Kanjeng Kyai Cokro - PDF

FINAL REPORT
Internship at the Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde/ Royal

Netherlands Institute of Southeast Asian and Carribean Studies (KITLV)
Research title : “Tracking The Pilgrim Staff of Java: Its Origin, Function,
and the Search of Identity in the staff Kanjeng Kyai Cokro“
Intern : Ghamal Satya Mohammad, Research Master Student in
Colonial and Global History, Leiden University (2014
- 2016)
Stagebegeleider : Dr. Marieke Bloembergen (KITLV)
Stagedocent : Prof. Dr. J.J.L. Gommans (History Department, Leiden
University)
Introduction
The pilgrim staff that goes by the name of Kanjeng Kyai Cokro presents a
fascinating example of the discourse pertaining Javanese – Indonesian heritage. Not only
that the staff is quite unusual as a ‘pusaka’ (major heirloom) of Javanese antiquities, which
dominated by keris (dagger) or tombak (spear), but the narrative of its long history also
poses a riddle. One major understanding of the origin of the staff is that it has connection
with Prince Diponegoro (1785 – 1855), the leader of the Java War (1825 – 1830). In 2014,
Erica and Michiel Baud contacted Harm Stevens, a curator of the Rijksmuseum of
Amsterdam on the discovery of a pilgrim staff inherited from their late predecessor Jean
Chretien Baud, a governor general of the Netherlands East Indies during 1831 – 1835. The
staff became known to the public as a possession of Prince Diponegoro after a conference
in Leiden, 2014, in which Harm Stevens gave a presentation. The research by Harm Stevens
(2015) confirmed about this in more detail, that the staff once became one of the Prince
Diponegoro’s pusaka. It was considered as a ‘lost pusaka’ of Diponegoro. Probably around
1829, the staff was taken by Javanese-Dutch coalition Army as war booty and presented to
Governor General J.C. Baud in 1834.1 From that time on, the staff became a personal
property of Baud’s family. Because the existence of the staff was not known to many people
before its discovery in 2014, it is not too far to say that the time of its discovery is also the
time of its ‘making’. The lack of information about the pilgrim staff is easily pervaded with
‘colonial discourse’ on the Netherlands – Indonesia relationship.
With the narrative of the staff to Prince Diponegoro, the understanding of its origin
is limited only on the struggle of Diponegoro. The staff was addressed as a colonial object
when it was returned back to “Indonesian people” on 5 February 2015 in Jakarta.2 Although
the nationalistic aspect of museum collections might be of the interest of the Indonesian
government, it is also important to trace the origin of the staff to the period before Prince
Diponegoro. Being a pusaka or a heirloom of Prince Diponegoro, the staff might hold a
historical significance that encompasses the period before the prince himself. What would
then be the use of such staff in the past? Is it merely a simple ‘walking stick’ of the Prince
which, in 1825 (the first year of the Java War) only about 40 years old?

1 Harm Stevens, ‘Deze staf, Tjokro genaamd, heeft toebehoord aan Prins Diepo Negoro en is in Juli 1834
door Pangeran Noto Prodjko aan J.C. Baud, Governor generaal van Ned. Indie gegeven’: Onderzoekverslag
door Harm Stevens, conservator Rijksmuseum, 28 January 2015 (Unpublished research paper, 2015).
2 A Lost Pusaka Returned, a booklet given at the opening ceremony of Aku:Diponegoro Exhibition in the
National Gallery of Indonesia, Jakarta, 5 February 2015 (Jakarta, Erasmus Huis: 2015).
As a start, we shall begin from the closest document available in regards to the
origin of the pilgrim staff. One archival document written by F.G. Valck (1834), the then
Resident of Yogyakarta, mentions the link between the staff to the court of Demak in the
16th century. In the document, Valck stated that, “This staff is originated from the Sultans
of Demak and became a personal use of Diponegoro when he went on a pilgrimage to
sacred places for spiritual purposes.”3 This information opens the possibility that the staff
holds a significance in history. It may well correspond with the history of Islamization in
Java, which relates to the role of Wali Songo (The Nine Apostles of Islam in Java) in the
15th to 16th century. However, to conduct a research about an object from early modern
period in Java requires specific consideration, in particular about the sources. In this study,
I will combine the use of Dutch text and Javanese sources. They are complementary to each
other because the Dutch source provides hard fact on the information of the staff, whereas
the Javanese sources offer an understanding of the significance of such staff in the memory
of the Javanese.4 I will use Valck letter (1834) as my starting point for the Dutch source.
On the use of Javanese source, I will consider three approaches to examine the historical
significance of the staff. Firstly, I will examine several Javanese babad (story). Secondly,
I will compare Kanjeng Kyai Cokro to similar staff that can be found during the course of
the research. Thirdly, I will examine the physical aspect of the staff to predict the dating
(penarihan) of pusaka using ‘standard’ Javanese method, or tangguh. After examining its
historical aspect, I will move to the reflection on the return of the staff to Indonesia. It is a
hope that this research could become an entry point to approach the wider narrative that is
lacking in museum objects in Indonesia.
Methods
On his letter dated in the year 1834, F.G. Valck mentioned that ‘the staff of
Diponegoro’ was originated from the major heirlooms of Demak Sultanate (around 1475 –
1548 AD) in Java.5 If we can trust this source as one point of departure in our research, we
need then to focus on the history of Demak and the characteristic of its arts to find some
information about the staff. Unlike the chronicle of Mataram dynasty (1587 – 1755 AD) in
the Javanese babad, the surviving text that mentioned about Demak is rather scarce. One
important contribution on the history of Demak is the work of De Graaf and Pigeaud
(1974), De Eerste Moslimse Vorstendommen op Java: Studien Over der Staatkundige
Geschiedenis van de 15de en 16de Eeuw. This book compared existing Javanese sources
on the history of Demak such as Sadjarah Banten, Hikayat Hasanuddin, Javanese Babad
from both East Java and Central Java tradition, and also Portuguese sources to reconstruct
the history of Demak. According to de Graaf and Pigeaud (1974), little information is told

3 In its original text: De staf [is afkomstig] van de Sultans van De[mak] en werd [Di]po Nagoro gedragen
telkens [wanner hij als pel]grim naar hei[lige plaatsen] ging om zegen [aft e b]idden op zijne
ondernemingen, F.G. Valck, Beschrijving van de pelgrimstaf van Dipo Negoro door mij ontvangen van
Pangeran Notto Prodjo, 4 December 1834 (Collection 058 J.C. Baud, inventaris 1036), National Archives
of The Netherlands, The Hague. The document is firstly mentioned in Harm Stevens, ‘Deze staf, Tjokro
genaamd, heeft toebehoord aan Prins Diepo Negoro en is in Juli 1834 door Pangeran Noto Prodjko aan J.C.
Baud, Governor generaal van Ned. Indie gegeven’: Onderzoekverslag door Harm Stevens, conservator
Rijksmuseum, 28 January 2015.
4 The use of both the Dutch and Javanese sources here works in two ways. The informations provided in
the Dutch source specify hard data, such as the owner information, the date of its hand over, and an account
of its historical background. The Javanese source confirms the importance of the staff in terms of its socio
cultural use. The Dutch and Javanese sources, if complementary to each other, will be used to determine the
possibility of the historical significance of Kanjeng Kyai Cokro before the time of Prince Diponegoro.
5 F.G. Valck, Beschrijving van de pelgrimstaf van Dipo Negoro door mij ontvangen van Pangeran Notto
Prodjo, 4 December 1834.
2
in detail about the history of Demak from Javanese babad’s tradition. However, the two
authors added that babad clearly recorded the Mataram court practices that derive from
older traditions - such as Demak and also Majapahit kingdom (13th century – early 16
century).6 The study of Javanese Babad (19th – 20th century) might give a link to the earlier
court practices, including the function of the pilgrim staff in Demak tradition.
With this regard, special attention will be given towards finding relevant
information of the staff in the babad.7 Babad means “merambah” (clearing away),
“menebang pohon-pohon di hutan” (cutting the trees in the jungle), “memangkas semak
belukar” (trimming the bushes), “mulai menggarap” (starting to clear away), and “cerita
sejarah” (historiography).8 From this description, there is a correlation between the
meaning of ‘clearing away’, i.e. clearing away one forest (Javanese: “mbabad alas”) and
‘Javanese historiography’ (“babad”). It has a purifying (Javanese: “ngruwat”) element for
the Javanese. As a textual tradition, babad is a symbol of authority that lies in the form of
literature.
Babad has an element of fiction in combination with historical fact. Due to the
notions of ‘local primordialism’ and a tool of political legitimacy of certain ruler that are
present in a babad, Indonesian historian Onghokham described babad as “low quality
literature”.9 However, other scholars of Java such as Djajadiningrat (1983), De Graaf and
Pigeaud (1974), Ricklefs (1987) all agreed that babad could be classified as ‘local
historiography’. Ricklefs (1998), in his survey of Javanese babads, made an important point
regarding the ‘sense of history’, or historical quality of a babad. He stated that Babad has a
strong sense of history just like any European source. Different quality of historical
accurateness can be distinguished between babad that was written before Pakubuwono II
(r.1711-1749 ) and after (1750 – 1950). According to Ricklefs, there is a tendency for the
babad written before 1750 to provide historical accuracy of events. On the other hand, the
babad written after 1750 tend to be inaccurate. The cause behind the difference in writing
might be only a simple as the use of different writing style and emphasis. The fact that most
of the babad mention any year in Javanese year (sengkalan) made the problem of historical
accuracy became even greater. However, Ricklefs accept that a well-trained and adept
historian should not subject historical inaccuracy to Javanese source alone. Any historical
source is a subject of careful examination and comparative reading.10 In Indonesian
historian Taufik Abdullah words, “there is no trend which can be understood, even no
significance that may be correlated to an event without having comparative
consciousness.”11 Javanese babad should always be treated as one of the historical accounts
that tell about history.

6 H.J. De Graaf and Th. G. Th. Pigeaud, De Eerste Moslimse Vorstendommen op Java: Studien over de
Staatkundige Geschiedenis van de 15de en 16de Eeuw (‘S-Gravenhage, Martinus Nijhoff: 1974): 4.
7 Javanese historian Hoesein Djajadiningrat classified babad as ‘Javanese local historiography’. See:
Hoesein Djajadiningrat, Tinjauan Kritis tentang Sejarah Banten: Sumbangan bagi Pengenalan Sifat-Sifat
Penulisan Sejarah Jawa (Jakarta, Djambatan: 1983): 250.
8 J.F. Carl Gericke and Taco Roorda, Javaansch – Nederlaansch Woordenboek, Vol. 2 (Amsterdam,
Muller: 1901): 184.
9 Onghokham, Sejarah Lokal: (disajikan dalam) Seminar Sejarah Nasional ke-3 di Jakarta, tgl. 10-14
Nopember 1981 (Jakarta, Proyek Inventarisasi dan Dokumentasi Sejarah Nasional, Departemen Pendidikan
dan Kebudayaan: 1981): 2.
10 M.C. Ricklefs, “Indonesian History and Literature”, in T. Ibrahim Alfian, et. al, Dari Babad dan Hikayat
sampai Sejarah Kritis: Kumpulan Karangan Dipersembahkan kepada Prof. Dr. Sartono Kartodirdjo
(Yogyakarta, Gadjah mada University Press: 1987): 314.
11 Taufik Abdullah, “Dari Sejarah Lokal ke Kesadaran Nasional: Beberapa Problematik Metodologis”, in
T. Ibrahim Alfian, et. al, Dari Babad dan Hikayat sampai Sejarah Kritis: Kumpulan Karangan
Dipersembahkan kepada Prof. Dr. Sartono Kartodirdjo: 252.
3
In relation to the origin of pusaka, babad usually contains the story of how a ruler
of Java could obtain pusaka ageng (major regalia of keraton) as a source of legitimacy. A
pusaka ageng might well be obtained through coercive action against previous owner with
the means of kasekten (supernatural power). It might also be passed down from the ruler’s
predecessor (royal family heirloom), or being made under special occasion by the king’s
order to the court’s empu (blacksmith). If some babad proved to be inaccurate in keeping
with hard fact, babad would not fail to mention important pusaka ageng. Usually, the place
of origin and the name of important pusaka ageng might appear in babad. It is not a far-
fetched conception to address that a babad is also a story of the court’s pusaka ageng.
Therefore, the study of different babads will give a way to understand different court’s
pusaka ageng, including to find more information on Kanjeng Kyai Cokro through its
comparable staff.
There are several babads12 being used for this study, including:
- Buku Kedung Kebo (LOr 2163). This manuscript was written under the auspices of
Cakranegara I. He was a commander of the Javanese - Dutch coalition army from
Kasunanan Surakarta during the Java War. Buku Kedung Kebo LOr 2163 is the
oldest copy of the Buku Kedung Kebo manuscript. This copy is probably finished
in Purworejo – Surakarta sometime around 1841-1845. This study examined Buku
Kedung Kebo because it gives an account of the Java War from the Javanese that
sided with the Dutch.13 Buku Kedung Kebo gives some information about several
pusaka taken from Diponegoro army.
- Babad Ngayogyakarta (MSS 135 and 136). This manuscript was written under the
auspices of Prince Suryanegara, the youngest brother of Prince Diponegoro from
Yogyakarta royal family. It was finished in Yogyakarta around 1850. Babad
Ngayogyakarta will be used in this study because it may give an additional
comparison with Buku Kedung Kebo.
- Babad Jaka Tingkir: Babad Pajang. Transliterated by Mulyono Sastronaryatmo

(Jakarta, Departemen Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan, Proyek Penerbitan Buku Sastra
Indonesia dan Daerah: 1981). The original babad version was written by the court
of Surakarta’s poet in 1820. This particular babad tells a story of the origin of
Mataram, from the time of Majapahit – Demak (Wali Songo)– Pajang – to the
establishment of Mataram. This babad is relevant to the study because the story of
this babad includes Demak sultanate period from late 15th century to early 16th
century.
- Babad Demak 1. Transliterated by Slamet Riyadi and Suwaji (Jakarta, Departemen

Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan, Proyek Penerbitan Buku Sastra Indonesia dan
Daerah: 1981). The original version of this babad was written by the court of
Yogyakarta’s poet in 1906. This babad tells a story of the Majapahit - Demak
Kingdom, in particular the story of Raden Patah and Wali Songo. This babad is
relevant to the study because the story of this babad covers Demak sultanate period
from late 15th century to early 16th century.

12 Unless specified differently, all citations of the babad are translated to English by the respective author.
13 Unfortunately, I could not find relevant information about the pilgrim staff from this babad.
4
- Babad Demak 2. Transliterated by Gina and Dirgo Sabariyanto (Jakarta,
Departemen Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan, Proyek Penerbitan Buku Sastra
Indonesia dan Daerah: 1981). The original version of this babad was written by
Yogyakarta’s poet in 1937. This babad is relevant to the study because the story of
this babad covers Demak sultanate period from late 15th century to early 16th
century.
- Babad Arung Bondhan. Transliterated by Titik Pudjiastuti (Tokyo, Tokyo

University of Foreign Studies: 2008). The original version of this babad was written
in the 19th century. It tells a story of Java during the time before Majapahit until the
period of Demak and the rise of Pajang kingdom. This babad is relevant to the study
because the story of this babad covers Demak period from late 15th century to early
16th century.
Besides using the babad I mentioned above, I would also make use of secondary sources
that can be accessed from the University Library (UB) of Leiden University.
At the same time, the study of a Javanese pusaka should not neglect the traditional
dating of pusaka (penarihan) through observation of tangguh. In Javanese, a tangguh
method, meaning ‘giving approximation’, or ‘assuming’ is a method to measure the
estimated age of a pusaka. According to a Javanese keris expert Haryono Haryoguritno
(2006), there are two kinds of tangguh methods: the ‘rational’ method and the ‘irrational’
method. In this study, I will observe the rational tangguh method from what is called Panca
Waton: the observation of guwaya (expression), pamor (‘sketch’ of the blade), waja (steel
material), wesi (iron), and wangun (shape) of a pusaka.14 Since the pilgrim staff of
Diponegoro is a combination of a regular pilgrim staff ‘with’ a blade, we need to be extra
cautious to set a possible conclusion. I will compare the pilgrim staff of Diponegoro with
different staff to measure its distinct expression and shape (guwaya and wangun). The
object of comparison for this study is Tongkat Cis from the Court of Cirebon, which is
believed to be the staff of Sunan Gunung Jati, one of the Wali Songo. Observation on its
blade material and making a comparison afterwards are necessary to find ‘similarities and
‘differences’ of the two pilgrim staffs of Java.
The last part of this research will focus on news articles (internet-based sources).
Any relevant statement or information from the news article will be properly listed in a
separate attachment beside this final report.
The functions of a pilgrim staff in Java

It was 1815, ten years before the onset of the Java War. Prince Diponegoro was 30
years old at that time (he was born in 1785). According to the letter by the then resident of
Yogyakarta F.G. Valck (1834), the year 1815 was the year when Pangeran Diponegoro
received a pilgrim staff from an ‘ordinary Javanese’.15 Valck wrote,
“Dezelve is, nu ongeveer 200 jaren geleden voor eenen vorst van Demak vervaardigd, en van
dien vorst afkomstig. Bij gelegenheid van vorige onlusten in het Demaksche rijk, is hij in handen
gekomen van eenen geringen Javaan, en vervolgens van de eene hand in de andere, tot dat

14 This is the rational method of tangguh. The irrational method involves supernatural activities such as
putting the object beneath the person’s pillow while sleeping. On the difference between rational and
irrational method, see: Haryono Haryoguritno, Keris Jawa: Antara Mistik dan Nalar (Jakarta, Indonesia
Kebanggaanku: 2006): 350.
15 Although it will be interesting to know from whom did Valck get this rather detailed information on the
present staff, this study could not find any information of Valck’s Javanese informant.
5
dezelve eindelijk, naar gissing 10 jaar geleden voor de onlusten op Java, den Pangerang Dipo
Nogoro, alsmede door eenen geringen Javaan, ten geschenke is gegeven.”16
According to this letter, the pilgrim staff was lost for more than 200 years before it was
handed in to Prince Diponegoro in 1815. Until that time, generations of ordinary Javanese
continued to pass on the pusaka. There is no available information on the reason behind
Diponegoro’s possession of the staff. A historian of Java Peter Carey speculates that it
might be due to Diponegoro’s increasing prominence as ‘Ratu Adil’ or the ‘Just King’ so
the previous owner rewarded him with the staff.17 Spiritual connotation of the pilgrim staff
to Diponegoro can be understood from the letter by Valck (1834). He said, “Wanneer de
Pangerang Dipo Nogoro in den tijd der onlusten zich voor heilige plaatsen te tirakat begaf,
had hij steeds dezen stok bij zich zeggende door middle van denzelve alle zijne wenschen
door het Opperwezen vervuld te zullen krijgen.”18 At the time of Diponegoro, the pilgrim
staff was associated with spiritual activities. Diponegoro, according to Valck, used to carry
the pusaka Kanjeng Kyai Cokro when he conducted pilgrimage to sacred places.
A pilgrim staff is not alien to the Javanese. Its lexicon differentiates two types of
pilgrim staff: teken, a short walking staff measured less than 60 cm and ecis, a long walking
staff measured about 100 – 150 cm. According to Gericke-Roorda (1901), a Javanese ecis
is associated with clergy dignitaries (priesterstaf).19 Interesting correlation may be drawn
between the pilgrim staff and Wali Songo. Wali Songo is believed to live sometime around
15 – 16th century, between the period of the fall of Majapahit (“Bedah Majapahit” – around
1475 – 1527 AD), and the rise and fall of Demak Sultanate (late 15th and 16th century). In
their respective time, the nine saints were responsible to the spread of Islam in Java. Even
the kings from Mataram dynasty were inspired by Wali Songo’s political and religious
influence. The kings of Mataram, from Amangkurat I (r. 1646 – 1677) to the kings of
Kasunanan Surakarta in later period, claimed the ruling title ‘sunan’, following the title of
Wali Songo.20 Due to the importance of Wali Songo to Mataram dynasty (the period where
most of the babad were written), it is reasonable if babad sources give record on earlier
Islamic practices and ideals of Wali Songo, in particular on the use of pilgrim staff.
Based on my study of 19th to early 20th century babad, little attention is given to
pilgrim staff. While narrating the story of Wali Songo, babad focuses on the teaching of
Wali Songo and their miracles (mukjizat) associated with esoteric knowledge in Javanese -
Islamic Sufi. However, several sunan (here it refers to Islamic saint of Java) appear in the
babad carrying a pilgrim staff. It is evident from the babad that I will show below. But the
babad itself does not declare in word that a pilgrim staff of the saint is a pusaka. Here we
have to highlight on the connection between pusaka and the court. Usually, pusaka ageng
– literally, “great”, or the pusaka that represents worldly authority - belongs to the court.
Since ulama, especially Wali Songo, holds spiritual authority, its pusaka is not intended for

17 A Lost Pusaka Returned (Jakarta, Erasmus Huis: 2015): 3.
19 There is a popular perception (from wayang tradition) among older generation of Javanese that a long
walking staff (ecis) derived from “a stick which was intended to control the movement of elephant”. This is
also supported by Ignatius Supriyanto (Interview in Leiden, 28 July 2015). For the definition of ecis from
Javanese lexicon, see: J.F. Carl Gericke and Taco Roorda, Javaansch – Nederlaansch Woordenboek, Vol. 1
(Amsterdam, Muller: 1901): 275.
20 On the connection between the title of the ruler of Mataram and Wali Songo, see: M.C. Ricklefs, Mystic
Synthesis in Java: A History of Islamization from the Fourteenth to the Early Nineteenth Centuries
(Norwalk, EastBridge: 2006).
6
the court’s legitimacy. However, we can still observe the functions of pilgrim staff from
the babad. I found that there are four functions of pilgrim staff. These four functions of
pilgrim staff are based on its appearance in the babad. Firstly, the pilgrim staff as a
supernatural weapon against the enemy. Secondly, the pilgrim staff as a regular walking
companion of a sunan. Thirdly, the pilgrim staff as a medium of miracle. Fourthly, the
pilgrim staff as a symbol of ascetic life. Each function is not mutually exclusive from one
another but complementary. As we will discuss below, function one to four are related to
specific story of a sunan in the babad. I will first describe Sunan Kudus and his pilgrim
staff.
Sunan Kudus is one of the Wali Songo who lived in the late 15th – early 16th century.
He came from the town of Kudus, Central Java. Babad Jaka Tingkir mentioned that Sunan
Kudus hold an ecis pilgrim staff during his mission to Pengging, Central Java. Sunan Kudus
used his ecis to cast a divine power upon a number of enemy troops who were about to
capture him and his subordinates. In this story, the pilgrim staff is functioned as a
supernatural weapon. I quote the passage from Babad Jaka Tingkir, canto XXX, stanza
XVI, as follow:
“Wadya Pengging balulungan tandangira

ngidul ngulon manangis,
Pangran Kudus sigra,
mangawe ecisira,
mangalor dipun tututi,
kangjeng pangeran,
mangetan lampahneki”
Translation:
“The troops of Pengging scattered in confusion
to the south and north weeping
Prince Kudus therefore
waved his pilgrim staff [to the north]
He was followed in the north
then the prince
walked to the eastward direction”21
The story of Sunan Kudus’ mission to Pengging is one of the major stories of Wali Songo
in Javanese Babad. It also appears in Babad Arung Bondhan, which describe the same
function of the pilgrim staff. Although in Babad Arung Bondhan the type of the pilgrim
staff of Sunan Kudus is mentioned differently. In Babad Arung Bondhan Sunan Kudus is
said to hold a ‘teken’, instead of an ecis as mentioned in Babad Jaka Tingkir.22 The
following is two lines from Babad Arung Bondhan Canto CXXIV Verse XVII:
“Ngawe awe lan tekeneri,

ngidul ngetan kang bingung weruhe…”
Translation:
“Then he waved his staff [teken],
To the south and east made the people [who chased him] confused…”23

21 From my own translation. In Mulyono Sastronaryatmo, Babad Jaka Tingkir: Babad Pajang (Jakarta,
Departemen Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan, Proyek Penerbitan Buku Sastra Indonesia dan Daerah: 1981): 121.
22 On the difference between teken and ecis, see previous page.
23 From my own translation. In Titik Pudjiastuti. Babad Arung Bondhan: Javanese Local Historiography:
Text Edition and Commentary (Tokyo, Tokyo University of Foreign Studies: 2008): 671.
7
The difference in the type of the pilgrim staff carried by Sunan Kudus may indicate that
there was no clear reference of Sunan Kudus pilgrim staff in the time of babad’s writing
(The period of Mataram dynasty). Despite this difference, the two babad tell the same
function of a pilgrim staff as a supernatural weapon against the enemy.
Other sunan who was recorded in the babad using a pilgrim staff is Sunan Kalijaga
(late 15th to early 16th century) from Tuban, Central Java.24 He is also known as the
‘wandering saint’. In one passage of the story in Babad Arung Bondhan, Sunan Kalijaga
appeared in front of Raden Karebet (Jaka Tingkir), the young man who would later be the
king of Pajang (successor kingdom of Demak). At this occasion, Sunan Kalijaga was
carrying an ecis, which functioned as a regular travelling companion. Babad Arung
Bondhan Canto CXXIV verse XXIV - XXV tells us:
“…
wanci ing wektu asar,
warnanen sinuwun,
jeng sinuwun Kalijaga,
alelampah sangking kidul ateken cis,
sangking ing pemancingan.
Nguwuh-uwuh kulup lah sireki,

marenana gonira agaga,
lungaha ing Demak age,
ngawulaha sireku,
marang sultan Demak negari,
ing tembe mapan sira,
bakal dadi ratu,
amarentah ing rat Jawa,
Jeng sinuwun wus angaler lampahneki,
Wus lepas lampahira.”
Translation:
“…
At noon,
it was said,
Sunan Kalijaga,
walked from the south with a pilgrim staff,
he was from a fishing place.
He called, son you,

stop planting at the field,
quickly go to Demak,
you can serve,
the Sultan of Demak Kingdom,
because you later,
will be a king
ruling the island of Java.
The Sunan had gone north.
He had walked so far.”25

24 Sunan Kalijaga is considered to be the most influential saint of Java. He propagated Islamic teaching that
takes into account Javanese local traditions, including wayang kulit performance, Javanese folk song
(tembang) and keris making tradition.
25 Titik Pudjiastuti, Babad Arung Bondhan: Javanese Local Historiography: Text Edition and
Commentary: 673.
8
In this passage, a pilgrim staff is mentioned as a regular walking staff of Sunan Kalijaga.
Another point to highlight is the circumstance of the appearance of Sunan Kalijaga. He
came from a “fishing place in the south”.26 When Sunan Kalijaga appeared in front of
Raden Karebet, he prophesized that one day Raden Karebet would be the king of Java. His
prophecy was regarded as a ‘wahyu’, a sign from God. In this supernatural circumstance,
he was using a pilgrim staff.
Another function of a pilgrim staff in Java is a medium of miracle. I separate this
function from “spiritual weapon” of Sunan Kudus because a pilgrim staff does not have to
be a weapon. Instead of a weapon, it can be a medium from whence a miracle would occur.
This function is well described in Babad Arung Bondhan. In one of its passage, there is a
story of Ki Ageng Pandanarang and his pilgrim staff. Ki Ageng Pandanaran was one of the
disciples of Sunan Kalijaga. Before Pandanarang adhered Islamic religion, Pandanarang
was a regent in Java.27 His meeting with Sunan Kalijaga changed his way of life. One day,
a lady named Ni Endang visited Ki Ageng Pandanarang to seek for safety from forced
marriage. Ki Ageng Pandanarang said that Ni Endang would be protected only if she
followed Islamic religion. Ni Endang was therefore converted to Islam and became his
pupil. After that, Pandanarang gave her the task to go for a pilgrimage to all the mountains
on the western area of Java and walk through the middle of the ocean. In the words of the
Babad Arung Bondan, Canto CXII verse XVII:
“Ingkang ecis wus binekta,

ni indhang tedhak pan aglis,
ing laut apan anyabrang,
sarwi wau teken ecis,
mengaler lampahneki,
kang taya kenging cis iku,
dadya cethek kang lemah,
mangilen menggok lumari/639/s,
ganti noleh kang taya wus dadya lemah.”
Translation:
“She had brough the pilgrim staff,

Ni Endang soon went down
walked across the ocean,
while using the pilgrim staff,
he went to the east,
water that hit by the pilgrim staff [ecis],
became so shallow,
she turned to the west,
when she looked back the ocean had become the land”28
In this story, the pilgrim staff of Ki Ageng Pandanarang is a medium of miracle. It was a
tool for Ni Endang to walk on the surface of the ocean. In relation with the spiritual
dimension of a pilgrim staff, we arrive at the fourth function of the pilgrim staff, that is an

26 For Javanese, the South, or the Southern Sea in particular, is a territory of Nyai Lara kidul, the Goddess
of the Southern Sea. The fishing place mentioned here might be Mancingan Area, near Parangtritis beach,
Yogyakarta. Javanese regarded this place as sacred. Pakubuwono VI (r. 1823 – 1830) of Surakarta, after the
defeat of Prince Diponegoro in 1830, meditated here. He broke the Dutch rule of travelling outside his
jurisdiction. He was then deposed and sent to exile in Ambon, the Moluccas.
27 Later on, Ki Ageng Pandanarang became Sunan Tembayat of Bayat village, Central Java. He was one of
the Great Saints of Java, but he was not regarded as one of the Wali Songo.
28 Titik Pudjiastuti. Babad Arung Bondhan: Javanese Local Historiography: Text Edition and
Commentary: 614.
9
ecis as a symbol of ascetic life. I will draw some explanations from the story of Ki Ageng
Pandanarang. Babad Demak I tells that Ki Ageng Pandanarang decided to study Islam
under the tutelage of Sunan Kalijaga. By doing so, he left all his worldly possession
including his keris and valuable materials. He only brought a pilgrim staff on his spiritual
journey and told his wife that “earthly possession is only an obstacle to reach the true
meaning in life”.29 However, his wife, who followed him on the journey, decided to carry
some jewelry inside her pilgrim staff. An unfortunate event occurred for the two when a
band of thieves robbed Padanarang’s wife jewelries. Pandanarang then told his wife that if
she didn’t carry any jewelry then such thing would not happen. Pandanarang set an example
to his wife that valuables and worldly possession would only become obstacle in life. For
our research, this story tells that, according to Babad Demak I, a pusaka such as keris is
also part of the ‘worldly material’ that needs to be abandoned.30 A pusaka for the ascetic,
such as the pious sage (ulama) is a pilgrim staff.
Comparing the staff of Kanjeng Kyai Cokro to other pilgrim staff

As discussed in earlier section, a pilgrim staff of Java has simplistic character. In
this section I would like to compare the shape of Kanjeng Kyai Cokro to the description of
ecis in Javanese manuscript. Gericke – Roorda (1901) described that ecis is “een lange
wandelstok met een ijzeren punt”.31 The 19th century Suluk Gatocolo also described the
staff of ulama as an ecis. The translated passage from Suluk Gatocolo, as provided by
Anderson (1981) as follow:
“Now at this time were the kiyayi three
Eager to take the field,
Battling with words about the ngelmu lore,
Debating other guru, hither and yon.
That afternoon they fixed
To leave the following day
Thus the next morning rose these santri three

And, after Subuh prayer,
Put on their turbans, skull-caps, flowing robes –
Turbans of fine white cotton, skull-caps made
Of rattan, and their robes
Three layers of jubah [cassock-like garment] white
…
Each guru held a staff
Tipped with a tin point32
In the above passage, a typical of Javanese ulama in the 19th century is described in detail.
Besides wearing a turban and white jubah, an ulama (here is mentioned as ‘guru’ –
following Indian term) also hold a staff, in which the staff is “tipped with a tin point”.
Babad Arung Bondhan described a rather similar look on an ecis. Instead of a tin point, it
was said that Sunan Bonang carried a pilgrim staff with a holder made of gold. Babad
Arung Bondhan, Canto XCIX, verse XLV, said:

29 From my own translation. Babad Demak 1. Transliterated by Slamet Riyadi and Suwaji (Jakarta,
Departemen Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan, Proyek Penerbitan Buku Sastra Indonesia dan Daerah: 1981):
151.
30 Babad Demak I tells how Sunan Kalijaga purportedly said, “keris does not fit a santri”. In Babad Demak
1. Transliterated by Slamet Riyadi and Suwaji: 186.
31 J.F. Carl Gericke and Taco Roorda, Javaansch – Nederlaansch Woordenboek, Vol. 1 (Amsterdam,
Muller: 1901): 275.
32 Benedict Anderson, “The Suluk Gatocolo: Part One”, Indonesia, No. 32 (1 October 1981): 5 – 7.
10
“Lumampah amawi ecis,
bungkulira apan emas..”
“He [Sunan Bonang] walked with a staff,

that holder was made from gold..”33
On the other hand, the pilgrim staff of Kanjeng Kyai Cokro has an iron blade on its upper
part.
We may get an interesting comparison from observing another existing pilgrim
staff. The so-called Tongkat Cis, or a “Cis staff” is one of the most important pusaka of
Keraton Kasepuhan Cirebon in West Java (note the name Cis is similar to the word ecis in
Javanese). It is believed that Tongkat Cis once belonged to Sunan Gunung Jati, one of the
Wali Songo who lived in Cirebon during the late 15th – early 16th century. Each year, only
during Idul Adha and Idul Fitri Islamic prayers, Tongkat Cis would be opened and used by
the chotib (preacher) in Sang Cipta Rasa Mosque, the mosque of the Kasepuhan Cirebon’s
court.34 The picture of Tongkat Cis (taken during Idul Fitri prayer on 17 July 2015 in Sang
Cipta Rasa Mosque), is shown below:
Picture 1. Tongkat Cis, covered in white cloth
Photographed by: Soekarno Ibrahim (17 July 2015)

33 Titik Pudjiastuti. Babad Arung Bondhan: Javanese Local Historiography: Text Edition and
Commentary: 551.
34 Similar to the Great Mosque of Demak, Sang Cipta Rasa Mosque of Cirebon is associated with Wali
Songo. Sang Cipta Rasa Mosque was built upon the order of Sunan Gunung Jati and other Wali Songo in
early 16th century. Interestingly, different than other Javanese Babad for this study, Babad Arung Bondhan
gives extensive importance to the Mosque of Cirebon. Babad Arung Bondhan, Canto CIV, stanza IX stated
that the Mosque of Demak is the male, and the female is the mosque of Cirebon to bring ‘balance’ in Java.
See: Titik Pudjiastuti, Babad Arung Bondhan: Javanese Local Historiography: Text Edition and
Commentary: 576.
11
Picture 2. Tongkat Cis, without white cover (note the yellow tipped point)
Picture 3. The chotib, holding Tongkat Cis in the mosque’s podium
12
From the look on these photographs, it is clear that the shape of Tongkat Cis is
exactly the same as the description of ecis in Gericke – Roorda’s Javanese – Dutch
Dictionary. Gericke – Roorda (1901) describes ecis as a long wooden staff with a metal
fitting, the description that fit into the shape of Cirebonese Tongkat Cis. On the other hand,
Gericke - Roorda description does not fit one major characters of Kanjeng Kyai Cokro.
Kanjeng Kyai Cokro has an additional headpiece on top of the fitting. The headpiece is
made of iron blade, which is cloaked with wooden cover of the same color as the stick (dark
brown). Only the wooden stick and the fitting of Kanjeng Kyai Cokro that gives direct
correlation to Tongkat Cis and other reference on ecis. I suggest that Kanjeng Kyai Cokro
is a type of ecis with special character.35 The wooden stick of Kanjeng Kyai Cokro
represent the character of a pious sage (ulama). The iron blade in the headpiece may
representation of worldly authority. Different than the regular ecis, Kanjeng Kyai Cokro
may be a ‘special’ pilgrim staff from the beginning. We have known from a research by
Stevens (2015) that Prince Diponegoro, both a Javanese prince and ulama, owned this staff
in 1815 - 1829.36 As it was in Diponegoro’s life, the previous owner to whom this staff was
originated might be someone with religious and political importance.
Consideration of the first owner of the staff

Before I move further, I will discuss the situation that precedes Valck’s letter (1834)
regarding the staff. Four years after the end of Java War (1825-1830), the new Governor
General (ad interim) of the Netherlands East Indies Jean Chretien Baud made an inspection
to Central Java. It was a custom of that time to present valuable gift to the high dignitaries.
In this circumstance, a Javanese commander of the Netherlands East Indies army Prince
Notoprodjo (c.1803-1855) presented the staff of Diponegoro to Governor General Baud in
a ceremony in Kalasan Temple, Central Java on July 1834.37 In the context of searching
the value and the origin of the staff, the hand-over of the staff from Prince Notoprodjo to
Governor General Baud is significant because it tells explicitly that the staff is highly
valuable.38 Moreover, considering his family background Prince Notoprodjo was a man of
high social status. He was a prince of Yogyakarta and a descendant of Sunan Kalijaga.39

35 Having said this, there is another kind of staff that may enrich this study. It is the ‘ceremonial staff’ from
the Kingdom of Madura (Bangkalan? Sumenep?). In the National Museum of Indonesia, there are four
staffs on display at the cabinet of Madurese regalia (Regalia Room, Building B). They are grouped as
‘Ceremonial Staffs’. The staffs are made with wood. At the headpiece of each staff, one could observe
different blade that is made of dark metal (copper?). Judging from the headpiece on each staff, it gives an
impression that the headpiece is an ornament for religious rites. Compare with Kanjeng Kyai Cokro, the
headpiece of these staffs are more ‘eccentric’ in shape. Further than this, there is not enough information
available at the National Museum. A historian at the National Museum, Gunawan (34) told me that the
Museum is lacking of primary documents to trace the information on many of its collections, including the
information regarding the ceremonial staffs from Madura. The question about the function of ‘ceremonial
staffs’ in comparison with other pilgrim staff may be worth researching in the future.
38 Javanese babad such as Babad Mangir gives record on the ancient custom of the Javanese to submit to
higher dignitaries by presenting its most valuable possession. See Purwadi, Babad Ki Ageng Mangir: Intrik
Politik Istana Demi Melanggengkan Kuasa Keraton Mataram (Yogyakarta, Narasi: 2014): 97.
39 According to Peter Carey (2008), Prince Notoprodjo was the grandson of Nyai Ageng Serang. They
were from Sunan Kalijaga family line. See: Peter Carey, The Power of Prophecy: Prince Diponegoro and
The End of An Old Order in Java, 1785-1855 (Leiden: KITLV Press, 2008): 132-134. According to Stevens
(2015), from his father line, Notoprodjo was a grandson of Sultan Hamengkubuwono II of Yogyakarta. See:
Harm Stevens, ‘Deze staf, Tjokro genaamd, heeft toebehoord aan Prins Diepo Negoro en is in Juli 1834
13
Prince Notoprodjo played an important role during the Java War due to his position as an
officer with illustrious ancestry that sided with the Dutch. There was a rumour that he
would be made a ‘Sultan of Demak’ if the throne of Yogyakarta fell to Pangeran
Mangkudiningrat II, the close aide of Diponegoro.40 When Prince Notoprodjo handed over
Kanjeng Kyai Cokro to Governor General Baud in 1834, it means that he gave a token of
submission to the highest government officer in Java at that time.41 A letter of testimony of
the then Resident of Yogyakarta F.G. Valck became a source to confirm the authenticity of
the staff. On 4 December 1834, Valck wrote a letter describing the origin of the ‘staff of
Diponegoro’, which has a name ‘Cokro’. As the writer of this letter, Valck did not only
represent ‘local Dutch authority’; He was also credible enough to create ‘a statement of
originality’ of a Javanese antiquity.42 With this ground as a basis, I will proceed to the
discussion of the first owner of Kanjeng Kyai Cokro.
According to Valck (1834), the staff was originated from “Demak Kingdom” (een
voorst van Demak). This could mean that the staff is either associated with the Wali Songo
or that the staff was a pusaka of Demak Sultanate. Here I will discuss the possibility that
the staff belonged to one of the Wali Songo. Evidence from the babad tells us that Sunan
Kudus, Sunan Kalijaga, and Sunan Bayat (Ki Ageng Pandanarang) carried a pilgrim staff
in their pilgrimage. Considering the residences of Wali Songo, only Sunan Kalijaga, who
was buried in Demak at the village of Kadilangu, came close to be associated with the
pilgrim staff. But the stronger connection between all the Wali Songo and Demak lies in
the Great Mosque of Demak. This mosque was located in Demak Bintoro. It was created
under the patronage of the first ruler of Demak, Raden Patah, and also the Wali Songo.
Hikayat Hasanuddin from Banten (probably written in the 16th – 17th century), quoted in
de Graaf and Pigeaud (1974), mentioned two saints of Wali Songo who were identified as
penghulu (head) or imam of Demak Mosque. The first five penghulu of Demak mosque,
according to Hikayat Hasanuddin, as follow:
1. Sunan Bonang, the first penghulu of the mosque (after 1490 – 1506/1512?)
2. Makdum Sampang (1506/1512 – 1515?)
3. Kyai Pambayun (1515 – before 1521?)
4. Penghulu Rahmatullah (1521 – 1524?)
5. Sunan Kudus (1524 - ?)43

door Pangeran Noto Prodjko aan J.C. Baud, Governor generaal van Ned. Indie gegeven’: Onderzoekverslag
door Harm Stevens, conservator Rijksmuseum, 28 January 2015.
40 Besluit van den Gouverneur-Generaal buiten rade 6-2-1831 no. 1, interview with Tumenggung
Prawirasenjaya, 16-11-1831, National Archief, The Hague, quoted from: Peter Carey, The Power of
Prophecy: Prince Diponegoro and The End of An Old Order in Java, 1785-1855: 133.
41 To support the argument that the pilgrim staff is a true pusaka ageng, I shall point to the gesture of
Sultan Hamengkubuwono III who intended to give a holy keris (Kyai Naga Siluman) to Daendels. As
stated by Knoerle, ‘Journal’, 31, quoted by Carey (2008), Diponegoro was reportedly said: “This evening
[27-5-1830] at six o’ clock Dipanagara placed a beautiful, expensive kris in my hands and spoke the
following words: see here an heirloom of my father…This kris is a pusaka of many years. When my father
Sultan Raja [Hamengkubuwana III] wished to give a token of admission to the Marshal (Daendels), he gave
this selfsame kris into his hands. The Marshal gave it back because he knew it was a holy pusaka and that
my father was a true friend of the Dutch.” See: Peter Carey, The Power of Prophecy: Prince Diponegoro
and The End of An Old Order in Java, 1785-1855: 814.
42 Valck was known for his interest in Javanese antiquities. He could be considered a Javanese antiquity
expert during the time of Governor General Baud.
43 Hikayat Hasanuddin, question marks from the author, as quoted from H.J. De Graaf and Th. G. Th.
Pigeaud, De Eerste Moslimse Vorstendommen op Java: Studien over de Staatkundige Geschiedenis van de
15de en 16de Eeuw: 50.
14
According to Hikayat Hasanuddin, Sunan Bonang and Sunan Kudus were associated with
Demak mosque as well. Sunan Kalijaga, on the other hand, was the head of Moslem
Council in the mosque.44 Could it mean that the pilgrim staff was intended for penghulu –
saints of Demak? It might be true. But this explanation could not describe why did the
pusaka of a saint who was associated with Demak mosque could change possession to that
of an “ordinary Javanese” before the time of Diponegoro.45 One explanation that is more
convincing to me is that the staff was a pusaka ageng of Demak royal rouse. It changed
possession from one king over another until the fall of Demak Kingdom. In this possible
explanation, the first owner of Kanjeng Kyai Cokro was the founder of Demak royal house,
Raden Patah (c. 1455 – 1518). According to Javanese babad, Raden Patah was the son of
Prabu Brawijaya V, the last ruler of Majapahit with a Chinese mother.46 Being pious
muslim himself, Raden Patah was considered a highly respected ulama in Java. Babad Jaka
Tingkir regarded Raden Patah as ‘Wali Umran’, the ninth member of the eight Wali Songo
(after Sunan Ampel had passed away) who was present in the grand meeting of the
establishment of Demak Mosque. Babad Jaka Tingkir Canto XIII, stanza V describes the
role of Raden Patah during the establishment of Demak mosque, as follow:
“…
Wali umran ingkang anusuli,
anjangkepi uruting wilangan,
martabat wali sangane
kalebet gelengipun
para wali wolung prakawis,
yeku Jeng Panembahan,
senopati Jimbun,
naradipati Pulembang
..
Translation:
“…
Wali Umran will follow
to complete the numbering order
of the ‘Nine Martabat Wali’
after all the eight wali
that is Jeng Panembahan,
senopati Jimbun,
Naradipati Palembang…”47
In my view, the explanation of Raden Patah’s imagery fit the impression that can
be observed in the character of the pilgrim staff. It seems that Kanjeng Kyai Cokro has an
element of worldly authority from the iron blade. It has also an element of religious
modesty from its wooden stick. Could it be that it was Raden Patah who used this pusaka

Staatkundige Geschiedenis van de 15de en 16de Eeuw: 67.
45 “Bij gelegenheid van vorige onlusten in het Demaksche rijk, is hij in handen gekomen van eenen
geringen Javaan, en vervolgens van de eene hand in de andere, tot dat dezelve eindelijk…den Pangerang
Dipo Nogoro, alsmede door eenen geringen Javaan, ten geschenke is gegeven.” In F.G. Valck, Beschrijving
van de pelgrimstaf van Dipo Negoro door mij ontvangen van Pangeran Notto Prodjo, 4 December 1834.
Staatkundige Geschiedenis van de 15de en 16de Eeuw: 37.
47 From my own translation. In Mulyono Sastronaryatmo, Babad Jaka Tingkir: Babad Pajang: 72.
15
in the first place? Due to the fact that no record exists to prove this ‘claim’, it will remain
a hypothesis. The letter by Valck (1834) only stated that the staff was originated from
“Demak Kingdom”. For the purpose of determining the origin of Kanjeng Kyai Cokro, it
is useful to set a possible explanation from the information available. The hypothesis that
Demak Sultanate’s dynasty - and therefore, Raden Patah – as Kanjeng Kyai Cokro’s first
owner can explain how the staff became a possession of “ordinary Javanese”. 48 Possibly,
the staff was lost during a siege of Demak Bintoro by Jipang expeditionary force led by
Arya Penangsang, which ended the reign of Demak sultanates in Java (c. 1549). Following
ancient Javanese code of conduct, the staff and other pusaka ageng of Demak were passed
on secretly to the member of Demak’s royal family.49 From this hypothesis, the pilgrim
staff became a possession of ‘ordinary Javanese’ for generations before it was handed in to
Prince Diponegoro in 1815. Aside from Raden Patah, the possible owner of the staff might
be that Sunan Prawoto. His image as a ruler of Demak and an ulama (a sunan) is rather
similar to Raden Patah.50 However, he was not mentioned in any babad that I used in this
study.
The dating of the staff

Javanese predict the dating (penarihan) of pusaka from a method called tangguh
(predicting). This method can be applied to all pusaka classified as tosan aji (Meaning:
respected iron blade), including keris, tombak (spear), and so on. Haryoguritno (2005)
stated that one way to predict the dating of a pusaka is by looking, observing,
understanding, and analyzing the characteristic of the blade from panca waton principles.51
In doing so, one would able to predict two aspects of the pusaka: 1. the period when the
pusaka is originated; 2. The place of origin. Before we focus on the panca waton principles
to explain the staff, it may be useful to know the list of ‘accepted’ periodization of tosan
aji, as follow:
Table 1. Tangguh categorization by period
Tangguh categorization Approximate period (AD)

Tangguh Kadewatan 4 - 5th century
Tangguh Purwacarita 6-7th century

49 In ancient Javanese court’s code of conduct, there is a rule that says the major heirlooms of the court
shall be distributed to the member of the royal family during political catastrophe such as the fall of the
court. Aside from the purpose to save the court’s pusaka from outsider hand, the court’s major heirlooms
works as an identifier between royal family members. Especially since the royal family member ‘on the
run’ would need to change his/her identity. My source regarding Javanese court’s code of conduct is from
Wayang Kulit (Javanese shadow puppet) mythology. Hence I could not locate any literature that describe
this code of conduct. Peter Carey (2008), however, obtained a list of the remaining pusaka of Diponegoro
and the “indication” of their owners. It gives a notion that Diponegoro also followed the code of conduct by
giving his remaining pusaka to his family before he was captured. See: Besluit van den Gouverneur-
Generaal buiten rade, 30-4-1831, Bijlage 3, J.J. Roeps, ‘Naamlijst van der wapens van den Pangerang
Diponegoro en met aanwijzing voor wien dezelve bestemd zijn’, in Peter Carey, The Power of Prophecy:
Prince Diponegoro and The End of an Old Order in Java, 1785-1855: 813.
50 According to de Graaf and Pigeaud, the title of Sunan in King Prawoto was associated from his role as
an Islamic leader in Demak. De Graaf and Pigeaud quoted from Serat Kandha that he “volgens eijgen
verkiezing Priai Moenkim ofte een Heilige soesoehoenan van Prawata geworden zou zijn”. See: H.J. De
Graaf and Th. G. Th. Pigeaud, De Eerste Moslimse Vorstendommen op Java: Studien over de Staatkundige
Geschiedenis van de 15de en 16de Eeuw: 75.
51 Haryono Haryoguritno, Keris Jawa: Antara Mistik dan Nalar: 37.
16
Tangguh Buda 8-9th century
Tangguh Jenggala - Kediri and Segaluh 9-12th century
Tangguh Pajajaran 10-12th century
Tangguh Singasari 13th century
Tangguh Majapahit, Blambangan, Tuban, and
Sedayu 14-15th century
Tangguh Demak, Jipang, Old Madurese 15-16th century
Tangguh Madura, Pengging, Pajang 16th century
Tangguh Mataram: Senapaten 16th century
Sultanagungan 16th century
Amangkuratan 17-18th century
Kartasura 18-19th century
Tangguh Surakarta: Kasunanan and
Mangkunegaran 18-20th century
Tangguh Yogyakarta: Kasultanan and
Pakualaman 18-20th century
Source: Haryono Haryoguritno, Keris Jawa: Antara Mistik dan Nalar: 353.
While categorizing pusaka, one would then predict its place of origin from the list
above. A common knowledge among pusaka enthusiast is that each Javanese tosan aji has
quite a distinct character that is marked by its geographical origin. Two keris with the same
dhapur (baseline-part of keris blade), i.e. dhapur ‘tilam upih’, might not be the same in
detail due to different place of origin. Keris dhapur Tilam Upih from Tuban is different
than Tilam Upih from Madura or Surakarta even though they might have certain similarities
that resemblance dhapur tilam upih. To identify the similarity and difference of pusaka,
panca waton principles are applied. Observing guwaya (expression) and wangun (shape)
of a pusaka is a way to measure it from its outlook impression. Observing pamor, waja,
and wesi of a pusaka are ways to give attention to its great detail. The material composition
of a tosan aji varied according to its place of origin, period of origin, and personal
preference of its empu (the blacksmith). In the past, material composition of pusaka could
only be measured from observation method. Today, we could have more precise data of
material composition from laboratorium examination. Lumintu (1985), a metallurgist
stated that there is no single pusaka that has identical material composition with another
pusaka.52
With regards to the five principles of panca waton, a look on the visual and material
compositions of the headpiece of Kanjeng Kyai Cokro may bring more information to
understand the origin of the staff. Firstly, I will look at the guwaya (expression) of the
headpiece. With less decoration or ornament, the headpiece of the staff is rather simple.
Dark iron blade (besi basah) covers almost the entire headpiece. The broken pattern of the
texture of the headpiece (pamor ngambang) gives mystifying impression. Secondly, it is
clear that some parts of the headpiece of Kanjeng Kyai Cokro are following certain known
model (wangun) of keris to-date. According to Valck (1834) the model of a headpiece as a
whole is a cakra (the sun-disk), the weapon of the god Wishnu.53 To get enough explanation
of such character, this study needs sufficient references of Demak pusaka for comparison.
It is unfortunate that there is no sufficient reference of Demak pusaka to begin a full
comparison with the headpiece of Kanjeng Kyai Cokro. A study of Javanese spear by

52 S. Lumintu, Besi, Baja, dan Pamor Keris (Jakarta, Pusat Keris Jakarta: 1985): 15.
17
Wibawa (2008) does not give any dating reference about any of his reference spear either.
However, the bottom part of the headpiece or methuk corresponds with a well-known
Javanese methuk kinatah type. Methuk is the bottom part of the tosan aji’s headpiece, in
particular a Javanese spear. Methuk kinatah is a type of carving in methuk that shaped a
leaves or flower.54 The downward left side and right sides of the headpiece remind us of
trisula, a trident from Indic tradition. Therefore, one important point that can be drawn
from this feature is that the headpiece of Kanjeng Kyai Cokro still have recognized motif,
which is the methuk kinatah. It is probable that methuk kinatah motif derives from
Majapahit (or earlier) tradition and still existed during the period of Demak – as evidenced
by the appearance of this motif in Kanjeng Kyai Cokro. The shape of trisula suggests Indic
influence on the headpiece.
Thirdly, the composition material (wesi, waja, and pamor) of Kanjeng Kyai Cokro
consists mostly of iron (Fe), with minor composition of chrom (Cr), Nickel (Ni), Cuprum
(Cu), and Arsenikum (As).55 From this material composition, we found that the quality of
the steel in the headpiece is stronger with combination of nickel, and chrom in addition to
iron.56 Sometimes nickel element in tosan aji would produce a fine white pattern of pamor
(texture of the blade). At this moment, pamor effect can still be recognized, but there is no
white pattern in combination with the texture of the blade. Warangan, a method to soak the
iron blade in arsenikum liquid may prove whether it really has white pamor. Moreover, the
composition material of the headpiece is rather ‘unusual’ for old tosan aji. There is a
knowledge among keris enthusiast that pusaka which is made prior to Mataram dynasty
(<16th century) contains only iron (Fe) and titanium (Ti). Nickel composition only present
in the pusaka that is made during Mataram dynasty and after. The reference of this
understanding came from laboratory research by Haryono Arumbinang in the 1980s. He
took samples from keris tangguh pajajaran (10th-12th century), keris tangguh
pajajaran/sedayu (10th-15th century), and keris tangguh Mataram (16th – 19th century). From
all these samples, Arumbinang found that iron and titanium are the major components of
an old tosan aji, while nickel is a component of a new tosan aji.57 On the other hand, the
absence of titanium material in the headpiece of Kanjeng Kyai Cokro does not match the
research by Arumbinang. Titanium, according to Arumbinang’s finding, should present in
both old and new tosan aji. In addition, Lumintu (1985) stated that keris or spear which
originated from 10th century and earlier consist of only iron.58 This makes our prediction
of Kanjeng Kyai Cokro to measure its period of origin cannot reach a conclusion. As shown
by its headpiece material, Kanjeng Kyai Cokro stood between the characteristic of ‘archaic’
tosan aji (contains only iron with no titanium) and tangguh mataraman tosan aji (contains
nickel for white pamor). Due to the lack of research on tangguh Demak’s pusaka, we cannot
compare this observation to other pusaka tangguh Demak. Conducting another research on
the comparison of pusaka from tangguh Demak will solve this problem.

54 Prasida Wibawa, Pesona Tosan Aji (Jakarta, Gramedia: 2008): 104.
55 I received the information regarding the composition of the blade from a research by the Rijksmuseum
of Amsterdam on Kanjeng Kyai Cokro: “Diponegoro Staf” (unpublished document, 2015).
56 This formula is described in Lumintu. See: S. Lumintu, Besi, Baja, dan Pamor Keris: 17.
57 Haryono Arumbinang, Pakem Padhuwungan (Yogyakarta, Lembaga Javanologi, Yayasan Ilmu
Pengetahuan dan Kebudayaan Panunggalan: 1985): 5.
58 S. Lumintu, Besi, Baja, dan Pamor Keris: 16.
18
Picture 4. Identifying parts of Kanjeng Kyai Cokro’s headpiece
The original picture is taken from: A Lost Pusaka Returned (a booklet, Jakarta, 5 February 2015)
The pusaka today and the perception of its return to Indonesia

When I visited the National Museum of Indonesia in August 2015, Kanjeng Kyai
Cakra was displayed together with Prince Diponegoro’s other pusaka in the Regalia Room.
It is situated on the far right of the room, and placed under tight security protection. The
display of the objects in Regalia Room is quite simple. The objects are placed inside glass
cabinet surround the room. Each cabinet is divided according to the royal court where the
objects originated. The cabinet of regalia from the court of Sulawesi kept several long
swords (Mandau) and other pusaka. The cabinet of regalia from Madura displays several
pusaka including Madurese keris and the Ceremonial Staffs. The cabinet of regalia from
Bali has several keris, and so on. These objects were acquired from various means, but
mostly through the Dutch colonial government encounters with indigenous courts in
19
Indonesia, such as colonial war. Balinese pusaka in this room, for instance, were originated
from the court of Buleleng in Bali. During the war commonly refer as ‘puputan war’, all
member of the house of Buleleng committed suicide assault against the Dutch army in
1905. Thereafter, some of Buleleng’s pusaka ageng went to the Netherlands, while some
were kept for Bataviaasche Genootschaap (Batavia Society) collections in Batavia. The
same situation also happened to Madurese pusaka. When the Dutch abolished Sumenep,
the last court of Madura, Sumenep’s pusaka ageng ended up in Batavia. The same goes for
the royal crown of Banten Sultanate in the 17th century, and many more. These objects are
well connected with the colonial past, and they are on display together with Prince
Diponegoro’s related objects.
Picture 5. Kanjeng Kyai Cokro (on the left) in the Cabinet of Diponegoro
Photographed by: Ghamal Satya Mohammad (2015)
20
Picture 6. Kanjeng Kyai Cokro and other objects with an info banner
Photographed by: Ghamal Satya Mohammad (2015)
Anderson (1991) stated that, with regards to the creation of national identity, the
state imagined its ‘local adversaries’, as in an ‘ominous prophetic dream’, well before they
came into historical existence. 59 The display of the Regalia Room in the National Museum
of Indonesia is one example to illustrate the state’s local adversaries mentioned by
Anderson. At the time where the state tries to give a ‘nationalistic’ definition of the regalia
of the past, some other stories within it will be silenced. We would not get the cultural
significance of the pilgrim staff of Diponegoro from the display in the National Museum
today. On the contrary, what we would get is limited only to the part of the story where
Diponegoro used the staff in the war against the Dutch. In other words, the purpose of the
objects in the museum is merely to support the identity creation of Indonesia. This

59 Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on The Origin and Spread of Nationalism
(London, Verso: 1991): xiv.
21
‘national’ identity found its basis from the stories of struggle against the Dutch. When
Kanjeng Kyai Cokro became an object of the National Museum of Indonesia, it became
part of the narrative of Indonesian patriotism.
The articulation of nationalism in the public display of Kanjeng Kyai Cokro is
related to the news of its hand over. The official return ceremony of the staff was held at
the opening of Aku:Diponegoro Exhibition in the National Gallery of Indonesia on 5
February 2015. The hand-over ceremony of Kanjeng Kyai Cokro was rather ‘sensational’,
as the Indonesian public did not know about the plan. Even the then head of the National
Museum of Indonesia, Tubagus Suksmana admit that he did not know that there would be
a hand over ceremony of the staff at the opening of Aku:Diponegoro exhibition.60
Nevertheless, after the ceremony, the return of the staff was reported by many news media,
if not all of the national news media, in Indonesia. I calculate that there are about 22 e-news
(both national and local based) articles that give report on the return of the Staff of
Diponegoro from 6 February – 24 February 2015. Most of these articles give report on the
hand-over ceremony, but sometimes with different focus of coverage. On the first day after
the ceremony (6 February 2015), nine different e-news media reported about the return of
the staff. Articles by cnnindonesia.com and detik.com stood out among other articles for
they give comprehensive reportage of the hand-over ceremony. Besides reporting about the
hand-over ceremony and a short history of the staff, cnnindonesia.com quoted in detail the
speech of Anies Baswedan as Minister of Education and Culture. He reportedly said, “183
years ago the staff was taken by the Dutch, and now it came back [to Indonesia]. The
present occasion may look simple, but this will be one important historical event in the
future. Indonesia shall be proud, and get better.”61 Detik.com, on the other hands, published
two separate articles with different point of interest. In “Kisah Tongkat Cokro Milik
Pangeran Diponegoro” (The story of Cokro Pilgrim Staff which Owned by Prince
Diponegoro), the article gave a spotlight on the role of British historian Peter Carey as a
mediator behind the return of the staff to Indonesia.62 Another article by Detik.com, “Kisah
Keluarga Baud yang 183 Tahun Simpan Tongkat Kyai Cokro Diponegoro” (The Story of
Baud’s family who kept The Staff of Diponegoro Kyai Cokro for 183 years) described the
story from whence the Governor General Baud received the staff, and then it became a
family inheritance for generations of Baud family. It emphasized the role of Harm Stevens
from the Rijksmuseum of Amsterdam who researched about the staff, Peter Carey as a
mediator between Baud’s family and ‘Indonesian people’, and the role of Embassy of The
Netherlands in Jakarta who supported the staff’s return.63 One article in Tribunnews.com,
speculated that the pilgrim stick was made of mahogany wood (swietenia macrophilla).64
Another e-news media, dekandidat.com, even covered Prabowo’s (one candidate of 2014
presidential election – a descendant of Pangeran Diponegoro) response about the staff’s

60 Kisah Tongkat Pangeran Diponegoro (8 February 2015),
www.sains.kompas.com/kisah/tongkat/diponegoro.html, accesed on 1August 2015.
61 Setelah 183 Tahun, Pusaka Indonesia Kembali ke Tanah Air (6 February 2015),
www.cnnindonesia.com/setelah/183/tahun/pusaka/Indonesia/kembali/ke/tanah/air, accesed on 1August
2015.
62 Kisah Tongkat Cokro Milik Pangeran Diponegoro (6 February 2015),
www.news.detik.com/kisah/tongkat /cokro/milik/pangeran/diponegoro.html, accessed on 1August 2015.
63 Kisah keluarga Baud yang 183 tahun simpan tongkat Kyai Cokro Diponegoro (6 February 2015),
www.news.detik.com/kisah/keluarga/baud/yang/183/tahun/simpan/tongkat /kyai/cokro/diponegoro,
accessed on 1August 2015.
64 Sempat Hilang, tongkat pusaka Diponegoro dikembalikan ke Indonesia (6 February 2015),
www.tribunnews.com/sempat/hilang/,/tongkat/pusaka/diponegoro/dikembalikan/ke/indonesia, accessed on
6 February 2015.
22
return. He was reported to answer “amat senang” (very happy) while asked by a journalist.
The article then appeared with a title “Prabowo Bukan Main Gembiranya Tongkat
Pangeran Diponegoro Kembali ke Indonesia” (Prabowo Was Exceedingly Happy that the
Staff of Diponegoro Returned to Indonesia).65 In the first day after the hand-over ceremony,
the news centered on the importance of the staff to Diponegoro’ struggle, and also to the
Indonesian people.
After 6 February, several articles made it clear that the hand-over of Indonesian
historical objects such as Kanjeng Kyai Cokro from foreign countries is necessary. One
article published in kompasiana.com by Dr. Nugroho, a lecturer from Diponegoro
University in Semarang stated that the return of the staff of Diponegoro is important to all
Indonesian. However, according to Nugroho, the public should be aware that there are
many more Indonesian historical objects abroad, particularly in the Netherlands.
Indonesians should wait for their return to the motherland.66 Similar message could be
conveyed from harianrakyatbengkulu.com. One of its articles, dated from 7 February,
expressed a hope that another historical objects shall be returned back to Indonesia, just
like the staff of Diponegoro.67 Solopos, a local newspaper from Solo, Central Java placed
the news about the staff’s return on its printed version’s headline on the same day. The
news also expressed a hope for another return cases of historical objects to Indonesia.68
When tempo.co.id published its e-news articles about the staff of Diponegoro on 24
February, the articles became the latest to cover information about the staff. The two
articles of Tempo.co.id describe about some information regarding the decision by Baud’s
family to return the staff to Indonesia. The articles said that Baud’s family had to face some
challenges to identify the staff, and to consider the option of selling the staff. The article
was concluded with some commentaries of how Indonesians appreciated the staff’s return.
When I interviewed several people of Jakarta by random in August 2015, it seemed
to me that the air of joy regarding the staff’s return was still there. Although most of them
could not elaborate the description of the pilgrim staff for various reasons. Asep Firman
Yahdiana (32) was one exception. He could describe the staff of Diponegoro at some length
from previous sources he read.69 Two other interviewees stressed on the importance of the
staff to instill nationalism among Indonesians. Andi Arif (26) said that Indonesians need to
be encouraged to visit museum and ‘learn from history’. Based on his own experience as a
teacher, he stated that there is little concern toward history among Indonesian people. It
was during this kind of event (such as the return of the staff) that Indonesian people could
learn more about the history of their country.70 The same positive tone also came from Ratu
Ayu Asih Putri (28). She felt thankful to ‘the Dutch’ who returned the staff back to
Indonesia. According to her, the time has indeed changed from the colonial relationship in

65 Prabowo Bukan Main Gembiranya Tongkat Pangeran Diponegoro Kembali ke Indonesia (6 February
2015),
www.dekandidat.com/prabowo/bukan/main/gembiranya/tongkat/pangeran/diponegoro/kembali/ke/Indonesi
a, accessed on 1August 2015.
66 Dr. Nugroho, Opini: Setelah 183 Tahun, Tongkat Diponegoro Kembali ke Indonesia (7 February 2015),
www.kompasiana.com/opini/:/setelah/183/tahun/,/tongkat/diponegoro/kembali/ke/indonesia, accessed on
1August 2015.
67 Cerita Dibalik Kembalinya Tongkat Pangeran Diponegoro dari Belanda (7 February 2015),
www.harianrakyatbengkulu.com/cerita/dibalik/kembalinya/tongkat/diponegoro/dari/belanda, accessed on
1August 2015).
68 Harian Jogja Hari Ini: Tongkat Diponegoro Pulang (7 February 2015),
www.jogja.solopos.com/harian/jogja/hari/ini/:/tongkat/diponegoro/pulang.html, accessed on 1 August 2015.
69 Interview with Asep Firman Yahdiana, a social science teacher from Bandung (25 August 2015).
70 Interview with Andi Arif, a student from Jakarta (28 August 2015).
23
the past into friendship between Indonesia and The Netherlands. She expressed her hope
for more objects of Indonesian heritage to be handed over to Indonesia soon.71
From my observation of the perception towards the return of the staff, there was
indeed a sense of immediate joy. But I have to say here that the understanding of the return
of the staff did not go very far from the ‘colonial discourse’ between Indonesia and The
Netherlands, that is the representation of colonialism and anti-colonial sentiment in
Indonesia after 1945. It can be seen from almost all the news articles that describe about
the the staff’s return, with an emphasize on “The Dutch” and an Indonesian “heritage”
pusaka. Reader on Indonesian history and politics would know that the state creates a
nationalistic approach on history to build an understanding of how Indonesia came to being
and how to maintain it.72 The ‘enemy’ in the history of Indonesia, above all, is the Dutch
colonial government and its colonial system. Everything that is related to the glory of Dutch
colonialism was changed into the narrative of the new nation Indonesia after 1949.73 The
staff’s return to Indonesia is part of colonial discourse because it fell into the rhetoric of
colonialism (that the staff was taken away to the Netherlands for 183 years) and anti-
colonial sentiment (that the staff was finally returned to Indonesia as its rightful owner).
Especially since the struggle of Diponegoro was the only historical background available
that could be attached to the pilgrim staff.
Conclusion
Kanjeng Kyai Cokro is a pusaka that encompasses its own “Javanese identity”. Due
to its importance to Indonesian history, Kanjeng Kyai Cokro is regarded by Indonesian as
“national pusaka”. The making of Kanjeng Kyai Cokro as a national pusaka is well
connected with the narrative of Indonesian great hero, Prince Diponegoro. Nevertheless,
the Kanjeng Kyai Cokro’s historical background is wider than the ‘episode’ of Prince
Diponegoro in the history of Java. It was a relic of deeper past, that is during the time of
the spread of Islam in Java by Wali Songo - Demak Sultanate (around 16th century), the
time when it was owned by ‘ordinary Javanese’ (16th century to early 19th century), during
the time of Prince Diponegoro (1815 – 1829), the time of Prince Notoprodjo (1829 – 1834)
and also the time when it belonged to Governor General Baud (1834 – 2015). At present it
is now an object of the National Museum of Indonesia.
This study identifies Kanjeng Kyai Cokro as a type of Javanese ecis, a long walking
staff that is measured between 100-150 cm. The use of ecis is well connected with the
spread of Islam in Java, including the life of Wali Songo, as it was mentioned several times
in the babad. The use of an object of comparison, Tongkat Cis, in this study is useful to
draw a deeper correlation between ecis and the ulama of Java. Tongkat Cis is believed to
be the staff of Sunan Gunung Jati, one of the Wali Songo from Cirebon. It suggests the
possible correlation between Kanjeng Kyai Cokro, a pilgrim staff of Prince Diponegoro to
earlier generation of ulama in Java, especially in Demak.
In the context of 19th – 20th century babad sources, this study found that there are
four functions of pilgrim staff in Java. Each function is connected with the story of Wali
Songo. Firstly, a pilgrim staff is functioned as a supernatural weapon. The story that
mentioned ecis as a supernatural weapon can be found in one passage of Sunan Kudus, in

71 Interview with Ratu Ayu Asih Putri, a lecturer from Serang, Banten (27 August 2015).
72 There are many books and articles that are dealing with Indonesian historiography. On the recent article
about Indonesian historiography, see: Agus Suwignyo, “Indonesian National History Textbooks after the
New Order: What’s New Under the Sun?”, BKI, 170 (2014): 113-131.
73 Some of the old colonial building and objects survive up until the present time, but its meaning have
changed into the glory of Indonesian independence, i.e. Merdeka palace (Governor General Palace) in
Medan Merdeka (Koningsplein), Jakarta.
24
particular when Sunan Kudus was asked to summon the heretic Ki Ageng Pengging to
Demak. Sunan Kudus used his pilgrim staff to repel the disciples of Ki Ageng who intended
to capture him. Secondly, a pilgrim staff is functioned as a regular walking companion of
a saint. Sunan Kalijaga was mentioned in the babad with a pilgrim staff during his
pilgrimage. Thirdly, a pilgrim staff is functioned as a medium of miracle. In the story of Ki
Ageng Pandanarang, his pilgrim staff helped his disciple Ni Endang to walk across the sea.
Fourthly, a pilgrim staff is a symbol of ascetic life. The story of Ki Ageng Pandanarang
tells that he and his wife used a pilgrim staff during their spiritual journey that became the
major turning point of their lives. The explanation of the staff in four different functions
brings to an argument that a pilgrim staff (ecis) is important as one of the true Javanese
pusaka. However, the ecis identity as a pusaka of ulama makes it become less significance
in the court’s point of view. A pilgrim staff is not a pusaka for political legitimacy. It is the
pusaka of an ascetic. Due to this aspect, it is reasonable if the babad did not give a name
for any pilgrim staff being mentioned.
This study concludes that Kanjeng Kyai Cokro is a unique pilgrim staff from Java.
Looking at the staff as a whole, it has a simplistic character of ulama’s pusaka. The iron
blade part of the staff tells its signature. With regards to the origin of Kanjeng Kyai Cokro,
there is no solid evidence to tell that the staff belongs to anyone rather than Prince
Diponegoro. The only document that describe about the origin of the staff before the time
of Diponegoro is a letter by Valck (1834), which stated that it was a pusaka of Demak.
However, there are several arguments to accept Valck’s information as valid. First and
foremost is the condition of the hand-over from Prince Notoprodjo to Governor General
Baud in 1834. It is unlikely if a prince of Java from high standing would lose the
opportunity to submit properly to the newly appointed ruler of the Netherlands East Indies
at that time. The authenticity of the staff was then ‘confirmed’ by Valck letter (1834).
Secondly, Prince Notoprodjo was associated with Demak. He was said to be a descendant
of Sunan Kalijaga (The Sunan was buried in Kadilangu, outside Demak ancient capital),
and there was a rumour that Prince Notoprodjo would become a ‘Sultan of Demak’, a
referral that is connected with the Demak origin of the staff.
Further, the discussion of its first owner remains a hypothesis in this study. There
is no evidence in support of specific person as the first owner of this staff in the period of
Demak. Raden Patah might be a possibility because the description of Raden Patah as a
religious ruler depicted in the babads fits the imagery of Kanjeng Kyai Cokro. Sunan
Prawoto, the last ruler of Demak also fits this imagery. However, this possibility only plays
on the ‘images’ of the king of Demak in connection with the ‘image’ of the staff. What is
more concrete from this study, a pilgrim staff (ecis) is mentioned in 19th – 20th century
babads as a pusaka associated with Islamic saints of Java, and all these Wali lived around
the period of Demak Sultanate. Hence, one may ask if the connection between the staff and
the Islamic saints of Java also present in earlier babad or not. For such question, this study
shows its limitation by referring only to the 19th – early 20th century babad sources.
The attempt to measure the dating of pusaka from its material compositions does
not give a satisfying result. With little reference available on Demak pusaka, we could not
be sure of how to interpret the contradicting composition materials in Kanjeng Kyai
Cokro’s iron blade with the standard formula of dating a pusaka. So far, the physical
evidences that can be observed from this study tell that the staff has the characteristic of
tangguh archaic tosan aji and tangguh mataraman tosan aji. Conducting a wider research
on Demak pusaka may able to bring a more concrete explanation in the future.
Since its return to Indonesia in 2015, Kanjeng Kyai Cokro is caught in the rhetoric
of colonialism and anti-colonial sentiments. It is the effect of the single attribution of the
staff as the major heirloom of Prince Diponegoro. There is a limit of the display in the
25
National Museum, which framed this object only to the nationalistic aspect of the Prince’s
struggle. This condition can also be viewed as the general limitation of the National
Museum to narrates many of its objects. In wider picture, Kanjeng Kyai Cokro is related to
Islamic world heritage, Javanese – Indonesian heritage, and Indonesia –Dutch heritage. Its
function as an attribute of ulama – Islamic saint echoes the practice of early Islamic
preachers in Java. We can imagine how they would humbly walk with such pilgrim staff
from town to town, village to village, to preach Islamic religion. Its physical character as a
Javanese tosan aji shows the intermarriage between Javanese and Islamic values. The
episode of Kanjeng Kyai Cokro as a pusaka of Diponegoro shows its nationalistic value for
Indonesia today. It is also an object of Indonesia – Netherlands heritage because the staff’s
exchange of ownerships in 1834 reveals the custom being practiced between the Javanese
high dignitaries and the Dutch government high officials during colonial time. It travelled
from Java to the Netherlands and went back to Java (Jakarta) again within the past 180
years, indicating the multiple meanings and identities of this object in the context of
Javanese – Netherlands - Indonesia relationships. Considering the historical and cultural
significance of Kanjeng Kyai Cokro, I suggest for the need to display this pusaka in
international exhibition involving different kind of museums from multiple countries. After
all, it is a pusaka for pilgrimage. It is just and fitting if it ‘travels’ for the better
understanding of the past.
26
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28
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www.news.detik.com/kisah/tongkat /cokro/milik/pangeran/diponegoro.html.
Accessed on 1 August 2015.
Kisah keluarga Baud yang 183 tahun simpan tongkat Kyai Cokro Diponegoro (6
February 2015).
www.news.detik.com/kisah/keluarga/baud/yang/183/tahun/simpan/tongkat
/kyai/cokro/diponegoro. Accessed on 1 August 2015.
Sempat Hilang, tongkat pusaka Diponegoro dikembalikan ke Indonesia (6 February

2015).
www.tribunnews.com/sempat/hilang/,/tongkat/pusaka/diponegoro/dikembalik
an/ke/indonesia. Accessed on 6 February 2015.
Prabowo Bukan Main Gembiranya Tongkat Pangeran Diponegoro Kembali ke

Indonesia (6 February 2015).
www.dekandidat.com/prabowo/bukan/main/gembiranya/tongkat/pangeran/dip
onegoro/kembali/ke/Indonesia. Accessed on 1 August 2015.
Dr. Nugroho, Opini: Setelah 183 Tahun, Tongkat Diponegoro Kembali ke Indonesia
(7 February 2015).
www.kompasiana.com/opini/:/setelah/183/tahun/,/tongkat/diponegoro/kembali
/ke/indonesia. Accessed on 1August 2015.
Cerita Dibalik Kembalinya Tongkat Pangeran Diponegoro dari Belanda (7 February

2015).
www.harianrakyatbengkulu.com/cerita/dibalik/kembalinya/tongkat/diponegor
o/dari/belanda, accessed on 1August 2015).
Harian Jogja Hari Ini: Tongkat Diponegoro Pulang (7 February 2015).

www.jogja.solopos.com/harian/jogja/hari/ini/:/tongkat/diponegoro/pulang.htm
l, Accessed on 1 August 2015.
Interview
Ignatius Supriyanto (28 July 2015)
Asep Firman Yahdiana (25 August 2015).
Andi Arif (28 August 2015).
Ratu Ayu Asih Putri (27 August 2015).
Gunawan (2 February 2016).
29

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FINAL REPORT

Internship at the Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde/ Royal

- Babad Jaka Tingkir: Babad Pajang. Transliterated by Mulyono Sastronaryatmo

- Babad Demak 1. Transliterated by Slamet Riyadi and Suwaji (Jakarta, Departemen

- Babad Arung Bondhan. Transliterated by Titik Pudjiastuti (Tokyo, Tokyo

The functions of a pilgrim staff in Java

“Wadya Pengging balulungan tandangira

“Ngawe awe lan tekeneri,

Nguwuh-uwuh kulup lah sireki,

He called, son you,

“Ingkang ecis wus binekta,

“She had brough the pilgrim staff,

Comparing the staff of Kanjeng Kyai Cokro to other pilgrim staff

Thus the next morning rose these santri three

“He [Sunan Bonang] walked with a staff,

Picture 1. Tongkat Cis, covered in white cloth

Photographed by: Soekarno Ibrahim (17 July 2015)

Photographed by: Soekarno Ibrahim (17 July 2015)

Picture 3. The chotib, holding Tongkat Cis in the mosque’s podium

Photographed by: Soekarno Ibrahim (17 July 2015)

Consideration of the first owner of the staff

The dating of the staff

Table 1. Tangguh categorization by period

Tangguh categorization Approximate period (AD)

The pusaka today and the perception of its return to Indonesia

Photographed by: Ghamal Satya Mohammad (2015)

Photographed by: Ghamal Satya Mohammad (2015)

Rijksmuseum of Amsterdam research paper. 2015. “Diponegoro Staf” (two-pages,

A Lost Pusaka Returned. 2015. a booklet of the opening ceremony of

Arumbinang, Haryono. 1985. Pakem Padhuwungan (Yogyakarta: Lembaga

________________. 1991. Imagined Communities: Reflections on The Origin and

Djajadiningrat, Hoesein. 1983. Tinjauan Kritis tentang Sejarah Banten: Sumbangan

Wibawa, Prasida. 2008. Pesona Tosan Aji (Jakarta: Gramedia).

Kisah Tongkat Pangeran Diponegoro (8 February 2015).

Sempat Hilang, tongkat pusaka Diponegoro dikembalikan ke Indonesia (6 February

Prabowo Bukan Main Gembiranya Tongkat Pangeran Diponegoro Kembali ke

Cerita Dibalik Kembalinya Tongkat Pangeran Diponegoro dari Belanda (7 February

Harian Jogja Hari Ini: Tongkat Diponegoro Pulang (7 February 2015).

Ignatius Supriyanto (28 July 2015)

Asep Firman Yahdiana (25 August 2015).

Andi Arif (28 August 2015).

Ratu Ayu Asih Putri (27 August 2015).

Gunawan (2 February 2016).

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