Krugman The Case of Manufacturing Belt
Krugman The Case of Manufacturing Belt
Krugman The Case of Manufacturing Belt
REFERENCES
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Review
By PAUL KRUGMAN*
If there is one single area of economics in mineral production shifted far to the West.
which path dependence is unmistakable, it In 1870, the Northeast and East North Cen-
is in economic geography -the location of tral regions (within which the emerging
production in space. The long shadow cast manufacturing belt lay) accounted for 44
by history over location is apparent at all percent of U.S. "resource extraction" em-
scales, from the smallest to the largest- ployment (agriculture, mining, forestry,
from the cluster of costume jewelry firms in fisheries). By 1910, this share had already
Providence to the concentration of 60 mil- fallen to 27 percent; yet these regions still
lion people in the Northeast Corridor. accounted for 70 percent of manufacturing
This paper illustrates path dependence in employment. And whereas the belt's share
economic geography by describing a particu- of manufacturing employment understates
lar historical example, the persistence of its manufacturing dominance, its share of
the U.S. "manufacturing belt," and a simple resource employment overstates its resource
model that helps make sense of that base, since much of the agriculture in or
example. near the manufacturing belt took place less
because of the suitability of the land than
L. The U.S. Manufacturing Belt because of proximity to urban centers.
The manufacturing belt's persistent domi-
Early in this century, geographers noted nance evidently reflects some kind of exter-
that the great bulk of U.S. manufacturing nal economies. But what was the nature of
was concentrated in a relatively small part these external economies? I will sketch out
of the Northeast and the eastern part of the a simple model that surely does not capture
Midwest. This manufacturing belt took the full story, but is strongly suggestive of
shape in the second half of the nineteenth the kind of explanation that is needed.
century, and proved remarkably persistent.
Harvey Perloff (1960) estimated that as late IX. A Core-Periphery Model'
as 1957 the manufacturing belt still con-
tained 64 percent of U.S. manufacturing A core-periphery pattern like that of in-
employment-only slightly reduced from its dustrial America can emerge from the inter-
74 percent share at the turn of the century. action of increasing returns, transportation
Even this number understates the domi- costs, and demand. Given sufficiently strong
nance of the belt, because during its heyday economies of scale, each manufacturer
most manufacturing outside it consisted ei- wants to serve the national market from a
ther of processing of primary products or of single location. To minimize transportation
production for a very local market. That is, costs, she chooses a location with large local
the manufacturing belt contained virtually
all manufacturing that did not need either
to be close to the consumer or close to 'This paper presents only a sketch of a model. It
specific natural resources. will be apparent that this sketch is sloppy about a
The manufacturing belt persisted even as number of issues, including: what is the market struc-
ture in manufacturing; what happens to profits, if any;
the center of gravity of agricultural and
and what resources are used in both fixed costs and
transportation. It is possible to derive similar results in
a fully specified general equilibrium monopolistic com-
* Department of Economics, MIT, Cambridge, MA petition model (see my 1991 article). I adopt the more
02139. ad hoc approach here for ease of exposition.
80
With all manufacturing in East, West has ing belt-about why Detroit emerged as the
a share of total population equal to only automotive center, New York as the gar-
(1 - 17)/2. The transportation cost of serv- ment center, Grand Rapids as the furniture
ing this market from East for a typical man- center, etc. Yet it surely captures an impor-
ufacturer is therefore tx(1 - 17)/2. The cost tant aspect of what happened. And it also
of setting up a plant in West is F. So a contains elements (increasing returns at the
concentration of production in East, once level of individual firms, and external
established, will persist as long as F> economies resulting from the interaction of
tx(1 - 17)/2. If this criterion is not met, there
these firms' decisions) that will reappear as
is no path dependence: the long-run geogra- one further elaborates the story.
phy of manufactures will follow that of agri-
culture.2 III. Further Thoughts
We can immediately see that whether ge-
ography is path dependent is determined by The case of the U.S. manufacturing belt
three parameters: large F, that is, suffi- is of substantial interest in its own right.
ciently strong economies of scale; small t, The rise and persistence of that belt is an
that is, sufficiently low costs of transporta- important yet much neglected aspect of U.S.
tion; and large iT, that is, a sufficiently large economic history. More important than its
share of "footloose" production not tied immediate significance, however, is what the
down by natural resources. history of manufacturing location says about
We can now tell a stylized story of the the nature of our economy in general. And
emergence of the manufacturing belt. In the what it says is Nicholas Kaldor (1972), Paul
early United States, with its primarily agri- David (1985), and Brian Arthur (1989) were
cultural population, where manufacturing right-that increasing returns and cumula-
was marked by few scale economies, and tive processes are pervasive and give an
where transportation was costly, no strong often decisive role to historical accident.
geographical concentration could occur. As It is also interesting that the story of the
the country began its industrial transition, manufacturing belt reaches back to the
manufacturing arose in areas that contained mid-nineteenth century. It is common to
most of the agricultural population outside argue that external economies and cumula-
the South. During the second half of the tive processes have become more important
nineteenth century, however, manufacturing in recent decades because of the growing
economies of scale increased, transporta- importance of high technology. The geo-
tion costs fell, and the share of the popula- graphical concentration of manufacturing in
tion in nonagricultural occupations rose. the United States took shape, however, in
The result was that the initial advantage of the age of steam, not that of microproces-
the manufacturing belt was locked in. Even sors. So it is not simply true that our econ-
though new land and new resources were omy is not now well described by the con-
exploited to the West and even though slav- ventional constant returns model. It never
ery ended, for three-quarters of a century was.
the pull of the established manufactured
areas was strong enough to keep the manu-
facturing core virtually intact. REFERENCES
Of course this story oversimplifies. In par-
ticular, it says nothing about the sources of Arthur, Brian, " Positive Feedbacks in the
local specialization within the manufactur- Economy," Scientific American, February
1989, 262, 92-99.
David, Paul, "Clio and the Economics of
2This is a necessary condition for concentration. A
QWERTY," American Economic Review
sufficient condition for concentration of manufacturers
production in one location is F> tx /2. In this case,
Proceedings, May 1985, 75, 332-37.
the 450 section of MM disappears, and it becomes a Kaldor, Nicholas, "The Irrelevance of Equi-
horizontal line at an equal population division. librium Economics," Economic Journal,