Chapter: 3

The Rajbanshi Community of the Eastern Nepal:

3.1 Introduction

In the last chapter, we tried to comprehend the identity formation process among the

Rajbanshi community at different historical stages conforming to a larger society. We

have also attempted to reflect upon the contradictions involved in the question of

Rajbanshi identity that emerged throughout the historical transition. This chapter

attempts to specifically focus upon the Rajbanshi community living in the eastern Terai

region of Nepal and tries to comprehend their society and economy. In doing so, an

attempt has been made to locate the community in the larger society of the country and

understand their socio-cultural life. Moreover, an emphasis has been made to

understand their social status in the structured caste hierarchy, largely, dominated by a

section of the high caste Hindus over the years, and the inter-community relations and

how it has been challenged by a section of an educated emerging class in the recent

past. Last but not the least, the chapter also tries to look at the issues of the village

economy, land relations, labour migration etc. and its impact upon the emerging ethnic

consciousness and identity assertions among the Rajbanshi community in a changing

society and economy in the region.

At this point, it may be mentioned here that, the Rajbanshi community of the

eastern part of Nepal has largely been considered as an extended group of their

counterparts found in the other side of the border. However, the questions about their

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migration have remained obscure in the available sources, although, a large chunk of

them maintain close relations with their counterparts in the nearby villages of North

Bengal. Mention needs to be made here that, a small section of them had migrated from

Rangpur (now in Bangladesh) and its neighbouring areas during the colonial and the

post-colonial period (discussed in chapter 5). But, irrespective of the contestations, the

Rajbanshi community of Nepal has overwhelmingly been considered as adivasi or

mulbhasi, which denotes primitive settlers of the land. However, before we embark into

the details of their society and economy; an understanding about the landscape and

social structure of Nepal seems necessary.

3.2 Landscape and Society of Nepal: A Brief Introduction

Nepal is the fourth smallest state in South Asia after Maldives, Bhutan and Sri Lanka.

The total landmass of the country is 147, 181 square kilometres which is almost similar

in size to that off Bangladesh at 147, 570 square kilometres. However, unlike the other

countries in South Asia; the landmass of Nepal is extremely varied in terms of the

geographical setting – ranging from Terai to hills and further, mountains of the

Himalaya. The country is divided into three broad physiographic regions based on

elevation changes and ecological variations viz. (a) the Mountain (Himalayan region),

(b) the hills, and (c) the Terai region. In the words of Nanda R. Shrestha (1990), “the

Terai is a low land tropical belt stretching along the Nepal-India border paralleling the

hill region, in complete contrast to the topographic and climatic conditions to the

mountain and hill regions. In its northern extension of the Gangetic plain in India,

commencing at about 100 meters above the sea level and rising to about 600 meters at

the foot of the Siwalik Hill” (cited in Bhattarai 1994: 45).The country is located

between the east meridians of 80°4' and 88°12' and north parallels of 26°22' and 30°27'

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in South Asia. It is bordered by India on the west, south and to the east, and by Tibet

region of China in the north. According to the National Population and Housing Census

2011, National Report, published by Central Bureau of Statistics, Kathmandu, the

population of the country is 26,494,504 (2012: 1).

Despite being small in size, the society of Nepal is complex to comprehend. It

has been a land of diversity and home to a vast array of multi-cultural, multi-lingual,

multi-ethnic and multi-religious communities. “The way of life, dress, language, socio-

economic and cultural identities of the people are apparently different” (Mechinagar

Municipality Profile, April 2010: 11). The landlocked Himalayan country is home to

126 castes and ethnic groups spreading all over its territory. Besides, there are 123

reported Aryan and Tibeto-Burman languages spoken as mother-tongue and 10

religions followed in the country (CBS Report 2012: 4). The country is divided into five

administrative regions i.e. Far West, Mid West, West, Central and East; fourteen

regions and seventy five districts (See Map – 3.1).

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 Map 3.1 – Administrative Divisions of Nepal

Source: Atlas of Nepal

The western part is a sparse region, largely, inhabited by the Gurung and Magar

community. The Rais, Limbus and Sunwars inhabit the slopes and valleys of the eastern

mid hills. The Sherpas live in the Himalayan region. The Newars constitute an

important ethnic group of the capital valley Kathmandu. The Terai is the one of the

most densely populated region in the country after the Kathmandu valley. The region

home together a number of caste and ethnic groups, viz. Tharus, Yadavas, Satars,

Dhimals, Mech, Gangai, Rajbanshis, including the Muslims, Maithalis, Bhojpuris and

so on. The Brahmins, Chhetris and Thakuris are generally spread over all over the

country (Nepal Tourism Board 2001: 6).

The complex mosaic of the population of Nepal can be divided into five broad

cultural groups; the caste based Hindu groups, the Newar, the Janajatis or nationalities,

Muslim, and others (Dahal 1995: 89). The caste Hindu group further can be divided into

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Hill and Terai inhabited groups, including the Dalit. Brahmin, Chetris, Thakuris etc. are

the hill originated groups with absence of four Varna system. On the other hand,

Brahmin (Mithali Brahmin), Chhetri (Rajput), Vaisya (Yadav, Kayastha) and Sudra or

untouchable (Tatma, Chamar, Dom) constitute the Terai Hindus with distinct

hierarchical or Varna attributes. The Newar consists of the both the Hindus and the

Buddhists with distinct socio-cultural category. The Adivasis or Janajatis constitute an

important category with distinct socio-cultural antecedents. They are defined as

communities with their own mother-tongue and traditional culture and yet do not fall

under the conventional fourfold Varna of Hinduism or Hindu hierarchical caste

structure. The Janajatis regard themselves as Adivasi which means indigenous to the

land having their own language, culture, tradition, history, homeland, identity and so on

(ibid: 91). Like the caste Hindu groups, the Janajatis are also divided into Hill and Terai

groups and the Rajbanshis are regarded as Janajati or Adivashi of Terai region with

distinct socio-cultural roots. Table 3.1 illustrates the details of the caste and ethnic

composition of Nepal.

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Table 3.1: Caste and Ethnic Groups with Regional Divisions and Social Groups of

Nepal

Caste/Ethnic Caste/Ethnic Groups with Regional Divisions (11) and Social Groups

Groups (7) (103)

1.1 Hill Brahman

Hill Brahman

1.2 Hill Chhetri

Chhetri, Thakuri, Sanyasi

1.3 Tarai/Madhesi Brahman/Chhetri

Madhesi Brahman, Nurang, Rajput, Kayastha

2.1 Tarai/Madhesi Other Castes

Kewat, Mallah, Lohar, Nuniya, Kahar, Lodha, Rajbhar, Bing, Mali

Kamar, Dhuniya, Yadav, Teli, Koiri, Kurmi, Sonar, Baniya, Kalwar,

Thakur/Hazam, Kanu, Sudhi, Kumhar, Haluwai, Badhai, Barai, Bhediyar/

Gade

3.1 Hill Dalit

Kami, Damai/Dholi, Sarki, Badi, Gaine, Unidentified Dalits

3.2 Tarai/Madhesi Dalit

Chamar/Harijan, Musahar, Dushad/Paswan, Tatma, Khatwe, Dhobi,

Baantar, Chidimar, Dom, Halkhor

4 Newar
4. Newar
Janajatis

Adivasis/

Newar

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 5.1. Hill/Mountain Janajati

Tamang, Kumal, Sunuwar, Majhi, Danuwar, Thami/Thangmi, Darai,

Bhote, Baramu/Bramhu, Pahari, Kusunda, Raji, Raute, Chepang/Praja,

Hayu, Magar, Chyantal, Rai, Sherpa, Bhujel/Gharti, Yakha, Thakali,

Limbu, Lepcha, Bhote, Byansi, Jirel, Hyalmo, Walung, Gurung, Dura

5.2. Terai Janajati

Tharu, Jhangad, Dhanuk, Rajbanshi, Gangai, Santhal/Satar, Dhimal,

Tajpuriya, Meche, Koche, Kisan, Munda, Kusbadiya/Patharkata,

Unidentified Adibasi/Janajati

5. Muslim
6. Muslim

Madhesi Muslim, Churoute (Hill Muslim)

6. Others
7. Other

Marwari, Bangali, Jain, Punjabi/Sikh, Unidentified Others

Source: Census of Nepal, 2001 cited in Bennett, Lynn, Dilli Ram Dahal, and Pav

Govindasamy (2008: 3).

3.3 Rajbanshi Community of the Eastern Nepal: Landscape, People and History

Nepal is divided into 5 administrative regions viz. far western, mid western, western,

central and eastern regions (Map 3.1). Further, the eastern region is divided into three

parallel zones from north to south. At the bottom i.e. the southern side of the two zones

which are westward from the Indian borderline, lie the districts of Jhapa, Morang and

Sunsari wherein the Rajbanshi community has primarily been found. The eastern most

districts are contiguous and stretched from the Mechi up to the Koshi River. Jhapa is

situated in the extreme eastern side separated by the Mechi River from India, followed

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by Morang and Sunsari in the westward bounded by the Koshi River. The Rajbanshi

community has primarily been located between these two rivers.

The total Rajbanshi population is 1,15,242 which is only 0.43 % of the total

number of 26,494,504 of the country (CBS 2012: 144). The district of Jhapa has the

largest concentration of the Rajbanshi population followed by the Morang and the

Sunsari districts. The 1991 Census of Nepal enumerates the total number of Rajbanshi

population as 85,558 persons in the country. In Jhapa, the number was reported to be a

total of 66,224 persons, whereas in Morang district, the census records the Rajbanshi

population as 18,243 persons. This leaves only 1,091 Rajbanshi spread throughout other

districts of Nepal, not restricted to Jhapa and Morang’s neighbouring districts, (Eppele

and Grimes 2001).

The settlement pattern of the Rajbanshi population in the eastern Terai region

illustrates the thinner density from its highest concentration in Jhapa to the lowest one

in Sunsari. It seems like a flow which gets dense at the starting point then gradually

becoming sparse towards the end. There seems to be certain reasons behind this

settlement pattern. One is the contiguity of Jhapa with the neighbouring areas of North

Bengal and the close socio-cultural relations among the community across the border.

Other is the fertility of the land of Jhapa which might have left very few to migrate to

any other places. Moreover, presence of the dense forests and raging rivers coming out

of the hills might have restricted the movement to further west, finally bounded by

Koshi.

The district of Jhapa, along with Sunsari and Morang, was a part of the Morang

Kingdom ruled by Vijay Narayan before the Kingdom of Nepal was united. The present

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district of Jhapa and Morang are said to be the part of the Koch kingdom of the

sixteenth century Kamatapur. About the Koch kingdom, Hodgson 1 writes, “once

included the western half of Assam on one side and eastern half of Morang on the other

with all the intervening country....” (cited in Bista 2015: 159). However, Prithvi

Narayan Shah annexed Jhapa and Morang to the Kingdom of Nepal in 1774, soon after

the British India took over the Cooch Behar in 1773 (ibid).

After the death of Bishwa Singha, his eldest son Nara Singha took control over

the Palace, although he was assigned to deal with the foreign lands and nominated

Naranarayana to rule over the country. Soon, Naranaryana hastened to the Kingdom

with his brother Sukladwaj and defeated Nara Singha. He was assumed to flee away to

Morang and stayed in there for some time. Probably, the migration of the Rajbanshi

community can be dated back to Nara Singha’s stay at the Morang country.

According to Dor Bahadur Bista, the Rajbanshi community constitutes a

relatively larger and dominant group in the eastern Nepal. They are often considered as

Koch or Koche in origin and very close to the Tharu, Danuwar and Satar than to any

other people living in the areas. He further observes that, although the three groups are

widely distributed in the plains, the Rajbanshis are primarily found between the Koshi

and Mechi rivers in Nepal, besides further east and south across the Indian border

(2015: 159). Bista classified the Rajbanshi community into three categories. The

Koches who were “rich” or belong to the “privileged class” as also refereed by

Amalendu Guha (1983) upon being converted into Hinduism and adopted the title

Rajbanshi; the poor Koches, who were denied entry into Hinduism and got converted

1
Brain H. Hodgson (1880), “On the Kooch, Bodo and Dhimal Tribes”, Miscellaneous Essays Relating to
Indian Subjects, Vol. I, Section I, Part III (London) p. 107.

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into Islam, hence, Musalman Rajbanshi; and the remnants of the old Koches who did

not get converted into either of the religious traditions and remained in the original

cultural state (ibid: 160). In short, the Hindu Rajbanshi reaches up to the upper echelons

of the caste hierarchy having kshatriya status next to the Brahmins; the Musalman

Rajbanshi, a protestant casteless division and finally, the poor Koches who remained in

the lower strata of the society. The community is considered to be divided into seven

sub-castes viz. Rajbanshi, Tajpuria, Koch, Bona Rajbanshi, Ramaniakahai, Kolbhakra,

Rakhyata Rajbanshi. However, there are no distinctions among the sub-castes in the

region and they maintain socio-cultural relations amongst them (Shrestha 1986: 29,

Gautam 2005: 33).

Map 3.2 – Ethnographic Distribution of Nepal

Source: Atlas of Nepal

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3.4 District of Jhapa: The Setting

As has been mentioned above, Jhapa is the eastern most district of the Terai region of

Nepal, located within the latitude of 26°77'N and longitude of 88°02'E. The district

shares international border with the Indian states of West Bengal to the east and Bihar to

the south. The districts of Morang and Ilam of Nepal lie to the western and northern side

of Jhapa. The total area of the district is 1606 Sq. km with huge quantum of arable land.

The district is administered under the Mechi zone of the Eastern Development Region.

Chandragadhi is the district headquarters which is a part of the Bhadrapur Municipality.

The district comprises 3 municipalities and 47 Village Development Councils (VDC)

and 7 assembly constituencies.

Map 3.3 – District of Jhapa, Nepal

Source: http://localelection.ekantipur.com/?lng=eng&pradesh=1&panto=jhapa

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 Notwithstanding a Hindu majority district, Jhapa illustrates a heterogeneous

demographic character, and is a home to various religions, castes and ethnic groups.

According to the 2011 census, the Hindu constitutes the majority group with 79.88%

out of the total population of 812,650 followed by the Kirati (8.32%), the Buddhist

(4.84%) and the Islam (3.20%) respectively. The Christians constitute only 1.94 % and,

the Sikh and the Jain with less than 1 percentage of the total population. Among the

various caste and ethnic groups, Brahmin (hill), Chhetri, Rajbanshi, Limbu, Rai,

Santhal, Newar, Musalman, Magar, Tajpuriya, Gangai, Dhimal, Koche/Koch and so on

are the major groups dwelling in the district. Numerically, the Brahman (hill)

constitutes the largest population with 23.78%, followed by the Chhetri (15.75%), the

Rajbanshi (9.03%), and the Limbu (6.61%) of the total population. The population

density of the district is 506.01 per Sq. Km. with an average household size of 4.40 per

family (cited in Bhusal, M., Bhandari, H. L. et al., 2014: 201).

Out of the three municipalities of Jhapa, Mechinagar is the largest municipality

which was constituted in 1998. Mechinagar is situated in the Mechi zone of Nepal

which extends up to Kakarviata, the entry point in the country from the Siliguri corridor

of West Bengal, India. The nomenclature Mechinagar is derived from the river Mechi

which flows around the district in the eastern side. The lifeline of the country i.e.

Mahendra Highway passes through the municipality separating it into two parts i.e.

south and north. The municipality is bounded by Mechi River in the east bordering

India, Dhaijan and Duhagadhi in the west, Jyamirgadhi and Duhagadhi in the south and

Bahundangi and Shantinagar VDCs (Village Development Committee) surrounding the

northern side. There are two community campus (college) viz. Dhulbari and Kakarvita

campus and one private – The Himalayan Multipal College in the municipality area.

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 Like the entire district, the Mechinagar municipality is also a diverse society.

The demographic distribution of the area exhibits the religious, linguistic, ethnic,

cultural etc. diversity of the area. However, the mainstream Brahmin and Chettri

constitute the majority of the population accounting 42% together with Adivashi and

Janajati, followed by the Dalit at 6% and others at 10% of the total population of 56,

181 with 28565 male and 27616 female members (Municipality Profile 2010: 11-12).

For administrative purposes the municipality is divided into thirteen wards. The

sampled village, Madanbasti is located in the ward no 11. The total population of the

ward is 3790 out of which the “Rajbanshi speakers are 1267 at 33.4%” (ibid: 55-57).

There are more than hundred Rajbanshi households in the ward.

3.5 The Village: Physical Structure and Settlement Pattern

Madanbasti is located in the ward no. 11 of the Mechinagar municipality (Map – 3.4).

The village is situated in the southern side of the national highway, which itself forms a

portion of the boundary of the ward. Itabhatta is a small market, bisected by the national

highway from where the road leads to Madanbasti. The gravel road that connects

Bhadrapur at the other end has been the lifeline of the people of the village. The village

is around one and half kilometre away from Itabhata. Bi-cycle is the primary mode of

transportation in the village, although, the three wheelers (tempo) has started to operate

recently. There is one primary school ShriKrishna Prathamik Bidyaloy in the village,

which is primarily attended by the students from the village itself. A small temple of

goddess kali is located at the end of the village, just aside the main road. Apart from

that, one tea stall, stationary and vegetable shops are there in the middle of the village,

which meet the day-to-day requirements in the village (Map – 3.4).

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Map 3.4 – Settlement Pattern of Madanbasti

Source: Field Survey

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The village is named after Madan Rajbanshi, a zamindar (landlord) from the village.

Once he owned most of the lands in the village. During the field visit, the respondents

informed me that, he used to provide lands to the landless peasants or the migrants to

settle down in the village against a negligible amount of money or even donated free.

His “philanthropist activities”, the respondents argue, led the village to be named after

him. In fact, this has been a common practice among the Rajbanshi community across

the border to name a place after a person or even rivers, trees or any particular incidents

around the village.

Madanbasti is primarily inhabited by the Rajbanshi community. They live in a

homogenous fraternity, surrounded by their kiths and kins. Mention needs to be made

here that, across the border the settlement pattern of the community is more or less

homogenous in character. The probable reasons for that may be, it helps them in

carrying out the agricultural activities and makes them secure from the outside forces.

However, it would be wrong to assume that, other communities do not live together

with the Rajbanshis or there are no Rajbanshi families in the villages inhabited by other

communities. It must be noted here that, the Rajbanhsis have been living in the region

along with the Tharu, Gangai, Dhimal, Tajpuria and other communities for centuries.

According to the geographical and social anthropological point of view, there

are two types of villages – nucleated and dispersed village. The first one, in which all

the dwellings are clustered in one place and in the later case, where each settlement

stands apart and is surrounded by its own plot of land (Beteille 2013: 23). Considering

the settlement pattern of the village, the Madanbasti can be considered as an admixture

of both the “nucleated” and “dispersed” characteristics, wherein a section dwells very

close to each other although some “stand apart and surrounded by its own plot of land”.

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In the village, it has been observed that, the most of the families including the landless

labourers live like a clustered way, whereas a few of them live within their surrounding

lands. Probably, that made Andre Beteille to remarks that, a village is usually consists

of settlements and the agricultural land around them (ibid).

While studying the village Sripuram in Tanjore district, Andre Beteille observes

that, “the physical structure of the village is, in some measure, a reflection of its social

structure” (2013: 19). He tried to analyse how agraharam, where the Brahmins live, the

Adi-Dravida Street as well as lower caste locality have been structured/maintained in

conformity with their social hierarchy. If we stand by the argument of Beteille,

Madanbasti also, more or less, illustrates the similar physical structure and settlement

pattern. Although, the case has not been so rigid in case of Madanbasti like Sripuram,

but to some extent, this has been visible in their settlement pattern. While Madanbasti

has primarily been dominated by the Rajbanshi households, there are some Brahmin and

Chettri households as well. Most of the non-Rajbanshi (mostly Brahmins and Chettris)

families live in the other sides of the road. Any new comer to the village can easily

differentiate between the two types of households given by the structure as well as their

pattern which indicates their socio-economic conditions. While the Rajbanshi

households are largely shabby in appearance, mostly made of mud and bamboo; the

other side having the concrete cement structured homes with sufficient lawns and small

gardens.

The relations between a single village and the wider social system of which it

forms a part are complex (Beteille 2013: 1). In case of the Rajbanshis too, their relation

with the larger social system is not only complex but to some extent obscure. Given

their settlement pattern in the village for that matter in the entire district, it has been

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observed that, the Rajbanshis, largely, live like a homogenous group isolated from other

communities. However, it does not negate the socio-cultural relations they maintain

with the other communities at various levels. Having said so, it must further be argued

that, the relation of the Rajbanshis with the larger society needs to be understood in two

contexts. First, relation with the upper castes i.e. Brahmins and Chettris and vice versa;

and second, their relation with the other designated adivasi or janajati communities.

The Brahmins and Chettris are often called as pahari, the migrants from the hill

districts. Often they allege the paharis for their socio-economic backwardness and

consider them as exploiters of their lands and resources. On the other hand, their

relation with the other ethnic groups like Dhimal, Tharu, Tajpuria, Limbu, Satar etc. is

somewhat obscure and varies from one situation to another. It needs mentioning here

that, their relations have largely been determined by the socio-political objectives both

at the regional as well as national level. Hence, while the Rajbanshis, Dhimal and

Tharus, Limbus share certain commonalities on socio-cultural grounds, their political

aspirations take them apart from each other (discussed in chapter 5).

3.6 Society and Economy

3.6.1 Family, Attire and Housing

Family comprises the primary unit of a society. It is a social institution based upon

kinship or the blood relationship among individuals. Sociologists believe that, there is

no definite or universal model of family; rather there are different forms of it, viz. two-

parent families, step families, lone-parent families etc. (Giddens 2009: 331-32).

Besides, the nuclear families – a more compact group of “parent with their own or

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adopted children” has become apparent in all societies, against the extended families,

comprising a large number of individuals living in one household (ibid).

The family structure of the Rajbanshi community is more or less is extended in

nature. They have an extended family structure consisting of parent, children, cousins,

etc. live in one household. The field study in the village shows that, the numbers of

family members vary from one to another; and it ranges from five, six to twelve or

thirteen. The family is usually headed by the eldest male members (father/grandfather) –

a patriarchal characteristic of a traditional society. However, the numbers of the nuclear

families have been increasing, particularly among the new generation. It needs

mentioning here that, the relationship among the family members between the nuclear

family with that of the extended one continue to exist within the larger kinship groups.

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 Image 3.1 – A Rajbanshi Couple of Kayatuli Village, Jhapa, Nepal

Source: Field Survey

Marriage constitutes an important social relation/institution that determines the

nature of a family. The Rajbanshi community practices endogamy. They marry within

the community. The male members usually marry within 16 to 30 years and female does

in between 15 to 25 years of age. However, the instances of exogamy, marriage outside

the community are also there in some cases, which warrant a minimal punishment (like

community feast by the aggrieved family) to be accepted in the larger society.

Dress is not merely a piece of cloth that covers parts of the human body. Rather,

it constitutes an important symbol to judge the social status or style of life for the

human being. It shows the class character of a society, since it involves both the

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accumulation of wealth and capacity to spend. More than that, dress also reflects the

traditions, rituals, or the social norms of a community depending upon the types of a

society. In case of the Rajbanshi community, there is no specific dress code they used to

wear; rather it varies from one place to another. However, wearing a gamosa (towel)

and baniyan; and saari by the elderly male and female members have been common

visible practices in their day-to-day life. Because of their close relations with the

agricultural activities and manual labour, the dresses are, more or less, easy to wear, get

washed and dried up, particularly the among the men folk. The use of slipper is not

mandatory and women do not use slipper in their household works. The married women

use shindur (red-vermilion) on their forehead and kharu in their wrists. Apart from that,

some of the elderly women still use patani – a traditional wrapper that covers the body

from chest to the knee. Most importantly, the use of patani is becoming more popular

among women along with the traditional ornaments as a mark to rediscover their

distinct identity and culture.

In Madanbasti, most of the families live in huts made of bamboo, thatches and

mud. They usually construct two to four huts depending upon their economic conditions

and family members. In between the huts, square or rectangle size empty places are kept

to perform the day-to-day activities like, rearing of farm products and others. In fact, the

size of the place speaks about the economic wellbeing of the family. A few of them

have recently started to build concrete houses having aluminium sheet (tin pat) over the

roof. Provision for separate kitchen is there but without dining hall. The use of LPG in

the household is yet to be started in the village and fire woods collected from mills or

nearby forests and cow dung are used for cooking. A few of the families have electricity

connection and Television, whereas most of them still use Kerosene lamps during

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nights. The rearing of livestock is common in every household and they are kept within

the premises of their house because of the fear of theft.

3.6.2 Language and Culture

The Rajbanshi community in Nepal have their own ethnic culture. They celebrate all the

major festivals of the Hindu religion. Apart from that, Bisuwa, Siruwa, Grampuja or

Gramsewa, Bishahari (Manasha) are some of their cultural festivals attached with

nature and seasons. Among all these, Grampuja is celebrated with lots of enthusiasm by

the community across the region. During the field visit, it was informed that, Grampuja

has also been celebrated by other communities like Dhimal, Gangai, Muslims and so on.

However, the participation of the Muslims is passive and the elderly laments, gradually

shrinking. They only offer the ingredients of the puja but do not worship or take the

prasads. The common believe is that celebration of the puja will keep away the scourge

of the devils or bad elements including diseases from the village. The Grampuja is

observed once in a year in each villages and it is arranged in open field. For the puja

they build small huts with bamboo and thatches. In each one of huts the replicas of God

and Goddess are kept made of paper. One of the pertinent characteristics of the puja is

that besides worshiping all the God and Goddess, devils are also worshiped. For that

purpose one bamboo is erected tightening broom and basket on its top. The devil is

expected to clean up the whole village from dirtiness (diseases) with his broom and

basket and drinking little bit of wine.

Worshiping of a Mango tree is an age old tradition followed by the community

after marriage. The bride and groom worship the tree by tightening a thread around it

and the couples are forbidden to take the fruit of the tree for the rest of their life.

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Besides, the community also worship Banyan and Peepal trees. They also arrange to

marry the trees selecting two persons as father and mother to witness and carry out the

prescribed rituals.

Besides, all these practices, the Rajbanshis have their own traditional songs and

dance. The male members use Dhuti, kurta, and women wears patani, a kind of wrapper

in the traditional ceremonies and festivals. However, the use of these dresses in

household activities is shrinking and only can be seen in public meetings, cultural

programmes and festivals.

The mother-tongue of the villagers is ‘Rajbanshi’ which is similar to the

colloquial language of North Bengal and Western Assam. Mention needs to be made

here that, there are 1,22,214 numbers of people who speak Rajbanshi as their mother-

tongue, which is more than their total number of population (CBS 2102: 164). It

indicates that, the language is not spoken by the Rajbanshis alone and other than the

Rajbanshis, there are communities who use it as their mother-tongue. In this respect,

mention needs to be made about the Tajpuria, who are considered to be very much

influenced by the Rajbanshi community in terms of socio-cultural practices. In fact, as

has been observed in the field, the Tajpurias are often regarded as Tajpuria Rajbanshi.

The villagers can also speak Nepali, and few of them can understand Hindi and Bengali,

but cannot speak fluently except the young generation. However, the medium of

instruction in schools is ‘Nepali’ written in ‘Devnagiri’ scripts.

3.6.3 Education, Health and Sanitation

Rajbanshi community in the village has little access to education. Majority of the

elderly people are either illiterate or studied up to primary level. Very few of them

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crossed the primary level and went to the High schools but only managed to study up to

sixth or seventh standard. However, the trend has started to change among the young

generation, but, still the condition of education has not improved in a substantial way.

There is only one student in the entire village, who have passed the matriculate standard

and still continuing their study. Education among the women is also deplorable and

their dropout rate is very high. The villagers allege that the main factor behind the high

drop rate is their poverty. Most of the families are not in a position to bear the expenses

of education and there is no option but to leave study and engage in manual works.

Apart from the, the economic backwardness, the low level of the information and

consciousness about the education system and the opportunities it can bring into their

life is another notable reason for low enrolment in education.

As has been mentioned earlier, there is only one primary school in the village

and students from the nearby areas used to attend. The number of student enrolment is

high as well as the dropout rate. The teachers allege that during admission students get

enrolled to access free books and dresses but after few months they never come.

However, the teachers proclaim that the performance of the remaining students is

satisfactory. The medium of instruction in the school is Nepali, but, a trend has emerged

among the villagers to enrol their children into boarding schools.

The health and sanitation facility is a worried factor among the villagers

especially for the women. There is no hospital or public centres within the village. The

nearby hospital is in Dhulabari which is around 10 km away from the village. However,

for better treatment and critical conditions they have either to go Birat Nagar or Siliguri.

Siliguri is always a preferable option because of short distance as well as low costs of

treatment. Most of the families do not have toilets in their household. So, open

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defecation has been prevalent in the village. However, a few households have toilet

facilities (which includes only latrine, no bathroom) only to be used by the women

members of the family. All the household of the village drink water from tube well.

However, some of them drink water from open well situated in the middle of the

village.

3.6.4 Caste and Religion: Being Hindu or Non-Hindu

In the last chapter, we tried to argue that caste among the Rajbanshi community has

remained as a contested phenomenon. It has been characterised by fluidity and

variations across the border. The diversities involve with the caste status among the

community makes it difficult to precisely fix them within the four varna system of the

stratified social hierarchy. The fluidity further heightened before us, when we attended a

meeting of the Dharma Sanskar Samiit, Jhapa at a village – Bhagaduba under Rajgadh

VDC in Jhapa (Image - 3.2). The meeting was organised at a local primary school and

attended by more than fifty persons including a few women. In the inaugural briefing

while explaining the purpose of the meeting, Dalsing Rajbanshi, the adviser to the

Samiti, questions the very basic premise that, the Rajbanshi community of the eastern

Nepal is “Hindu” by religion. Having said so, he explains, why should not the

Rajbanshis be considered themselves as Hindu and how the Brahminical practices had

been exploiting the illiterate villagers in the name of the ‘purity’ and ‘pollution’ years

after years. Mention needs to be made here that, the Samiti, an umbrella organisation of

the Rajbanshi Samaj Bikash Samiti, Jhapa, has been organizing antokria (intimate

discussion) in the Rajbanshi dominated villages to aware the local people about their

“original religion”.

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Image 3.2: Meeting of the Dharma Sanskar Samiti, at Bhaguduba, Rajgadh, Jhapa

Source: Field Survey

Citing the reference case of the Koch king Bishwa Singha during the sixteenth

century, he further argues that, ‘Bishwa Singha adopted Hinduism only after his

coronation as a king, which was essentially a Brahminical pretext to hold their position

in the palace. The conversion did not in any way elevate the status of the community in

the real sense of the term; on the other hand, it opened up new ways to subdue the

community by the Brahmins. In fact, the Rajbanshis followed animism and worshiped

nature in the past, wherein Brahminical imprints are less visible. Hence, the Samiti has

the moral responsibility, he emphasised, to aware the local people about their distinct

identity and injustice and discrimination perpetrated by the Brahmins in the name of

religion. As an alternative, the Samiti justifies that, the day-to-day practices and rituals

during birth, puberty, marriage, death, and so on can be performed by the Kulugurus

(priests from their own community) instead of the Brahmins.

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 The antokria conducted by the Samiti raises certain fundamental questions.

First, why does a section of the community reluctant to consider themselves as

“Hindu”? Does it indicate that, the Hinduisation process in the country has remained

“incomplete” particularly in case of the community? Are there any inherent

contradictions within the caste system, which impede the integration of the smaller

nationalities like the Rajbanshis into the larger fold of Hinduism? Further, can it be

considered as a manoeuver on the part of emerging elites among the community to gain

control over the larger population and what is the reaction of the other side? Moreover,

it also questions the relation of the community with the larger social system which has

been dominated by a section of the upper castes.

To understand these complexities, it is important to look into the caste structure

and the social stratification of the Nepalese society. The caste structure, remarks

Beteille, constitutes the basis of the traditional society (2013: 3). Although, Beteille has

made the statement in the context of Indian society, while studying the Sripuram village

of Tanjore district, Tamil Nadu in India, but his reference is equally applicable in the

context of the Rajbanshis of Nepal as well. The Rajbanshi society in Nepal, by and

large, is a traditional one. The conventional pattern of agricultural production, religious

belief, day-to-day practices and rituals, and the lack of scientific temper and knowledge

and so on largely, substantiate the observation.

As has been mentioned in the Table – 3.1, the Rajbanshi community is

considered as Janajati or Adivasi and they are ranked lower in the structured social

order of Nepal. It has also been found in Madanbasti that, their relation with the high

caste Hindus is marked by the absence of day-to-day socio-cultural interactions and to a

certain extent, confined to the ceremonial practices. In fact, the socio-cultural relations

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between the adivasis and the high caste Hindus in the country have, more or less,

remained obscure, although, some exceptions are emerging particularly among the

youths in the recent times. The sociologists argue that, the absence of these interactions

cutting across ethnicities, caste, religion, etc. lies in the state formation process of Nepal

under the Monarchy and the inclination towards establishing a Hindu state based upon

religion. In an effort to imprint Hindu culture and ideology across the population, the

state patronized policies like Mulki Ain 1854 with the help of a section of upper caste

Hindus (discussed in chapter 4). The process eventually eliminated the marginal

communities dwelling in the mountain region influenced by the Buddhist principles and

the adivasi janajatis of the Terai, who adhere Shamanistic or Animist beliefs instead of

Hinduism (Bennett and Dahal at all 2008: 1). As a result, the socio-cultural relations

between the upper caste Hindus and the adivasis transformed into suspicion and mutual

distrust, which eventually resulted into the growth of ethnic nationalism in the country

(discussed in chapter 4).

Considering these larger issues, the caste affiliation of the Rajbanshi community

and the assertion of being “non-Hindu” by a section of the community against the

existing religious belief, needs to be understood. The caste based inequality and the

non-recognition of the community in the larger social fabric of the country led a section

to raise their voice against the existing social order. Their assertion of being “non-

Hindu” can be considered a kind of protest or resistance on the part of the community

against the caste based injustices and inequalities inherent in the Hindu religion.

Moreover, the propagation of the slogan like ek bhasa, ek dharma, ek bhes, ek desh

based upon cultural homogeneity have raised apprehensions among the various ethnic

groups. As a result of the homogenisation process, the marginal communities feel

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insecure and threatened in protecting and preserving the distinct identity, culture,

language and so on. In fact, the ethnic communities like Dhimal, Tajpuria, Meche,

Dalits etc. too are apprehensive about the highhandedness of the high caste Hindus

along with the Rajbanshis. The growing insecurity led a section among the community

to “rediscover” their “original religion” i.e. Prakriti or the worshiping of nature against

the Brahminic Hindu ideology. However, it needs mentioning here that, Hinduism itself

embraces various tenets of worshiping the nature. Apart from that, the reaction of the

larger section of the community needs to be taken into consideration given the adoption

of Hinduism by the community centuries ago. Even, the meeting attracted sharp

reactions from some of the members who are more convinced with Hindu religion than

prescribing for a new one. But, nevertheless, it has started a new dimension to the

already vexed issue of caste identity among the Rajbanshi across the border.

3.6.5 Production, Consumption and the Market

The economy of Nepal is predominantly agrarian. According to a report of the Ministry

of Agricultural Development, 65.7% of the total population of the country depends

upon agriculture for their food, income and employment cultivating only 20% of the

available cultivable lands (2012: ). Most of the cultivable land of the country is

concentrated in the Terai region of the country and Jhapa happens to be one of the

fertile districts along with favourable climate for agricultural production. However, the

agricultural system of the country is largely subsistence in nature with low investment

and inadequate irrigation facilities.

As we have mentioned earlier, the Rajbanshis have primarily been considered as

a peasant community. In case of the Madanbasti or for that matter, in the entire eastern

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part of the country, agriculture happens to be the primary source of their livelihood;

although, it is no longer considered a preferable occupation among the youths witnessed

in the recent past. Their livelihood is also supplement by in house animal husbandry.

Apart from that, a section of them have been engaged as daily wage labourers, tea

garden workers, carpenters, migrant workers etc. Besides, a few of them works in

schools, military forces, runs small business and so on.

Rice is the staple food of the community and they take it thrice a day with lots of

vegetables mostly cultivated in their own courtyard. To work out in the field, they start

the day with a heavy meal. Most of them are vegetarian and chicken is still considered

“impure” among the older generations. Having tea and snacks at breakfast is, by and

large, an unfamiliar practice in the villages. However, offering a sweet cup of milk tea

has been a gesture to welcome an outsider along with pieces of nut in a dish. Milk is an

abundant item found in every households and jalpan with milk offers a delicious food

item found in the villages.

The economy of the village is largely subsistence agriculture with no or little

surplus. However, some of them have meagre portion of the agricultural production to

sell in the market. As has been found in the village, the production of rice and other

food items are sufficient enough to sustain a family for a year. However, a section of

them, particularly the landless labourers and daily wagers have to depend upon their

daily income for their livelihood. Probably, this is one of the major reasons of labour

migration to the foreign soil from the village (discussed in the subsequent portion of the

chapter). Besides, rice, potato, cabbage, cauliflower, radish, etc. and pulses are

cultivated across the villages. Cash crops like jute, mustard oil etc. is also cultivated to

supplement their household income.

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 Production and consumption of a village is also depended upon the marketing

system it has evolved. In fact, market constitutes an important aspect to understand

village economy. In Madanbasti or for that matter in the Mechinagar municipality, the

marketing system or the village economy is, by and large, determined by two inter-

dependent factors. First, prevalence of the local market, more or less, centered around

Dhulabari, and second, the (in)visible influence of the Indian market at Panitanki. In

this regard, mention must be made here that, apart from Madanbasti, the village

economy in the neighbouring border areas of Jhapa have been determined by these two

markets, which fulfils different socio-economic aspects of their life.

Dhulabari is an important market in the Mechinagar municipality. The market is

a preferred choice in the municipality and it attracts customers from the neighbouring

districts as well as the border areas of India. The well decorated shops of the both sides

of the road that bisect the national highway and are full of branded items said to be

“illegally” imported from the South East Asian countries, China, Korea etc. The high

decibel Hindi songs coming out of the electrical shops, the cloth stores, shoes, bags,

stationary items are abundant in the market. On the other hand, Panitanki is a small, but

a very busy market at the Indian side of the border. There are no big shops and fancy

items displayed around the market. But, the road that leads to Nepal is full of loaded

trucks, small vehicles, rikshaws, bi-cycles, along with the regular customers, day-to-day

commuters crossing the border, the tourists etc. Hence, the market exemplifies a unique

example of a multi lingual site wherein Bengali, Hindi and Nepali mingle. Among the

regular customers, a large number of them constitute the small traders from the other

sides of the border. They regularly come to the market, purchase the grocery and edible

items at wholesale rate and run small businesses in their own villages. So, the

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overloaded rikshaws, bi-cycles have been the common visible sites in both sides of the

road from Panitanki to Kakarbhita. Mention needs to be made here that, in Madanbasti

or in the nearby areas of the border, the people often come to Panitanki to purchase their

household and grocery items because of the relatively reasonable prices. On the other

hand; for cloths, electronic goods, stationary items etc. Dhulabari is the preferable

option. However, given the economic conditions of the village or for the matter, the

entire border areas in the region, it could be easily understood to what extent the village

economy near the border areas have been influenced by the Indian market.

Apart from that, the organisation of production and marketing is closely

connected with another feature – that of credit (Beteille 2013: 133). The credit system,

usually the borrowed money from the money lenders is an important element that

stipulates the production and consumption of the village economy. The credit is usually

borrowed at high interest rates dictated by the moneylenders and is supposed to be paid

back by the farmers either in cash or crops after the harvesting. The tenets have to invest

in seeds, manure, plough, cattle (some families do not have plough cattle), besides time

to time investment in labour. The most difficult period for a tenet is when the

cultivation commences and harvesting of the crops i.e. the staring and end of a season,

which require urgent cash in hand (ibid). To get rid of these emergency situations, they

have no options but to take credit from the moneylenders. Mention needs to be made

here that, sometime money is borrowed not as credit but just as a way out from the

immediate family members or relatives, which require no interest while paying back.

But, most of the times, it has been found that; the farmers could not pay back even the

interest amount which keeps increasing months after months. As a result of it, the

farmers have to give the additional amount of grains which pushed out the entire family

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into an uncertain future. Apart from that, ceremonies and rituals like marriages,

cremations etc. are some of the household practices for which most of the families in the

village have to depend upon the credit (Beteille 2013: 133). Besides, the medical

emergencies and the health epidemics turned many families dependent permanently

upon the moneylenders.

One of the primary reasons behind their economic dependency has been the less

quantum of land at their disposal. Hardly, a family in the entire village possesses more

than 5 bighas of lands and most of them are settled with 2/3 bighas or less than that.

The unavailability of lands forces a section of the villagers to work as wage labourers or

take lands on lease for their survival. However, the Rajbanshis in the villages had

altogether a different story to tell about. In fact, all the respondents within or outside the

village have shared their similar stories of dispossession of their lands by the upper

caste Hindus which they claimed to be owned by them at one point of time.

3.6.6 Land Rights and Class: Appropriation and Dispossession

Land constitutes an important element of rural life, agrarian relations and village

economy. It determines the mode of production, consumption and the relation with

market. It also determines the socio-economic relations among the different

stakeholders, which Beteille argues “depend a good deal upon their mutual positions in

the class system” (2013: 4). Besides, land is considered to be not only the stable sources

of income and the most desirable form of property, but also the symbol of high social

and economic status (Regmi 1978, cited in H P Bhattarai 1994: 109). Over the years,

the questions of ownership over land have become central to the social and economic

discourses. The issues like who holds the right over land - farmers or owners has been

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an endless debate so far among the different ideologues. To understand the issue of

dispossession of land, a case has been narrated here as a reference point.

Sahodev Rajbanshi, a quinquagenarian (aged between 50 to 59), works as a

surveyor who measures land across the villages. He also runs a small tea stall just

behind his home at Madanbasti to supplement his income. Although he is not a

government employee, he rides his bi-cycle or preferably walks village to village to

sustain his livelihood. He owns less than 1 bigha of land in the village upon which the

family is settled down. However, he had a different story to tell about, since he inherited

huge amount of lands (as per the other family members more than 100 bighas) from his

father. Despite all efforts to unearth his untold story of land ownership to landlessness

yield no results, which he emphatically denies to look back into his past. Later, the

fellow villagers informed that, he doesn’t like to repeat the story which he perceives as a

nightmare. However, Sahodev is not the only case in the village. The narratives of

dispossession of lands are rampant across the villages cutting across ethnicities. In the

numerous conversations majority of the respondents emphatically reveals how the older

generation had lost their ancestral lands at the hands of the upper caste Brahmins and

Chetris.

There are two major factors behind the dispossession of lands among the

community. First, the unabated migration of the economically well off upper caste

Hindus from the neighbouring Hill districts into the region, particularly in Jhapa and

Mornag during 1971 to 1981 and its resultant pressure upon the agricultural lands. In

The Himalayan Review, Nepal Geographic Society, it has been reported that, the

number of population in the two contiguous districts increased from 129,698 and

148,057 to 250,425 and 240,762 respectively during 1971 to 1981, which was much

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higher than previous decade (Gurung 1981: 4). Mention needs to be made here that,

Jhapa and Mornag happen to be surplus districts in terms of agricultural productions,

which attract large number of migrants. As a result of it, land ownership pattern have

changed from the illiterate families to the economically better off upper caste Hindus.

The dispossession of lands among the Rajbanshi community dates back to 1964

when the Bhumi Sudhar Ain (Land Reform Act) was introduced in the district of Jhapa.

The act was introduced as an experiment to reform the land holding structure in the

district. Mention needs to be made here that, the act was not implemented in any other

districts of the country. Although, the factors behind this move has not been clear

enough, but, the respondents allege that, this was primarily aimed at to encourage

migration of the upper castes from the hill districts of the country and settled them down

in Jhapa. Further, they allege that, “the fertility of the lands which were abundant in the

region attracted them and the act was instrumental in snatching away the rights over

lands of the Rajbanshi community and exploit their land and other resources”. In this

regard, Keshav Shrestha observes that, the land holding share of the Rajbanshis was not

so pity prior to 1960s. He describes that the eradication of malaria from Jhapa during

that period encouraged the Brahmins, Chetris, Rais, Limbus etc. to migrate to the region

and occupy the traditional land resources through fair and foul means.

The Act of 1964 brought about tremendous changes of the land holding pattern in the

country. It fixed the ceiling limit up to 25 bighas of lands per family. However, the

history of land relations in the country had a long past; in fact, it dates back to the Rana

regime. At that time, there were two forms of land tenure system in Nepal i.e. Raikar

and Kipat. The Raikar lands belong to the state, whereas the Kipat lands belong to the

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community under a customary form of land tenure that was gradually merged into the

state tenure system” (Regmi 1976: 20)

The Raikar lands were distributed by the state to the peasants, who cultivated on

a customary and hereditary basis. The production was supervised by the Zamindars and

they were entrusted to collect the rents and other levies, and deposit it to the

state/government through their immediate higher officials. However, soon the dominant

civil and military officials who were close to the regime took over the Raikar lands as

rewards from the state. This was known as Birta land tenure system and the Jhapa was a

part of the system which largely aimed at the increase of government revenue through

agriculture. However, mention needs to be made here that, all the Rajbanshis are not

bereft of agricultural lands and still a section of them hold sufficient quantum of lands at

their disposal. Although, in the Madanbasti, although, not a single family has been

found holding the ceiling limit of 25 bigha of lands, but, in other villages of the district,

some households are still holding the ceiling limit or close to it. This phenomenon can

be argued as a class character prevalent among the community, although in a very

nascent manner.

If we consider the land holding pattern or the land relations among the

community with the larger society, the distribution of land is largely unequal in nature

dominated by the upper caste Hindus. In fact, it has become one of the major factors

behind the emergence of ethnic nationalism in the country after the parliamentary

democracy was established during the last decade of the twentieth century. Moreover,

the unequal landholding pattern in Nepal has deprived a large number of peasants from

increasing the productivity of land (Lawoti 2007: 55). Land is not an isolated

phenomenon. It is deeply rooted to the many of the socio-political and economic

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problems prevalent in our society. The debate over land is so central across the

Madanbasti and for that matter entire district that, it has manifested into a political

issue. In the previous chapter, we tried to argue, how the dispossession of land has been

articulated over to mobilise the popular support in the Kamatapur movement in North

Bengal. In a similar way, issues over lands have been playing a major role behind the

emergence of ethnic assertion and identity based movements among the community in

Nepal too. In fact, the ethnic assertions and demands which have been looming large

among the community can be attributed to the perceived deprivation and exploitation

embedded with land (discussed in chapter 4).

3.7 Villages to Metropolis: Migration and the Changing Society and Economy

Labour migration into the foreign soil has been an emerging phenomenon across Nepal.

The economically better off flies to Europe, USA, Australia, South Korea etc. and the

rest goes to the Middle East, South East Asia etc. with an expectation to provide better

facilities to their families. Although, India was a major destination from the

neighbouring border districts, but in the recent times, India has declined as a preferred

choice with the emergence of new avenues. Mention needs to be made here that, the

wave of migration has penetrated into the nook and corners of the country cutting across

ethnicity, caste and gender. In this case, the Rajbanshis are not exception and in fact, in

Madanbasti also, labour migration has started in the recent past.

Champa, alias Bitali Rajbanshi was an Indian girl of Batasi near Naxalbari until she got

married into Madanbasti. She had to change her name as soon as she entered into the

new relationship to adapt her horoscope. At present, Bitali is a mother of two children –

a 13 years old daughter and a 9 years old son. Her husband left for Saudi Arabia two

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and half years back leaving his two children and wife at home. He works as a driver,

but, Bitali does not know what he drives. In fact, “there is nothing to worry about since

they used to change their jobs”, she says. Bitali draws the monthly income from the

nearby Bank at Dhulabari and takes care of her children’s education and runs the small

family. There are some visible changes, Bitali observes, after her husband left for Saudi.

While there was no permanent work at home, now a source has been there to earn a

good amount of money abroad regularly. With this not only, she repaired her small

house with the concrete one, besides she feels secure about her children’s education and

their future. Moreover, she plans to construct toilet as she believes “toilet is important

than house” after her husband returns back. However, it is not easy for her to look after

and maintain the household affairs alone and she had to run pillars to post for that. The

two and half years long wait of hope amidst uncertainty which Bitali and her children

have been undergoing is surely bitter than the material wellbeing.

Nirmala Rajbanshi, a mother of three sons also shares the same story. Two of

her elder sons have left for Saudi Arabia. Her younger son served in the Nepal Army,

but he left his job and migrated to Saudi along with his brothers. He earned

15000/16000 NC (Nepali currency) per month while in the government job, but, he left

for Saudi expecting that he can earn more than the government of Nepal can give to

him. The narratives of migration are rampant across the villages. A youth in his twenties

of Kayatuli, a nearby village of Madanbasti, is set to fly to Thailand and work in a

restaurant there, as soon as he receives the passport and the necessary permission. His

father, a farmer narrated the story of how he had to struggle and ultimately sold his

cattle to get the requisite fees for the passport. However, a distant dream of the

fulfilment reflected in his eyes, as he mentioned, as soon as his son lands in Thailand,

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all the pains he suffered will be paid back. Parashuram Rajbanshi, in his forties, also

shares the same experience of working in Abu Dhabai. He worked there for around five

years and returned back. Now his son has replaced him.

Mention needs to be made here that, migration of labour is not restricted to the

male population alone. Equally, women have also started to migrate to work as

domestic helpers, caretakers, etc. According to the UN report, Jhapa happens to be the

largest women migrants accounting 50% of the total migrant workers in the country

(2010: 12). Although, we have not come across any Rajbanshi women working abroad

in the village or other parts of the region, but, the possibility cannot be outrightly

rejected given the statistics of the United Nations.

Certain factors have been crucial behind the flow of labour migration in the

country. While poverty, shrinking quantum of agricultural land, unemployment remains

the key factors; a distant dream to increase their income pushes them to work abroad.

Although, the agriculture is the primary source of earning in the villages, it no longer

remains the preferable option among the young generation. Moreover, shrinking

quantum of agricultural lands and productions motivated a section to work out to the

foreign soils. However, it must be mentioned here that, the government of Nepal also

encourages the unemployed youths to sell their labour abroad to generate more

remittances in the foreign exchanges.

Nevertheless, the labour migration has imprinted a deep impact upon the society

and economy of Nepal. On the one hand, the remittances sent back by the workers have

substantially increased the foreign exchange of the country; at the same time, it has also

boosted up the rural economy as well. It has increased the purchasing power of the

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family in the rural areas, in terms of material products. Hence, the numbers of two-

wheelers have increased in the rural areas, along with electronic stuffs like television or

music system. However, the other side of the migration story is alarming and equally

disturbing. While the family members at home, largely, remain unknown about the

works they do abroad; it is equally heartening to know about the working conditions

where they works. In this regard Prashant Jha’s remark about Janakpur, a small

township in Terai is significant. He says “more than 20 million rupees – 2 crore in

Nepali currency – came everyday to the banks in Janakpur, however, no-one cares about

the conditions in which the workers burn their blood and sweat, as ‘hundreds of coffins

returned home every year, with workers dying in the foreign lands” (2014: 193-195).

Moreover, the migration of the male members of the family put the women, as has been

the case with Bitali, under tremendous pressure in managing the household activities. In

addition, outstation of the bread earners in the family, led the increasing chances of

child labour both at the domestic sphere as well as in the field. Apart from that, there are

reports from the other parts of the country how migration has been changing the

landscape and demography of the rural areas, because of the resettlement of the entire

families soon after one person gets out of the family (2010: 27).

3.8 Conclusion

The Rajbanshis constitute a marginal community in Nepal. They live in the villages

located at the eastern part of Nepal close to the Indian border. They are a homogenous

group and prefer to live along with their kith and kin. Their economy is primarily

agrarian, although changes have been witnessing in the agricultural sector. The lack of

land and capital, insufficient production, gap between the market and the village, etc.

are some of the factors that resulted in the migration of labourers particularly the youths

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to the foreign soils. David Mandelboum (2014) in his book “Society in India” describes

about how society changes because of various factors. He observes that, change is a

continuous process and it occurs at various levels. The society and economy of rural

Nepal has also been witnessing changes. Apart from that, the landlocked country has

been experienced massive transition during the last decade of the twentieth century. The

pro-democracy movement that started during 1990s followed by the popular movement

(1996-2006) resulted in an unprecedented change in the society, economy and politics

in Nepal.

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