this appoint in Hamburg
200,000 (as well as 1 remember) dollars, for the raising of fresh soldiers through my
envoys in England, Scotland, and Ireland, and quarters, or a mustering place, at the
same town. Butler answered to this with great but feigned expression of thanks, for
the offer of so many and such high marks of favour?that he owed no duty or allegiance
to the emperor except as a soldier; and that he might therefore preserve his honour,
which was dearer to him than his life, without spot, he would first write to request his
discharge from the emperor, which he had no doubt of obtaining, as he could not compel
a freeman and a foreigner into his service ; he would then prefer to serve his highness,
whose great science in the conduct of armies, and good fortune in battles above all men
he had learned by experience. I do not remember that any thing else, except this con
versation happened upon the way. After the arrival at Eger, Butler and the colours, as
had been done the whole way, were assigned quarters in the town, while his soldiers
remained without in the field. On the first night of bis arrival at Eger, Butler invited
lieutenant-colonel Gordon and watchmaster Leslie, officers of the infantry regiment of
Terzka, at that time forming the garrison of Eger, to his quarters. After they, according
to military custom, had drunk somewhat, whether from design or from the wine, he
began to speak more unreservedly; he endeavoured to make out their sentiments, and
thus addressed them.?I came unexpectedly here, brother officers, I did not dream of
this unexpected expedition. I should be very glad to know what you think of it, for it
appears to me very strange that our generalissimo, who formerly never approached the
enemy unless with some 50,000 men, now advances towards him with only some five or
six thousand ? When they answered that this novelty looked very like treachery;
Butler said: This has long been my opinion ; we must therefore, take counsel together
how we may keep unstained our honour and the allegiance which we owe to his
Imperial majesty. We are foreigners, and have no other inheritance except fidelity and
honour, which are to be preferred to everything else. After he had said a good deal
more to bring their minds to the determination which he had already taken, but which
he did not yet disclose to them (for as they were then of a different religion, and also
officers of count Terzka, he did not trust them), lieutenant-colonel Gordon counselled
flight, which was easy, as he had the keys of the town. Butler answered that it would
be disgraceful to fly and leave behind the emperor's soldiers and colours which he had
entrusted to them, so that they might be led against the emperor. Moreover their flight
would be of little use to the emperor, for he knew well that in his regiment there were
hardly any three who could not perform as good services as they three without soldiers;
they must therefore think of some other method more glorious to them and more advan
tageous to the emperor. At last, watchmaster Leslie, with much courage and openness,
burst out with the words as much longed for as suggested by Butler, Let us slay the
traitors! Upon this, Butler much cheered, said, Stand by me, brothers, only pledge
yourselves to keep the secret, and admit privately into the town some of my faithful
officers and soldiers. I take the dangerous execution upon myself, for the support of the
Almighty has never failed those who undertake what is difficult for the sake of God,
justice, and loyalty. In desperate situations God helps in an unexpected manner.
Lieutenant-colonel Gordon refused for a time to join in this determination, whether it
was from fickleness or on account of the greatness of the danger, but at last, encouraged
by Butler, he agreed.
So far the account of Patrick Taaffe. The narrative of the

murder of Wallenstein and his adherents is nearly the same as that
which has hitherto been known. I will indicate in their proper
places any new matter supplied by Taaffe. I now return to the
account of the last moments of the life of Wallenstein.
In the morning of the 25 th of February, Gordon and Leslie ad
mitted unremarked into the town several officers of Butler's regiment,
namely Devereux, Geraldine, De Burgo, MacDonald, and a few more
officers, about 100 privates of Butler's regiment, and almost as many
German soldiers. Gordon invited Kinsky, Illo, Terzka, and captain
15
Neumann, to dinner. They were to have been murdered there, but

the invited desired instead, an evening feast. Gordon agreed to this,
and the deed was thus put off till the night. In the meanwhile the
report spread that the Swedes were advancing; that they would
enter Eger next day?Illo himself told this exultingly. This was a
fresh ground for Butler to slay Wallenstein and his confederates.
Night came on. When the guests appeared at the feast, De Burgo
joined himself with 100 men to the patrol; he said it was done by
command of the generalissimo on account of the nearness of the
enemy, but the real reason was that any movement that might take
place might be immediately suppressed. Twenty men beset the gate
in Gordon's residence : they had orders to let no one in or out
without Butler's order. When the servants went to their supper
their doors were also guarded; a curious servant who wished to get
out of the chamber was cut down. The officers were still sitting
drinking when Butler's dragoons entered the apartment from two
sides. Geraldine, who commanded them, cried out, " who is for the
emperor ?" Gordon and Leslie sprung up, drew their swords, took
each a light from the table in his hand, and cried, " long live the
House of Austria !" Kinsky and Illo were cut down as they were
hastening to get their weapons. Terzka, by good luck, laid hold of
his sword, placed himself in a corner, and defended himself manfully.
His doublet of elk-skin protected him from many thrusts, so that the
dragoons thought he bore a charmed life, but at last he fell to the
ground pierced through the body. Neumann had escaped out of the
room, but as he did not know the watchword the guard cut him
down upon the stairs. Geraldine went immediately with twelve
dragoons to the castle. He was admitted, as he gave out that he
brought intelligence to the duke. As he hastened to the duke's
chamber, female shrieks from the other wing of the castle penetrated
into Wallenstein's sleeping room. It was the cry of lamentation of
the countesses Kinsky and Terzka, who had just learned the murder
of their husbands. Wallenstein had arisen and gone to the windows,
and had asked of the watch what the noise was. Then Geraldine,
with his foot thrusting open the door of the sleeping apartment, called
out, " art thou the traitor who would deprive the emperor of his
crown and kingdom ?" Wallenstein stretched out his arms in silence;
Geraldine's partizan pierced through his unflinching breast, and he
sank upon the ground without a groan.
What Butler did the next day best appears again from Taaffe's
narrative. It is stated there, that on the next morning he summoned
the town council, told them of the deed, and the reasons for it, and
administered to them the oath of allegiance to the emperor. He
then proceeded, accompanied by a few, to the regiments in camp
outside of the town, and of whose loyalty he had strong doubts. He
demanded from them a similar oath, which they took, without a
single refusal.
16
After Butler had ascertained, by looking through some letters

found with Friedland, that the duke of Saxe, Francis Albert, would
soon appear in person (as his letter promised), and that troops would
follow him for the purpose of opening the closed passes that the con
federated regiments might unite with Friedland, and carry out their
chief design; he (Butler) sent out several squadrons of horse and
dragoons upon the roads, which lead to the Palatinate, with orders to
take the aforesaid duke wherever they might find him, and bring
him in the emperor s name to Eger, which was also done.1
To Gallas, Butler reported briefly the slaying of Wallenstein, and
in conjunction with Gordon, issued a proclamation to the army. In
this it is stated that Wallenstein intrigued with the two electors of
Saxony and Brandenburg, and would have plunged not only the
army, but also the emperor's hereditary kingdoms and states into
the most extreme danger and ruin. Wherefore, they, as the emperor's
loyal subjects, had taken the most energetic means at hand to pre
serve the emperor's hereditary kingdom and states, and thereby
inform them that, by the singular direction and providence of the
Almighty and his assistance to the military execution, on the day
before, the rebels and conspirators against his Imperial majesty had
been brought to nought, and from life to death. In conclusion, all
were called upon to have a particularly watchful eye upon the
fortified places, and to obey no orders except those coming expressly
from his Imperial majesty; and in fine, to have at heart the impor
tance of preserving the general weal as the emperor's service and
their allegiance required. The troops remained quiet. In one place
only, in Silesia, some regiments revolted, but were soon quickly
brought to order.
Having thus set forth the facts which relate to the murder of
Wallenstein, it now remains to inquire who caused it.
It has hitherto been believed that the emperor caused the assas
sination, inasmuch as he had given the order to take Wallenstein
alive or dead, and had thereby proscribed him. This assertion and
view is founded principally upon " The Complete and Authentic
Account of the Horrible Treason of the late Friedland and his Ad
herents, published by the Special Command of his Imperial Majesty."2
This exculpatory document has naturally and excusably misled
even the contemporary Imperialist writers, Khevenhiiller and Gualdo
Priorato. But as the proscribing clause in question was not contained
in either the first or second proclamation, it has been sought to re
1 Here ends all that is worth extracting elusion, that Butler met with so gracious
from Taaffe's letter. The remainder is only a reception from the Imperial court, that
in praise of the modesty of Butler, who he never could do enough to evince his
ever afterwards when the subject was men sense of it.
tioned, ascribed the whole to the providence 2 Vienna, 1634, pp. 38. This wasUhe
of God, which had always, in such a re official apology published by the Impe
markable manner, protected the family of rial court, which will be discussed further
Ferdinand. It is also mentioned, in con on.
17
concile the contradiction between the silence of these two proclama

tions and the above-mentioned complete and authentic account, by
supposing that a secret special order, with the words "alive or dead,"
had been issued by the emperor to the generals. This opinion has
been generally acceded to by almost all writers ; but it is entirely un
founded. The emperor never issued any order of the tenor that
Wallenstein should be taken alive or dead. The emperor had not
any even the most remote share, directly or indirectly, in the slaying
of Wallenstein. We must be permitted first to adduce a negative
proof. No such order has ever been found in the archives of any
state or country, or in the repositories of any private person, nor has
even an allusion to any such order ever been discovered. This
negative proof would of itself be most satisfactory, but receives great
force from the following circumstances: If such an order had
ever been given, it must at least have been known to the emperor's
most confidential ministers and generals, namely, Gallas, Altringer,
Piccolomini, Maradas, marchese di Caretto, and Pucher of the
council of war; but that no such secret order was known to any
of these is evident from their accounts which have come down to us.
The endeavours and preparations of all the generals were di
rected, as appears from their mutual correspondence with one another,
only to the expulsion of Wallenstein from Bohemia (which is
directly contradictory to any secret Imperial order to bring him in
alive or dead, and proves the non-existence of any such), and it was
only when they had heard that he had fortified himself in Eger, that
they thought of enclosing him there and preventing his junction with
the enemy.
The orders of Gallas ohly signified that Wallenstein, Illo, and -
Terzka were not to be obeyed; this is acknowledged by Butler
himself, after the so-called execution, in his report of it to Gallas,
despatched on the 25th of February, 1634, and it may also be per
ceived from Gallas' own letter to the emperor, dated from Pilsen,
the 27th February, in which he accuses Gordon and Leslie of dis
obedience to his orders and therefore of disloyalty, making this impu
tation against them, solely because they had admitted Wallenstein
into Eger. It may also be perceived from this despatch that the
plan of Gallas was to drive Wallenstein out of Bohemia; even the
emperor, as appears from a letter to the marchese di Caretto of the
26th of February, 1634, at a time when he was already aware that
Wallenstein had left Pilsen with a small escort, only commanded that
he should be followed and pursued.
Piccolomini in his despatch to Gallas of the 21st of February,
1634, was then of opinion that to drive Wallenstein out of Bohemia
was the best method?a method which he never would have proposed,
if he had been aware of a secret Imperial order to secure Wallenstein
in any way, whether alive or dead. It must further be adduced, in
confirmation of the opinion above set forth, that in a second despatch,
3
18
under date of Horasdiowicz, the 25th of February, 1634, Piccolomini

still repeated to Galias, " che V.E. venga qui con ogni prestezza, con
la gente, che habiamo, insieme andar persequitando il Waldstain e
cacciarlo di Boemia"-?" that his excellency should come to him
there with all speed, that with the troops which they had they might
go in pursuit of Wallenstein and drive him out of Bohemia," and is
altogether silent about Butler's having sent his confessor Patrick
Taaffe to him on the 23rd of February, for new instructions with
regard to Wallenstein, and of his (Piccolomini's) having expressed to
Taaffe " that he had never doubted Butler's loyalty, but that others
might not be able to doubt it, and that he might acquire the special
favour of the emperor, that he should bring back Wallenstein alive
or dead." It is clear, from the turn and manner of the expression,
that it was founded on no secret order of the emperor, but arose
from Piccolomini's personal hatred to Wallenstein, and that he in this
respect went beyond the orders of his sovereign.
That Piccolomini hated and pursued Wallenstein with the vin
dictiveness of a southern, appears incontestably from the continuance
of this hatred even after Wallenstein's death. He alone called what
had occurred at Eger " a glorious deed," and he would even have
had the bodies of " the executed," as they were called, exposed in the
vilest places.1 The marchese di Caretto also, in his despatch dated
Pilsen, the 27th of February, charges Gordon with having opened
the gates of Eger to Wallenstein. He proposes on every occasion
that a formal process should be proceeded with against Wallenstein,
and could not therefore have been in any way implicated in the oc
currences at Eger; neither could any secret special order of the kind
have been known to him.
Pucher of the council of war, to whom such a secret special
order could have been no secret, says, in his narrative of the 13th
March, 1634, in clear language, concerning the occurrences at Eger,
" that Butler, Gordon, and Leslie, after due consultation and delibera
tion, came to a decided resolution of their own, without having any
order in that respect, and exterminated these manifest patrica pro
ditores"2
With this narrative agree entirely, first, Butler's report to count
Galias of the 25th; secondly, Butler and Gordon's joint proclama
tion, of the 26th, to the troops, and lastly, Butler's report to the
emperor, of the 27th February, 1634 ; and from all three one may
perceive that they effected the deed after careful deliberation and con
sequently without any order. A further confirmation of the cor
rectness of these statements is found in the account, composed nineteen
years later, by Butler's chaplain, Patrick Taaffe. This bears upon it
1 Piccolomini to Caretto, Mies, 27th Feb. of Wallenstein's murder for all Europe, all
1634. the secret circumstances connected with
2 Pucher's narrative will be mentioned that transaction must have been communi
again. As he had to compose an account cated to him.
19
unmistakeably the stamp of veracity and of a cool view of the cir

cumstances. He informs us that Butler was without decided in
structions with regard to Wallenstein, that to obtain such, he des
patched his confessor Taaffe, that Taaffe found Piccolomini, who,
although his general, gave Butler rather advice than a command,
which, however, Taaffe was unable to deliver to him. But Taaffe's
inartificial relation of the whole details, discloses to us Butler's inmost
feelings upon the occasion. His recall from the frontiers, thronged
with the enemy, without the substitution of any relieving troops, and
the order to march to the White Mountain in the centre of a peaceful
kingdom, in the vicinity of the capital town, confirmed him in his
mistrust of Wallenstein's loyalty to the emperor. In all this, he
never swerved from his resolution, not to desert his colours, to which
he had sworn fidelity till death, to remain unshaken in his loyalty to
the emperor, and even though surrounded by rebels to fight for the
good cause to his last breath. The White Mountain should be stained
with more blood than in the time of the Palatine Frederick. These
were Butler's sentiments on the 23rd of February, therefore he had
neither concerted nor previously determined upon that, which after
wards occurred at Eger.
Wallenstein's march out of Pilsen, not as was usual at the head of a
numerous afmy, but with a small body of troops, appeared to Butler
not as a march against the enemy, but to the enemy, and his sus
picions became thereby very much increased. But when Wallenstein
ordered Butler to join him with his dragoons, assigned him night
quarters near to himself and always at a distance from his soldiers,
expressed to him his regret that he had not yet been able to reward
him for his brave and faithful services, but laid the blame upon the
emperor's not having fulfilled his promises; when he promised him
two regiments and money to raise them, then his suspicion became
certainty. Wallenstein appeared to him as an undoubted traitor, and
the danger (by the generally believed approach of the enemy, magni
fied by the boasting of Wallenstein's adherents) imminent. And
thus, from a thorough conviction of the treason, and of the urgent
necessity for the deed, Butler determined to execute it.
But all these facts and proofs in writing here adduced, however
they may contradict any previous order of the emperor to take
Wallenstein alive or dead, are yet not sufficient to prove directly
false the clear expressions in the complete account published by
order of the emperor, or to make us take them, as suggested in the
" Austrian Military Journal," as words of course, escaped from the pen
of a legal official accustomed to this form. But that this proclamation
of outlawry against Wallenstein, contained in the complete report,
was really first published six months after his death (the report ap
peared in the course of October), is proved by the yet extant letter of
Ferdinand III., king of the Romans, to his father Ferdinand II., dated
Nordlingen, 5th of September, 1634, in which he says: "with
20
regard to the manifesto upon the treason of Friedland, sent here

for our consideration, we, with the general officers and councillors
there present, are most humbly of opinion, that perhaps it would be
more advisable to publish likewise against the executed traitors
sententiam post mortem." Now, however, in the complete report re
ferred to, if considered very attentively word by word, no other
passage, except this proclamation of outlawry in the usual form
" alive or dead," occurs, to which this " sententia post mortem" would
apply. This letter alone is able to remove the obstacle on which con
temporaries and posterity have alike foundered, this alone can explain
the insertion of the form "to arrest alive or dead" in the complete re
port, and give it its true signification.
In this report the second proclamation of the 18th of February
was also first publicly acknowledged; but it could not have been
issued at the time of its date by the emperor, as he, in a despatch of
the 1st of March, still refers exclusively to the proclamation of the
24th of January, and commands that the pardon promised therein
should be strictly observed; and to count Altringer, also, this pro
clamation was unknown on the 14th of March.
This subsequent pronouncing of sentence must appear a psycho
logical enigma, which can only be solved by those, who are able
to comprehend accurately Ferdinand's personal character. The tho
roughly religious character of Ferdinand regarded the unhappy end
of Wallenstein as the undoubted punishment of God, which had
overtaken a perjurer and traitor; those who executed the deed must
have appeared to him as instruments chosen by God for his preserva
tion. How should he call them to an account? They must be
secured from every summons before any tribunal of human justice;
this could only be attained by alleging a previous proclamation of
outlawry. The entirely erroneous supposition, that the emperor had
on the 24th of January, already signed a proclamation of outlawry
against Wallenstein, has also brought upon the emperor the reproach
of having, with hypocritical friendship, for fully three weeks made
the most confidential communications to him.1 But how completely
different Ferdinand appears, when one considers that he, on that day,
signed his removal from the command-in-chief, and that he required
to be assured that it should only be made use of in the most pressing
necessity. The justice of this last assertion is confirmed by the cir
cumstance, that Galias did not make public this order for Wallenstein's
removal from the command, and dated 24th January, 1634, before
the 13th February, after he had learned that Wallenstein had sum
moned the officers at Pilsen to a second meeting.
I cannot conclude this examination without observing on two
points: The emperor had 3000 masses said for the souls of Wal
lenstein and his accomplices. Forster infers from this that the empe*
1 Berthold, German War, p. 131; Forster's Letters, 3 vols. p. 180; and Wallenstein's
Life, p. 261.
21
ror felt remorse for the murder of Wallenstein. But it proves directly
the contrary, namely, that the emperor considered Wallenstein to be
a traitor : for if he had felt remorse for the assassination of Wallenstein
he would have had masses said, not for Wallenstein, but for himself;
but because he thought that W allenstein was guilty, he had masses
said, according to the doctrines of the Roman Catholic Church, to
intercede for his soul.1 The second point to be observed upon is the
assertion, that the emperor was embarrassed as to how the assassination
of Wallenstein should be called, and therefore in the first despatch
addressed to Gallas, after he was aware of Wallenstein's death, the
word " slaying" was struck out of the draught, and " put to the
sword" inserted instead. This would be very unimportant, even if it
were true, but it is not. Mailath says, " I, the author of this
work, have seen the emperor Ferdinand's handwriting many hundred
times in his signatures, in marginal observations, and in long letters in
his own handwriting, and know that writing far too well to mistake
it. The words ' put to the sword' are not in the emperor's hand, but
in that of Schlick, president of the council of war. In the draught
alluded to, there are several alterations inserted, all by the same hand.
The emperor, moreover, could not have inserted the words ' put to the
sword* in the document in question, for he never could have seen it
according to the course then followed in the ministerial offices. Ac
cording to the course of business at that time, the documents were
first signed by the secretary of the department, then by the pre
sident or vice-president, and lastly by the emperor. The paper
in question is only signed by the secretary, alterations and corrections
having been made by the president when it was laid before him for
signature. As many corrections were necessary, the president did
not sign it; it required to be copied out afresh, and this fresh copy
could not be laid before the emperor for signature till it had been
signed by the secretary and president. The circumstance is, as I
have already said, in itself quite unimportant. I only mention
it here that the reader may again see how lightly calumnies are sent
into the world, when authors, who lay claim to the title of critical
historians, allow themselves to be carried away by passion and party
spirit."
From what has been said it clearly appears that the emperor did
not give orders for the death of Wallenstein, neither was it the design
of the Imperial generals to have him assassinated, but that Butler,
without any order, and of his own motion, executed the deed.
But now that Wallenstein was dead, the question arose at the
Imperial court, how should this be announced to the world ? Pucher,
of the council of war, sketched a manifesto in which truth was mixed
1 Forster, in the argument here made Roman Catholic doctrines; they generally
use of, is in the position of many Protes fail altogether, because they discourse of a
tant authors when they endeavour to sup subject which, for the most part, they are
port their views by arguments drawn from completely ignorant of.
22
with falsehood, because he did not dare to avow the real reason of Wal
lenstein's deposition, namely, his connexion with France. The most
important allegation in it is, that Butler executed the deed of his own
motion. Ferdinand, at that time with the army, to whom the
emperor forwarded Pucher's account for his opinion, was of another
view with regard to the statement of the event; he answered the
emperor that he and the general officers and councillors there present
were of opinion that it would be more advisable to publish against
the executed traitors?sententiam post mortem?sentence after death.
This opinion prevailed, and the emperor took the deed upon
himself, although he had given no order for it. In doing this he did
not think that he thereby assumed the responsibility of any unjust
action or such as he might not lawfully have committed, but that he
was only adopting such a deed as according to the political and legal
maxims of that time, he might have commanded.1
Another manifesto was therefore composed. But here occurred
a grand difficulty against which even Pucher's manifesto was not
available. Wallenstein's chief crime lay in his connexion with France;
if the emperor announced this, the duke of Savoy, through whom he
had obtained this information, would be compromised, and war with
France inevitable ; but the emperor wished to avoid this at any price.
Therefore it was necessary to write a manifesto which should prove
Wallenstein's guilt without alleging the true reasons, and that the
emperor might assume the deed to himself a new document must be
composed. This new document is the second Imperial proclamation
against Wallenstein, which is dated the 18th of February, and in
which the emperor orders that Wallenstein should be arrested " alive
or dead." Forster has already, before me, made the remark that this
proclamation appeared first after Wallenstein's death: in this he is
perfectly right, but in the reason he gives for its having been com
posed after his death he is altogether wrong. He is of opinion that
the proclamation was fabricated in order that more accomplices of
Wallenstein might be discovered, sentence passed on them and their
estates confiscated ; but this is an error : the reason is, that the em
peror wished to take upon himself the slaying of Wallenstein.2 After
this falsely dated proclamation of the 18th of February was composed,
a larger pamphlet upon Wallenstein's guilt and assassination appeared.
1 Chateaubriand, in his " Analysis of the 2 That the proclamation of the 18th of
History of France," justly remarks that February was not issued on that day, but
Henry III., in putting to death the two at some later period, is evident from the
Guises only acted according to the prin emperor's still referring, in his despatch
ciples of monarchy at that time: all justice of the 1st of March, exclusively to the
emanated from the king: he was the proclamation of the 24th of January, and
supreme judge, he was also the constituent issuing his command that the pardon which
power as well as the executive, he made he had promised therein should be strictly
the law and applied it: he had the right to observed.?Altringer also, on the 14th of
pronounce the sentence and to execute it: March, had no knowledege of this ex post
a murder on his part might be iniquitous, facto proclamation, dated the 18th of Feb
but it was legal. ruary.
23
It is verbose, but contains few facts, and rests almost altogether upon
false allegations, because, as we have already said, the emperor would
not allow the truth to be told, and, therefore, it has been easy in our
time for an eloquent defender of Wallenstein to refute the apology of
the Imperial court, and, apparently, to re-establish Wallenstein's in
nocence. Another instance is here furnished in confirmation of the
maxim that the truth and the whole truth is always the strongest
weapon. If the Imperial court 200 years ago had published without
reserve Wallenstein's treasonable negotiations with France, if it had
not subsequently assumed the responsibility of the deed committed by
Butler, a hundred calumnies would not have obtained circulation,
and the writers of the present time would have been spared the dif
ficult task of substituting truth in the place of long and deeply-rooted
erroneous opinions.
What has been stated above may be resumed in the following
heads :
Firstly?Wallenstein was by his transaction with France guilty of
treachery and disloyalty.
Secondly?His deposition was justly decreed.
Thirdly?The emperor neither commanded nor indirectly caused
the assassination of Wallenstein.
Fourthly?The generals in the emperor's interest did not wish
to have Wallenstein assassinated, but to drive him out of Bohemia.
Fifthly?Piccolomini alone uttered an exhortation to Butler to
take Wallenstein, alive or dead.
Sixthly?This exhortation did not reach Butler before the assas
sination of Wallenstein.
Seventhly?Butler slew Wallenstein of his own free determination,
without the instigation of any other person.
Eighthly?The emperor took the deed, when done, upon himself.
Ninthly?The proclamation against Wallenstein, dated the 18th
of February, was not drawn up till after Wallenstein's death.
Tenthly?The emperor did not choose to publish the chief reason
for the deposition of Wallenstein, namely, his alliance with France.
Eleventhly?For this reason the emperor's declaration about
Wallenstein's crime and deposition is full of false and easily refuted
allegations.
Twelfthly?The Imperial court has prejudiced itself infinitely by
concealing the truth, and has itself thereby contributed to numerous
calumnies and lies which have been circulated and believed.
The historical moral that flows from this is, that truth is the best
policy.
Wallenstein's body was given up to his widow, interred by her at
Gitschin, and in more recent times deposited in the family vault at
Munchengratz.
Colonel Walter Butler was made a count and Imperial chamber
lain, and received a golden chain and several of Terzka's estates. He
24
married a countess Phondana and died without issue at Swarrendorp

in Wirtemberg, shortly after the battle of Nordlingen gained by the
Imperialists in September, 1634, and in which Butler also greatly
distinguished himself. His countess interred him with great pomp
at Prague.
In the " Gotha Genealogical Almanac," the counts Butler-Clone
bough, called Haimhausen, are stated to descend from count Walter
Butler, "who in the time of the Thirty Years' War entered the Austrian
military service, and died there of the plague in the rank of colonel.
He received a grant of the lordship of Kirchberg, in Bohemia, from
the emperor Ferdinand II. As he died without children, he sub
stituted the son of his nephew, Thomas Butler of Clonebough, named
Richard, who was in the Spanish service, to be his heir. But he
resigned his inheritance to his brother Edmund of Paulstown, who had
come to Germany from Ireland since 1666, and from whom the pre
sent count (1838) descends in the eighth generation. On the 10th
September, 1681, the emperor Leopold granted to Edmund Theobald
the incolat of Bohemia, and an acknowledgment confirming his rank
of count. In 1772, Theobald married into the family of the counts
of Haimhausen in Bavaria; and, on its extinction, succeeded to the
estates and assumed the name and title; hence, the additional name of
Haimhausen."
It may be inferred from the genealogical account, given by Lodge
in his " Peerage of Ireland," that count Walter Butler was the
grandson of Edmund Butler of Paulstown. His brothers having died
without issue he had, properly speaking, no nephews.
The Thomas of Clonebough, mentioned in the German almanac,
may have been the Thomas of Clonmore, whose issue are not there
given by Lodge.
By an extract from the register of the diocese of Leighlin,1 of the
will of Sir Richard Butler of Paulstown, bart., dated 1678, probate
1680, it appears that Sir Richard, " then going to Germany, made
his last will and testament." He left portions to his three daughters,
?400 each, " and in case I doe recover my estate in Germany, that
then my said daughters shall have more portions proportionate to
what I shall recover."
From Lodge's "Peerage of Ireland" it appears that Peter Butler
of Roscrea (second son of Edmund Butler of Paulstown), by Catharine
De Burgo, had three sons who all died without issue : first, Edmund;
second, Walter, " who, being a commander under the emperor, had
given him the lordship of Hesberg {query Kirchberg) in Germany,
which descended to the house of Paulstown ;" third, Theobald, who
died in Poland, in 1634.
Walter Fitz-Edmund of Paulstown, the eldest brother of the
above-named Peter, had issue Sir Richard Butler of Paulstown, his
1 Marked vol. ii.; furnished to me by the Rev. James Graves.
25
heir, who died in 1619, and Thomas of Clonmore. Sir Richard left
Edmund, who died in 1636, Richard, Peter, and Walter his heir;
Edmund's son and heir, Walter, was created a baronet in 1643; his
son, Sir Richard Butler, died in 1686?Lodge; title, Mountgarrett.
In Harte's " Life of Gustavus Adolphus," 2nd edition, 1767, we
find the following statements:?
The yellow and blue Swedish brigades entered and attacked the quarter [of Frank
fort on the Oder] where colonel Butler lay with his Irish regiment, who gave the Impe
rialists an example of resolution which might have saved the town had it been followed.
He stood his ground till he had scarcely a soldier left, and did not submit till he was
shot through the arm with a musquet ball and pierced through the thigh with a halbert.
About sixty officers were taken prisoners, among the latter Butler, not the elder brother
who had a hand in Wallenstein's death. The Butler who made such heroical resistance
was named Walter. He was of the Ormond family, and nearly related to James, then
earl of Ormond. The Imperial generals, to exculpate themselves, laid the blame upon
Butler, but Gustavus having that night all the chief officers at supper with him protested
that he could not eat a morsel till he saw the brave Irishman?and yet (added the king)
I have something to say to him, which he may not chuse to hear. When he came in
Gustavus asked, Are you, Sir, the elder or the younger Butler ? He answered that he
was the younger. God be praised, said Gustavus, O thou brave soldier, had you been
the elder I had reason to have passed my sword through your body. Gustavus drew up
a certificate of Walter Butler's personal behaviour and signed it, as did all his generals.
All we know of Walter Butler after this period is, that when he left the Swedish army,
his first business was to send a challenge to colonel Behem, who had commanded a re
giment at Frankfort, and whom his enemies had pitched upon to be his accuser. But the
Swedish testimonial had terrified Behem, and he signed a full retractation. Butler then
went into Poland and raised a very fine troop of cavalry at his own expense. On his
return he took Prague, which made him more and more a favourite with Wallenstein,
and afterwards married the countess of Phondona. He decided the victory in favour of
the Imperialists at the famous battle of Nordlingen, where he stood firm without losing
an inch of ground for three and twenty hours during a continual fire, and though 16,000
soldiers were killed in that engagement. Soon after he died.?Vol. i. p. 245.
Harte adds in a note :?
What unsoldierlike action of the elder Butler is here alluded to, is not known from
history. It must have been notorious or the king would not have threatened to kill him
with his own hand. Time showed that the king knew men and their character very well,
for this Butler [whose Christian name was James] had a principal hand in the assassi
nation of Wallenstein. Our Butler was at Prague when Wallenstein was assassinated.
The Court of Vienna strongly suspected him to be in the generalissimo's interests, but
in truth he was neither for him nor against him. He saw Wallenstein's faults, but knew
how to preserve his own personal gratitude at the same time. Not that he had any ob
jection to his being removed (if the emperor so pleased), or tried in a judicial manner.
Had Butler not been a very honest man he might have made a great fortune just before
Wallenstein fell: for that general, who always gave the preference to foreign troops,
besought him to go to Ireland and raise a great bocly of infantry, adding that he had bills
of exchange at Hamburg, and ready money at his palace of Sagan to make good the sum
he intended for that purpose, namely, 4>32,000, and upwards. But Butler declined the
employment, and turned it off very politely by saying "that poor Ireland had been
drained too much of her men already." This anecdote I learned at Vienna, but the
memorandum was mislaid. I insert it now because Carve confirms it; with this dif
ference that he labours to make Walter Butler a well-wisher to his brother James's
"glorious conspiracy," as he calls it. But to that matter one confutation maybe given,
even at this distance of time, namely, that Walter Butler never rose in the army after
Wallenstein's death, nor obtained any place at Court: though his noble family gave him
pretensions that have great weight in Germany.?Vol. i. pp. 245-50.
Harte states that the account of Gustavus Adolphus and Walter

Butler at the storming of Frankfort on the Oder, as well as of the
4
26
assassination of Wallenstein, was new-written for his second edition,

and chiefly upon the authority of the Rev. Thomas Carve, chaplain
to colonel James Butler, one of the assassins.
The narrative of the assassination does not differ from the usual
account, but Harte says concerning the Butler engaged in it:?
We have spoken of this officer, and his brother in the storming of Frankfort on the
Oder, and have observed there that the king of Sweden (probably for just reasons) had
a personal hatred to him. He enjoyed his countship, and the large confiscations made
over to him, not above one year after Wallenstein's death; for Carve left Ireland in
August, 1634 (as appears by the Apostolic Vicar's testimonial), and having wandered over
Poland, Bohemia, and great part of Germany, found our James Butler dead in the duchy
of Wirtemberg. Carve, by the way, was sent for from Ireland to be made chaplain to
Butler's regiment. Butler bequeathed his riches as follows:?Those pious riches, says
Carve, quas oeguissimo Marte mmculd sua manu aequisierat. He left a memorial of ?20
value to Lamormain, the emperor's confessor; ?3,300 to the Irish and Scottish College
at Prague ; .?500 to be distributed to Irish students then resident there ; ?1,000 to his
sister; and ?150 to Walter Devereux who killed Wallenstein. His widow whom he left
very rich, carried his body into Bohemia, being guarded by a troop of dragoons, and
buried him there with great pomp.
Of Devereux it appears from history that he afterwards became colonel of Butler's
regiment that he had also the gold key of the bed-chamber given to him. When he was
created a colonel he appointed Carve chaplain to his regiment, and hence it is supposed
that Carve knew more of Wallenstein's death than any other writer. I find Devereux
alive in 1638, by the testimonial he gave this chaplain when he returned to Ireland, and
whom he had raised at last to be chaplain-general to the English, Scottish and Irish
forces in the Imperial service.?Life of Gmtavus Adolphus, vol. i. p. 191.
Harte states " that he thought the archives of Vienna or Prague

might contain some official account of Wallenstein's assassination,
but such a paper," says he, " after all my inquiries, I never could
hear of. M. de Firmian put Carve's book into my hands as the only
real asistance that could be given me. His account is supposed to
be the most authentic in many respects." It is very strange that
Harte, relying upon Carve as his authority, and referring so specially
to the " Itinerarium"1 to support his statements, should nevertheless
have so much misapprehended him. The extracts from Carve ap
pended, will be amply sufficient to show that Walter Butler, who
behaved so gallantly at Frankfort on the Oder, who contributed to
the victory at Nordlingen and died soon after, leaving the countess
Phondana his widow, was the same who was the chief actor at the
death of Wallenstein, and who bequeathed his fortune as above men
tioned ; and that Harte's allegations as to James Butler are unfounded.
It does not even appear from Carve, that James was the brother of
Walter Butler.
This Itinerary through Germany, Bohemia, Poland, by the Rev.
Thomas Carve, chaplain-general to the English, Scottish and Irish
in the service of the emperor, was first printed at Mayence, in 1639,
and is dedicated to James Butler, earl of Ormonde. Carve seems to
1 Itinerarium R. D. Thomse Carve, stipendia merentis; cum Historia facti
Tipperariensis Sacellani Majoris in fortis Butleri, Gordon, Lesly et aliorum. Editio
simo juxta et Nobilissima Legione Walteri tertia auctior et correctior. Moguntiae,
Deveroux, sub Sacra Caesarea Majestati 1640.
27
have been in some sort a dependant of the house of Ormonde, and to
have regarded the earl as his feudal superior. The following pas
sage from the Dedication to the earl of Ormonde will sufficiently
show Carve's disposition towards the house of Ormonde and his
desire to extol the name of Butler:?
It has not occurred by chance, that my pen has preferred to address you rather
than any one else; for it relates the heroic actions of those of your name, which add
glory to your illustrious family. It tells of those Butlers, your most noble cousins, who,
as they were ever chiefest in name in their own country, so among foreign nations were
always of the first consideration on account of their eminent valour. Deign to follow
them with me to the farthest bounds of Germany, Poland, Lithuania, Hungary, Bohemia,
and hear the fame of the Butlers of your most noble house, celebrated everywhere for its
fidelity to the emperor and other kings. Would that (I say this with all the sincerity
of my heart), would that the spirit of thy Walter, to whom I was for many years the in
separable companion, could return to life and appear in arms before you; then, indeed, you
would see a man, in war, rather a friend to peace than eager for hostile strife, you would
behold a man, potent in arms and in all his warlike dispositions, regarding nothing so
much as, by his most strenuous endeavours, to restore to the Holy Roman Empire its
pristine tranquillity.1
In the Preface to the reader, Carve thus explains his motives for
writing his journal :?
While affected by the grief of others, I was also myself very much touched by the
domestic funeral of my most esteemed Butler, with whom I had lived a most delightful
time, the greatest part of it in the most confidential intercourse; having been always
treated by him as a brother, having always respected him as a father. To make some
return for his very great kindness, and show before; I died, that I was not ungrateful, it
occurred to my mind that I might compose a book relating his illustrious deeds, and
publish it to the world. I had seen with what envy he had frequently undertaken many
expeditions under the best auspices. I had seen his name unjustly traduced during his
life, and first covered with glory after his death; but I had also seen and learned from
the example of others, how brief is the remembrance after their decease, especially of
military commanders. That I might prevent such happening to my Butler, the most
dear to me of all men, I undertook to write this little History, or rather Itinerary, that
whilst writing concerning many memorable things which happened to myself, I might
record also the deeds of my Butler, and leave a token of my affection by publishing this
little work, in a manner, as a monument of it. I had desired indeed to have comprised
in one and the same work, all his actions and those of the other Butlers, but when I
found that I could hardly do that amid the tumult of war, and that leisure and quiet
would be required for it, I laid aside the idea till a more convenient time.2
1 This passage occurs in the Dedication Butlerorum tuorum fama Imperatori Ro

to James Butler, earl of Ormonde, the ori mano, aliisque regibus aeque fida, quam
ginal is as follows:? nobilissimse prosapise tuae gloriosse ubique
" Quod vero ad te potius quam ad quem celebretur ? Utinam (cum intimo id aflfec
vis alium suo impetu feratur calamus, non tus mei sensu ingenue proloquor), utinam,
id quidem temere evenit. Complexus est inqwam, manes Waltheri Tui, cui annos
enim ipse heroica Tuorum facta; quae ad plusculos individuus foi comes, in vitale
tuam quoque totiusque Perillustris Stem corpus remigrare possent, et se tibi in
matis laudem spectant, portat Nobilissimos amiis praesentare, videres utique virum
Majores et Consanguineos tuos Butleros, inter arma potius ad amicam pacem quam
qui ut in Patria semper fuerunt summi hostilia bella propensum, spectares virum
nominis, ita apud exteros, ob egregiam vir in armis fortem, omni bellico apparatu
tutem, prsecipuse auctoritatis. Age, vade, nil potius spectantem, quam ut Imperio
si lubet, in extremam usque Germaniam, Romano pristinam restitueret pro virili sua
Poloniam, Lithuanian!, Hungariam, Bohe tranquillitatem."
miam, penetra, si vacat, et audi si non 2 "Ad Lectorem.?Me jam etiam aliorum
28
Carve devotes a chapter to the heroic actions (heroica facta) of

Walter Butler previous to his decease:?
After [the taking of Frankfort on the Oder], he remained a prisoner for six months
and was ransomed for 1000 imperial crowns. He directed his course to our army, which
then, after the battle of Leipsig, was marching through Lusatia into Silesia, and meeting
with marshal Tieffenbach was received by him with the greatest honour and favour. He
here, by the authority of Tieffenbach, compelled colonel Behem, who had been the prin
cipal calumniator of Butler at the emperor's court, to deny in writing the calumnies he
had uttered against him, and to assert that, on the contrary, Walter Butler had done all
that became a brave soldier. Having duly vindicated his reputation, Walter, with the
leave of the generals, proceeded to Warsaw, in Poland, and at his own expense raised a
regiment of dragoons of chosen soldiers, which it was his intention to lead back into
Silesia. Our Walter had scarcely arranged for winter quarters when he received orders
from Wallenstein to march to Sagan in Lusatia, a town of Wallenstein's, which being
likely to be captured by the enemy, he thought its defence could not be entrusted to one
more faithful than Walter, where he arrived unexpectedly and dispersed the enemy.
After three months in Bohemia he departed for Lymburg, from thence to Wallenstein
at Pilsen, who led him away to the siege of Prague.1
These matters being thus settled, Walter Butler was ordered to Eger, and making
sudden irruption upon the enemy made a great slaughter of them and took twelve stan
dards, and thereby obtained the good graces of Wallenstein, so much so that he received
as a reward the county of Jegerndorff and its appurtenances for his winter quarters.
While making a stay of some duration at this place he united himself in matrimony with
the very noble countess of Phondana. But the many actions performed by our Walter
Lipsiacam stragem exercitus noster per

dolore tristem, domesticum quoque funus
optimi Butleri mei tangebat plurimum, Lusatiam in Silesiam, ad quern Butlerus
noster cursum direxit, ac Marescallum
quocum dulcissimos dies, eosque plusculos
Tieffenbach conveniens summo cum honore
in omniconfidentiaexegeram, a quo suavis
sime semper tanquam Frater habitus, cultusac raro favore ab eo est receptus. Hie
ut Pater fueram : cujus tanta3 benevolentiaecolonellum Behem, qui potissimus fuerat
cum par esse non possem, nollem tamen Butleri apud Caesarem diffamator, auctori
ingratus mori, hoc tandem succurrit animo,tate Tieffenbachii adegit scripto revocare,
quae contra Waltherum in aula Imperatoris
ut prseclara ejus facta mundo vulgata, inter
homines Libello, aperirem. Viderem quanta temere effuderat, in quo Waltherum egisse
cum invidia multas saepe expeditiones op quod masculum militem addecet, asseverat.
timis auspiciis susceperat, videbam ejusFama rite asserta, Waltherus obtenta a
nomen ipso adhuc vivente inique traductam,Generalibus venia, in Poloniam Varsariam
post mortem effulgere clarius : videbam profectus est, suisque impensis centum equo
veroetiam, aliorum doctus exemplo, quam pedestrium selectorum militum collegit ut
brevis, maxime inter milites, mortuorum in Silesiam eadem qua venerat via, reduceret.
sit recordatio. Haec omnia ut in Butlero Vix Waltherus noster pactus erat cum in
meo virorum omnium amantissimo caverem,colis loci pecuniam pro hybernis militum
Historiolam vel Itinerarium potius hoc solvendis,cum aWallensteinio sine mora diu
scribendum suscepi, ut dum de multis quae (sic) noctuque properandi Saganum advenit
mihi memoranda contigerunt, scriberem, imperium. Est Saganum urbs in Lusatiae
etiam Butleri mei recordarer, ac amorem confiniis sita spectans ad ipsum Wallen
meum quantulocunque hoc opusculo saltern steinium quam cum hostes impetituri vide
publico affectus monumento testatum re bantur, Wallensteinius fideliori quam Wal
linquerem. Voluissem quidem omnia ejus thero committi haud posse putavit, ideo
et Butlerorum aliorum facta, uno solo ad que
id nil cunctatus Waltherus Wallensteinii
suscepto Libello complexus esse, sed cum decretis obsecundare, opinione hostium
inter bellicos tumultus id fieri difficulter
citius adfuit, eosque ex insperato ad ortus
possit, et id tranquillius otium requirat,fudit fugavitque, ac immanem praedae vim
cogitationem illam in commodiora tempora obtinuit, cumque illic trimestri substitisset
deposui." in Bohemiam postea ac Lymburgum pro
1 " Post sex mensium captivitatem Wal fectus est, inde Pilsnam ad Wallensteinium
therus tandem vincula mille Imperialium abiit, qui eura ad obsidendum Pragam ab
litto redemit. Movebat turn fort? post duxit."
29
Butler in the service of his Imperial majesty upon various most dangerous occasions can
scarcely be related. I shall only add this one, worthy to be remembered in all ages to
colne, that at the battle of Nordlingen, in the presence of the king of Hungary and
Bohemia and the cardinal Infant, he fought most bravely for twenty-four hours without
intermission and lost his lieutenant-colonel and watchmaster.He was then
sent to besiege the city of Aurach, close to which was a very strong fortress of the
duke of Wertemberg's, which he took, but not without considerable loss of men, and
after taking it by storm gave it up to be pillaged by the troops. At length after having
recovered various towns and forts, this eminent man, worthy of being held in perpetual
remembrance, most loyal to the emperor, closed his life most placidly, at Swarrendorp,
having received all the rites of the Catholic Church.1
In a subsequent chapter Carve relates the rise and general events

of the career of Albert Wallenstein till its close in the catastrophe of
Eger:?
Wallenstein hoping by means of his wealth ffeisce gradibus argenteis] to ascend
the throne of Bohemia, had selected a fitting place called the White Mountain (at which
Frederic, the count Palatine was formerly defeated and driven from his own lands, as
well as from those which he had usurped, contrary to all right and justice), but so
treacherous a machination could not long be concealed from the emperor, who, as soon
as the rumour had reached his ears, prohibited the generals who were loyal to him from
receiving any further commands from Wallenstein; and this prohibition was first pub
lished at Prague. But it happened when Wallenstein wished to assemble the army on
the White Mountain, that count Terzky, his relation, having ascertained that the treason
was discovered, returned to Wallenstein, informed him of the disclosure of his design,
and explained the hazardous nature of the step he was about to take. He thereby
induced Wallenstein to order all the cannon to be spiked, and to appoint to the com
mand of Pilsen a man devoted to himself, whom no promises or solicitations should
induce to give it up to any one but himself. Wallenstein himself turned towards Eger
with a thousand soldiers, partly foot, and partly of horse. In this escort was com
prised the regiment of Walter Butler, which rumour represented to the Imperialists
everywhere, as being of Wallenstein's faction, but how falsely, the event shows. This
indeed is clear, that Wallenstein had frequently endeavoured to induce Butler to share in
his designs, had promised him large estates and high rank, and that he had offered him
large funds in bills, partly on Hamburg and partly on Sagan, to raise Irish soldiers for his
. service. Butler was always suspicious of this favour, so tardily shown towards him by
1 His ita compositis Egram cum octo fecto vigiliis amiserit. Nee tamen hosti
cohortibus equitum destinatur Waltherus, pedem unum cesserit, quoad Hispani (qui
qui irruens in hostem magnam illic stragem se vere viros et magnos milites eo in con
edidit, cui duodecim vexilla militaria forti flictu prasstiterunt) cum Croatis in succur
pugna eripuit?ideoque mirum quantam sum venirent. Quanta his sanguinis utro
gratiam a Wallensteinio inierit, ita ut in bique profluvies, facile est prudenti cogitare,
compensam comitatem Jegerndorff una cum dum audit eodem praelio sedecem millia
pertinentibus pro hybernis suis acceperit. eodem die quae fuit decima sexta Augusti
Hie dum commoratur diutius matrimonio anni millesimi sexcentesimi trigesimi
sibi associat perillustrem Dominam Comi quarti, in loco conflictus occubuisse. Ab
tissam de Phondana. Quanta porro Wal hoc conflictu missus est Waltherus cum
therus noster Caesari obsequia praestiterit octo legionibus ad obsidendam civitatem
in variis iisque periculosissimis occasionibus, Auracensem cui fortissima adjacebat arx
dici vix potest, exequentur cceteras militis duci Wirtembergensi parens quam feliciter
egregii laudes alii qui ex instituto Butlerum non tamen sine suorum militum jactura
commendandum suscepere: hoc unum aliqua tandem obtinuit et praedae militum
addo omnibus post nos saeculis memoran cum vi cepisset reliquit. Tandem post
dum, quod ad Nortlingam coram serinis varia oppid* et castella recuperata, vir
simo Hungarian et Bohemiae Rege et Cardi sempiterna memoria dignissimus Caesari
nali Infante viginti quatuor horis continen fidissimus, ad Swarrendorp vitam placidis
tur sine intermissione fortissime praeliatus sime, omnibus prius sacris ritu Catholico
est, adeo ut vice tribunum suum cum prae munitus, finivit.?pp. 71-2, vol. i.
30
Wallenstein. But when he understood distinctly what an evil design was intended, he
would never consent to be released from his oath to the emperor. From that out, his
whole endeavours were directed towards arresting this traitor, who had been raised to so
great a height by the emperor, and delivering him up to be punished according to his
deserts. When he found, that unassisted he was not equal to this undertaking, he took
into his counsels a soldier of staunch loyalty to the emperor, and of great bravery, Walter
Devereux, at that time commander or captain of a troop, who most faithfully gave his
assistance to Walter Butler. Sure of his aid, Butler without hesitation joined his regi
ment to the forces of Wallenstein, then on the march to Eger.1
The rest is told as in Mailath. It is not easy to divine how

Harte, in a second edition of his " Life of Gustavus Adolphus," for
which, as he states, the account of Wallenstein's death was new
written, chiefly on the authority of Thomas Carve's work, could have
fallen into the error of attributing the death of Wallenstein to James,
and not, as the fact was, to Walter Butler, the same who behaved so
gallantly at Frankfort on the Oder.
Carve's second volume is dedicated to Isabella [recte Elizabeth]
countess of Ormonde, and in the prefatory letter, extolling the Butlers
generally, he says,2 "I need not mention James and Walter Butler;
Germany knows, and Poland, how illustrious are their names and
what men they were ever found to be." Carve mentions that James
Butler was colonel of the regiment of which Walter Butler was lieu
tenant-colonel at Frankfort on the Oder, and that he was also at the
siege of Lymburg, and that he afterwards served in Poland against
1 [Wallenstein] sperans argenteis hisce declaravit eventus. Hoc quidem evidens
gradibus ad Bohemici regni solium con est Wallensteinium saepius conatum esse
scendere, ad id delegerat etiam locum com Butlerum in cowsilii sui societatem tradu
modum (montem album appellant, in quo cere, ipsique polhcitum esse amplissimas
olim Palatinus Comes Fredericus et alieno terras et opimas dignitates,' ducentaque
honore sibi contra jus fasque arrogato et Imperialium millia per cambium partim
propriis terris exutus est), sed non potuit Hamburgi partim Segani destinasse ad col
diu latere Caesarem tam iniqua machinatio, ligendos mUites Ibernos in sua servitia fidos,
ad cujus aures cum venisset rumor, scripto Butlerum tamen semper suspectum habu
quamprimum inhibuit fideliOribus belli du isse tam prolixe propensum sibi Wallen
cibus ne post hac a Wallensteinio imperia steinii favorem. Quando vero clarius in
capesserent: Hocque seriptum Pragae pri tellexit quo res pessum vergeret nunquam
mum innotuit. Accidit ver6, cum Wallen consentire voluisse nt Sacramento Caesari
stein totum exercitum convocare propos facto sotveretur: Dehinc omnibus viribus
uisset in dictum montem, ut Comes de aftnexus est, ut Proditorem hunc a Caesare
Tersky, affinis Wallensteinii de propalato adeo elevatum conrprehenderet, ac Imper
proditorio proposito certior factus, ad Wal atori pro merito plectendum traderet: cum
lensteinium rediret, ipsique proditum nego vero ipse solus sufficiens haud esset tam
tium instituti sui nunciaret, explicaret etiam arduo negotio expediendo, in consilium pro
quam periculosae plenum opus aleae agita positi sui adhibuit militem inter paucos
retur, eo Wallensteinium adduxit ut omnia fidum Caesari, et plenum masculo animo
tormenta bellica clavis obdurari praeciperet, Waltherum Deveroux, tunc temporis turmae
Pilsnaeque hominem sibi fidum praeficeret, uni praefectum seu Capitaneum qui suam
qui nullis pactis pollicitationibus aut ration Walthero operam fidelissimam addixit. Hoc
ibus, locum ilium alteri quam Wallensteinio adjutore securus Butler, libenter suam legi
traderet: Ipse vero se Egram versus conver onem Wallensteinicis copiis Egram com
teret cum millibus aliquot partim equitum migrantibus adjunxit.
partim peditum. In hoc comitatu cOmpre 2 De Jacobo et Walthero Butleris nil
hendebatur legio Waltheri Butleri, quae fama moveo, novit Germania, novit Polonia quam
Caesareanis passim Wallensteinianse factionis chara capita quam rara nomina quantos
esse inique arguebatur, quam verb id falso, vivos semper experta sit.
31
the Muscovites. At the conclusion of Carve's work is a chapter en

titled " Series ButlerianaB Prosapiae," an account of the lineage of the
Butlers. Of the " Butlerianum Stemma" he enumerates fourteen
families in order : l.Dunboyne; 2. Cahir ; 3. Mountgarret; 4. "De
Tullia Equitis Aurati;" 5. Ikerrin; 6. " Jechia olim celeberrima;"
7. " De oppido Pauli (Paulstown) ex hac familia Perillustris Dominus
Waltherus Butler us, Comes, et Sacrae Caasareae Majestatis Colonellus,
ac ejusdem Cubicularius, et Theobaldus Butlerus, Ricliardus item
Butlerus cum Edmundo, omnes Capitanei, ortum et originem suam
sumpserunt;" 8. Kilcash; 9. Moyally ; 10. " Cilvolicio ;" 11. Knock
graffon, of which was Thomas, surnamed the Lame, famous in the
wars in France; 12. Grange; 13. Bansagh; 14. Clocnova.
Carve then descends to particular families?" nunc ad particulares
familias descendo"?and gives the names of many cadet branches of
the above fourteen principal families. Among the " Illustres Familiae
ex Viee-Comiti Monte Garretae exortae," he states the second to be
that M de Daginsalano ex qua Illustrissimus Dominus meus Jacobus
Butlerus, Generalis, excubiarum Praefectus in exercitu Hispanico, No
bilitate inter Polonos clarus, Sacrae Caesareae Majestatis necnon Regni
Polonise Oolonellus, descendit."
Coleridge's translation shows the Iago or Zanga-like character
that Butler is made to play in Schiller's famous tragedy ;! and a
despatch from secretary Windebank to lord Strafforde,2 at Dublin
Castle, upon the event, affords proof of the great importance attached
to it at the period : and, in conclusion, it may be observed, that na
tural repugnance to such a deed as " the taking off" of Wallenstein,
as well as its manner, secret and treacherous, will probably ever
form a bar to a fair consideration of the conduct of Walter Butler.
If Taaffe's evidence can be relied upon, and circumstances concur to
render it unimpeachable, then Butler was assuredly not the double
traitor of the tragedy, nor a sort of executioner for the mere love of
gain. He was compelled to be cognizant of, and his life was in peril,
if he did not seem to aid and abet a treason, in the failure or success of
which the fate of the empire and the emperor was involved. After his
death, it would appear that Wallenstein had miscalculated his strength
and that his great designs would probably have miscarried; but so
great was his power and his potency of character that Butler by
cutting him off in his treason was reasonably, at the time, consi
dered to have saved the empire.
And who shall say that he did not ? This deed of Walter Butler
may have prevented a train of consequences the most momentous,
and if the manner of executing it forbids us to call the act, with
Carve, " heroic/9 the circumstances as now stated will, I trust, go
far to relieve Butler's character from the infamy which has hitherto
1 Piccolomini, act i., scene 5. Death of 5 ; act iii., scene 6; act iv., scene 2.
Wallenstein, act i., scene 4; act ii., scene 2 Strafforde's Lett., vol. i. pp. 215, 216.
32
rested upon it, and to exhibit him in the light of an officer impelled
by a stern sense of duty in a critical hour to use the best and only
means remaining to him to protect his sovereign's crown.
FOLK-LORE.
No. I.
BY MR. NICHOLAS o'KEARNEY.
Aine, or Aighne, as the name is sometimes written, was a being of

great note in the olden times, as may be seen from the evidences
which I shall adduce, and generally supposed to have been possessed
of extraordinary or supernatural powers, having an affinity to the at
tributes of a Pagan deity. This Aine was the sister of Milucradh of
Sliabh Guillean, better known among the peasantry as the Cailleach
Biorar (i.e. the old woman who frequents the water) of Loch Dag
ruadh, on that mountain, and daughter of Cuillean, or Guillean, from
whom the mountain is supposed to have derived its name.1 But
before any further notice is given of Aine, it is necessary to give a
short sketch of Guillean himself, in order to show his connexion with
the ancient mythology of Ireland, and lead to the inference that his
daughter, too, was connected with the Pagan worship of our ancestors.
Cuillean, or Guillean, himself was a very famous being that once re
sided in the Isle of Man, and of so long-lived or mythic a nature, as
to be found living in all ages of Pagan history; at all events he is re
presented to have lived at the time when Conchubar Mac Nessa, after
wards king of Ulster, was a young man, who possessed little pros
pects of aggrandisement, except what he might win by his sword.
Conchubar, being of an ambitious and enterprising nature, consulted
the oracle of Clochor, and was informed that he should proceed to the
Isle of Man, and get Cuillean, or Guillean, a noted ceard, or worker
in iron, to make a sword, spear, and shield for him; and that the
buadha (supernatural power) possessed by them would be instrumental
in gaining for him the sovereignty of Ulster. Conchubar, accordingly,
repaired to the Isle of Man and prevailed on Cuillean to commence
the work. But while awaiting its completion, he sauntered one morn
ing along the shore, and, in course of his walk, met with a mermaid
fast asleep on the beach. Conchubar bound the syren; but she having
awoke, and perceived she was bound, besought him to liberate her;
and, to induce him to yield to her petition, she told him that she was
Tiobal, princess of the ocean, and promised, in case he caused Cuillean
1 Vid. MS. Feis Tighe Conain Cinn-slei I he, announced for publication by the Ossianic
Society.

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An Authentic Account of the Death of Wallenstein, with a Vindication of the Motives of

Colonel Walter Butler

Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve

The second piece of tapestry which was original

THE DEATH OF WALLENSTEIN,

BY FRANCIS PRENDERGAST, ESQ., BARRISTER-AT-LAW.

The death of Wallenstein, the principal figure in the

Mailath states that the efforts of Wallenstein's enemies at the

clue to Butler's sentiments; but a document hitherto unknown throws

So far the account of Patrick Taaffe. The narrative of the

Neumann, to dinner. They were to have been murdered there, but

After Butler had ascertained, by looking through some letters

concile the contradiction between the silence of these two proclama

under date of Horasdiowicz, the 25th of February, 1634, Piccolomini

unmistakeably the stamp of veracity and of a cool view of the cir

regard to the manifesto upon the treason of Friedland, sent here

married a countess Phondana and died without issue at Swarrendorp

1 Marked vol. ii.; furnished to me by the Rev. James Graves.

Harte states that the account of Gustavus Adolphus and Walter

assassination of Wallenstein, was new-written for his second edition,

Harte states " that he thought the archives of Vienna or Prague

1 This passage occurs in the Dedication Butlerorum tuorum fama Imperatori Ro

Carve devotes a chapter to the heroic actions (heroica facta) of

Lipsiacam stragem exercitus noster per

In a subsequent chapter Carve relates the rise and general events

The rest is told as in Mailath. It is not easy to divine how

the Muscovites. At the conclusion of Carve's work is a chapter en

Aine, or Aighne, as the name is sometimes written, was a being of

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