CHRISTIAN MIHRATION TO MALABAR,

1930 - 1980

THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE

UNIVERSITY OF CALICUT FOR THE AWARD OF
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

BY

P.T. SEBASTIAN

DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY
UNIVERSITY OF CALICUT
 ABBREVIATIONS

A.K.C.C. - AU Kerala Catholic Congress

C.M.I. - Carmelites of Mary Immaculate
C.W.M.S. - Calicut Wayanad Motor Service
E.P.W. - Economic and Political Weekly

K.T.P. - Kerala Thozhilali Party

N.S.S. - Nair Service Society

S.N.D.P. - Sree Narayana Dharma Paripalana Yogam

SEEK - Society for Environmental Education in Kerala
 CONTENTS

Page

Acknowledgements
List of Abbreviations
List of Tables
List of Maps and Illustrations
List of Appendices

Chapters

I PROBLEMATISING MIGRATION

II PEOPLE ON THE MOVE

111 ORGANISED INTERVENTIONS

IV SOCIOLOGY OF CHRISTIAN MIGRATION

V TRANSFORMING LANDSCAPE

VI CONCLUSION

ILLUSTRATIONS

APPENDICES

GLOSSARY

BIBLIOGRAPHY
 LIST OF TABLES

Table No. Title Page No.

Statement showing the area under plantation crops in
Travancore 1920-2 1 to 1949-50 (Area in thousand
acres)
Statement showing the density of population per sequre
mile and the decennial percentage increase in density in
Devlkulam Peermade area (190 1- 1951).
Export and Import of goods from Travancore between
1871 - 1939.
The statement showing the distribution of the capital of
joint stock companies in Travancore
Export earning of the principal cash crops of Kerala
1900-1930
Nature, number and volumes of Documents
Development of English education among various
communities in Travancore.
Statement showing decennial percentage in population
of Kerala state districts roughly corresponding to the
former Malabar district and the Travancore state
Statement showing population and the occupied area in
Travancore 1911- 1951.
Statement showing the population and cultivated area in
Malabar 1911-1951
Density of population in Indian states and provinces
Variation in Population during Fifty Years
Variation in Population since 1875
Proximity of Individual
Densities of Population in some of the thickly populated
divisions in India
Decennial growth rate of rural population
The distribution and density of rural population in the
Kottayam District
Value of sales, mortgages and hypothecations of land
Land value
Number and capital of Registered Chitty establishment
The growth of Joint Stock Banks
The composition of Agriculture population in Malabar
and Travacnore 1911.
Statement showing total population and Christian
population in the taluks of meanchil, muvattupuzha and
Thodupuzha in the year 1901, 1911 and 192 1
Statement showing increase in christian population in
Malabar, 1901- 1951
Increase in Syrian Christian population in Malabar
Statement showing the growth of population in Taluks
of Malabar, 194 1 -1 95 1.
Statement showing the number of person born in
Travancore and enumerated as such in Malabar in
successive censuses 1991- 195 1
Death and Disease in Malabar
Details of Christian Diocese in Malabar
Statement showing the density of population per square
mile and the decennial percentage increase in density in
major centres of emigration and major centres of
immigration 1901- 195 1.
Variation in population during forty years
Growth of population in Malabar District from 192 1-
1971
Persons born in other districts of the state enumerated in
the districts of Malabar between 1961- 1971.
Population and percentage - Decade variation of
Cannanore District
Christian population in Malabar in 1911
Christian population in Malabar in 1951 (Rural Tracts)
Number of people born in Travancore - Cochin and
enumerated in Rural tracts of Malabar 1951
Statement showing availability of forest lands in the
districts of Cannanore, Kozhikode and Palaghat in the
year 1940 and 1980 (Area in square Kilometers)
Table showing the expansion of agriculture in different
districts of Kerala after 1957- 1958.
List of charitable institutions run by Christian Dioceses
Relative Backwardness of Malabar
Educational statistics of Malabar District Board
Educational institutions under Christian management in
Malabar
 LIST OF MAPS AND ILLUSTRATIONS

1. Map of Kerala

2. Major Centres of outmigration in Travancore and inmigration in

Malabar

3. Major Centres of outmigration in Travancore

4. Major Centres of inmigration in Malabar

5. Exodus through the jungles of Malabar

 LIST OF APPENDICES

- -

Appendix No. Title Page No.

Early Migration
Statements of Orphan Children of Travancore
Settlers
Death Registers of Christian Churches
Medical Personnels Served among Early Settlers in
Malabar
v Baptism Register of Parishes in Malabar
VI Road Statistics
VII Regional Variations in Spoken Language
VIII Early Settler Families of Rajapuram
IX Early Settler Families of Alex Nagar Colony
X Early Settler Families of Ranipuram Colony
XI The Story of the Hindu Colony from Kidangoor in
Travancore to Vayathur in Malabar
XII List of Early Priests who Worked among Settlers
m List of Institutions and Organisations under
Various Dioceses in Malabar
 PROBLEMATISING MIGRATION

P.T. Sebastian “Christian migration to malabar, 1930 - 1980 ” , Department of

History , University of Calicut, 2002
 CHAPTER I

PROBLEMATISING MIGRATION

The importance of migration in developing countries cannot be over-

emphasised. It is a major factor in economic development and manpower planning.

It has acquired special significance in the context of commercialization of

agriculture, development of economy of the settled area, increase of population etc. ,

Similarly, the impact of migration on the social and cultural life of the people of

particular places also deserves much consideration.1

Movement of people fiom one place to another for temporary or permanent

settlement due to social, economic, political, religious or other reasons is a familiar

phenomenon. Although migration is as old as human history, the massive

population movements of the modem times have wider social, economic, political,

1 The phenomenon of migration has been dealt within its multifarious forms in -
Rao, M.S.A., "Aspects of Sociology of Migration," Sociological Bulletin. Vo1.30,
No. 1, (March 1981). Narayana Pillai, G., "Factors in out migration - A Study of
Malayalees," Journal ofKerala Studles, Vol.V, June 1978, Part 11. Sill L. David, (ed.),
International Encyclopaedia of ~ o c r aSciences,
l Vol. 10, Macrnillan Co. & Press, (1968).
Zachariah, K.C. A Historical Study of lnternd Migration in the Indian Sub-continent -

1901-1931, Asia Publishing House, (New York, 1964); Griffin, Keith, World
Development. Rowe, W.L., "Caste, Kinship and ~ssociatlonin urban India," fed.), Urbun
Anthropology, Oxford University Press, ( 1973).
demographic and ecological implications.2

Historically, Kerala State has been a heaven of immigrants for centuries.

The Jews, the Arabs the Syrian Christians, the Konkani Brahmins, the Tamil

Brahmins and a host of other ethnic groups have come and settled in Kerala on

various occasions in the past. Similarly people of Kerala are now moving to

different parts of the world in search of jobs. While a good many of them have

moved to other parts of India, some others, have opted to go to foreign lands.

Simultaneously, the immobile peasantry of Travancore have also migrated to

different parts of Kerala itself. The present work deals mainly with the migration

of the peasants within Kerala.

This movement of peasants, took place without any design or organization

or leadership. Migration of peasants for the purpose of reclamation of wastelands

was unheard in India till the end of the 19" century. The only parallel to the

peasant migration of Travancore was the migration of Bengali peasants to Assam.

2 For more details about the term 'migration' see the following:
H.C. Upreti, Social Organisation of a Migrant Group (Bombay: Himalaya Publishing
House, 1981), John Connell et al., Migrationfrom Rural Areas; (Delhi: Oxford University
Press, 1976). United Nations, Population Distribufion, Migrafion and Development (New
York: United Nations, 1984), Rao, M.S.A. Aspects of Sociology of Migration,
Sociological Bullettin, Vo1.30, No.1, (March, 1981). Narayan Pillai, G. "Factors in out
migration - A study of Malayalees," Journal of Kerala Studies, Vol.V, June 1978, Part 11.
Zacharia, K.C. A Historical study of lnternal Migration in the Indian sub-continent
1901-1931, Asia, Publishing House, (New York, 1964). Thomas, V., The Driving ' ~ o r c e s
in the Old World, 1954, pp.94-96.
Since the beginning of 2 0 ~century, large numbers of Bengali peasants had

migrated and settled down in various districts of Brahmaputra valley in Assam.

Similarly, peasants from Travancore migrated to Malabar and settled down in the

upland regions of Malabar.3 The Syrian Catholic Christians were the largest

section among them, their settlements led to the establishment of churches and

schools, which became torches of learning in the jungles of Malabar.

Work of this kind helps researchers to know the past trends in historical

perspective. The situation in Travancore at the time of migration, the important

push factors behind the migration to Malabar, course of migration, general

condition in Malabar at that time, early settlements by farmers and the effects of

migration on Malabar society as a whole are the topics discussed in this study. In

the following study, the causes, course and the significance of migration of farming

population from Travancore to Malabar during 1930-'80 have been traced.4

3 The number of Bengali farmers who settled down in Assam with their whole families
totaled about 3,48,000 by 1921. India and Pakistan (Princeton University Press, 1951),
p.311.
4 Increasing Penetration of market economy into the rural areas, Agricultural debt,
Poverty and famine, death and diseases, alienation and differentiation of peasantry etc.
contributed for this movement. for details see Todor Shanin, The Awkward Class,
(Oxford, 1972). pp. 1-40. For details of the theory of peasant economy, see A.V.
Chayanov, Peasant Farm Organisation, (Moscow, 1925) pp.35-49.
For details on to differentiation of the peasantry, see V.I. Lenin, Selected Works
Vol.111, (Moscow, 197I), pp.70-80.
 The term 'Malabar' refers to the northern part of the State of Kerala. The

region is now formed into six northern districts of the State - Kasaragode,

Cannanore, Wayanad, Kozhikode, Malappuram and Palghat. Malabar was joined

with the former native states of Travancore and Cochin to form the State of Kerala.

Prior to Independence, Malabar formed part of British India and subsequently of

Madras State. It was to this 'foreign' land that people from Travancore migrated in

an unprecedented scale since 1928.5

Migration to Malabar turned out to be a mass movement of tremendous ,

magnitude -a movement of half a million people. That this great change in

political distribution of population took place without any design or organization or

leadership makes it unique in the annals of migrations. Families left their parental

villages in Travancore for reasons of their own, and settled in the mountainous

expanses of Malabar. The majority of immigrants were small farmers, who went

to make Malabar their permanent abode.

5 Swadeshabhimani Ramakrishna Pillai, a prominent freedom fighter of Travancore,

sentenced to deportation from Travancore to Malabar as one, to a 'Foreign' nation. This
brings in to open the absence of a feeling of oneness among the people of Travancore,
Cochin and Malabar.
For general description on Kerala see George, Wood Cock, Kerala - a Portrait of
Malabar Cost (London, 1967) pp. 1-50.
Malabar was ceded to East India Company in 1792 by Tipu Sultan after his defeat
in the 111 Anglo-Mysore war. After a brief spell of administration under the Bombay ,
Government, it became a district of the Madras Presidency covering an area of 5795 sq.
miles and stretching over a distance of 150 miles along the Arabian sea. It was bound in
the north by the south Canara district of Madras Presidency, in the South by the former
Cochin State and in the east by the Western Ghats.
 The social impact of such a mass migration can hardly be exaggerated.

While it relieved the pressure of population in Travancore, it helped the penetration

into the interior hilly ranges and valleys of Malabar. Along the routes of the

migration, settlements were planted. Roads and bridges followed them. Market,

towns and trading centres grew like mushrooms where there was hardly any '

inhabitant in the early part of the century.6

Malabar, noted for its relative backwardness, gained immensely fiom the

migration of industrious and enterprising people from the south, with a relatively

higher rate of literacy. Besides importing into Malabar their distinct culture and

habits, the migration contributed largely to the educational and cultural

developments of Malabar.

The impact of the migration on the economy of Kerala in general and of

Malabar in particular needs special mention. Large scale production of commercial

crops like rubber, gnger, pepper, arecanut and coconut, advanced methods of

cultivation and the introduction of new agricultural crops are some of the aspects to

be highlighted. Special mention shouId be made of the introduction of tapioca, a

food crop, which was generally unknown in Malabar. Tapioca, introduced by the

immigrants was so widely cultivated. By 1975 Cannanore district alone produced

6 The Kasaragode, Cannanore, Waynad, Calicut, Malappuram, Palaghat districts of the

present state of Kerala roughly constitute the former Malabar District. For more details
see K.N. Panikkar, "Peasant Revolt in Malabar in the Nineteenth and Twentieth
Centuries." In A.R. Desai (Ed.) ,Peasant Struggles in India. (Delhi, 1 982) pp.60 1-630.
1,60,000 tonnes of tapioca from 7,000 acres of land.7 Moreover, it has been

justifiably claimed that it was tapioca that saved Malabar fiom starvation during the

famine of early 1940s.8

The settlers fiom Travancore are also believed to have introduced a distinct

variety of pepper vine which begins to yield in the second year and yields every

year, unlike the Malabar pepper which begins yielding late and yields only in

alternate years. They also introduced rubber seeds of better quality and higher

yields.

Besides introducing new crops and extending the cultivation of old crops,

the settlers opened up vast areas of private forest lands for cultivation. Plantation

(agriculture) in Malabar was, till the advent of the immigrants, (more or less) the

monopoly of European enterprises in Wayanad. The settlers spread it to other parts

of Malabar. The consequent impact on labour, trade and commerce was of

considerable significance.

Thus migration to Malabar involved a revolution of great magnitude and

formed an importani phase in the social, economic and cultural history of Kerala.

7Kunhikrishnan, K. "Kudiyettakkarude Gramathil" (Malayalam), Mathrubhoomi Weekly,

Vol.XIV. (March 21,1971).
8 Sebastian, D. Vadakkayil, "Malabar Kudiyettam, Athengane Vijayapradarnakkam'
(Malayalam). Deepika (January 1, 1954).
Methodology

This narrative is expanded by making use of the innumerable sources

referred below. The study is a narrative based on the analysis of Government

records, land records and personal interviews with about 300 persons eom

different regions of Kerala. However, a major source of information is the Church

records of the diocese of Mangalore, Calicut, Tellicherry, Manathavady, Palghat,

Thamarasseri, Meenangadi, Sulthan Bathery, Malankara disocese at Batheri,

Malankara Marthoma diocese at Makkada, as these institutions were continuously

involved with the problems of migrants. The memoirs, letters, and notes on diaries

of the early migrans are some of the source materials used in this study. The

reports in the leading Malayalam newspapers - Deepika, Malayala Manorama,

Mathrubhumi, Desabhimani, Chandrika, Kerala Kaumudi, etc. are also dependable

source of materials for the same.

The records of Sub Registrar offices, agricultural income tax offices, Taluk

offices, provided information regarding land transactions and land holdings of

migrants and other connected details. Police records and court records are used in

the study for the assessment of crime rate in Malabar. Details about the existing

conditions in Malabar, during the early migration period in the mode of

production etc. are obtained from the personal records and accounts, kept by the

early settlers and their immediate successors. The archival materials collected

fiom Tamilnadu Archives, Calicut Archive, Cellar Trivandrum are also used for
this work. Souvenirs published in connection with the jubilees of churches and

schools in Malabar, Migration special souvenirs etc. consisted of migration history

of each settlements; memoirs, of early migrants and other related informations of

each settlements is very usehl materials for the re-construction of the history of

migration to Malabar.

Besides these a large number of books and journals available in all the

Universities in Kerala and Centre for Development Studies at Trivandrum are also

used in this study. The proper use of these sources helped to unfold the history of

the Migration and its impact on the Development and Transformation of Malabar.

The Method of the study is tracing of the historical conditions of migration with the

help of qualitative and quantitative analysis.

Scheme of Study

In the introductory chapter, importance of investigation and objectives of the

study are identified. After presenting a brief overview of theoretical analysis of

migration in general, Malabar migration in particular, review of the literature on

this topic is also u~dertaken.

In Chapter I1 Part I poverty and famine, disease and deaths, economic

depression, land systems, commercialisation of agriculture, progress of education,

population pressure on cultivable land and political developments in Travancore are

closely examined as causes of migration. It further presented a brief account of

Malabar which 'pull' them to Malabar during the period. In part-I1 courses of

migration is discussed through the pattern of migration, discussions on migration,

nature of the uprooted situation, early migration, migration between 1930 and 1940

and settlements since 1940, pattern of development and pattern of cultivation are

also studied with their common features. It also discusses the struggle for survival

of migrants in the early stage of the migration. It includes encounter with death

and diseases, poverty and famine faced by them. Medical aid in Malabar, climate

and natural calamities, difficulties in . conveyance, cheating and exploitations,

gunda menace, eviction threat, usury in Malabar etc.are studied with their

common features.

Chapter I11 deals with the organised interventions in Migration. Nair

Service society at Panathadi, Kottayam diocese of Knanaya Christians at

Rajapuram and Madaparn, Wayanad Colonisation scheme of the Government,

Assumption colony in Calicut district, Marthoma colony at Chungathara apart from

the role of big planters and estate owners in Malabar, the Roman Catholic Churches

in Travancore and Malabar also promoted migration and helped the migrants on a

big way. The chapter also deals with the role of Roman Catholic Bishops, priests

and institutions run by them in promoting migration.

The sociological aspect of Christian migration is examined in Chapter IV.

After briefing the Biblical teaching and Christian ethos, the role of Christian

churches are discussed with special emphasis on their social services, and
humanitarian activities streamlined through various agencies such as mission

league, KCYM, social services societies, hospitals, schools and orphanages in

Malabar.

The impact of migration on society, economy, politics and culture are

analysed in Chapter V. Environmental degradation and alienation of tribals

are also being looked into. Major findings and conclusion are summarised in

Chapter VI.

Historiographic Critique

There are a few studies which necessarily trace out the historical role of

migration fiom Travancore to Malabar in transforming the regional landscape of

northern Kerala. But any of them hardly underscores the developmental

perspective of migration in its social, economic and political settings with

dimensional horizons. The following review is made in the chronological order.

The work Food, Famine and Nutritional Diseases in Travancoreg deals with

famine conditions in certain parts of the west coast of India about which little is

known to the outside world. It examines the number of deaths in 1943 - 1944,

when the people suffered fiom food famine. By an analysis of the State medical

reports and parish records of deaths, the book establishes the existence of similarity

~ -

9~ivaswam~,' K.G.et.al., Food, Famine and Nutritional Diseases in Truvuncore (1943-

44) Survey Report, (Coimbatore, 1945).
of conditions as in famine tracts, namely longer percentage of deaths by diarrhoea,

dysentery and oedarna and a phenomenal increase in the number of diseases. It

further projected the poverty and famine in Travancore in 1940's through field

surveys and interviews.

This documented report on Swveys10 by Sri Sivaswamy gives detailed

account on famines, diseases and deaths occurred in Malabar during 1940s. It

depicts a real, picture of the "ordeals of the settlement" unaided by the State.

During the exodus to Malabar mostly in 1943, when a large number of

Travancoreans, about 15,000 in number, travelled about 200 miles by train and 100

miles by road, lived in inhospitable jungles and cleared them for cultivating food-

crops, putting up hard fight against malaria, wild animals and the cold climate in

the uplands of Malabar. Though it compiles the results of the comprehensive

surveys on cropping pattern, land rent, agricultural credit, peoples diet, disease and

death, it failed to account the resultant migratory situation in Malabar.

Joseph V Kallidukkil in a brief accountll on migratory process of Christian

communities in Malabar reiterated the need for establishing a Syrian Catholic

diocese in Malabar.

10 Sivaswamy, K.G. et. al. The Exodus from Travancore to Malabar Jungles,
(Coimbatore, 1945).
flJoseph V. Kallidukkil, Kerula Suriyuni Reethum Mulabur Kudiyettavum (Mu0 First
published in 1949, Reprint (Tellicheny, 1983).
 The Souvenir of the Sacerdotal Silver Jubilee12 discourses the historical

process of migration fiom Travancore to Malabar in respect of Clarist Convent.

The Souvenir contains articles on history of the Christian settlements of Kuttiyadi,

Wayanad, Thiruvampadi, Alakode, Iritty, Peravoor and nearby areas. The articles

highlight the role of Chstian churches and their various organisations like

Convent, Monastries, Mission league, KCYM and the like in the migratory

development.

Michael Tharakan in a seminal work Migration of Farmersfiom Travancore

to Malabar, from 1930 to 1960 - An Analysis of its Economic Causes13 examines

the causes of migration from Travancore to Malabar during the period fiom 1930 to

1960. He briefly analyses the impact of population pressure on agricultural land,

s

Christian way of inheritance, fragmentation of property, commercialisation of

agriculture in Travancore and its possible impact on migration to Malabar.

Fr. Thomas Pazhaparambil in his prime accountl4narrates the migration

history of peasants fiom Travancore to Malabar and discusses the bitter experiences

'2 Souvenir of Sacerdotul Silver Jubilee of Rt. Rev. Dr. Sebastian Velloppilly (Mug
(Tellicherry, 1970).
13 Michael Tharakan, P.K, Migration of Farmers from Travancore -to Malabur, @om 1930
to 1960: An Anulysis of its Economic Causes, Unpublished M.Phil dissertation
(Trivandrum, 1977).
14 Rev. Thomas Pazhapararnbil, Swapnubhumiyil (Malabur Kudiyetta Cl7aritram) (Mal)

(Muvattupuzha, 1978).
borne by the migrant communities with the wild animals and diseases during the

early phases of migration.

Joseph Taffarael S.J in a biographical sketch15 of Fr. Peter Caironi,

highlights the role of Jesuit Fathers in helping early settlers in Malabar jungles.

In an equally important study, 'Intra-Regional Drferences in Agrarian

Systems and Internal Migration: A Case Study of the Migration of FarmersJFom

Travancore to Malabar 1930-50,16a comparative analysis of land systems in

Travancore and Malabar is presentedealong with the resultant demographic scenario

and the properties of reinvestable resources and their constraints.

K.M. Joseph17 traces the historical roots of early settlements of migrants by

narrating the early proselytisation process initiated by the Christian church in

indigenous tribal community of Kurichias in Kolayad tribal belt at Kolayad near

Peravoor in Malabar.

A College Magazine18 which appeared in 1981 dedicated a separate part to

the Migration Studies. The Village Survey on Migration reveals the various

15 Taffarel, Joseph, S.J. A Missionary Indeed! A Missionary in Deed, (Tellicheny, 1980)

16Michael Tharakan, P.K. Intra-regional Differences in Agrarian Systems and Internal
Migration: A Case of Study of Migration of Farmers from Travancore to Malabar, 1930-
50, Centre for Development Studies, (Trivandrum, 1981).
l7 Joseph. K.M. KoluyadSt. C~ornoliusMission (Mal.) (Tellicherry, 1981).
18 Varshantha (et. al), Government College Magazine, (Kodenchery, 1981).
negative and positive impacts of migration in a socio-economic and environmental

perspective.

K.V. Joseph in an important studyl9exposes the evolutionary history of

peasant migration from Travancore to Malabar and tries to analyse the

consequential impact of migration on the economic development of Kerala. He

concludes that migration helped to increase agricultural productions, flourish

commercial crops in place of food crops and to enhance economic advancement.

Fr. Bernadin, Fr. Joseph Kunnel and Fr. Maria20 attempts to highlight the

role of CMI fathers in providing assistance to migrant dwellers in Malabar by

various means.

K. Panoor in his study2ldiscusses the consequences of migration on tribal

communities in Malabar. He contends that migration of Christian community from

Travancore to Malabar invariably destroyed the very basis of the tribal economy.

He argues that the migrant settlers were mainly responsible for land alienation of

the tribal communities who are in fact uprooted from their traditional culture and

settlements.

19 Joseph, K. V., Migration and Economic Development of Keralu (Delhi, 1988).

20 Barnnardin. C.M.1, Mulubur Kudiyettavum C7M Subhcryum (Marl.) (Cochin-11, 1988)
Father Joseph Kunnel C.M.1, Kudiyettakhrodoppam (Mu[.) (Calicut, 1998).
Father Mariadas. C.M.1, C'. M.I. Subhayude Malubur Kudiyettam (Mal.) (Thevara, 2001).
21 Panur. K. Kerulathile America (Mal.) (Kottayam, 1989).
 Joseph Kuruvilangad22gives a detailed account of trials and tribulations of

migrant populace. He overemphasise the role played by the church authorities such

as priests, nuns, social service organisations in the development of the settled areas.

Another souvenir viz., Suvarna Jubilee Smaranika, Kulathuvayal

199223contains articles on various aspects of migration including the problems

faced by the 'immigrants' in Malabar during early phases of migration. The courses

of migration, deforestation caused by migration, increased crime rates, economic

impacts of migration, the cultural aspects of migration, analysis on tenancy system

in Malabar and cultural integration between Travancore and Malabar are briefly

examined in the souvenir

A.C. Chacko attempted to present the history of migration to Alakode in

Taliparamba Taluk of Kannur District in a regional perspective of development in

his study 'Alakkodinte KathaI.24 The role played by P.R. Rama Varma Raja of the

Poonhar Royal family in migratory performance for the socio-economic

development of the Alakkode region by establishing educational institutions,

constructing roads and creating infiastructural facilities and cultivating plantation

crops.

Kuruvilangad Joseph, Konippudikul (Mul.) (Calicut, 1 99 1).

23 Suvurnujubilee Smuruniku, Kuluthuvuyul St. George Forune Church (Mul.)
(Kalathuvayal, 1992).
24 Chacko A.C., Alakodinte puthu Adhuvu North Mulabur Kudiyettavum
Vikasanavum.(Mul.) (Talipararnba, 1993).
 Fr. Jose Poovannikunnel and Zacaria V a l a ~ o o r ~their
~ i n separate accounts

reveal the services rendered by Mar. Sebastian Velloppilly for the benefit of

migrant populace among the Christian communities in Malabar.

Another Souvenir26briefly narrates the history of early settlements of

migrants in Thiruvambadi, Kodencheny, Kulathuvayal, Maruthomkara and

Mariapuram area in Malabar. The articles contained in the Souvenir reposes the

role of diocese at Calicut, Knanaya diocese of Kottayam, CMI Fathers and Jesuit

Fathers in providing helping hands to migratory communities in overcoming

difficulties by way of supplying medicines etc., to them.

C.J. George in an interesting study27 discusses the regional variation of

spoken languages in Travancore and Malabar and attempts to examine the cultural

assimilation of societal settings.

The history of migration in Palakkad Diocese has been traced by

Msgr. J0se.P. Chittilappally in 'Avarnaneeyamaya Dhanathinu Daivathinu Sthuthi

(Ma1.).28

25Father Jose Poovannikunnel (Ed.), Kudiyettu Junutlzuyude Prthuvu (Mu/.) (Thalassery,

1995).
Sakhariyas Valavoor, Mulaburinoru Mosses (Mul.) (Kottayam, 1995).
26 Kudiyettu Churrthruvum Tlzumurusseri hlekhuluyum (Mul.) (Thiruvambadi, 1 998).
27 George. C.J., Vakkinte Sumulzikusustram (Mu/.) (Thrissur, 1 998).
2sRev. J0se.P. Chittilappally., Avarnaneeyumuyu L)hunuthinu Sthudhi (11.1~1.)History of
Palghat Diocese (Palghat, 1999).
 Mar. Sebastian Valloppilly in his autobiographical sketch29 briefly dealt

with the history of migration to Malabar stretching from Mannarghat in South to

Bandaduka in the North.

Fr. J. Kottukapally in his autobiography 'Pullanhzhalznte Atmageetarn'30

recollects his experiences with migrants when he served in various churches in

Malabar as parish priest. He was able to mobilise people for the uplifiment of the

community through various means of social services.

The popular Malayalam fictions like Visha Kanyaka by S.K. Pottakkad,

Karuthaponnu by Joseph Mattam, Kamuki by Kanam, Churam by Thomas Varkey,

Chulli by Joseph Kuravilangad, Kadu by E.M. Kovoor, Orotha by Kakkanadan

refer to certain aspects of the migration, but do not make the claims of historical

writings. The studies are only fragmentary in nature. Further informations from

vernacular languages is biased and superficial and not supported by relevant

records.

The newspaper reports from the back volumes of hfalayala Manorama,

Deepiku, Mathrubhumi, Deshabhimani, Thozhilali and Malayora Sabdam, between

1926-198 1 are also helphl in understanding various streams of migration to

Malabar.

29 Mar Sebastian Velloppilly, Daiwam Nammodukoode (Mal.), (Calicut, 1999).

Father Mathew J . Kottukappalli, Pullamkuzhulinte Atmgeetham (Mul.) (Kannur, 2002).
 The Souvenirs and Memoirs reviewed were the commemorative volumes on

the events of migration at the parish, diocese and Arch Diocese levels contain

fragmentary presculatiork of migratory history. Infact, there is hardly any work on

migration, discussing their impacts on society, economy and polity of Malabar and

analysing its regional history in a developmental perspective

7
Theoretical Considerations

There has been much discussion about migration in recent years among

scholars of various disciplines including history. Although migration is an

especially attractive research area for a historian, the development of migration

studies owes much to interdisciplinary efforts and it is impossible to draw sharp

lines between different contributions.31 The movement of population remains an

essential component of economic development, social change and political

organization.

Since the end of World War 11, migratory movements on a quite

unprecedented scale have taken place throughout the world. Millions of people

have been driven from their homes and the population structure of entire countries

radically altered. Political upheavals involving the re-drawing of frontiers,

transfers of sovereignty and changes of regime have forced entire population into

31 A Kosinski and R. Mansell Prothero (edt.), People on the Move; Studies on Internul
Migration. (London, 1975) Pp. 4-8
exile and caused mass movements far in excess of those normally resulting fiom

supply and demand on the world employment market.

The post World War I1 decades have experienced phenomenal and

unprecedented growth of population as well as the ceaseless migration fiom local to

international character, especially rural to urban migration. So in the case of

developing countries, the country side could no more sustain any further addition

to the already fiagile man resource development syndrome. Consequently

migration studies have become the most important area of contemporary research

in the social sciences. The concepts, the theories and methods of analysis of the

\-arious aspects of migration have emerged for a better understanding of migration

phenomenon.

In the realm of migration a considerable body of useful and insightful

literature has developed as a result of interest shown in the varied aspects of

population mobility by practitioners of different social sciences during the last

three decades. This interest is understandable in view of the immense contribution

of migrants to the process of urbanization, industrialization, population, re-

distribution, economic development, cultural difhsion and social integration.

Migration is a global phenomenon. The word 'migration' denotes the

movement of population with the change of residence. There are a host of

definitions of the term migration. Dictionaries generally refer to migration as a

change of residence fiom one place to another. According to the Oxford Advanced

Learner's Dictionary of Current English, to migrate means to "move from one

place to another (to live there)." According to the Webster's New Dictionary, it

means to "move fiom one place to another, especially to another country" or "to

move from place to harvest seasonal crops."

Eisenstadt defines migration as the physical transition of an individual or a

group from one society to another. This transition usually involves the abandoning

of one social setting and entering another and different 0ne.~2 It is used

symbolically in the transition fiom one surrounding to another in the course of

human life.33

Migration is as old as human history, and has wide social economic,

political, demographic and ecological implications. Movement of people fiom one

place to another due to social, economic, political or any other reasons is an

ubiquitous phenomenon. In fact migrations have significantly influenced human

history. They have profoundly influenced socio-economic and political

-
32 S.N. Eisenstadt, "Analysis of Patterns of Immigration and Absorption of Immigrants,"
cited in Leszek A. Kosinski and R. Mansell Porthero, (eds), People on the Move: Studies
on Internal Migrurion, (London, 1975), p.3.
33 A.A. Wemberg, Migration and belonging: a study of mental health and personal
adjustment in Israel, 1961 cited in Leszek A. Kosinski and R. Mansell Porthero (eds),
People on the Move: Studies on International Migration (London, 1975), p.3.
Also see, Everett. S. Lee, "A Theory of Migration" in D.M. Hear (ed.) Readings on
Population (Englewood Cliffs, New Jersy, 1968), p. 184 and Theodore Caplow, The
Sociology of Work (Minneapolis, The University of Minnesota Press, 1975), p. 11.
transformation of many people.34 A migrant is a person who moves from one

administrative unit to another. In the context of India these administrative units are

generally villages in rural areas, and towns in urban areas. 1

A distinction may be made between migrants and movers. Migrants are

those who move between political chits, whereas movers are those who move

within them. Thus at any given time the total population of a region can be devided

into migrants and non-migrants, movers and non movers. This classification

establishes the mobility status of the population.35

Migration is a term which encompasses a wide range of patterns. From the

geographical point of view it may involve the movement of people from one

locality to another within the country on or from one country to another. Such

geographical mobility may alone place from rural areas to rural areas or from rural

areas to urban areas.

According to Mangalam, "migration is a relatively permanent moving away

of a collectivity, called migrants, from one geographical location to another

preceded by decision making on the part of the migrants on the basis of a

34For instance, British migrants the 'Pilgrim fathers' were the architects of modern U.S.A.
The American history was actually shaped by the British migrants. The American
continent has continued to receive fairly large number of migrants even in the present
century.
35Lesnek A. Kosinski etc. Op.cit., p.2. Also see - P.R. Shaw, migration theory and fact:
A review and Bibliography of the current literuture. Bibliography series No.5.
Philadelphia: Regional Science Institute, (Philadelphia, 1975).
hierarchically ordered set of values or value ends and resulting in changes in the

interactional system of the migrants.36

Caplow states that "migration is strictly speaking, a change of residence and

need not necessarily involve any change of occupation, but it is closely associated

with occupational shifts of one kind or another.37

In fact, migrations have significantly influenced human history. They have

profoundly influenced political and socio-economic transformation of many

people.38

There are a host of factors which tend to move people between nations as

well as between places within the national borders. Migration is a development -

fostering process involving a complex of factors and fall-outs-religious, political,

socio-economic, demographic, etc.39 On the basis of the reasons for migration, it

36 J.J. Mangalam, Human Migration: A Guide to Mzgrution Literature in English 19-53-62

(cited in Lesnerk A. Kosinski and R. Mansell Prothero, Op.cit., p.3).
37Theodore Caplow, The Sociology of Work (-Minneapoli, The university of Mimesotta
Press, 1975), p. 1 1.
38 For instance, British migrants, the Pilgrim Fathers, were the architects of modem U.S.A.
The American history was actually shaped by the British migrants. The American
continent has continued to receive fairly large number of migrants even in the present
century.
39 For example, the Parsees, who have so much contributed to India's industrialization,
migrated for religious reasons. The Tamils migrated to Sti Lanka for economic reasons.
The exodus of people, on the eve of Independence, from India to Pakistan and vice versa,
which has created a large number of problems to both the counties, jeopardizing even the
national security, was for political reasons.
may be classified as voluntary migration, sequential migration and forced

migration.40

Voluntary migration is motivated by certain welfare gains for the migrant.

Forced migration, by and large, causes sufferings to migrant and also to others. A

group of migrants with a common origin and destination is called a 'migration

stream' or a 'migration current.'

Migration is a term which encompasses a wide range of patterns. From the

geographical point of view it may involve the movement of people fiom one

locality to another within the same country or from one country to another, or it is

otherwise called internal or external migration; urban to rural or rural to urban

migration are also possible. The terms 'inmigration' and 'outmigration' are related

to internal migration whereas 'immigration' and 'emigration' are related to inter-

national migration.

40 If the migrant has the opportunity to exercise his own discretion in deciding whether to
migrate or not or in the matter of selecting the place of migration, it is regarded as
voluntary migration. Sequential migration, on the other hand, is the migration due to some
element of customary obligation and suggestion of compelling circumstances (for
example, migration following marriage). Forced migration is the migration caused by
compulsion or coercion like separation, political or religious persecution, eviction etc.
For example in Kashmir nearly two thousand pandit Brahmin families were forced to
abandon their properties and seek asylum in Delhi and some other parts of Utter Pradesh.
(Report fiom Kerala Kaumudi Newspaper, dated 3.6.1991, Trivandrum).
 Several migration streams reflect propinquity and historical, cultural and

linguistic ties.41 On the basis of duration of the process, migration may be

classified into permanent or short term. Further, there is occupational migration

that involves shift from one occupation to another. Radical changes in the

institutional set up and occupational pattern brought about by the industrial

revolution was the starting point of several streams of migration of the modem
-
period. Large number of people used to flock from neighbouring villages to the

growing industrial town of England since the close of the 18" C.42

Rural-urban migration had its beginning a century ago. A new pattern of

migration, known as, brain-drain, became popular since then. Brain-drain was one

in which highly trained professionals consisting of scientists, doctors, engineers and

41 For example, Spanish and Portuguese emigrants were drawn to Latin America and
Irish emigrants to the United States because of the similarity in language and traditions.
Also see United Nations, Determinants and Consequences of Populations Trends (New
York: United Nations, 1973) p.237.
42 Arthur Redford, Labour Migration in England, 1800-1850 (Manchester University

Press, 1926) p.7.

For instance, in Calcutta rickshawpullers are largely migrants from Bihar and
Orissa. In Bombay construction workers are largely from Andhra Pradesh, restaurant and
catering industry workers are from Karnataka. Also see - Narendra Panjwani, "Slums:
Myths and New Realities," The Week, October 13-19, 1985. The State of India's
Environment - 1984-85: A Citizens Report, edited by Anil Aganval and Sunitha Narain
and published by the Centre for Science and Environment, (New Delhi).
others moved to the advanced countries in search of professional satisfaction and

monetary benefits.43

The study of migration and especially the development of theories,

hypotheses and laws relating to (internal) migration, has been championed by

statisticians, anthropologists, sociologists, geographers and economists:

demographers came rather late to the scene.

Revestein's work on migration is naturally the logical starting point in the

discussion of laws and theories of migration. It is particularly so since 1985 marks

the centenary year of the publication, of the seminal treatise on migration laws. It

is also significant to start from his work for yet another reason: his treatise has, over

the century, been extensively reviewed, tested and amended; nevertheless, the basic

tenets and substance of the 'laws' remain virtually unchanged today. In addition,

the laws are broad, and relate to both the determinants as much as to the flows and

volume of migration. Consequently, no attempt is made here to reproduce these

reviews; rather, we shall sketch the main hypotheoretical developments.

43 According to an estimate made in '1981 the number of emigrants falling under

professional, technical and kindred worker classes from India in certain foreign countries
has been as follows: U.S.A.: 72,800; U.K. 24,000 Australia: 12,400 Canada: 24,200
Western Europe: 27,900 West Asia: 54,000 Malaysia: 10,000 Singapore: 2000 and
Nigeria: 5000 see M.C. Madhavan, "Dimensions of Indian Emigration" in The Hindu,
dated 1 7 February
~ 1985.
 Revestein's 'laws' of migration can be summarized in terms of the following

propositions:44

1. migration and distance

2. migration by stages

3. streams and counterstreams of migration

4. urban - rural differences in the propensity to migrate

5. migration, technology and communication

6. the dominance of economic motives in migration

The migration - distance hypothesis stipulates that migration is inversely

related to distance. Ravestein maintained that most migrations occur over short

distances in which case, the number of migrants enumerated in a given place of

absorption tends to decline as the distance from that location increases. The second

postulate (migration in stages) holds that the inhabitants of a village tend to move

first towards nearby towns, and from there towards the cities, giving rise to what is

now commonly known as step migration.

Ravestein also postulated that each main current of migration produces a

compensating counter-stream. In essence, to every stream of migration (eg. rural-

urban), there is always a counter stream (urban-rural). In a way, this offers a

44 Revestein, E, " The law of migration", Tlze Journal ofRoyal statistical society, No. 48,
June, Pp. 167-235 and 24 1-305.
partial explanation for the return migration characteristic of city-ward migration in,

for instance, Africa.

The migration differentials hypothesis holds that urban dwellers are less

migratory than their rural counterparts. The most outstanding differential in

migration relates to age, sex and education. While maintaining that economic

motives are the most dominant causes of migration, Ravestein hrther postulated

that development in transportation and communication would invariably increase

the tempo of migration. These postulates, based on available statistical evidence at

the time, have been reformulated by Lee, Stouffer and Zipt, among several others.

Ravestein's theory of migration does not hlly explain the situation in Kerala

where large scale rural to rural migration is also taking place. But his argument

that, it is the inherent desire in men "to better themselves in material respects" that

drives man from one place to another is true in the case of Kerala.

In Kerala, where there is large scale rural to rural migration, the process of
such migration can be understood as a better way using Everett Lee's45

Conceptualisation of migration. In fact, he introduced a simple conceptualization

of migration, 'involving a set of factors at origin and destination and a set of

intervening obstacles and a services of personal factors. He categorized the whole

45 Everett, S. Lee, "A Theory of Migration, "Demography,Vo1.3. 1966.

factors in to two; the push factors and to pull factors which include, skill,

education, age, sex, cost of transport, restrictive immigration laws etc.

According to Everett S. Lee, the decision to migrate and the process of

migration are influenced by four important set of factors.46 They are (1) factors

associated with the area of origin (2) factors associated with the area of destination

(3) intervening factors (4) persona1 factors. The first three factors are schematically

represented in the following Fig. (1). In the figure, the factors that attract people to

an area are represented by '+' signs and the factors that repel are represented by I-'

signs. '0' represent factors to which people are indifferent.

Fig. 1.1. Origin and Destination factors and

intervening obstacles

Intervening Obstacles

Origin Destination

Source: Everett S. Lee, "A Theory of Migration",Demography, Vol. .3, 1996.

46S. Everett Lee, "A Theory of Migration", in Heer, D.M. (ed) Readings on population,
(New Jersy, 1968), p. 184.
 The above figure indicates that while migration may result fiom the

comparative strengths of the plus and minus factors at the place of origin and

destination, the balance in favour of the move must be enough to overcome the

intervening obstacles and the natural inertia.

The above discussion reveals the fact that it is the economic backwardness

which leads to migration. The most important economic factors that motivate

rqigration may be viewed as 'push factors' and 'pull factors'.

'Push factors' refers to the poor economic condition and the resultant

economic misery which push people out of the region in search of a livelihood or

better opportunities. The push theory is often used to explain the cause of rural -

urban migration. The rural economic backwardness characterized by low

productivity, unemployment and under-employment and low income, may push

people out to the cities and towns where there are better economic opportunities.47

'Pull factors' refer to the factors which encourage migration to an area such

as employment and other economic opportunities. It is this factor which explains

47 The Report of the Research Programme Committee of the Planning Commission is that
adverse economic conditions is the greatest single cause of migration to cities cited in the
sample survey report of nine Indian cities - Baroda, Hubli, Hyderabad , Secunderabad ,
Jarnshedpur, Kanpur, Poona, Gorakhpur, Lucknow and Surat.
Also see - G.N. Acharaya, "Some Thoughts on Urbanization" Yojana, 13
September, 1964, Delhi, p. 1 1.
the high rate of movement in recent years to the advanced countries and to the

rapidly developing countries of Latin America, Middle East and Afiica.48

It has a common place in studies about migration to cities in the search of

better income. Previous studies have shown a high correlation between the

regional distribution of economic opportunities and population distribution.

However, while economic motivations may be prevalent, their interrelation with

economic processes both in place of migrant's origin and of destination can occur in

very different forms.49

The Marxists, sometimes mingled with the structural-functional approach to

migration studies, analyse and explain migration at the level of the political

economy of the society based on the theory of social structure. Rather than focus

on the individuals, Marxist theorists concentrate on the organization of the society

and the modes of production within it. Amin, a leading proponent of this approach

48 Today wage differences are the main driving force for international migration. For
example, in the late 197OVs,an unskilled migrant labourer from Bangladesh earned up to
ten times more in the Arab Gulf State than he dld in his own country.
See - World Bank, World Development Report 1984, (Washington, World Bank,
1984), p. 100.
I.L.O. Why Labour Leaves the Land?: A Comparative Study of Movement of
Labour out of Agriculture cited in N.V. Sovani, Urbanisation and Urban India, (Bombay,
1966) p.209.
United Nations, Determinants and Consequences of World Population Trends
(New York, U.N., 1953) p. 124.
49 Elizaga. J. and J. Macisco, Migraciones Internas Teoria metodoy hctores,
Sociologicos, Santiago, CELADE, 1 975.
- advanced this line of analysis by asserting that, ,the overall strategy of economic

development is the root cause of migration.50

They also argue that the problems of migration is strongly embedded in the

transformation and disruption of underdeveloped economies consequent on their

integration with the colonial capitalist system.51

Both Marxists and Structural-Functionalists reject the classic push-pull

model, but for different reasons: the former because they consider the penetration

of capitalism a more hndarnental factor underlying the specific push and pull

factors, the latter because push-pull models stress the economic dimension at the

expense of social, cultural, political and ideological factors. Moreover, Marxists

reject the urban-rural dichotomy as superficial for capitalism, as the crucial

explaining variable can also take rural forms. For structural-functional approaches

to migration, on the other hand, the urban-rural dichotomy has always been an

important analytical too1.52

50 Amin, S., "Introduction" in Amin, S. (ed.) Modern Migrations in Western Africa,

(Oxford, 1974).
51 Meilink, A.H., "Some Economic interpretations of migration" in VanBinsfergen,
W.M.J. and Meilink, H.A. (eds.) Migration and the TrunsJbrmation of Modern Ajrican
Society (African Perspective 197811) Africa - Studie centrum (Leiden, 1978).
52 Gerold-Scheepers, T.J.F.A and Van Binsebergen, W.M.J. "Marxist and non Marxist
approaches to migration in Tropical Ahca," in W.J.M. Van Binseberg en and H.A.
Meilink (eds.) Migration and Transformation of Modern Ajrican Societies, Ajrican
Perspective 197811. Africa Studiecentrum University (Leiden, 1978).
 Demographic factors also influence migration. The differences in the rates

of population increase between the different areas of a country have been found to

be a stimulant to migration. Fertility and the rate of increase in population are

generally higher in rural areas than in urban areas.53

Inadequacy of domestic labour supply encouraged immigration to a number

of countries like Australia, New Zealand, U.S.A, Canada and Gulf countries.54 A

large part of the requirements of agricultural labour in some Asian countries like

Sri Lanka and Malyasia were met by immigrants.55

Social and cultural factors also play their role in rural-urban migration. The

quest for independence, the desire to break away from traditional constraints of

social organization, conflicts among the family members, a feeling o f being

isolated etc. may cause migration.

53 U.N., Determinants and Clon.sequcncc:vof' World Populutioi~Trends, (New York, 1953),

p. 153.
For details see - Collin Clerk, Populution Gro~vthand /,unci Use (London, 1954),
p.118.
54 The report of the American Census Bureau reveals that at present there are 8, 15, 447.
ln&ans in America. In 1960's there was only 3, 61, 531. That means there is 125.6
percentage of increase in the number of Indians in America. (Report from Kerala
Kaumudi Daily dated 15.6.'91).
55 For example immigrants accounted for over 50% of the increase in Sri Lanka's
population between 1880-1910 - For details see - Collin Clerk, Populurion Growth und
Land Uve, (London, 1954)p. 118.
 The institutional factors such as government policy may also influence

migration. For instance, the adoption of the 'jobs for sons of the soil policy' by the
I

governments will certainly limit migration.56

There are some other factors like geographical, topographical and climatic

factors and transport and communication system which also affected the process of

migration.

The massive population movements of the modern times have wide social,

economic, political, ecological and demographic implications. Migration consists

of a variety of movements that can be described in the aggregate as an evolutionary

and' development-fostering process operating in time and space to correct rural-

urban, inter-urban, and inter-regional imbalances. Because migration is a

development-fostering process, it also may spread information. Its history runs

back to ancient times, as does that of socio-economic development.57

Migration may have important economic effects on both the place of origin

and destination. The labour exporting regions may gain economically by the

56 Regional prejudices and the cry for job only for the sons of the soil definitely clogged
the flow of migrants from one region to other in India. For instance, the aggressive
regional patriotism of Shiva Sena in Bombay, the Sikhs in Punjab and the militants in
Assam have significant influence on migration.
For details see - Lakshmana Rao, G. Internal Migration and F'olitical ('lzunge m
lndiu (New Delhi, 1977), pp.45-75.
57 Joseph. J. Spengler and George C. Mayers, "Migration and Socio-economic
Development: Today and Yesterday" in Alan A. Brown and Egon. Neuberger,
International Migration :a Comparative Perspective (New York, 1977), p. 11.
money brought in by the emigrants. The influx of rural migrants to cities and

towns have resulted in a steady outflow of cash from the urban to rural areas.

Several villages have experienced significant changes in their socio-economic

conditions as a result of the enormous emigrant remittances.58

Migration may be regarded as a processing machinery that sparks off social

changes on both the emigrating and receiving ends. Urbanisation represents a

revolutionary change in the whole pattern of social life affecting every aspect of

existence.59

58 In 1960-61, the Calcutta Industrial Region sent out mostly to rural areas of India Rs.276
million by postal money orders alone from Bombay sent Rs.231 million, Delhi, Rs.77
million, Madras Rs.69 million. From the Gulf countries the migrated persons sent out
crores of rupees to India.
For details see - Mitra, Asok, "Micro Planning of Space" in Noble, A.G. and
Dutta, A.K. lndiun Urbanisation and Planning (New Delhi, 1977), p.2 16.
Rao, M.S.A. : Urbanisation and Social Change (New Delhi, Connell, John, et ul:,
Migration From Rural Areas (Delhi, 1976).
Saxean, D.P. Rural-Urban Migration -in India (Bombay, 1977), pp. 18-22.
59 Kingsley Davis, "The Origin and Growth of Urbanisation in the World" Americun
Journal of Sociology, March 1955, p.429.
Also see - U.N., Planning of Metropolitun Towns und New Areas (U.N., New
York, 1973) p.3.
W.S.H. Phillips, "The Emerging pattern of Urban Social Stratification in India,"
Sociological Bulletin, Vo1.27, No.2 (Sept. 1978), p. 173.
 The large-scale rural-urban migration and the consequent redistribution of

population have a number of far reaching implications.60

International migration also has important social and political implications.

Changes in the ethnic composition of the population can have socio-political

repercussions. As the World Development Report 1984 points out, immigration can

create social tensions.61

Therefore, to analyse the rural migration and extension of cultivation, which

led to the all-round progress of Malabar, we have to incorporate elements, from

several of the theories. It is not only the prospects of economic betterment alone

that drives the people to migrate but various other factors such as psychic benefit

and other personal factors also to a great extent determine one's desire to migrate.

Along with this various constraints of the concerned individual like resource

constraints, institutional constraints etc. influence the individuals choice of the

place to migrate. Moreover, the advantage of moving along with family and the

prospects of using family labour etc. to a great extent determine the place of

60 During 1961-7 1, the rate of growth of slum population in Madras city was almost twice
as fast as that of the total population. The number of squatter jhuggies or households
increased during the same period from 12,749 to 141,755. Also see - IULA, Urbanisation
in L)eveloping countries (Hague: IULA, 1975) p. 16.
Arthur McCormack, Tlze Population Explosion (New York, 1973) p.24.
61 For example of France's 4 million foreigners, 40 percent live around Paris, in some
sections of the city, more than half the primary school children have foreign parents.
Today in Sri Lanka the large immigration of the past has caused a serious ethnic problem.
For details see, World Bank, World Development Report 1984, (World Bank,
Washington, 1984), p. 101.
migration. The peculiar nature of this movement is that it was predominantly a

rural to rural migration. In Kerala, people with less resource endowments and less

technical skill, in an effort to better their economic situation migrated to High

Ranges at first and later to rural areas of Malabar where the availability of land is

plenty and where there are less constraint, operating. It is in this frame work that

the migration of Travancorean peasantry in general and Christian peasantry in

particular and its impact on Malabar Society has been analysed.

 PEOPLE ON THE MOVE

P.T. Sebastian “Christian migration to malabar, 1930 - 1980 ” , Department of

History , University of Calicut, 2002
 CHAPTER I1

PEOPLE ON THE MOVE

Human migration is a continuous process, which is as old as human life

itself Even Holy books give a fair account of people who were always on the

move from one place to another. First, it took the form of either invasion or fleeing,

based on wars or natural calamities like draught, flood and subsequent famine and

breaking out of epidemics. The Jews, according to Holy Bible came to live in Egypt

on the invitation of Pharoah, but had to flee to the distant Canan, the promised

land when they could not withstand the persecution anymore.

The so called Aryan invasion is yet another classic example for human

migration. The History of America and Australia give a vivid account of large

scale huinan migration. Man's unending search for better pastures, cultivable land

and wealth also. kept him on the move from one terrain to another. Man's needs are

unending, and as the economists have rightly observed it, he would undertake any

amount of risk to satiate these needs.

This chapter mainly deals with the causes and course of migration from

Travancore to the Malabar. 'Causes' generally deal with the push and pull factors

while the 'course' is about the hardships faced by the migrants in this, strange

terrain.
 There are a number of sociological theories on human migration. Most of

these theories view migration as a change in location intended by a migrant to

result in a change or changes in some features of his or her life. The tendency to

move are influenced by various motives and constrains.

Among these motives and constraints are life cycle characteristics including

age and the number of children.' Another important factor that influence migration

is human capital. The higher the value of an individual's human capital, the greater

the number of alternative opportunities and also the probability of migration2 The

time before the departure of the migrants was of capital importance. Not only

because the forces are at work which will determine the migration, but because the

initial ideas about it are taking shape in the mind of a fbture young migrant.

PART - I CAUSES

The factors which propel a section of people to move from one region to

another are generally divided into two : (1) Reasons which push them out of their

places of habitation (2) Those which 'pull' them to certain other regions. Factors

like over-population and increased pressure on cultivable land, inadequacy of

' Long. L.H. "Influence of number of Ages and Children on Mobility" in Demography 9:
371-382, 1972 and Sandofur G.D. and W.J. Scott, "A Dynamic analysis of Migration: An
assessment of the effects, of Age, family and Career variables "Demography 18: 355-368,
1981.
Shaw, P.R. Migration theory and fact: A review and Bibliography of the current
literature, Bibliograph series No.5, Phlladalphia, Regional Science Institute, 1975, P.356.
 KERALA

Taluk Boundary .- ... ... ...

,

a Major Centres of Out migration in Travancore

Q b ~ i a ~ o o rCentres of Plant

@ Major centres of in migration in Malabar

TALUKS 28. ~anndyammk

1. Kasargode 29. Devikulani
2. Hosdurg 30. Tliodupuzlid
3. Thaliparamba 31. Udumhanchola
4. Camnore 32. Pcvrnlade
3. Tellichery 33. Vai knm
6. North Wyanad 34. Meenachal
7. Badaga ra 35. Kottayam
8. Quilandy 36. Clunganassey
9. South Wyanad 37. Kanjirappally
10. Kozhikode .38. Sherthalai
11. Eranad 9 . Amahalapuzha
12. Tirur 40. Kuttanad
13. Perinthalmanna 41. Thiruvalla
14. Ponmni 42. Chengannoor
13. Ottapalm 43. Maveli kkara
16. Palghat 14. Kartlugappally
17. Alathur 4 Karunagapally
18. Chittur 46. Kunna thcwr
19. ThalappiUy 47. Pathanamthitta
20. Trichur 48. Pathanapuram
21. Chowghat 49. Kottarakkara
.77 Crangnnore 51. Quilon
23. Mukundapuram 52. Chirayinkil
2-1. Ctx:Rin 53. Nedumangad
. 25. Parur 51. Trivandrun~
26. Alwaye 55. Neyydttinkkdrd
27. Muvaltupuzha
facilities for expansion and growth, scarcity of food and political or religious

persecutions, serve to 'push' people out of one region, while opportunities for

employment and investment and favourable conditions for advancement help to

'pull' them to certain other regions. The following pages would reveal, a

combination of factors that prompted the migration of a large number of farmers

from Travancore to Malabar during 1930 to 1980.

One visible and important cause for migration to Malabar was the Second

World War which resulted in shortage of food stuffs. Scarcity of rice was a

common phenomenon in Travancore area at that time. Shortage of cultivable land

in Central Travancore, due to increasing pressure on cultivable land, intensified the

situation. Many of them wished to go to Malabar area in search of cultivable lands

easily available for cheap price.3

Land System in Travancore

Among the two important factors that promoted the migration of farmers to

Malabar is that the land in Travancore was less attractive for the reinvestment and

Rev. Thomas Pazhaparambil, Swapna Bhoomiyil, (Muvattupuzha, 1978) pp.1-18.

Standard migration theories receiving as the dynamic agent which pull migrant to them.
These theories while useful for explaining many cases, appear inadequate for the case of '

labour migration from Haiti to Cuba and the Dominican Republic in the early 20' century.
The article "Haitian Emigration in the early 2 0 ~century" by Gleen Peruselc IMR.
Vol.XVII1, No.1, Spring, 1984, p.4. examines the history and offers an alternative -
theoretical framework for explaining this migration flow. It is argued that the prime cause
of migration from Haiti is factors in the sending country.
in Malabar it was more attractive. By 1920's the Indian planters had already

entered in the field of plantation in High Range areas. Even before this, English

planters started their plantations in High Range areas of then Kottayam district.

They had an advantage over Indians in acquiring land in these areas for cultivation.

Indian planters had to undergo a series of official processes. They had to submit an

application to the Diwan, according to the successive memorandum of rules for the

sale of wasteland in the hilly regions of Travancore. The Britishers on the other

hand could forward their applications directly to the British Resident and these

applications were readily accepted. This was not the case of Indian planters.'

British planters not only had the advantage of getting lands suitable for

plantations, but also the advantage of acquiring Sirkar (Government) lands. The

importance of Sirkar land was that it was superior besides ensuring permanence of

tenure and a fixed rent. There were also certain other types of land other than

sirkar land, for cultivation.

These lands came under the tenurial category of edavagai which were not

defined either as sirkar land or jenmam land. Sreepadam lands were the properties

of members of the royal family. These lands belonged to local chieftains like

Punjar Raja and Vanchipuzha Pandarathil. They were virtually [chief] fi-ee holds

' Rules for the sale of wasteland on the Travancore Hills, April
1865, July 1898 and
November 191 8, The Rrgzrlation and proclamations of Truvancore government, Vol.111
(Trivandrum, 1923) p.1233.
 41

even after the land revenue settlement of 191 1, in Travancore - the state had no

claim on the collection of taxes from these lands. These two types of lands did not

come under the purview of either the Pattam proclamation of 1865, which

conferred complete ownership right and allowed unrestricted transfer of the

properties or the Jenmi-kudiyan Act of 1896. Therefore the tenants on the edavagai

and Sreepadam land did not enjoy permanent tenancy rights over their properties.

Besides this sirkar land and the free-holds belonging to the Punjar Raja and the

Vanchipuzha ~andarathil, there was another source of land for developing

plantations in the Mundakayam - Peermade area. This was the Devaswom land

belonging to the Paschima Bhagavathi (goddess) temple. Around 4,5000 acres of

the Paschima Devaswom land were leased out on a 30 year lease to various tenants,

during 1920.' The tenants of this lands did not enjoy the rights enjoyed by the

K.P. Padmanabha Menon - Kochi Rajya Charithram (Malayalam) Mathrubhumi Printing

& Publishing Company, Kozhikode, 1989). pp.262-289.
For details about land relations and feudal exploitation of peasantry by feudal
landlords. See K.P. Menon, (1989). In this book Mr. Padmanabha Menon vividly
described the different types of land relations that existed in the erstwhile state of Cochin.
Under Cochin rule and during the colonial period all kinds of rights on land were
controlled by the land owning community mainly Brahmins. The Ezhavas of the soil had
no security. Ramanpillai, C.V. Marfhandavarma (Malayalam), First Little Prince Edition
(Kottayam, 1983) p.360. From t h s book we can get a lot of references about the political
situation, land system, social conditions of 18& century Travancore. Land system of early
Travancore and Malabar see Krishna Iyer, K.V. 'The Temple states of Kerala' proceedings
of the Tenth All India Oriental Conference, Tirupati, Madras, 194 1, p.507-15.
tenants, on sirkar lands as jenmam lands as it also did not came under the purview

of either the pattam proclamation or Jenmi - kudiyan ~ c t . ~

Apart from these difficulties in tenurial conditions, the restrictions on sale or

transfer of land and even cutting of trees by tenants on the Paschima Devaswom

land added fuel to the fire. The tenants of the Paschima Dewasom land had to go

through a "~olichezhuthu."~
The restrictions on the transfer of land and the absence

of permanency of tenancy that existed in Edavagai and Paschima Dewasom lands

were indeed constraints on the re-investments of profit and expansion of agriculture

in this area.'

Peasant migration can originate only in a region inhabited by a class of

forward looking farmers. The emergence of such a class of peasants would be the

outcome of a number of changes. Several administrative reforms were introduced

in Travancore, that positively affected the growth of such classes.

6
Michael Tharakan, P.K., Migration of farmers from Travancore to Malabar from 1930-
1960 : An Analysis of Economic Causes, unpublished M.Phi1 Thesis (Trivandrum, 1976)
Pp.20-29.
Polichezhuthu means the renegotiation of the lease regarding the possession of the land;
after every thirty years, while the tenants on thesirkar lands had only to go through a
'karnezhuthu' (Revenue settlement survey, 10-43).
The Travancore - Cochin Landtax Acts, Act is of 1955, Govt. Press (Trivandrum, 1955)
p.3.
By this Act passed by the Assembly - The Travancore Land Tax proclamation
(Kollarn Era) 1121 (1945) and the Cocbn settlement proclamation dated 10' March 1905
in so far as it provides for the assessment of Land Revenue are here by repeated. The
basic tax charged and levied under the foregoing section shall be at the rate of - 3 paise
per a cent of land (Rs.3 per one acre. This has been practiced till recently).
 One of the epoch-making events which was destined to exercise a decisive

influence on the shape and pattern of migration from Travancore in the years to

come was the "Pattarn proclamation" of 1865.' Yet another striking factor was that

the bulk of the cultivable land in the former Travancore state was directly owned

by the sirkar. But it was cultivated by rent paying tenant farmers under a system of

tenure known as 'Pandaravaka pattam'. Even though the tenants of these lands had

virtual ownership of the land, they did not have the right to transfer or sell the land

to a third party. So they were tied to their holdings with little scope for migration.

As a result of Pattam proclamation full ownership right, with the power of transfer

of land were conferred on to the tenant. Thus the tenant f m e r s of Travancore

became peasant f m e r s through subsequent land reforms. The tenant who

cultivated the land belonging to the temples and Namboodiri land lords under 'Kana

Pattam' and other tenancy were also elevated more or less to the same status as that

of the sirkar tenants.

The Pattam proclamation was instrumental in creating a class of self

cultivating peasant farming community in Travancore at a time when the

overwhelming majority of the cultivators in Malabar and to the same extent in

Cochin remained cultivating tenants with no security of tenure.

9
Report on the administration of Travancore for the year 1040 (ME), (1864-65)
Superintendent, Govt. Press, (Trivandnun, 1905) pp.27-30.
 The encouragement which the state government had provided for bringing

waste lands and forest lands under the cultivation saw the rise of a strong class of

farmers in Travancore. Following this, nearly two-third of the total cultivated area

in the Travancore State were owned by the tenants under 'Pandaravaka' system of

tenancy. l o

Another immediate impact of the land reform in the Travancore belt was that

land became a marketable and a rich source of capital. The peasant proprietors

were able to embark on different ventures including migration to far away hilly

regions by selling the little stretch of land owned by them. Land, in course of time,

became a ready source of capital for financing the migration of the peasants.

A major factor that had encouraged migration towards the country side

during the later half of the 19' century was the new taxation policy adopted in

Travancore in 1883.

'O According to the Report on the Administration of Truvuncore for the Yetrr 1864-69,
(1Oee M.E) these were not less than three hundred thousand tax paying ryots in
Travancore. see Page 33 of the Report. The number seems to have gone up to 5 lakhs by
the end cf the century. see V. Nagam Aiya, Travuncorc Stute Munuul, Vol.111, p. 1 15,
(Trivandrum, 1906).
" Some of the official sources maintain that the tax on land had been relatively light in
Travancore in comparison to the rates prevailing in several other parts of India during 19'
century. But the system had several defects because "neither the principles on which the
assessment is based are found, nor are the various shapes in which it is levied calculated to
benefit the rulers or ruled" - The speech of Divan of Travancore on March 1883 to the
leading land holders.
See Report on the Administrations of Travancore for the year 1058 (ME) (1 882-
83). Also see K.V. Joseph Migration and Economic develop men^ of Keralu, Unpublished
Ph.D. Thesis, (Trivandrum, 1986) p.90.
 45

The system had been really oppressive. The holders of land had to pay not

only tax for the actual area of land cultivated by them but also many other heavy

dues including tax on trees such as coconut, jack, tamarind and areca.

Many dues being levied on sundry items were always extorted and this in

fact, gave 1 1 1 scope for abuse and harsh treatment by the tax collecting officials.

Ownership of extensive areas of land proved a real white elephant to the majority

of cultivators. The Diwan of Travancore himself had conceded during the early

1880's that "without a more equal distribution of taxation and fixed assessment, it is

idle to expect any extension of cultivation or economic progress." l2

Several anomalous practices and dues were abolished soon after the Pattam

Proclamation of 1865. Yet many others still continued to remain in force. One of

them for exmple, was the provision to enhance the assessment of garden land with

the bearing of new trees known as "~ulachukoodal".~~

The regulation to revise the

garden tax once in every twelve years was another source of harassment to the

peasants. The peasants were also bound to pay as many as 121 minor cesses.

Almost all such anomalous practices and dues were abolisi~edwith the revenue

settlement of 1883. The government also made it clear that the settlement would be

l2Expressed during the course of an address in March 1883. see Report on the
Administration of Travancore for the year, 1058 (1 882-83) 0p.cit.
l3 Travancore Land Revenue Manual, Vol.1, (Trivandrum, 1915) see P.XXV introduction
by R. Madhavan Aiyar Divan Peishkar.
for a period of 30 years with no intension on the part of sirkar to enhance the rates,

or to interfere with the ryots in their decision to cultivate whatever crop they liked.

All these reforms positively affected the farmers, as they had started migration to

the submountainous regions of Travancore, in search of more land.

Commercialization of Agriculture

The deep-rooted socio-economic class structure of an agrarian society also

operated as a powefil constraint on the migration of population. The stratification

of society based on cast, sustained in several religious sanctions, severely restricted

the scope of migration in the normal course in many parts of Kerala. For example,

the members belonging to the 'Polluting castes' could not hope to secure any job

outside their own village boundaries."

It should be noted that the system of land tenure either impede or facilitate

migration in an agrarian society. The Zamindari system of land tenure did not

enable the tenant farmers to accumulate any capital on account of the practice of

rack renting and insecure tenures.I5

' A low caste person outside his village could, if he were a Hindu pursue no occupation;
within his village he was restricted to work spurned by High castes. see Thomas, W.
Shea, (Jr): "Bamers to Economic Development in Traditional Societies - Malabar, A case
study in Journal of Economic History, Vol. 19, 1959, p.505.
15
Kerinal Sing Sandhu, Indians in Malaya - Some Aspects of Their Immigration and
Settlement - 1896-1957 (Cambridge University Press, 1969).
 The peasant farmers of Travancore region were unwilling to migrate till the

beginning of the 2om century. Even agricultural labourers were not prepared to

move out of their native villages. For instance, Europeans had started plantations

in the High Range regions of Travancore by the middle of the 19&century. They

had to recruit the bulk of their labour force fiom Tamil Nadu since there was little

scope for this in Travancore. At the same time, in Malabar region an oppressive

land tenure akin to Zamindari system prevailed. This appears to have prompted

many of the Mappilas and persons belonging to lower castes to migrate as petty

traders, agricultural workers and labourers in plantations and mines of other parts

of India including ~ r a v a n c 0 r e . l ~

The bulk of peasants in a subsistence economy may possess neither

suficient technical know-how nor entrepreneurial talent to embark on any venture

other than agriculture. Nor did they possess the capital adequate to start any

enterprise. One of the basic requirements for development in a subsistence

economy is a change in the attitude of the people towards material comforts in

changing the subsistence-mindedness of the tradition-bound people to the

l 6 The Census Report of Coorg for 1 891 reveals that there were 12, 43 1 immigrants from
Malabar district in Coorg. Most of them were employed in the plantations. See - Census
Report of Coorg 1891 (Superintendent, Government Press, Madras, 1893) plantation
workers from Malabar numbered 1,223 in Coimbatore district and 4,040 in Nilgiri district
on the basis of a labour survey conducted by United Planters Association of South India in
1930. See Census Report of Madras Presidency, 1931, Part I Report (Superintendent,
Government Press, Madras), pp.8 1-82.
"economic mindedness" of the modem period, education plays a significant role.17

Change in attitudes would be reflected in the desire of the people to have

qualitative improvements in food, housing and clothing. However, the educated

persons who fail to secure employment commensurate with their educational

qualifications may opt to move out insearch of paid employment. A typical

example is to be found in the migration of educated Travancoreans in search of

employment to other parts of India and to foreign lands from the time of World

War I. l 8

The only method of raising capital under a subsistence economy was

through commercial farming. Cultivation of cash crops also provided a sure basis

for capital accumulation. Such a development took place in the subsistence

economy of Travancore and also in other parts of Kerala when international

demand for the agricultural products of Kerala like coconut, pepper, arecanut,

ginger etc, registered a rapid increase.19 With an increase in demand and price in

l7 The term "Subsistence mindedness" and "Economic mindedness" figure in D.H. Penny's
"Growth of Economic rnindedness among Small Farmers in North Sumatra, Indonesia." in
C:R. Wharton (Ed.) subsistence Economics and Economic Development (London, Frank
Cass Co. Ltd., 1970), p. 158.
l 8 1921 census reports suggest that as many as 395 persons migrated to Mesopotamia
between 1911- 1921 for taking up civil and military occupations p.29 of Census Report
1921, Travancore, Part I (Trivandrum, Govt. Press, 1923) p.29.
l 9 Nagam Aiya, Travancore state Manual, Vol.111 (Trivandrum, Govt. Press, 1906)
pp. 123-130.
For example, following an appreciable rise in the price of cotton as a result of
American civil war and the accrual of higher levels of profit, the cotton cultivation in this
country expanded considerably. Also see - D.R. Gadgil, '7ndustrial Evolution of London
(London, Oxford University Press, 1924) p. 15.
foreign markets, cultivation patterns underwent significant change. Production

became profit oriented. The price of many cash crops cultivated in Kerala started

to show signs of improvement since the middle of 19" century. Consequently, the

peasants of Travancore who cultivated cash crops began to reap higher levels of

profits and the levels of their money income and savings began to increase steadily.

The plantation industry started by Europeans in Travancore largely

consumed the vast areas of land. By 1930's about two lakh acres of land were

assigned for plantation industry of Europeans and a few natives. Again in 1931

Travancore Government made yet another attempt to assign another one and a half

lakh acres of land for the same purpose. This move by the government invited

widespread agitation in Travancore, because the poor peasants of the state were

badly in need of cultivable land. This prompted the peasants to move to Malabar. 20

The cash or commercial crops always had a major share in the agricultural

sector of Kerala. In the last few decades of the 19" century and in the earlier

decades of the 20" century cash crops cultivation became more wide-spread in

Travancore. In the beginning of this century, developments such as rise in

agricultural prices and better transport and communication facilities favoured the

growth of commercial farming.

Increase in income is likely to lead to two types of developments in a

O' Mathrubhurni Daily, March 2 1 , 193 1

subsistence economy: (1) the farmers may be tempted to increase their

consumption of goods, particularly of imported goods, (2) the cultivators may

invest their savings in new areas and types of agriculture and in new lines of

economic activity, namely industry and trade. A third type of development that

would always follow improvements in the levels of income and savings of farmers

is migration. It was the development of commercial apculture which facilitated

the growth of migration from Travancore to Malabar. The economically less

powefil among them would find it worthwhile to sell off their lands and move to a

region where land values were lower. Migration will continue so long as there

exists difference between land values in the areas of origin and the land values in

the regions of destination plus transport cost. The development of commercial

agriculture needed all these and it facilitated the migration from Travancore to

Malabar.

Much prior to the migration to Malabar, the marginal farmers of Travancore

had immigrated to the eastern front hills of ~ravancore, mainly to Mundakayam,

Peermade and other High-Range areas. In the last century British investments were

mostly in coffee and tea plantations. By the first decade of the 2 0 century
~ British

planters had started investing in rubber in the High Ranges of ~ravancore.~'

21
The main centre of British investment in plantations in Travancore was the Peermade -
Devikulam area, known formerly as the Cardamon Hills. This area is mostly in the
present Idukki district with a few portions covering the border areas of the present
Kottayam district.
Following British efforts, some big farmers from the Meenachil, Thodupuzha and

other midland taluks of Travancore started rubber plantations since 1910 onwards.22

Large number of small farmers from the midland taluks of Travancore started

cultivating plantation crops like rubber, either in newly acquired areas in the High

ranges or in and around their own villages in the Midland t a l ~ k s .The

~ ~ following

table provides a picture of cultivation of plantation crops in Travancore in and

around their own villages in the midland taluks.

22During the World War I, and the growing need for rubber for war purpose, the Govt. of
India began to encourage rubber estates. The investors in such estates began to induce the
people around them to colonise the jungle areas of High Range regions and distant
Malabar. The starting of a rubber estate in Yenthayar, in the Mundakayam Valley (of the
Peermade Hills) in 1904, by the late J.J. Murphy, is considered to be the first successful
venture in commercial planting of rubber in Travancore. see - Chacko, A., Kallivayalil :
"The Story of Mundakayam and Rubber Plantations". All India Agrrcultural lndustrrul
Science Exhibition Souvenir, Civic Centre Committee, Mundakayam, 1969. Also see -
A.V. John," "The Mundakayam Rubber Planters' Association," AN India Rubber Planters
Conference Souvenir, Mundakayam, 1969, Also see P.K.M. Tharakan, 0p.cit.
23 See - K.M. Chandy: (Former Rubber Board Chairman) 'Rubber Plantation Industry - A
critical Review,' Rubber Planters Conference (India) Souvenir, Indian Rubber Board,
Kottayam, 1974, p.4. Also see - George John Ancheril : 'Rubber in a Crisis,' All India
Rubber Planters Conference, Souvenir, Mundakayam, 1966.
 TABLE 2.1
Statement showing the area under plantation crops in Travancore, 1920-21 to
1949-50 (Area in thousand acres)
Year Rubber Tea Coffee
I I I

1920-21 51.0 47.1 Nil

Nil
Nil
6.2
5.9
1945 -46 11 1.6 77.4 7.0
1949 - 50 111.5 , 148.4 8.7
Sources: T.C. Varghese : Agrarian Change and Economic Consequences, (Land)
Tenures in Kerala, (Bombay 1970) p. 178.

The prospects of cultivating plantation crops as well as the traditional cash

crops like pepper and ginger in the High Ranges attracted more persons from the

mid areas to Peermade - Devikulam area. The following table indicates the

movements of people &om the midland taluks of Travancore to the High lands of

Peermade and Devikulam area.

 TABLE 2.2

Statement showing the density of population per square mile and the decennial percentage increase in density in the
Devikulam Peermade area (1901 - 1951)

Taluk Density per square mile Percentage increaseldecrease in density

Devikulam
Pecr~nadc 1091 1901 1 1921 1931 1041 1951 1901- 191 1- 1921- 1931 - 1941 - 1951
1911 1921 1931 1941

1 (Source : Census
1 2 5 1 5 5 1 5 1 1 94 1 1 1 6 1 1 6 3
-
+120.0 -7.3 +84.3 +23.4 1 +40.5
of India : Madras, Travancore, 1901, 191 1,192 1, 193 1, 1941 and 1951)
 In the decade 1901-1910, which was the period of expansion of British

plantation efforts in rubber, Devikulam -Peermade area registers a percentage

increase of 120.0 and 84.3 in 192 1-31. By 1930's the density of population in these

areas was so high, that migration to other region like Malabar became i n e ~ i t a b l e . ~ ~

If the major impact on agrarian sector during the colonial rule on Kerala was

large scale introduction of commercial crops, by the close of colonial rule about 60

percent of the total cultivated area were used for plantation crops. Tea, coffee,

rubber, cardamom etc. began to be cultivated in hilly regions while coconut was

cultivated in midland and costal regions. It has to be noted that rice cultivation in

Kuttanadu region in this period also assumed commercial character.

The reclamation of Kuttanadu region for paddy cultivation and large scale

production of tapioca also served the need for food to a certain extent. However,

food items from foreign countries had to be imported to meet the growing needs of

a growing society. But at the same time export of plantation corps enormously

increased.

24
Kallidukkil V. Joseph, Kerala Suriyuni Reethum Malabar Kudiyettavum (1 949)
(Malayalam) (Tellicherry, 1983) p. 13. Also see E.M.S. Namboothirippad, Kerala
Yesterday, Today and Tomorrow, (Culcutta, 1968) pp.53-60. John K.P.
"Visappinethireyulla Samaram"(Malaya1am) in Souvenir of Sacerdotal Silver Jubilee of
Rev. Sebastian Velloppilly (Tellicherry, 1970) pp. 10-11.
 The following table will reveal the nature, character and value of import and

export of Travancore between 1870 - 1931 . The increasing level of giving

importance to commercial crops resulted in the increasing rate of import of food

25 In the middle of the 1 9 century

~ import of food items was nominal whereas in 2oLh
century, it formed 30 to 50 percent of total import to Kerala. Thus, as a result of colonial
'

rule Kerala became a food defecit state, see - Kerala Sasthra Sahithya Parishath, 23d
Annual Souvenir, (Ernakulam, 1986), pp. 1- 18.
 TABLE 2.3
Export and Import of Goods from Travancore between 1871 - 1939

Export Import
Item 1870-7 1 1899-00 19 19-20 1938-39 1870-71 1899-00 1919.20
A. Coconut product 57.1 52.6 36.9 37.2
B. Coffee, Tea, 8.3 6.4 33.5 30.4
Rubber
C. Grocery items, 15.0 14.0 10.1 7.7
Spices
D. Arecanut, 8.8 3.7 1.2 1.8
Tamarind fruit
E. Cashewnut -- -- -- 6.8
F. Mollesses, sugar, 2.0 3.3 3.2 2.0 07 07 NA 2.5
Palm-sugar
G. Textiles cotton -- -- -- -- 26.0 14.7 NA 14.4
H. Rice, Paddy -- -- -- -- 2.5 31.4 51.1 3 1.O
I. Tobacco -- -- -- -- 32.7 33.1 7.4 4.7
J. Kerosene -- -- -- -- - -- -- NA 12.5
K. Metal products -- -- -- -- 3.2 NA 1.6 5.6
Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0
(In Rs. Lakhs) 65.7 169.5 576.3 958.0 52.1 93.9 455.7 763.2
Source: Report of Administration of Travancore 1870 - 7 1, 1884-85, 1899-00, 1938-39 Statistics of Travancore 1095 4E and Trade
Statistics of Travancore.
 The non-availability of arable paddy field for the extension of paddy

cultivation and the failure of the government in the conventional development of

new paddy field resulted in the continuation of import of food materials. The

attractive prices of commercial crops, at the same time enabled the farmers to

continue plantation agriculture in Travancore.

Another important factor which influenced the economy and history of

Travancore was the rise and growth of Joint Stock Banks. The number of such

financial institutions were six in 1916-17 and 195 in 1928-29. Most of these

institutions were in the High land Taluks of Travancore. The investers of these

Banks were rich farmers and loan beneficiaries also were farmers who intented to

invest more money in the plantations.26

The following table shows the importance of joint stock companies in the

economy of Travancore .

26 Eventhough the share of the agricultural sector in the national income is gradually
declining with the progress of industrialization, it continues to be of vital importance for
feeding the growing population of the world. However, certain limitations are imposed on
the growth of sector by (a) the facility of one of the important resources namely land and
(b) the limited scope for diversification. Hence increase in output in this sector depends
primarily on enhancing the productivity of land and labour which vary substantially from
country to country and even in the same country over different periods. see Dr. K.N.S.
Nair, Technological Changes in Agriculture, Birla Instiute of Scientific Research, (New
Delhi, 1980) p. 1 .
 TABLE 2.4
The statement showing the distribution of capital of joint stock companies in Travancore

Number Percentage I Number I Percentage

Banking, Insurance 14.48
Transport 2.61
Business Enterprises 0.08
Printing, Publishing 0.30
Engineering 0.46
Ceramics 3.93
Chemicals 21.14
Agencies 0.57
Others 21.25
Total Manufacturing 50.08
Mills, Press 3.41
Plantation 27.07
Hotel, Theatre 0.68
Others 0.32
100.00
Source: Travancore Statistics.
 59

From the middle of the 19'b century Europeans made large scale capital

investments in plantation industry in High Range regions of Travancore, starting

with coffee and subsequently with tea plantations. The pioneers seem to have

invested nearly Rs.90 lakhs for plantations.27The Government of Travancore gave

all possible help for the extension of cultivation in High Ranges by selling the land

through public auction in quick succession to the induction of European capital and

enterprise2'

The opening of plantation promoted migrations in several ways. The estates

required the services of large number of workers which could be secured only by

the import of labourers from out side the locality as the High range region was in

those days uninhabited. Naturally, this promoted migration of large number of

agricultural labourers from the adjacent regions. With the opening of plantations,

apart from manual workers, also other categories of workers were in demand. The

estates required the services of large number of educated persons to serve in

various capacities such as managers, supervisers, clerks, accountants and skilled

workers. Such opportunities were availed of by the Travancoreans themselves.

The newly educated moved readily to the plantations to fill in these vacancies and

27See - Sarnual, Mateer - 'Life in Travancore' (London, 1883) pp.230-35. Samual stated
that the major portion of investment by English entrepreneurs on "Land its clearing
planting keep and taxes."
28Report on the administration of Travancore for the year 1038 (ME) (1862-63). Also
see the Administration of Travancore for the year 1040 (ME), (1964,65).
to enrich themselves.

The opening of the plantations also became a source for the more aspiring

among the native capitalist farmers and peasant farmers, who commanded adequate

capital. Further, the opening of the road connecting Kottayem with Peermade

region towards the last quarter of the century facilitated free movement of men and

materials to the High ~ a n ~ e s . ' ~

The limited migratory movements in Travancore during the 19' century

were of farmers for raising subsistence crops in near by localities. The new

settlements made in the reclaimed wasteland, in the interior parts of Travancore had

been under garden cultivation of roots, h i t s and vegetables and with rice and not

with any cash crops.30 Such extension of cultivation of subsistence crops had

received encouragement fkom the government by way of tax evasion and freedom

to cultivate reclaimed land without payment of land price. Subsistence farming

continued to prevail even after the process of commercialization had been initiated

by the European planters.31

29 K. V. Joseph, Op.cit., pp.88-100.

30
Mateer Samual, Native lrfe in Travancore, Op.cit., p.237. Panikar, P.G.K. et al. (1975),
Poverty Unemployment and Development Policy, Newyork, United Nation, STlESAl29.
3' Large areas of cultivable wastelands in the interior Taluks remained uncultivated. see -
Materer Samual, Op.cit., He wrote : 'Few, if any Sudras or Brahmin nor indeed S p a n
Christians availed themselves of the opening which coffee enterprises afforded and their
circumstances consequently remained stationary.
 Naturally migration of population on a large scale to such areas had to wait

for the call of capitalist farming to take roots among the peasants. Increase in

export earnings provided the incentive to the farmers for extending cultivation

especially for hill products. Such a situation prompted them to migrate to areas

where wastelands suitable for raising these annual crops were available. It is

reported that a good number of people had thus migrated to High Range areas of

Travancore early in this century.32

The increased earnings were used by the farmers for reinvestment in

agriculture rather than for higher personal consumption. Conservative by tradition,

as they were, the peasants were rather reluctant to utilize their higher income for

consumption. But they preferred to use them for acquiring more land and

extending cultivation to suitable areas. Migration became thus a fairly widespread

phenomenon in Travancore towards the end of the twenties.))

Since income fiom export of cash crops were on the increase, cultivators

began to pay more attention to the raising of commercial crops, particularly in the

midland regions of Travancore. The following table indicate the progressive

32 See Report of the Truvuncore Bunking Enquiry Committee 1950, Vol.1. 0p.cit. p.24.
33 Travancore - Cochin Govt. Administration report of the Agricultural Department for the
year 1950 - 51 Govt. Press (Emakulam, 1952) p.3. The Economic condition of the
agricultural classes as a whole, remained satisfactory. The prices of commercial crops like
coconuts, arecanuts, pepper, ginger etc. remained at such high levels that owners of the
gardens enjoyed a boon. The growers of food crops were at disadvantage in respect of
money earning compared to growers of commercial crops.
 increase in the export earnings of the main cash crops during the first quarter of the

20" century.

TABLE 2.5
Export Earnings of the Principal Cash Crops of Kerala 1900-1930

C
Exmrt earnings in r u ~ e e s
w
1
Name of the crop 1899-1900 1909-1910 1919-1920 1929-1930
1. Hill produce:
/ 1. Ginger 425343 658120 958166 2740344
(154.72) (225.28)
I 2 . Pepper
(100)
1735850 1972000 2005521
(644.26)
17982774
(100) (1 13.60) (167.36) (1036)
3. Lemon grass 41435 N. A N.A 2397964
(100) --- --- (5787)
4. Tumeric 86240 N.A N.A 260 100
( 100) -- --- (301.6)
5. Cardamom 55128 3 14093 549630 2585776
( 100) (567.75) (997.00) (4690)
6. Rubber N.A. N. A N.A 5121879
-- -- --
7. Cashewnut N. A N.A N.A 7493 14
Total 2343996 -- -- 31838151
(100) (1358.28)
11. Other Cash Crops
1. Coconut products 562246 1 10860760 11273670 16354548
(100) (193.16) (200.57) (290.87)
2. Arecanut 5 14454 779940 563870 1888650
(100) (15 1.60) ( 109.59) (367.1 1)
3. Tea 1241047 7287029 12054927 27260724
(100) (2 196)
111. Others including now 7737320 -- -- 36368484
cash crops
Grand Total 16947824 32809037 57634760 112939039
(100) (193.58) (340.07) (666.36)
Hill produce as a 13.83 -- -- 28.19
percentage to
the total ,
Source: Administration Reports and Statistics of Travancore issued by the Governent of
Travancore.
Note : Figures in bracket indicate percentage.
 It is clear &om the table that increase in the export earnings of crops like

ginger, pepper, tea, cardamom, lemon grass oil, rubber and cashewnut were

exceptionally high." With the fall of Burma and Malaya in the second World War,

the need of rubber for war purpose increased and the Government of India began to

encourage rubber plantations. The investors in such plantations (estates) began to

induce their neighbours in Travancore to colonise in the jungley part of distant

Malabar. The existence of earlier settlers no doubt helped the new settlers in

understanding the topography of the area and the extent of available land for

cultivations. But the migration of lakhs of people could hardly be explained due to

enterprises for making money.35

Migration would not take place in a subsistence economy because of the

non-availability of savings in the form of money. So long as subsistence farming

prevails, the chances of accumulation of capital even on a limited scale are

''Which is the generic term used for all such crops. Although crops like tea, coffee and
Rubber are treated as hill produce according to Travancore State Manual See Nagam Aiya,
Travancore State Manual, Vol.111, Op.cit., The usage among the inhabitants is to consider
pepper, arecanut, cashelvnut, ginger, lemongrass oil, turmeric etc. as hill produce in
Kerala.
35
Siwaswamy, K.G. Lt. Col. T.S. Sastry, Dr. T.D. Nair, Dr. T.S. Nair, Dr. P.A.
Narayanan, Dr. C.V. Narayana Aiyar, and Miss Atzoni, The Exodusfiom Travancore to
Malabar Jungles, Coimbatore, 1945, pp. 1-3 and also see Krishna Bharadwaj, Production
condition in Indian Agriculture :A study based onfarm Management Surveys (Cambridge
University, Press, 1974). pp.27-33.
He writes "Very small farmers may 'choose' to raise as much gross value of out put
as possible per acre even at the cost of having to incur debts to provide circulating capital
- they may be found operating land intensively even to a point where the additional input
costs exceeded the value of addtional output".
minimal. Commercialization of agriculture is one of the surest ways of raising

capital in a peasant farming community. Such a development took place in the

subsistence economy of the former princely state of Travancore and also in other

parts of Kerala, and international demand for the agriculture produce of Kerala like

coconut, arecanut, rubber, pepper, ginger, cinnamon and other spices registered a

rapid increase.16 In a subsistence economy where income increases it is likely that

two types of development taken place where some one is tempted to increase their

consumption level and others may invest their savings in new areas, viz.,

agculture, industry and trade, setting the process of economic growth in motion.37

Man's unending desire to raise his income and savings also played a

crucial role in migration. The Travancore farmers found that the safest and surest

way of securing increased flow of income on a continuous basis is extension of the

cultivation of cash crops. The wealthy farmers among them naturally purchased

lands for cultivation of cash crops. Owing to the limitation of the availability of

such suitable land, prices of such land shot up. Under these circumstances

economically less powefil peasants found it worth to sell their lands and move on

to regions where land value is lower. This leads to a process of migration of

peasants. Close on the heels of the pioneer migrants, attracted by the news of their

36
See V. Nagam Aiyya, Op.cit., Pp. 180-181.
" Agricultural Development Problems and Perspectives Ministry of Food and Agriculture,
Government of India (N. Delhi, 1996). Pp 7-1 1.
successful ventures others follow. Such a process might continue unabated for

fairly long periods of time but not for ever.38

European coastal trading firms such as Pierce Leslie and Company, William

Good Acre and Company, Aspinwall & Company, Bombay Company, Volkart

Bros, Darragh Smail & Company etc. rose in to prominence. They virtually

monopolised the export of the plantation products as well as imports for the

plantation sector through interlocking of the directorships and managing agencies.39

The purchase and sale of land has taken place among all the various categories of

farmers. We have observed that many farmers became agricultural labourers after

selling their land. There is enough evidence of proleterianization of peasantry. The

analysis of land sale in Central Travancore villages reveal that the major part of the

land sale has been with a view to purchasing land in Malabar region. Afier

partition of the family properties (Fragmentation of landed property) many small

farmers found it difficult to make both ends meet. Their very existence was

challenged. The rich farmers purchased the land of the small, poor and marginal

farmers in Travancore. However, migration of agricultural labourers owing to

38 Once the price advantage disappear migration would cease to be an attractive venture
and come automatically to an end. Migrants would move to other areas if land is available
at adventurous prices. Thus the peasant migrant is a seller of land in the place of origln
and buyer of land in the place destination.
39Tharian George and P.K. Michael Tharakan: "Developmentof Tea Plantation in Kerala,
A Historical Perspective" working paper No.204, Centre for Development Studies.
(Trivandw, 1985)Pp. 15-20.
mechanization was not seen in ~ravancore.~'The economic mechanism behind the

exodus in Travancore viz., the monitization of the rural economy, the fluctuation

and decline of agricultural prices, distraction of rwal industries and occupations

are not unlike those that expelled millions of European migrants overseas during

the mid-nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.

Development of roads and vehicular transport in Travancore enabled the

peasants to accumulate more capital fiom the agrarian sector. It all happened

because in former days, transportation of cash crops for marketing was very

difficult owing to the non-availability of vehicular transport. But with construction

of roads through the interior regions of Travancore, it was very easy for farmers to

dispose of their products, at a high price. Thus the Travancore peasants were

equipped with enough capital to invest for the extension of the agrarian sector.41

40
The migration of Blacks and Whites from the South since 1930 has been traditionally
characterised as resulting fiom the mechanization of Agriculture. It is argued in this
article that real cause of the migration must be situated in the crisis in cogon farming
during the depression of 1930's large farm owners secured aid from the federal govt. in the
form of agriculture subsidy payments. In response to this they reduced their cotton
acreage, brought factors and displaced their tenants. This transformation drastically
reduced the need for tenant labour and brought about the large scale migrations. The
major conclusion is that migration will be shaped by social, economic and political
relations that require unique historical understanding. Further migrations will test to
reflect conditions at the point of origin. For similar studies see Neil Fligstein's "The
transformation of Southern agriculture and the migration of blacks and whites 1930-40" in
International Migration Review, Vol. 12, No.2, Summer, 1983, Pp.335-350.
41 K.V. Joseph. Op.cit., Pp.111-112.
 Yet another point which struck us during our research on what promotes

migration is the levels of income and savings of farmers. The Pattam Proclamation

of 1865 and subsequent land reforms in Travancore helped the Christians to

penetrate into the landlordism of Travancore by purchasing these partitioned

lands.42 The following table shows the property transactions of the various

communities for a period of 18 months 1906-1907.

The table shows that the Christians took advantage of the disruption of the

joint families of the Nairs by purchasing their landed properties.43

" Notification of His Highness the Maharaja of Travancore on 2 " June 1865, quoted in
Truvancore Land Revenue Manual, Vo1.4, p.3 15. See, also Madhava Rao to Newill, 1 9 ~
April, 1865, Travancore Government English Records, Cover No.228.
43
Travancore Marumukkathayum Committee Report of 1908, Appendix 11, p.93. Also
see. Vivekoduyum, Makararn 1084, Vol. 15, No. 10, p.6.
 TABLE 2.6
Nature, Number and Volumes of the Documents

Mortgages with Mortgages without

Sale Total
Claimant Possession Possession
Community
executed
Number Value Number Value Number Value Number Value

Nairs Claimant 8861068

Executed 10738070
Samanthars Claimant 75252
Executed 111910
Christians Claimant 985 1778
Executed 8680771
Chanas Claimant 1557934
Executed 1474925
Ezhavas Claimant
Executed 3966 1053763 8207 1622790
Source : Travancore Marumakkathayam Report of 1908, Appendix 11.
 As regards alienation of land, it is seen that the Nairs were losing and

Christians were gaining land steadily. The Nair and Ezhava Regulation of 1925

and the Nanjinad Vellala Regulation of 1926 made the partition of joint families

very easy. This also helped Christians to purchase more lands.

As a consequence of these land reforms in Travancore, the Syrian Christian

share of land holdings went up steadily. Thus land reforms in Travancore actually

helped Syrian Christians to become big land holders in Travancore as Kanakkar. 44

Christians controlled the entire banking business of Travancore such as chitties and

kuries. This apart, they had full control over printing press and had practically

monopolized trade, commerce and industry. The net result was the rise of

Christians as a strong middle class.

Progress of Education

The rigidities of the caste oriented social structure, the main stumbling

block in the path of mobility would crumble and new forces conducive to migration

'"rhough the Christians had purchased the partitioned land of Nairs, even if they
practically enjoyed the permanent occupancy right, they were not legally recognized as
the owners of the land. Their actual position was as Kanakkar. The Joint Political
Congress hd advanced the argument that the Christian's share of land was 4.46 acres per
head compared to Nairs who had 3.12. This, as shown by the Census of 1921, does not,
however clarifj as to how this figure was arrived at. If it was arrived at on the basis of
total number of people in the community, it does not reflect the real condition of land
holdings. See Travancore-Present Political Problem, Published by Executive Committee
of the Joint Political Congress (Trivandrum, 1933), Pp.24-25.
would be unleashed. The rapid growth of mass media which began from the close

of 19" century reinforced the influence of education in spreading new ideas,

supplanting the old with new values and principles in bringing people from

different parts of the world in to close contact with one another. The change in

attitudes would be reflected in the desire of the people to have qualitative

improvements in food, housing and clothing. However the educated persons who

fail to secure employment commensurate with their educational qualification may

opt to move out in search of paid employment. "

The activities of Christian missionaries along with the existence of an

economy of small peasant proprietors and tenants with substantial economic

independence acted as dynamic force of educational growth in Travancore. 46 As

regard to English education, close association with foreign missionaries, gave

much advantage to the Christian. The following table shows the development of

English education among various communities in Travancore.

45 A typical example is to be found in the migration of educated Travancoreans in search

of paid employment to other parts of India and to foreign lands from the time of the First
World War onwards. According to 1921 census as many 395 persons migrated to
Mesopotamia between 1911- 1921 taking up civil and military occupations. See Section 29
of Census Report 1921, Travancore part I (Trivandurm 1923) p. 168.
46 P.K. Gopinathan Nair, 'Education and Socio-Economic Changes in Kerala, Sociul
Scientist, March 976, p.29.
 TABLE 2.7
Development of English Education
among Various Communities in Travancore

Literate in English during (19 1 1- 1931)

Communities
1911 1921 1931
Brahmins 1 3007 1
I
4221
Nairs
Christians I
5446
10129
!
I
14169
24059
Muslims 1 299 1159
Ezhavas 1441 4529
Source: Social Scientist, Vo1.4, No. 8, March 1976.

Above table shows the dominance of Christians over other communities in

English education. By 1944-45, Travancore Government decided to introduce

free and compulsory primary education for children between the age of 6 to 11 and

Rs. 5 Lakhs was allocated for this in the annual budget of 1944-45. 47

It is an accepted fact that progressive ideas and the urge for material

comforts spread easily in an educated society. Education expanded at rapid rates in

Travancore during the first quarter of 20' century. It was followed by a spurt in

cultural activities such as publication of books, newspapers, periodicals and

47
Mathrubhumi Duily August 17, 1944, also see Matlzrubhumi Daily, May 1, 1945,
August 24, 1944.
 48
opening of libraries in different parts of the state. Such developments inhsed

progressive ideas into the minds of the people and natural attitudes favourable for

material advancement.

Population Pressure on Cultivable Land

Demographic factor is an important cause for the migration. The gap

between death rate and birth rate tends to widen consequent on the drastic fall in

the death rate as a result of the introduction of modem health care facilities in the

interior areas of Travancore. When the pressure of population is actually felt in a

subsistence economy, peasant farmers and agncultural labourers are most likely to

resort to extension of cultivation to areas earlier regarded as unsuitable for the

purpose.49

48The enrolment of students in the school which was about 0.6 lakhs in 1823-94 increased
to 1.5 in 1925. See Report on the Administration of Travancore for various years and also
Statistics of Travancore 1926-1927.
49
The deteriorating land man ratio leads to ever increasing proportions of smaller holdings
and in the absence of compensating increased in the productivity of land in such holdings,
induces wages dependence among the small peasants. What role has the state played in
promoting technologcal change and exacerbating regional disparities in the productivity
of land and hence in the relationship between land and labour. For more details see N.
Krishnaji, "Land and Labour in India-The Demographic Factor" EPW Vol. XXV Nos. 18
and 19, May 5-12, 1990. Pp. 1037-1042.
Emigration and immigration ,will not significantly influence the future size of
population in any of the South Asian Countries. After the World War I most developed
countries in the world established national policies restricting immigration from abroad.
The, South Asian population problem can't be alleviated through emigration from the
region. There are today no prospects of a revival of the movements from India and China
in to Ceylon and Malaya that continued until the World War II. See, Gunnar Myrdal,
Asian Drama, An abridgement by Seth S.King, (London, 1972). Pp.20-70.
 The pressure on farmers to find out more and more land for cultivation to

meet the growing need of a growing family or community due to increase in

population in Travancore was one of the major causes for migration which acted as

a 'push' factor. The largest number of migrants were from the midland taluks of

Travancore, especially Meenachil, Thodupuzha and Moovattupuzha.

Table 2.8, given below shows that the decinnial rate of the growth of

population in the Travancore region was on the whole, higher than in the Malabar

region, during 1901-1 95 1. Table 2.9 and 2.10 shows the percentage of increase in

population in Travancore from 190 1- 195 1.

 TABLE 2.8
Statement showing decinnial percentage in population of Kerala
~ t s t districts
e roughly corresponding to the former Malabar District and Travancore State

Percentage increase in Population

District
1901-1911 1911-1921 1921-1931 1931-1941 1941-1951
-

CANNANORE
KOZHIKODE
MALAPPURAM
PALGHAT
MALABAR REGION
KOTTAYAM
ALLEPPEY 1 114.7 1 +I 8.5 1 124.3
QUILON I +14.7 1 +18.6 1 C27.9 I
, TRIVANDRUM 1 117.5 ( 117.0 1 128.6 /
ERNAKULAM +14.0 I +9.3 1 +26.6
TRAVANCORE REGION +15.6 +15.7 +28.4
I
Source- Census of 1971, Series-9, Kerala, Part-11 A, General population Tables. Table A-1 1 pp.5
4 r n v l P W
W O O O P
E 3 4 u 3 O N
9 0 i n O I \ 0
 TABLE 2.10
Statement showing the population and cultivated area in Malabar 1911-1951

Percentage increase Percentage increase Cultivated area as

Population in Cultivated areas in
Year over the previous over the previous percentage of the
thousands thousands
period period total available land

L I I I I I

Source: T.C-.Varghese, Agrarian Change and Economic Consequences, Allied Publishers, Bombay, 1970, Chapterd 1, P. 123.
 The percentage of population increase in Malabar was only 57.81 during

1901- 195 1 period. Between 1911 and 1951, Travancore region registered an

increase of 47.09 percent in land under occupation, while in Malabar cultivated

area increased only by 37.04 percent during that period.

The table further indicates that while in 1911 the occupied area in

Travancore formed 73.7 percent of total available land, it rose to 98.1 percent in

1951. The corresponding figures for the percentage of the cultivated area in

Malabar was 59.1 in 1911 and 36.0 in 1951. These figures show the greater

pressure on land in Travancore between 1911- 195 1, compared to Malabar.

In Travancore, land was fiactioned into bits of 5 to 15 cents due to Christian

succession law and high population pressure on land. This tradition became
increasingly inoperative, with an increase in population on one hand and the

decreasing prospects for expansion of land holdings on the other hand. 50

It may be noted that in Travancore, some sort of subsistence economy

prevailed till the close of the 19" century. Peasants were self-cultivating

agriculturalists. In a subsistence economy the wants of the people are limited. So

the bulk of the population were content with meeting the bare needs of life. The

50
The per caput agricultural land is fast declining as a result of the higher growth rate of
population compared to that of Agricultural land in all the countries except Australia and
Argentina. Such adverse growth pattern can drastically bring down the per caput
availability of agricultural land by the turn of 2othcentury.
For example in India the fall would be fiom 0.26 hectare per head in 1961 to 0.16
hectare per head in 2000 A.D. i.e., a fall of general, the rate of decline in the agriculture
even rather than the fast-growing population is the main force behind the declining per
caput agricultural areas. Thus irrespective of the fact whether a country is developed or
developing, the population pressure on arable land is increasing Dr. K.N.S. Nair,
Technological Changes in Agriculture, (New Delhi, 1980), p. 138.
In the Latin American situation the changes in immigration flows and policy in the
last three decades are linked to differences in the level and types of economic growth in
Venezuela. T h s provides an historical context within which to locate the post-1973 rise in
immigrant entries and policy changes which have led to a definition of immigration as the
import of foreign workers. These changes were generated by the unusally high economic
growth rate made possible by the increase in the international price of oil, Venezuela's
major export. Sakia Sassen-Koob, "Economic growth and immigration in Venezuela"
International Migration Review, Vol. 13, No.3 Fall. 1979.
Population pressure on cultivable land is one of the root causes for the migration.
But one important feature of migration to Malabar is that comparatively low
degree of migration took place fiom taluks noted for high density of population in
Travancore. However the demographic pressure assumed serious dimensions during
1921-31. See, The population of the State (excluding the areas transferred to Tamil Nadu
in 1956) was 25,27,272 in 1901. It increased to 29,60,586 in 1911, recording a decated
growth rate of 17.37 percent. The population increased to 34, 67,287 in 1921 and 44, 66,
304 in 1931 recording an increase of 17.1 and 28.82 percent respectively. For details see,
Census of Travancore 1911, 1921 and 1931.
 51
villages were normally self-sufficient and in effect stagnant. Absence of

population pressure was a constrain on migration. Under such circumstances,

52
normally there was no urge for the people to migrate.

Migration from Kerala had been practically non-existent during the 1 9 ~

century because nature was bountifbl in providing modest requirements of the

53
population. Further a subsistence economy is characterised by a low degree of

moniterisation. The absence of a well-developed cash-nexus left the potential

migrants with no working capital required for consumption expenditure and

j1 Migration from India was possible mainly because the subsistance economy failed to
meet the limited wants of the people due to frequent occurrences of natural calamities like
droughts and floods. In this connection the plight of the inhabitants of Gangetic plain, one
of the emigrating regions in North India as described by an authority was as follows:
"The castes whch live by unskilled labour are in a wretched condition-ill-fed, ill-clothed,
with no resources to with stand a failure of the rains and the scarecity more or less severe
which attends such a calamity.
Quoted by K.I. Gillan from W. Crooke, Natives ofNorthern India (London, 1907),
p.11.
j2The Census Commissioner of Travancore significantly suggested in 1891 that workers
should be inducted from Tamil districts of the then Madras Presidency to the sparsely
populated interior parts of Travancore. See Report of the Census of Travancore, 1891,
Government Press, (Trivandrum,. 1893). P.234.

'' While the other parts of In&a were ravaged by frequent occurrences of famine, Kerala
was practically exempt from such calamities as indicated in the District Gazetteer of
Malabar. But of real famines there are few records. During the period in which the
Honourable company occupied the.factory at Tellicheny there is only one record of a real
famine. It occurred in August-September 1792, See. C. A Innes, Madras District
Gazetteers, Malabar and Anjengo (Madras, Govt. Press, 1908).p.217. See also V. Nagam
Aiya, Travancore State Manual, Vol.111. (Trivandrurn, Govt. Yress, 1906), Pp. 123-130.
meeting the cost of agncultural operations in the place of destination till they were

able to harvest their first crop. Agricultural labourers refbsed to migrate unless

they were on the verge of starvation caused probably by natural calamities.

The State of Travancore was one of the most populous Indian States. It was

fourth in density of population among the Indian States and Provinces. The

following Tables 2.1 1 and 2.12 hrther substantiate this arguments.

TABLE 2.1 1
Density of Population in Indian States and Provinces
/ Place
1 Delhi I 823 I
I Cochin 1 662 I
I Bengal I 608 I
I
j Travancore 1 525 I
I
I United Province 1 426
I
I
/ Bihar and Wssa 1 409 1
I

I Madras 1 297 I
/ Baroda State 1 252 !
Other Indian Provinces
and States
Source : Census of India Report 1951, Vo1.25, Travancore
State, p.4.
 TABLE 2.12
Variation in population during fifty years

Persons Variation
Net variation
(1891-1941) 1 Males 1 Variation Females I Variation I

I I 1 I I
Source: Travancore Statistics Part-I Travancore 1948-1949, Govt. Press, (Trivandrum, 1950) P.3.
 Total Travancore area under this statistics divided into three natural

divisions of which the greatest number in net variation of population (1891-1941)

marked by the midland division. The net variation of different division is as

fo1lows :

Divisions Net Variations (189 1- 1941)

I Low land I 1,513,914

I
/ Mid land I 1,722,626 I
/ High land 275,742

Census to census variation in population in the State shows that there was an

increase in population of about 16.8 percent in 1921 over the 191 1 census .

TABLE 2.13
Variation in Population Since 1875
1 Increase over Preceding Census
Census Year
Number Percent
1877 23,11,379 --
1881 24,02,158 3.9
1891 25,57,736 6.5
1901 34,28,975 16.2
1911 34,28,975 16.2
1921 40,06,06 1 16.89
Source :Census of India, Report, 192 1, Vo1.25, Travancore State, P.5-7.
 The progressively increasing reduction of land holding per person is

manifested in the 1921 census also. The following table shows the progressive

increase of population per square mile, and decrease in land holding per person and

proximity of one individual to his fellow in the year 1921. 54

TABLE 2.14
Proximity of Individual

Year of Census Persons Sq.mile Acre per person Proximity in wards

I
1875 303 1
I 2.1 110
1881 314 II 2.0 103
I

I 1 I
Source: Census of India Report, 1921, Vol. XXV, Travancore State, P.4.

The last column shows the distance which would separate each individual

inhabitant from his nearest neighbur, if all were distributed at equal intervals over

the whole surface of the country.

The total population of Travancore-Cochin State, according to the 1951

census, was 92,80,425. Among the Indian states Travancore-Cochin was placed

'' D. Jayadeva Das, Working CElss Yolirrcs in KeruEu-A Srudy of Coir Workers,
(Kariavattom, 1983), Pp. 1-1 0.
 1 9 in~ area but 11' in population. But as far as the density of population was

concerned it was ahead of all states. The following table compares the densities of

population in some of the thickly populated divisions in India with Travancore-

Cochin Princely

TABLE 2.15
Densities of Population in some thickly populated divisions in India

I Population Division I Area in Sq.rniles 1 Density I

Greater Bombay Division
Delhi Division
Travancore-Cochin
Division
Bengal Plain Division
East U.P. Plain Division
North Bihar Plain
Division
South Bihar Plain
Division
Central UP Plain Division
West Madras Division
Sources: Census of India, 1951, Vol. XI11 Travancore-Cohin Part I-A- Report by
G. Sivaraman Nair, Delhi, 1953.

Comparison with greater Bombay (now Mumbai) or Delhi is not valid as

these were urban, metropolitan aggregations. Among the countries of the world,

55 H.D. Malaviya, Village Panchayath in India, (New Delhi, 1956) p.504.

England and Wales, Belgium and Japan have the highest densities (754, 733, 583

respectively). Thus Travancore-Cochin easily became the most densely populated

tract in the world. The position would better be appreciated if it is borne in mind

that out of the total area of 9,144 square miles 2, 456 square miles were under

reserved forests. Thus the area under occupation came about 5000 square miles

and the density on occupied land works up t o about 1, 800 per square mi!es. The

population of the state is now almost two and half times what it was fifty years ago.

During the last decade the population has increased by 23.7 percent. 5"

56
It has become common place in the studies about migration to cite the search for better
income as a reason for migration. Previous studies have shown a high correlation between
the regional distribution of economic opportunities and population distribution.
However, while economic motivations may be prevalent, their interrelation kith
economic processes, both in places of migrant origin of destinations, car, occur in every
different forms. See Arizpe, Lourdes. "The rural exodus in Mexico and Mexican
Migration to the United States". In ILU7?Vol. 15 Spring 18\,981 to 1981, p.627.
It is worth noting that this outflow of rural migrants during western Europe's
industrializing period occurred inspite of slow population growth in its rural areas. This
suggests that the hgh population increase in developing countries today cannot always be
singled out as the unique cause of m l out migration.
It is useful to note that poversy is the main cause of rural cut migratiol: explains
very little. Poverty has existed much before massive rural-urban migration began.
Moreover it is as much a system of underlying economic processes as rural out migration.
The ethnic factor is crucial in channeling the distribution of land, wealth and
political influence. l h s is creating a pattern of class stratification that is reflected in the
selectivity of migrants.
Also see Buttenvorth, D. (1971) migration Rural-i/i.bm America Lutina: EC
Estado de Nuestro conocimento, America indigency, 2 1 (1): 52-85 June.
 The term 'village' as ordinarily understood to indicate compact dwelling

places in the midst of cultivated fields all round is inviolably absent in Travancore-

Cochin, except a few places in South Travancore, Shenkota and Chittoor.

Certain studies try to identify the demographic factors responsible for the

migration of the elderly to certain regions of the country. Employment related

factors predominate among younger migrants to the country's principal area of

economic growth and activity. There is little doubt that climate ranks among the

most compelling attractions. For these regions were blessed with comparatively

large number of sunshine hours and for a region of relatively high summer of mid

winter temperatures. Overseas studies have shown that climate is a significant

determinant of destination among elderly migrants, especially those moving to far

away places. 57

The whole state forming the high land, is dotted over with isolated

homesteads. And so the term 'village' as used for census and other purposes has to

be clearly understood. With these as definitions of villages in the migrated states of

Travancore-Cochin, these total area works out to 8, 846 square miles with 84

percent of the population of the state living in villages, the rural density works out

57
L.D.B. Hecnam and Kevin Moffat, Inter regional Demographic Aging and Migration of
tlze Elderly in New Zealand. (Bangkok, 1986)p.72.
Also see Murphy, P.A, (1979) "Migration of the Elderly: A Review", Town
Planning Review, Vo1.50, No. I. Pp.84-93.
to the high figure of 88 1. If the area of reserve forest (2,456 sq.miles) is excluded,

the rural density works out to 1,219. The pressure of population on land can well

be understood. 58 In Orissa and U.P, for example, the percentage of rural population

is higher than in Travancore-Cochin, nearly 96 and 86, but the density is only 234

and 487 respectively. The rural population in the state has been steadily growing in

numbers from decade to decade as would be seen in the following Table.

58
Population growth in Mexico has been translated directly in to fragmentation of lands
due to partiable inheritance, the principle drawn up in the Mexican constitution directly
from the Napoleonic code. In theory all offspring, including women, have a right to
inherit patrimonial land. In fact women rarely inherit land since they are expected to
many a husband who will provide land and, indeed, they were legally bared from holding
to land until 1975. Daughters usually receive a few belongings, animals or some money as
mheritance. But all male offspring do have a right to land. The fragmentation of ejido
lands has already gone through atleast two and in most places, even three or four
generations. In Huecorio, Michoacan, the average size of land holding was 5.2hectres in
1960 and had shrunk to 2.8 hectares by 1976. See Pinerman. J. (1978), "patterns of
Adaptations among households of U.S. bound migrants from Michoacan Mexico,
International Migration Review 12 (4).
Also See IMR, Rural exodus in Mexico spring 1981 to Winter 1981, p.35.
The unequal distribution of factors of production or to say the unequal
concentrations of means of production only the cause of migration. Not another chain of
factors combines with it, those relating to mobility. Not only the socio-vocational
mobility of the unemployed agriculrual worker, but also the land hungry. Travancore
peasantry, obligated to move towards Malabar. In the above cited article, the relationship
between crowding and social-psychological well-being is discussed and data from sydney,
Australia, Los Angels, California and England is analysed. It is found that house hold
crowding is not strongly related to well-being.
It may be truism that the family environment of a person has a significant effection
his or her amtudes, feelings and behaviour. The interpersonal relationshps found in the
house hold are perhaps the most important part of thls environment. However, the
influence of such factors as size of the home, type of physical surroundings and number of
people at home should have at least some influence on the person.
Although this study agrees with some previous studies, that house hold crowding
does not explain much of well-being, its role in people's lives cannot be ignored.
 TABLE 2.16
Decennial growth rate of rural population

I Rural Population at
each census as
Percentage decennial growth
Years
percentage of in Rural Urban
1901
1901 100 -- --
1911 115 15 16
1921 127 11 15
1931 159 24 26
I 1941 187 18 19
1951 223 19 24
Soure :Census of India 1951, Vol. XIII, Travancore-Cochin, Part I-A, Report by
U. Sivaraman Nair, (Delhi, 1953), P.3 1.

The distribution and density of the rural population in the Kottayam district

would be found in the following table.

TABLE 2.17
The distribution and density of rural population in the Kottayam district

District Percents-ge Density

Kottayam 89 549
Source: Census of India 1951, Vol.XII1, Travancore - Cochin Part - I-A P.30.

As already mentioned the percentage of rural population is 84. Among 100

persons in rural area, 30 cultivated their own land, 8 are cultivating tenants, 22
 I

agricultural labourers and only one is a rent receiver. Thus 61% of the rural

population is engaged in non-agricultural pursuits. This 39 percent, however

includes those engaged in different types of plantations and a variety of other

occupations akin to agriculture than industry, but actually classified under the head

non-agnculture.

Political Developments in Travancore

Political developments of Travancore affecting the Christian community

provided a further, fillip to migration to Malabar. The Syrian Christian community,

which constituted the bulk of migrants to Malabar, participated actively in the

political movements in Travancore that developed in the wake of the national

upsurge in India. The Christian, Ezhava and Muslim communities in the state

joined hands to form a common platform (political congress) and organised a

mass political movement in Travancore to protest against the mode of

representation in the legislature, proposed by the constitutional reforms of 1932.

In fact, the Catholic community through its organisation -- the All Kerala Catholic

Congress (AKCC) had already submitted a petition to the government highlighting

their problems in the form of the "catholic grievances", in 1930. 60

59 E.M.S. Namboodiripad, Kerulr, Yesterduy, Tomorrow (Calcutta, 1967), p. 146.

60 John Pellisserry, "Catholic Samudhayathinte Pradirodhamunnani" in Souvenir of
Sucerdotul Silver Jubilee of Rt. Rev. Dr. Sebustiun Vullopilly, (Tellicherry, 1970),p.33.
 Against Sir C.P. Ramaswamy Aiyer's (the Diwan of Travancore) move to

declare Travancore as independent of Indian Union the meeting of AKCC held at

Cochin passed a resolution in this tegard, but SNDP gave support to the move of

C.P. Ramaswamy ~ i ~ ~ a r . ~ ~

The Christians had been subjected to discrimination and oppression by the

Orthodox Hindus of Travancore. The Christians were driven to poverty and

neglect for a time after the conquest of the Northern Travancore by Marthanda

Varma during the first half of the 18" century. They were denied, all political

privileges including that of public services. 62 The Christians of all denomination

held only 19% of the higher jobs in government service in Travancore during the

thirties of the previous century, though they formed more than 31 percent of the

total population. 63

Since Ezhava, Muslim and Christian communities together constituted a

significant proportion of Travancore's population, their joint movement of

'Nivarthanam' (abstention) or the boycott of the proposed reforms, assumed the

61
Majlzrubhumi Daily, June 24 and July 12, 1947
62
Agur, C.M, Church History of Truvuncore, (Madras, S.P.S. Press, 1908) p.60.
63For instance, out of the total number of 23,500 posts in various govt. Departments in
the princely state of Travancore in 1933, Catholics held only 446 (2%) posts, while they
formed about 8% of the population. Under such circumstances the more enterprising
Christians were compelled to seek other avenues of employment with in the state as well
as in other regions like Malabar. See, also Report of Truvuncore Public Service
Recruitment Committee, 1933, (Trivandrum, Govt. Press, 1933), Pp. 12-17
character of a real mass struggle. The formation of the later State Congress

movemen't is to be traced to this abstention movement. The State Congress, soon

after its formation in 1938, initiated a state-wide civil disobedience movement

against the administration of the then Diwan Sir C.P. Ramaswamy Aiyer,

demanding a responsible government in Travancore. The Christian community

played a significant role in the movement spear-headed by the State Congress and

they had naturally to pay a heawy price for it. The administration of C.P.

Ramaswamy Aiyer came down heavily or, the State Congress and its Civil

Disobedience Movement. In addition to the general repression, Ramaswamy

Aiyer's policies were to be seen as an attempt to undermine the interest of Christian

community. 64

On 15' October 1946, an Education Memorial signed by about two and half

lakhs of people was submitted to the Maharaja by the AKCC. In the course of the

movement, the President of AKCC was arrested and the Arch Bishop of

Changanacherry was threatened with arrest. The AKCC had to face many court

cases, and even their head quarters had to be shifted from Alleppey in Travancore

to Ernakulam in Cochin ~ t a t e . The

~ ' repressive policies of the state government

64
Mathew. M.Kuzhivelli, "Sahodara Samaksham " (Malayalarn), in Jubilee Souvenir, Op.
Cit., (SSS. JBT), p.42.
65
John Pellissery, Op.Cit., p.33.
 - 92

against the State Congress and the Nivarthana Movement prompted a number of

Christian farmers to move to Malabar region, as they felt insecure in ~ r a v a n c o r e . ~ ~

Deprived of several socio-economic rights, the Syrian Christians depended

on agriculture as the main source of their livelihood. However, the bulk of the

cultivable land was owned by Hindu temples, under Narnboodiris and Nair

landlords till the end of the 19' century. 67 The Syrian Christians had therefore to

fall back more on dry lands in the interior areas. Owing to their tenacity and their

concentration on cultivation of cash-crops they emerged as the richest community

of Travancore towards the twenties. Thus in Travancore, only the Syrian Christians

were endowed with the necessary socio-economic background, experience,

willingness and ability to migrate in search of cultivable land in Malabar. Besides,

they had already acquired expertise knowledge in the cultivation of land in the up-

country regions.

The early settlers also encouraged their fkiends and relatives in their home

villages in Travancore to migrate to Malabar. The early migrants presented an

66
Dewan, Sir C.P. Ramas~vamyAiyar took aggressive and brutal steps against the
participants of the Nivarthana Movement and the members of the State Congress. In
Kottayam and Changanacherry division of Travancore State, the farming population
suffered a lot. For instance, C.P. ordered the banana crops to be cut off because the
decayed banana plants spread fungus which caused for the death of ducks. There was no
scientificbase for his argument, it was only cruel plot against the farmers. Interview with
Rev. Mathayi Nooranal, Sultan Batheri, dated 2 1-1 1-2001
67
Frer Panlio, Dasan, Bartholomeo, Voyage to the East ( 1 800) p. 1 77.
attractive picture of Malabar and highlighted the prospective gains as ~ubstantial.~~

Rich farmers who had enough surplus capital wanted to expand their estates

to Malabar area. They purchased thousands of acres of land in Malabar. Certain

portions of the land were cultivated by themselves as estates and the rest of the

land were sold to small scale farmers fiom Travancore who were prepared to

migrate .

Economic Depression

Land was considered to be the most important kind of wealth in Travancore.

It has been estimated in 11 12 ME (1937) that the total recorded area was 4,88,0000

acres. The 1931 census report assess the value of the total occupied area of

2 1,97,000 acres to the tune of about Rs. 1501- crores. The average extent and value

of land per acres was calculated as 1.62 acres and Rs. 1,041 respectively.69

Disintegration of joint families in Travancore, the Nair Regulation, Ezhava

Regulation and the Vanjinad Vellala Regulation, monetarization of economy,

operation of the forces of world market, convertion of land as a commodity etc.

accelerated the process of disintegration of land holdings.

68
P.M. Mathew, "Chemperi Kolaniyile Chila Kudiyetta Kendrangal" (Malayalam) in
Souvenir of Rt. Rev:Dr. Sebastian Vullappilly, 0p.cit (Tellicheny, 1970) Pp.225-226 and
in Mathew M. Chalil, Malabar Kudiyettuvurn Cltemeriyum in Silver Jubilee Souvenir,
Nirrnala High School (Chemperi, 1982).
69 T.K. Veluppillai, Travancore State Manual Vol.111, 1940, page.6 and Govt. of
Travancore, Travancore Cenus Report, 193 1, p.472.
 TABLE 2.1 8
Value of Sales, Mortgages and Hypothecations of land
Average value in Rs. (in lakhs)

Period Sales years Mortgages years Hypothecation

years
1917 - 20 193 144 218
1920 - 25 22 1 164 234
1925 - 30 303 153 298
1931 - 33 172 103 192
Sources : T.K. Veluppillai, Travancore State Manual Vol.111, 1940, page.7

Four important points are discernible ftom. the table. First the amount under

hypothecation exceeded the sales and the mortgages.70 This is because : 1. The

land owner while raising loans on the security of land, would try to retain the

possession and enjoyment of the land. 2. It was possible that land alienation was a

more acute feature among the small holders rather than the larger holders.71 3.

70
D. Jayadev, Working Class Politics in Kerala, A Stutfy of Coir Workers, (Kariyavattam,
1983), p.60.
71
Colonialism brought about momentous social and economic transformation, during
which centuries old social and economic relationships and institutions were dissolved and
replaced by new relationshps and institutions. 1n the realm of agriculture too new
agrarian relations and class structure came into being. A new agrarian structure was born
that was neither traditional or feudal nor capitalist. There occurred growth of tenancy ana.
a hierarchy of intermediaries between the state and the actual cultivators on an
unprecedented scale in Indian history. By 1931, one third of rural population was landless
and most of the remaining two third were tenants at will, share croppers, and petty peasant
proprietors. Economic equality, political and economic oppression by the Zamindars,
status differences and caste domination had prevailed in ample measures earlier. See
Bipan Chandra, "Peasantry and National Integration in Contemporary India," In
K.N. Panikkar (ed.), National and Left Movements in India, Vikas Publishing House (New
Delhi, 1980), pp.107-108. Aso See Sobhanlal Datta, Gupta, Cornintern India and the
Colonial Question 1920-37. Centre for Studies in Social Sciences (Culcutta, 1980). This
study is mainly an analysis of Colonial Indian condition.
There was abnormal increase in the number of sale in the period between 1925 - 30

and this is probably due to the effect of Nair and Ezhava Regulations. 4. The

proceedings from all transactions demonstrated a fall during the period 1931-34.

This is due to the phenomenal fall in the land value caused by the economic

depression rampant during the period.

TABLE 2.19
Land Value

Average value per 1

Year Acre in Rs. Lndex Number /
1 Wet I Garden !

Source: T.K. Velupillai - Travancore State Manual Vol.111, 1940, p.9

The economic depression of the 1920's began with the general slump

noticeable in the year 1926. This depression seriously felt in various development
activities followed by the World War I become pronounced since 1929 and became

catastrophic in the following "

Fall of price of rubber badly affected cultivators, planters and agricultural

workers. Many rubber estates were temporarily closed and so many workers lost

their job. In Thodupuzha, due to the closure of a rubber estate about 3000 workers

became jobless. In order to help the rubber cultivator's the Government of

Travancore reduced the land tax of rubber cultivations from Rupees 21- to Rs. II-.'~

The landless agricultural workers of Travancore accompanied their

neighbours and the rich farmers (or whom they were working with) to Malabar. In

Malabar they became agricultural labourers on oneside and small land holders on

the other. In certain parts of Travancore, including Ramapuram there was a weekly

labour market to recruit agricultural workers to eastern parts of Travancore and to

Malabar.74

72
Govt. of Travancore, Report of the Economic Depression Enquin, Committee,
(Trivandurrn, 1931). p.25, The depression enfold every segment of the population. The
pressure in agriculture made an exodus of the agricultural labourers and small peasants to
other areas to industry, transport in urban areas and small peasant exodus to Malabar for
more agricultural land.
73
Matlzrubhumi Daily, May 21, 1931 and September 29, 1932.
7-1
Interview with John Joseph, Ramapuram, 24.8.1986 and also Clzurclz Records,
Ramapuram R. C. Church. Also see Manabendu Chatopadyaya, "Some Aspects of
Employment and Unemployment in Agriculture, EPW, Vol. 12,24 September, 1977.
 The period of economic depression witnessed a phenomenal increase both in

number and in capital of Banking, chit and joint stock concerns. There were two

classes of indigenous bankers in the state viz., the money lenders and Hundi

merchants. The Banking enquiry committee found that there were 264 prominent

money lenders in 1932.75 They lent money at an interest rate of 6 to 12 percent on

cash and to 10 to 20 percent on paddy. It was a particular feature that more or less

the entire transactions were made with agriculturalists.

There were also hundi merchants in all important centres of trade in the

state. It is observed that "in that year [I9321 there were more than 22 hundi

merchants in the state that nearly 15 lakhs of Rupees had been invested as capital in

their business and that, the volume of business exceeded a crore of rupees. The rate

of interest then charged varied from 12 to 14 percent.76

Even though the exploitation of these classes of money lender's over the

agriculturalists, small traders and industrialists were unbearable, they themselves

could not meet the situation created by the economic depression of the later half of

the 1920's.

75
The Govt. of Travancore, Report ofthe Banking Enquiry Committee, Trivandrum, 1932.
p.63. The money lenders confines their activity to money lending on security; where the
Hundi movements besides money lending take in deposits and does a lot of money
exchange business.
76
The Govt. of Travancore, Report of the Banking Enquiv Committee, Trivandrum 1932,
pp. 19-20 and T.K. Veluppillai, Travancore State Manual, Vol.111, 1940, p.652.
 'Chitty' was another popular institution both for investment and for credit.

Though there was substantial capital investment in these sectors of financial

activity it can be seen that the economic depression hit this branch also."

TABLE 2.20

Number and Capital of Registered Chitty Establishment

Year (ME) No. of Chitties No. of chitties Total capital [Rs.

registered each working at the end in Lakhs]
years of each year

35 6228 86
Sources: T.K. Velu] illai Tranvancore Manual, Trivandrum, 1940, p.655.

There was a phenomenal growth of Joint Stock Banks. The following table

shows the rapid increase in Joint Stock Bank since 1092 ME 119171.

" D. Jaya Dev, Op.cit., no.29, pp.65-70.

 TABLE 2.21
The growth of Joint Stock Banks

i Year (ME) Number i

1092 (1916-17) 6
1093 (1917-18) 5
I

1106 (1930-3 1) 270

Source : T.K. Velupillai Tranvancore Manual, Trivandrum,

Finding it hard to cope with the existing financial situation, the farmers in

Travancore had no choice but to opt for Malabar.

Poverty and Famine in Travancore

The Travancorean farmers were tempted to move. to the hill ranges of

Malabar thanks to these reasons. Since 1930's the peasant farmers of Travancore

migrated in large numbers to Malabar, bought up wastelands and converted them

into plantations. The outbreak of World War I1 also led to the migration, by

introducing a new set of 'push' and 'pull' factors. Acute shortage of food supply

and the general economic distress in Travancore during World War II 'pushed' the

Travancoreans fiom their base. With the fall of Burma, a good source of food

supply to India was cut off. The price of rice shot up and black marketing was

practiced on a large scale78. T o meet poverty Government of Travancore

introduced complete rationing and appropriated paddy as tax fiom the peasants.79

In early 20' century, in Travancore, a plot as large as five acres from which the

peasant had to draw the sustenance of all the souls dependent upon him. It was

certainly difficult to draw enough surplus fiom it. Moreover, the geography of

78
The market price of rice in early 1940's was Rs.401- per bag, while it was Rs.601- per
bag in the black market in the Kottayam division of Travancore state, as against a pre-war
price of Rs.81- by 1942, the food shortage had assumed the nature of famine in the
Travancore area.
The general distress of the people owing to the scarcity of food grains was
intensified as the government began to appropriate the stock available with the farmers. It
resulted in several instances of breach of law and order and clashes with the authorities.
For instance in Kotttayam &strict, a kiolent mob went to the extent of killing a Tahsildar
while he was trying to appropriate the paddy stock. A number of small farmers were
arrested and penalized by the government. See Thomas Pazhaparambil, Swupnu
Bhoomiyil (Malayalam), Mwattupuzha, 1975, pp. 1- 15. See Mutltrubhumi Daily, 19&June
1942, p.4 and July 19, 1942, p.4.
As a result of the government of Tranvancore took several measures in the state. It
prohibited feasts of more than 100 people in Travancore. The government also resolved to
import 'Bajara' to travancore in order to meet this situation (Mathrubhumi Daily, March
24, 1993, p.4). The shortage of food grains compelled the people to consume palm
powder. A small piece of palm costs 1 to 1 '/z Chakram. ie, Rs.1, is equal to 28 '/z
chakrarn.
79The government decided 1 crore 28 lakhs 'Para' paddy for rationing at the rate of 1
Nazhi rice for 3 persons in a month irrespective of rural - urban differences.
Muthrubhumi, September 6, 1943).
Travancore was not suitable for large scale extension of paddy cultivation. At the

time when the World War I1 broke out, cultivation of tapioca (which was the

substitute to rice) was on the decline; on the other hand, significant increase was

being registered in this area under cultivation of cash crops such as rubber,

cashewnut, pepper and coconut, especially in the taluks of Meenachil, Thodupuzha

and Kanhirappally where paddy lands were relatively scarce.80 During this period

the information received from the pioneering migrants on the availability of plenty

of land suitable for the cultivation of crops, including tapioca, brought hope to a

large number of starving peasant farmers. They readily sold their small bits of

lands at fairly high prices and proceeded to ~ a l a b a r . ~Thus

' began an exodus of

peasant farmers fiom Travancore to the jungles of Malabar. Large n u ~ b e rof

<F-
colonies of peasant farmers from Travancore sprang up in Malabar to&e~d

of the war, fiom Belal (near Kanhangad) in the north to Mannarkkad

*' The total area under tapioca cultivation in the state of Travancore declined from
4,85,589 in 1929-30 to 4,45,402 acres in 1940-41. tati is tics of Travancore, 1929-30 to
1940-41 Trivandrum, (Superintendent, Government Press, Trivandrum).
81 For example, during the period of World War I1 the price of cash crops like rubber and
pepper increased substantially. Some wealthy Christian farmers in Travancore 'got huge
amount of money from the fluctuations of the rate of cash crops. For instance, during the
war period the price of 1 kg. of rubber increased upto 30 to 35 rupees, the pre-war price
being less than one rupee. Because of this, the rubber planters in Kanhirappally and
Meenachil became wealthy class. They bought the small bits of lands from the average
peasants. Moreover, some of them invested a lot of money in Malabar for large scale
purchase of land See. Souvenir of Sacerdotal Silver Jubilee of Rev. Sebastian Velloppilly,
Bishop of Tellicherry Diocese, (Tellicherry, 1970), pp.253-274 and also interview with
N.J. Zacharia, Neellikkatheruvil, Koodaranji in Calicut district, dated 15-12-90,, Shri.N. J.
Zacharia is one of the early migrants in Koodaranji area, settled here in 1944. He has
migrated from Ramapuram in Meenachil Taluk.
district in the south. Land was then indeed scarce, divided again and again, its

price rose steadily whether for purchase or rent. But fragmentation of land left

almost nothing for the peasant's subsistence. Now, whether the harvest was rich

or poor, the folk found themselves always poorer.

So the peasants learned that poverty was a dog whose teeth sank deep. The

struggle for existence grew fiercer. Yet there was no halt to the steady recession in

the standard of living. The end result was uninterrupted advance across

Travancorean cultivation of the tapioco, the cheapest of foods, the slimmest

substance to keep bodies alive. In place after place the tiller of the soil came to rely

for their own nourishment upon this one crop, while their more valuable products

went to market to pay rents, to maintain their hold on the soil. The peasant diet

became monotonously the same tapioca, wheat, barley, wild roots, palm powder,

cycas powder, milk and meat were a rare luxury. Poverty and famine was very

common at that time in Travancore. They had even coined a term, 'Panha

karkidakam' in ~ a l a ~ a l a m
Greater
. ~ ~ increase in yields could be attained by

applying modern scientific agricultural technology. But it must be remembered

that much of the modern technology was developed in the west and did not always

fit for Asian farming. The silver linings in this situation was that contrary to

popular belief, South Asian work practices in agriculture were not labour intensive.

82Tapioca originally belonged to Brazil which was introduced in Kerala by Portuguese

missionaries.
The labour input was low and inefficient. Instead, South Asian agriculture was

labour extensive. The low yield per acre was mainly a consequence of under

utilized labour force.83

The advantage of higher growth rate of food production to a considerable

extent had been wiped out by the fast growing population. For example, in India

though food production had been growing at a rate of 2.27 per cent per annum, the

relatively faster growth of population at 2.43 per cent per annum had brought

down the per capita food production.84

Travancorean peasants were self cultivating agriculturalists. Normally all

sections of traditional agricultural population were proverbially rooted in their

ancestoral soils and have great apathy to spatial mobility or occupational

mobility.'' In subsistence economy there is very limited wants, meeting only bare

needs of the people and normally self sufficient villages.

Migration fiom Kerala had been practically non-existent during the 19"

century because the boundary of nature provided only the modest requirements of

Gunnar Myrdal , Asian Drama An abridgement By Seth S. King, (London, 1972).pp.1-

83

35
84 See K.N.S. Nair Technological changes in Agriculture (New Delhi, 1980), p. 138.
85Not withstanding the subsistence character of Indian economy, a large number of people
had however migrated from various parts of India to the plantations in the tropical islands,
Malaysia and Srilanka since the middle of the 1 9 century.
~ See Kingsley Davis, The
Population of India and Pakistan (New Jersey, Princeton City, 195 1 ), pp.98-10 1 .
population.86 Absence of population pressure was another constraint on migration.

This could be seen in Travancore during the earliest phase, when subsistence

economy existed .87

The deep rooted socio-economic class structure of an agrarian society might

also have operated as a powefil constraint on the migration of population. The

stratification of society based on caste with imprimatur of religious sanctions

behind it severely restricted the scope of migration in the normal course.88

The absence of working capital, which is an essential one required for

agriculture operation also effected migration. The system of land tenure on the

other hand can either impede or facilitate migration in an agrarian society under the

Zamindari system of land tenure which did not enable the tenant farmers to

accumulate any capital on account of the practice of rack renting and insecure

86
While the others parts of India were ravaged by frequent occurrences of famine, Kerala
was practically exempt from such calamities as indicated in the district Gazateer of
Malabar: But of real famines there are few records. During the period in which
Honourable company occupied the factory at Tellicherry, there is only one record of a real
famine. It occurred in August-September 1792. C.A. Innes Madrus District Guzetteers:
Malabar and Anjengo (Madras Government Press, 1908), p.217. also see V. Nagam
Aiya, Trmncore Sute Manual, Vol.111, (Trivandrum, 1906) pp. 123-130.
87
To analyse the situation in Travancore. see, Report of the Census of Travancore, 189,
Government press, (TVM, 1893) p.234.
88
Thomas W. Shea Jr., "Baviers to Economic Development, Traditional Societies in
Malabar, a Case Study in Journul of'Economic History, Vol.XIX, No.4, Dec. 1959, pp. 1-
15.
tenures, the economic ability of tenant farmers to migrate was seriously limited if

not totally crippled even when other conditions were favourable.

It appears that in an agrarian society where peasant proprietorship was the

main type of land tenure, migration of peasants would be totally absent as long as

the subsistence form of economy prevails. Even the agricultural workers would be

unwilling to move as their peasant masters, who utilize their service for cultivation

of the land were able and willing to support them in times of distress while the

tenant farmers under the Zamindar system did not enjoy such ~rotection."

The despotic rule of Sir. C.P. Rama Swamy Aiyar in Travancore and his

administration badly affected poor peasantry, especially Christian peasantry. This

is another factor which helped the migration of Christian peasants to Malabar. The

Diwan C.P. Ramaswamy Aiyar heavily extracted the share of their crops as tax.

89
The Travancore economy of the late 1 9 and ~ early 2oth century depicts a typical
example of the phenomenon. The peasant farmers of the region were unwilling to
migrate. So long as the conditions of subsistence economy prevailed. Even agricultural
labourers were unwilling to migrate from their native villages. For instance, Europeans
had started plantations in the High range region of Travancore fiom the middle of the 19"
century. They had to recruit the bulk of their labour force fiom Tamilnadu since potential
for recruitment to the plantations fiom among the agriculture workers of Travancore was
meagre. Also see V. Nagam Aiya, Travancore State Manuel, Op.cit., pp, 123-130.
Thus he did not allow them to stand up on their own legs.90

In early period of 20" century peasants migrated to High ranges in

Travancore. Later Diwan C.P. Rarnasway Aiyar ordered no more land assignment

to any peasant in ~ r a v a n c o r e . ~ '

Under his rule revenue officials like Tahsildar and village authorities usually made
constant obstacles against the poor peasantry. Naturally peasants revolted against this.
See Rev. Thomas Pazhaparambil, Op.cit., No.3, Pp.10-20. Schendel (New York 1991),
using both published and unpublished material, published a comparative study. This
study makes a detailed analysis of the historical development of relation of 'primary'
accumulation relations through which surplus is extracted from primary producers in
Lower Burma, Bengal and the Kavery delta in South India between the 1950's and 1980's.
The world was richer than it had ever been in the past, and yet there are more poor people
than ever before. The paradox of world poverty posses ardent practical and theoretical
problems. In 'three deltas' poverty was seen not as a natural problem of scarcity or as the
result of economic backwardness or over population; but emphatically as the outcome of
the unequal relationships between groups of people. For details See Willem Van
Schendral, Three Deltas Accumulation and poverty in Rural Burnla, Bengal and Soutlz
India, (Delhi, 1991)
91
In 1945. C.P. Ramaswamy, the Diwan of Travancore passed a bill in the Assembly
which provided provisions for nationalise education in Travancore. Against the bill, P.T.
Chacko wrote a letter to Diwan which criticised the attempt of Diwan. The Bishop of
Changanassery wrote a pamphlet against the same move. Under the leadership of
Tharyadhu Kunhithornman Christians organized agtation. He was arrested. At last C.P.
did not implement that Bill. This situation made C.P. more hostile towards Christians and
his unfavourable attitude towards them compelled many families to migrate to Malabar.
O.M. Varghese, Olickel, Vazhakulam Oru Charitru Veekshanum (Malayalam)
(Muvattupuzha, 1985), pp.324-25. The genera1,usagein Kerala "Pattiniyum Pattarurn' that
compelled the peasants to migrate to Malabar. Also See Balmer. R. Racial Oppression in
America, (New York, 1972), pp. 1-10. For more details about movement of peasants see
Ray Allen Billington, Westward Expansion (New York, 1967). Pp. 59-60 and Eric
Stockes, The Peasant and the Raj Studies in Agrarian Society and Peasunt Rebellion in
Colonial India (Cambridge, 1980) Pp. 1-2.
Death and Diseases

The later part of the decade can't be said to have been a prosperous one and

consequently it was not very favourable for the natural growth of population .

Epidemics had resulted in the loss of potential parents.92 The public health

department report of Travancore Government shows that within 15 days fiom 5'

March 1932, about 352 Persons were affected by small pox and 87 person died of

it.93 In 1940's Cholera swept over entire Travancore and caused the death of 2338

people.94During 1929-30 about 42 persona died due to small pox in Poovarani near

Palai, and many left home in fear of this terrible infectious di~ease.~'

A type of infection of tapioca caused severe damages to tapioca production

in Travancore. During 1920's and 1930's 'Banchitop' disease of plantain largely

affected the cultivation. So the Government of Travancore issued orders to destroy

all the plantain trees in a bid to destroy the virus. The severe flood in Travancore in

1921 which is generally known as 'flood of 99' was a severe blow to the economy

of ~ r a v a n c o r e . ~ ~

92 Census of India 1921, Cochin Part I, Report, p.6.

93Matl~rubhumiDaily March 20, 1932. The Government of Travnancore had started
Vaccination against small pix, See Mathruburni Daily Jan. 10, 1931, p.6.
94
Statement of the Divan C.P. Ramaswamy in Sreemoolam Assembly on 28' July 1943.
95
Appi Parakatt "Poovarani Ee Noottandil" in Thiru Hruduyu Devulqum: Poovuruni,
Smuranika (Poovarani, 1980, pp.45-5 1).
%
During the month of Mithunam, Karkitakarn of Kollam era 1099.
 Travancore also faced severe draughts in 1905, 1912, 1930, 1938 which

substantially destroyed arecanut, coconut, pepper and other cultivations in

~ravancore.~'
The worst calamities that shook the people during the decade of

1921-31 were the floods of 1924 and 1929. It has to be noted that these floods,

inspite of their ill effect did not materially affect the growth of population.

Situation in Malabar

Malabar is one of the two districts situated on the west coast of the Madras

State. The district stretches along the shores of the Arabian sea for a distance of

about 150 miles with the south Canara district in the North, the Coorg and Mysore

states, the Nilgiris and Coimbatore districts on the East and State of Travancore and

Cochin on the South. Portions of Chittor village and Nallipulli, Tatamangalam and

Vallangi village were attached to the United State of Travancore-Cochin were

transferred to this district. The Malabar land system, with all its multiplicity and

complexity tend to baffle the minds that approach to study it. It cannot be taken as

a mere historical accident. It is not the choice of the people which was made in one

day or two, but as an inevitable result of the peculiar circumstances, occasions,

tempers, dispositions and moral, civil and social habits of the people which disclose

themselves only in a long space of time. In the evolution of the land system of this

state several factors have played their part such as the geographical character,

97 Appi Parakkat, Poovarani Ee Noottandil in Thiru Hrudaya Devalayam Smaranika

(Poovarani, 1980) pp.45-5 1.
sociological considerations, the vicissitudes of political history and the religious

attitude of the people. 98

The traditional structure of agricultural society in Malabar was based on

'fragmented feudalism' hierarchically ordained and reaching down to the lowest

stratum. The Jenmi [landlord], Kanakkaran [Protector], and the peasant shared the

produce working out a social equation, as the basis of mutual dependence and

reciprocal interests, with in the confines of a feudal system of exploitation. The

introduction of British administrative institutions led to the dissolution of this

system by the substitution of strong central power for the divided authority of

98
P.N. Chopra, T.K. Ravindran, N. Subramaniam, History q t South India Volume 111.
Modern.Period, (New Delhi), 1979, p. 178 also see.
Mukhejee, Nilamani and Robert Eric Frynkenberg "The Ryohvari System and
Social organisation in Malabar Presidency" Land Control and Social Structure in Indian
History Edited by Robert Eric Frynkenberg. Madison (The University of Wisconsin Press,
1969), Pp.2 17-26 and Gopa1.S. irhe permanent Settlement in Bengal andvits Results.
(London, 1949) and
Robert E. Frykenberg (Ed.), "Integration of the Agrarian System of South India,"
Land Control and Social Structure in Indian History,. (University at Wisconsin Press,
Madison, 1969) Pp. 175-217.
feudal chieftains. 99

The landlord British Raj collaboration in India restricted the growth of the

capitalist mode of production in the agrarian system, but perpetuated the feudal

mode of production with out any substantial alteration in peasant farming. loo

It can be seen as a major variation in the class composition of agricultural

population between Travancore and Malabar, while owner cultivators constituted

the majority of the agriculture population in Travancore, tenant farmers and

agricultural labourers together formed the bulk of the agricultural population in

Malabar.

99
See Soumendranath Tagore, Peasant adsavolt in Malabar, 1921, Translated by K.K.N.
Kurup, Calicut, 1982. Badan Powel, Baden-Henry, The Land System of British India, 3
vols, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1892). Andre Beteille Studies in Agrarian Social
Structure, Oxford University Press. (Delhi, 1974). The great territorial acquisition made
by the British in South InQa at the end of the lgfi century called for an administrative
system differing in many ways from that in use in Bengal. These changes influenced
subsequent administrative practice not only in Madras but in the whole of the British
Inda. The work gives a detailed chronological study of Manro's administrative career up
to 1820, when he was appointed governor of Madras and East India Company had adopted
their wide spread reforms.
Beagle Hole. T.H, Thomas Munro and the Development of Administrative Policy
in Madras, 1792-1818. (Cambridge University Press, 1966). K.N.V. Sastri in Munro
system of British statesmanship in I n l a discusses this influence, i.e., Munro's
administrative methods were widely accepted by his contemporaries and influenced his
successors.
loo The new agrarian structure was "neither traditional nor feudal nor capitalist". Says
Bipan Chandra in. Nationalism and Colonialism in Modem India (New Delhi, 1979)
p.328.
Also see the contradiction in the agrarian system in Dietmar Rothermund,
Government, Landlord and Peasant in Indiu (Wiesbaden, 1978) and Hamza Alavi,
"Feudalism and Capitalism in Indian Agriculture". Quoted in Ashok Rudra, Indian
Agricultural Economics, Myths and Realities (New Delhi, 1982), p.450.
 TABLE 2.22
The Composition of Agricultural
Population in Malabar and Travancore in 1911
!
i
:
I
1 Malabar I Travancore I
i Class of People Number of Number of
1 Percentage Percentage
I people people
I
!
1. Non-cultivating land
owners
1 74,549 1 4.08 1 91,305 1 5.02 I
,
' 2. Non-cultivating tenants 1 24,923 / 1.37 1 4,456
1
i 0.24

, 3. Cultivating land
owners
96,220 5.27
I
11,63,974 1I 63.93

, 4. Cultivating tenants 8,2 1,462 45.02 1,24,067 1 6.82

I
I 5. Farm Servants and
, Field Labourer
7,62,591 41.80 2,29,809 1
I
12.62

'
6. Growers of special
products
44,s 19 2.45 2,06,856 1 11.36

18,24,564 18,20,467
Total 100 100
(60.68)* (5.15)*

1
I

Total population 30,15,119 34,28,975

Density of population 520 45 1

* Figures in brackets indicate percentage of people depending on agriculture to the
total population.
(Source: Census for the year 1911 of Madras and Travancore)

The table given above indicates the proportionate strength of different

classes of people depending on agriculture as the main occupation at the turn of the.

century, at a time when Malabar was just emerging as a strong region for migration

and Travancore was yet to display any such indication. In 191 1, total land area
 under cultivation was smaller in Malabar than in Travancore inspite of higher

density of population in the former region. 101

From the above table we can analyse that the average income of people in

Malabar from agriculture was lower than that of those in Travancore. An analysis

of higher number of tenant farmers and agricultural labourers in Malabar also prove

that the distribution of income from agriculture in Malabar areas was unequal than

that of Travancore.

According to the land tenure system that prevailed in Malabar areas only 113

of the net agricultural produce was entitled to the tenants. where as the remaining
102
213 goes to landlords and government respectively.

lo' The total area under cultivation was 19,42,803 acres in 1910 \vhen the Revenue Survey
was completed in Travancore. See Final Report of Revenue Settlement in 1883-1910.
Appendix II. (Trivandurrn Govt. Press 1913). But in the same period in Malabar area
under cultivation was only 13,23, 761 acres. See Gazetteer of A~lulubur District. Vol. 111,
Statistical Appendix, (Madras Govt. Press, 1915).
102
Under these unfavourable situation the tenant cultivators did not show much
enthusiasm to extend the areas of their cultivation or to introduce improved method of
agriculture due to the oppressive taxation and incapability to raise capital for the same. In
arriving at the net produce of the soil, no deduction, what so ever, were made towards the
cost of labour input. According to the scheme of assessment in force in Malabar, only 15
percent of the gross produce was deducted towards the cost of seeds, cost of cultivation
- and vicissitude of the monsoon in respect of waste lands. Labour cost was not taken into
account as part of cost of cultivation. For details see- C.A. Innes, Madras District
Guzetteers, Mulubar and Angengo (Madras, Superintendent-ofGovt. Press, 1908) p.345.
Out of the total 13 lakhs of acres of land under cultivation, nearly I1 lakhs areas
were cultivated by tenant farmers under different categories of tenancies. Out of the total
area of 12,87,020 acres of land under cultivation in 1927-28 only 2,00,614 acres of land
were cultivated by the landlords and rest by tenants. See.P. 151 of the Report of the
Mulubur Tenancy Committee 1927-28.
 Under the land tenure system established in British Malabar the ownership

of forest land and waste lands were also vested in jenmies. Any extension of

cultivation could take place with the consent of these jenmies. Under such

"unfavourable" conditions the tenants were not able to extend cultivation. The

inability of raising capital for the extension of cultivation also formed another

reason for its non-extension of cultivation in Malabar high lands. 103 In Malabar,

population increased in higher rate than the increase in the area of cultivation. This

naturally resulted in the pauperization of Malabar peasantry.

In Travancore, things were quite different fiom that of Malabar. The system

of sharing of the agricultural income was more equitable in Travancore. The owner

cultivators who formed the biggest class among the people depending on

agriculture in this region cultivated the land directly. 75% of these land was

actually under direct jurisdiction of Travancore State since the middle of the 19"

century.1°1

The land revenue of Travancore was quite moderate for the standards than

prevailing.105 Naturally, .peasants were in a position to improve their living

lo3 The uncultivated wastelands were exempted from the payment of land tax. In Malabar
district only wet lands, garden land occupied dry lands were taxed. When any unoccupied
dry land was brought under upland rice cultivation, the area so cuItivated alone was
taxable. All other lands were exempted from land tax. For details see. C.A. Innes,
Madras District Gazetteers: Mulabar and Anjengo, Op. Cit., p.344.
IrnFinal Report of she Revenue settlement Op.Cit., See. P.84 of Chapter 4 also.
Nagam Aiya, Travanco~eState Manual Vol. III (Trivandrum, 1906). P. 144.
standards and to accumulate bits of savings arising &om good harvests and increase

in the price of agricultural products. Apart from this, in Travancore land

relationship was more liberal and equitable. Since waste land and forest land were

under government control, it was easy for an ordinary man to get consent for

buying more land under cultivation, with out the interference of any intermediary.

The policy of Travancore government also was favourable for the extension of

cultivation. The inevitable outcome was the emergence of an increasing number of

self-cultivating peasant farmers in Travancore. '"

The land tenurial system in Malabar and Travancore was not identical in

many aspects. But the tenurial condition in Cochin State was in between these two.

In Cochin the owner cultivators cultivated nearly half of the area. The other half

\vas cultivated by tenant farmers under landlords. 107

Unlike in Malabar: the tenancy system in Cochin was comparatively liberal

and favourable for the expansion of agriculture. As an outcome of these state of

affairs Cochin achieved steady progress through out the 19'b century. Neverthless

1.6
The Travancore Govt. give tax concessions and other financial concessions to the
farmers who were enjoyed in agricultural expansion. See. P.K. Michael Tharakan, Intra-
regional D~ferencesm Agrurrun Systems and Internal Migrations: A Case Study of the
.\figrution of Furmers From Truvancore to Malubar 1930-1950 C.D.S. working paper
(Trivandrum 1980) Pp. 1- 17.
I oJ7
T.C. Varghese, Agrarian C 'hunge and Economic Consequences: Land Tenures in
Kerala (Delhi, Allied Publication, 1970) p.70.
the condition of the bulk of the people, especially of the labour classes remained

miserable. 108

Even though, socio-economic factors displayed major variation in each of

the three political units of Kerala-Travancore-Cochin and Malabar, it may be noted

that the overall condition in Kerala differed much &om those in the rest of India.

The peculiar type of topography of Kerala, which is characterised with a number of

hills and valleys, rivers and back waters, paddy fields and garden lands, forests and

dry lands, formed a natural barrier to easy spatial mobility. Besides this peculiar

type of homesteads, of Keralities, i.e., they are living in independent houses

scattered over the entire length and breadth of the region, unllke that of the

clustered villages of the North Indian people. 109

All lands in Malabar has been regarded as private property. The rights of

jenmi are held to be inalienable whether the land is cultivated or left untilled.

Major Wallker who is the earliest standard authority on the Malabar land problems

has remarked that the owner of the waste land could evict any person who had

improved his waste land after payment of compersation for the value of

improvements effected by him. This the jenmi could do, whatever might have been

'08 Census Report of Cochin 1891 part I, review.^. 146.

'09 K.V. Joseph, Op. Cit., p.47.
the period of enjoyment of the land by the cultivator. This ancient rights have been

recognised in the civil courts even from the beginning of the 19" century. 1 1 0

There is no doubt that some definite and legislative measures are necessary

in these matter. Large extents of waste land were available though this jenmies

have been maintaining from time to time that they would grant such lands for

cultivation. But nothing tangible has been done. Some enterprising people from

Travancore have taken up extensive waste lands in the villages bordering the

Western Ghats and have began to raise cashew, rubber and other plantations. Such

migrations have taken place in similar villages bordering the Western Ghats in

South Kanara districts (Hosdurg Taluk).

With the abnormal increase in the prices of almost all commodities

including, timber in the post World War I1 period it has been almost a practice with

all private owners to cut trees indiscriminately with the sole object of making

money. The Government of Madras interfered in this alarming situation-(massive

destruction of forest wealth) and passed Madras Preservation of Private Forest Act

( 1949).lI2

' l o For similar situation, see E. Stokes, The Peasant and the Raj; Studies in Agrarian
Society and Peasant Rebellion in C'oloniul Indiu, Cambridge University Press, 1978.
11 1
See Burling, Robbins, Hill=$urmers and Paddy Fields in Main Land Soutlz East Asia;
Englowood Eliffs, N.J. Prentice Hall, 1965.
l2 Sreedhara Menon. A. Kerala District Gazetteers, Cannanore. (Trivandrum, 1972),
p.3 17.
 By the middle of 1930fs,poverty and famine largely affected the life of the

people of Malabar. Under the leadership of Sri. A.K. Gopalan a 'Pattini Jatha'

(famine march) started from Kannur to Madras to call the attention of the

authorities to this situation in Malabar. The fall in the price of coconut, pepper etc.

in Malabar very badly affected not only the ordinary people but also the landlords

since it was not possible for them to remit the land tax promptly. Subsequently,

they faced eviction and revenue recovery threat from the side of Madras

Government. Under this situation they started the sale of timber of their forests and
113
even from forest lands to intermediaries and peasant settlers of Malabar.

Comparatively low wages in Malabar for agricultural workers may be

another pull factor of migration to Malabar. In Travancore remuneration for 8 hour

114
agricultural work was 6% Anna where as in Malabar it was only 4 Anna.

In Malabar rural economy remained stagnant even after substantial changes

took place in the crop patterns and techniques of cultivation. Increasing burden of

rent indebtedness, alienation from the land, eviction etc. resulted in the rapid

impoverishment of the Malabar peasantry. The people had to transfer their land for

113
To understand the pathetic situation of landlords and ordinary people in Malabar see,
Mathrubhumi Daily March 27, 1936 and July, 1" 1937. For the similar situation, see
Wing Field, R. Haiti a Case Study of Underdeveloped Area unpublished Ph.D.
Dissertation, (University of Louisiana, 1966), Baton Rouge.
'I4Anna was a coin used in Kerala before the formation of Kerala State. 8 Anna is equal
to 50 paise. (See Mathrubhumi Daily April, 2 1 1940).
saving themselves fram legal actions from the government . 115 Though in Malabar,

land had to be obtained on lease from the feudal chiefs, ll6land was available in

abundance and at cheaper prices and the local landlords were inclined to welcome

farmers fiom Travancore. 'I7 Most of the land owned by big landlords in Malabar

were fragmented into bits and leased out to tenants on Kanam or Verumpatam

tenure. 118

Land prices in Malabar were very low as compared with the land price in

Travancore. 'I9 The price of an acre of land in Travancore was enough to buy

115
Prakash Karat, "Agrarian Relations in Malabar, 1925-1948," Social Scientist,
December, 1973, p.4 1.
'I6The total land area suitable for cultivation but uncultivated in Malabar district was
10,37, 648 acres in 1925-26 and in Kasargod Taluk, 1,77,391 acres.See. K.N.
Krishnaswamy Aiyer, Statistical Appendir to Malabar District Manual and Statistical
Appendix to the District Manual of South Cunara (Superintendent Govt. Press, Madras,
1938)
l7Malabar Speical Commission, 1881-82 Malabar Land Tenures (Madras 1 882), (Report
by William Logan) vo1.2, Appendix I, Chapter I, Also in Ferroli, G. T11e Jesuits in
Mulabar, (Bangalore, 1939), Vol. I1 Pp.25-30. And in K.K.N. Kurup, "Significance of the
Studies Based on the archival collections in the Mission House in Basal with special
reference to Kerala" in Journal of Kerala studies, vo1.V. part 11, IV, (Trivandrum, 1978).
'I8 Report of Malabar Tenancy Committee-1927-28, vol \I.
' I 9 Thomas W. Shea Jr. "Barriers to Economic Development in Traditional Societies,
Malabar, A Case Study", Journal of Economic History, Vol. XIX No.4, December, 1959,
p.522.
Also in Shea, W. Thomas, Jr: The Land Tenure Structure of Malabar and its
Influence in Capital Formation in Agriculture, Ph.D. Thesis, Microfilm, (London, 1959)
and Siva Swamy, K.G., Shastri, T.S and others: The Exodusfrom Travancore to Malabar
Jungles- (Coimbatore, 1945), Pp.1-4. And in T.C. Varghese, Agrarian Change and
Economic Consequences: Land Tenures in Kerala 1850-1960, (Bombay, 1970) Pp.205-
215.
almost a hundred acres of land in Malabar. For instance, while an acre of land in

Meenachil Taluk could fetch about Rs. 3501- to Rs. 4001-, land could be bought in

Malabr at the rate of Rs. 21- or Rs. 41- per acre. 120 This proved a great incentive to

the Christian community in Travancore which had been confronted with the

problems of excessive fragmentation of their parental holdings. The low price of

land in Malabar and increasing tendency of cultivation of commercial crops,

coupled with the aforesaid situations in Travancore, helped the migration of small

peasants to Malabar.

In Malabar the ownerships of waste lands and forest lands was also vested

with the Jenmies, where as it was under the ownership of the Sirkar (government)

Travancore. Even though Malabar as a region contained plenty of cultivable waste

lands, farmers of that region did not some how have, either the will or the ability to

move to the uncultivated areas to reclaim them. On the other hand, peasant farmers

from Travancore migrated with enthusiasm to the jungle lands of Malabar situated

at a distance of about 300-500 kilometres from their native villages.

Many social non-conformists or people who were marginal to their own

communities in Travancore also joined the migration bandwagon. People with

"'I Land Prices in certain centres of Malabar were as follows when migration was in its
infancy: 1925-Rs. 4 per acre; 1931-Rs. 10, 1945-Rs. 10 and 1947-Rs. 35. See P.K.G.
Panikar, T.N. Krishnan, N. Krishnaji etc., Population Growth und Agriculturul
Development-A Cuse study of Kerulu (Rome, F.A.0, 1978) P.84.
criminal backgrounds and others who were bankrupt or were dishonoured in their

home villages were among the migrants to Malabar. Family feuds and disharmony

within the families and with neighbours further helped the cause of migration fi-om

Travancore. All these factors combined to cause a mass movement of tremendous

magnitude made migration to Malabar a major event of modem Indian history. 121

Migration to Malabar turned out to be a mass movement, as migration of

half a million people took place without any design, organisation or leadership.

And this makes it unique in the annals of migration. A number of families left

their parental villages in Travancore for reasons of their own and settled in the

mountainous parts of Malabar. The majority of these settlers were small farmers,

who went on to make Malabar their permanent abode.

12'One Chacko from Travancore was arrested by Nadakavu Police (Calicut) in connection
with a criminal case in Travancore. He was staying in an orphanage for the last few
days. See- Mathrubhumi Daily, June 21, 1938, p.8.
PART - 11 COURSE OF MIGRATION

Migration of the farming population fiom Travancore to Malabar began in

the late 1920s. Malabar being a part of Madras Presidency of British India, was

almost like a 'foreign country' for the people who migrated to it from the princely

state of Travancore. Travancore and Malabar were separated by Cochin, another

princely state. A trip to Malabar from Travancore in those days was a difficult one,

owing to lack of transport and communication facilities. The coastal railway line,

fiom Cochin to Mangalore, through Calicut, Mahe and Tellicherry, was the only

means of transportation available to the early migrants. And trekking into the

interiors from the coastal towns of Malabar formed a glittering chapter of

determination, sacrifice, bravery and enterprise.

Early batch of pioneering migrants, or more correctly entrants into Malabar

were farmers who came mainly from the middle and lower stratas of the farming

communities of Travancore. A significant majority of these early migrants came

from the taluks of Meenachil, Thodupuzha and Muvattupuzha, in the foot hills of

the high ranges. Most of the migrants were Catholics, belonging to various

denominations.
Major Centres of Outmigration in Travancore
 MAJOR CENTRES OF MIGRATION

1 . Karakurssi 52. Pasukkedava 101 Thrissileri 154 Parappa

2. Pottasseri 53. Cheppanthottam 104.Thavinchal 155. Vijayagiri
3. Palakkayam 54. Poothambara 105.Poroor 156.Sreepuram
4. Pathirikkode 5 5. Karingadvu 106.Periyar 157.Merigiri
5. Mariyapuram 56. Chathangottunada 107.Undayangadi 158.Vimalasseri
6. Malaparamb 57. Vilangad 108.Peravoor 159.Perumbadavu
7. Nenmeni 58. Valayam 109.Nedumpuramchal 160.Christnagar
8. Urakam 59. ~ h a r i ~ o d e I10 Kolakkad 161 Aravinchal
9. Manjeri 60. Mangalam 1 1 1. Perumunna 162.Cherupuzha
10. Nilamboor 6 1. Chennalod 112.Kanichiyar 163.Pulingom
11. Palankara 62. Manchura 113.Chunakunnu 164.Thirumeni
12. Manimooli 63. Kottathara 1 14.Kottiyoor 165 Kozhichal Sebi
13. Thalanhi 64. Karumbala 1 15.Ambaithode 166.Kozhichal
14. Pathirippadam 65. Kurumami 116.Adakkathode 167,Palavayal
1 5. Thottumukkam 66. Chundakkara 1 17 Odenthode 168.Kadumani
16. Mavoor 67. Paralikkunnu 118.Nasarthkunnu 169.Thommapuram
17. Thekkumkutti 68. Kani yambara 119.Keezhapalli 170.Malom
18. Puspagiri 69. Theneri 120.Mangode 171. Bheemanady
19. Koodaranhi 70. Kolavayal 12 1.Karikoottakkeri 172.Vellarikundu
20. Thiambadi 7 1. Vazhavatta 122.Angadikadav 173.Valal
21. Venappara 72. Sulthanbathery 123.Charal 174.Kottodi
22. Vilakkanthode 73. Valavayal 124,Kacherikadav 175. Meripuram
23. Pullurambara 74. Ambalavayal 125.Peratta 176.Manadukam
24. Anikkamboil 75. Rippan 126.Kilayanthara 177,Ennappara
25. Manhuveyil 76. Vadakkanad 127.Kunnoth 178.Kanhiradukkam
26. Kodancheri 77. Chulliyod 128.Madathil 179.Kuttarappara
27. Erood 78. Pazhoor 129.Nellikampoyil 180.Pathavu
28. Koodathai 79. Kalpra 130.Arabi I 8 1.Sungathukatta
29. Kannoth 80. Kallumuk 13 1 .Puravayal 182.Ulippu
30. Kadalundi 8 I . I'rumad 132.Mattara 183 Sheeradi
3 1. Arnalapuri 82. Chitagiri 133.Manikkadav 184.Nelliyadi
32. Thorayi 83. Bekki 134.Manippara 185.Dharmasthalam
33. Kattippara 84. Vadavayal 135.Parsakari 186. Kalancha
34. Chamal 85. Vilambukandam 136.Chandankkampera 187.Thottathadi
35. Thalad 86. Cherukattoor 137.Pottamplav 188. Gandibag
36. Kattullamala 87. Nadawayal 138.Kudiyanmala 189.Narasimharajapuram
37. Pathippara 88. Kalluvayal 139.Pulikkurumba 190.Jadikkal
38. Kallanode 89. Kellur 140.Nellikutti 191.Thalasseri
39. Kakkayam 90. Kommayad 141. Chandaparambu
40. Koorachundu 9 1. Vellamunda 142.Vembuva
41. q y i h i d i 92. Kerom 143.Chemperi
42. Kulathuvayal 93 Ozhukkummoola 144.Chembanthotti
43. Chakkittippara 94. Kallodi 145.Kottoor
44. Karikandapara 95. Thonichal 146.Neduvaloor
45. Kannadipara 96. St. Thomas mount 147.Vilakkannur
46. Peruvannamuzhi 97. Mananthavadi 148. Vayattuparambu
47. Padathukadav 98. Payyamballi 149.Velladu
48. Chembanode 99. Marakkavu 150. Pathanpara
49. Poozhithode 100.Pulpalli 15 1.Alakkode
50. Maruthongara 101.Marakkadav 152.Thadikkadaw
5 I . Kunduthode 102.Kattikulam 153.Udayagiri
The pattern of Migration

The process of early migrations seem to have followed a common pattern.

First an investigatory trip was undertaken by one or two persons. These trips were

naturally restricted to those areas where Christian mission stations or churches had

already been established by the Catholic Diocese of calicut.lu Once the land

suitable for cultivation was located, the investigators returned to their villages in

Travancore. Generally after the Sunday mass, word spread in the local churchyard

about the availability of land in Malabar.lU This usually resulted in the addition of

few more fresh recruits to join the hazardous trip to Malabar. Once the team had

become sufficiently strong and once enough capital had been raised, often through

sale of property, a new trip was undertaken. Usually, during this second trip, land

was purchased in Malabar. Land was acquired mostly ftom devaswoms and big

land owners (Jenmis) of ~ a 1 a b a r . lThe

~ ~ common mode of transaction was through

'Vakkal Charthu' or verbal agreement. The common verbal land transactions

between migrants and local land owners or their agents were Odacharthu,

Kutticharthu, Kalicharthu, Vakkal Charthu, Choondippanayam, Varam and pattam

'Golden Steps and Silver Lines' TrrpIe Jubilee Souvenir (Diocese of Calicut, 1973)
pp. 1-5.
'" Thomas Pazhaparambil, 'S~)apnaBhoomiyil (Malayalam), (Muvattupuzha, 1978),
pp. 1-20.
1'4~ivaswamyK.G. and Others, The Exodus from Truvuncore to Malubar Jungles,
(Coimbatore, 1945), p. 1.
deeds to cut and collect bamboo, and trees, to use the land to pasture cattles, or to

cultivate and for rent ie, for 'Pathil Randu' (211 0) Pattam (rent).

In the absence of clear land documents all the land transactions were on the

basis of mutual ~ n d e r s t a n d i n ~ . ' ~ '

The common pattern of marginal and poor settlers in Malabar was that they

purchased the land by giving a nominal amount to the 'Karyasthan' or agent of the

landlord. Most of the land will be elambakadukal - forest clearings. The usual

way of measurement of the land was 'Kolalavu or Kambalavu I.126

The total number of sales of land between 1943 - 1969 of Valliyoorkavu

Devaswom, at Mananthavady was 113, including the sale to local Nairs, Nambiars

and settlers.

In Mananthavady region the usual rate of price of land was Rs.40/-.

Whereas in Nadavayal, Pulpally and other interior parts it was between Rs. 2/- to

"j Joseph Punchethare, 'Naduthedi Nadin Kanavum Kanivurn thedi," (Malayalarn), in

Souvenir of St. Joseph's Church, Vuyutrupurambu (Vayattuparamba, 1986). p.50.
126
Elarnbakadu means Semi forest land - the forest, after cutting all the big trees and the
land with small trees, four or five years after punam cultivation by Adivasis. Kambalavu
or Kolalavu means surveying the land by using long bamboo instead of chain survey. In
the case of rich or capitalist migrants who were ready to purchase thousands of acres of
land, the boundary would be hills and rivers. Many poor settlers directly settled in the
land after giving tribes to the agents, not only in cash but also in the form of illicit liquor
and meat. Later on by giving money to revenue officials they would make proper land
documents. For details of conditions in land sale of the migrant see document
No. 109711945, 50411948, 56011950, 43411942, 209711943 of Subregistrar office,
Mananthavady.
Rs. 15/-. The land price in Mananthavady was high mainly because this place had

more facilities like a government hospital, Christian church, private medical

practitioners etc. Apart from usual land tax the settlers were to give one Kutti

(bottle) gingelly oil to the Valliyurkavu temple at the time of the temple festival

(Valliyoorkavulsavam). '27

After the purchase of land in Malabar, either the whole team or some of

them returned to Travancore, to bring their wives and children to settle down for

good in Malabar. Between the initial investigatory trip and the final settling down,

a year or two used to pass. The areas where the Travancorean farmers settled

initially were Kuttiyadi, Peravoor and Kolayad near Tellicheny, Mannarkad in

Palaghat District, Bandadukka, Thomapuram, Rajapuram in Kasargod District,

Thamarasseri, Kulathuvayal and Thiruvambadi in Calicut District, Mananthavady

and Pulpally in the present Wayanad District.128Gradually the immigrants moved

into all parts of Malabar, and in their search for more land and further avenues for

investment, some of them even crossed into areas like Coorg, Gudallur and the

border areas of erstwhile Mysore State.

'I7 See, Valliyoorkavu Devaswom Thirettukanakku Pusthakam from 1943 to 1969

(Malayalam).
Interview with Rt. ~ e " . George Valiyamattarn, Arch Bishop, Tellicherry, dt.
11.10.2001.
The Dimensions of Migration

The dimensions of this great mass-exodus has been classified mainly into

four stages i.e., from 1925 - 1940, 1940 - 1955, 1955 - 65, 1965 - 70. The first

stage of migration from 1926 - 1940 was very slow. There was a remarkable

increase in migration in the second stage from 1940 - 1955, and the third stage

from 1955 - 65 marked the peak time of migration, then it became stagnant

because of the lack of cultivable land.

Fig. 2.1
Different stages of migration
 Individual farmers from different villages of Travancore started moving into

various parts of Malabar from early 1920 onwards.129. Some of the capitalist

farmers attracted by the availability of land in Malabar at low prices, acquired

extensive areas for opening plantations. One of the earliest migrants was induced

to visit Malabar and gather information through his connection as a relation of a

capitalist farmer, who was running an estate on lease in Palaghat Taluk of Malabar

in 1924.'~'

The three midland taluks of Travancore, Meenachil, Moovattupuzha and

Thodupuzha were the major source of emigration, mainly because these taluks had

large Christian populations by the beginning of the present century.13' The

following Table shows the number of Christians in the concerned taluks during the

period, 1901 -1921.

12' Census of India - Census Hand books of Coorg and South Canara Districts.
130
t Travancore Banking Enquiry Committee - 1930, p.24. also Interview
~ e ~ oofr the
with Chacko Karippaparambil, Kanhirappalli, dtd. 23.5.1 990.
13' P.K. Michael Tharakan, Intra-regional DzHerences in Agrarian Systems and Internal
Migration :A Case Study of the Migration of Farmers From Travancore to Malabar,
1930-'50, Working paper No. 194, CDS, (TrivanQum, 1984).
 TABLE 2.23
Statement Showing Total Population and
Christian Population in the taluks of Meenachil, Muvattupuzha and
Thodupuzha in the year 1901,1911 and 1921(*)

1 I / Christian population in I
Total population in thousands thousands and percentage of the
Taluk total population

Meenachil
I 707 1
Thodupuzha

Muvattupula
I 32.6
127.7
I1

The dimensions of the migration to Malabar can be computed on the basis of

two indicators. 1. The increase in the population of Syrian Catholics or Christians

in Malabar, 2. Increase in the number of people born in Travancore and

enumerated in Malabar in successive census during the period under study.

The Christian population in Malabar, which stood at around 54,000 out of a

district total of over 3 million in 1921, increased to around 1,54,000 in a district

total of around 47,50,000 in 1951. The Syrian Christian population in Malabar

increased from over 2 1,000 in 1921 to slightly over 23,000 in 1931 (Census wpto

1931 give separate figures for Syrian Christians) . "'

l J 2 P.K.
Michael Tharakan, Migration of Furmersfrom Tru~zlncoreto Malubar, from 1930
to 1960: An Analysis of its Economic Chuses, Unpubished M.Phil Dissertation, Centre for
Development Studies (Trivandnun, 1977), p. 10.
 TABLE 2.24
Statement showing increase in Christian population in Malabar, 1901 - 1951

1 Total population Chnstian population in Syrian Christian population I

thousands and as percentage in thousands and as
Year in thousands percentage of Chnstian
of total population
I population I

N.A.
21 .o
21.8
23.7
N.A
N.A
*Figures in bracket show percentages.
(Census of India, Madras, 191 1, 1921, 1931, 1941, and 1951. An abstract from
Michael Tharakan, P.K. Ibid. n.5. p. 11).

The above table indicates the sharp increase - both in absolute terms as well

as percentage of the total population - in Christian population of Malabar between

1941 and 1951. During that period the percentage of increase in the total

population of Malabar was 21.09 percent, while the increase of Christian

population in the period between 1941 and 1951 was 97.69 per cent. It shows that

the peak period of migration of farmers to Malabar was between I 941-1 95 1. 133

"'[bid., pp. 11-12.

 The following table illustrates the increase of Christian population in

Malabar. .134

TABLE 2.25
Increase in Syrian Christian population in Malabar

Year Number of Syrian Christians

1925 8,500
1929 9,88 1
1941 14,436
1948 3 8,404

The proportionate increase should owe to the large scale migration of

Christians to Malabar, as there are no evidences about large scale conversions

during this period.135

134 In 1953 total Christian population in Malabar was 74000 including Catholics of Syro-
Malabar Rite under the Latin Bishop of Calicut. The Catholics of Latin rite at that time in
Malabar were only 17000. For details see Catholic Directory, 1949 and Rev. Sebastian
Velloppalli in Syro-Malabar Catholic Mission Inuugurut~onof' the Mar Toma Slzleelza
Church at Bellwood, Illinois, U.S.A.
Joseph V. Kallidukkil, Kerulu Suriyani Reethum Mafubur Kudyettavum 09-49) (Mal.),
(Tellicherry, I 983), p. 12.
 TABLE 2.26
Statement Showing the Growth of Population in Taluks of Malabar,
1941-1951
(Figures in Thousands)
I
i Population / Percentage of
increase
I Taluks i

/ Kozhikode 1 406.9 1 516.4 1 26.9

I Chirakkal I 445.4 1 534.9 I
I 20.9 1
I
I
1 Eranad 1I 515.9 1 614.3
I
II 19.1
I
,I Kottayam
I 297.8 1 369.6
I
24.1
I Kurumbranad
I
1 443.0 ' 1 554.1
I
i
1
24.2
I
Palghat
Ponnani
Valluvanad
!
Wayanad 106.3 169.3 59.2
!
Malabar District 3929.4 4758.3 21.1
Census Handbook 1951 : Malabar District, Growth of population 11 (a) (i), p.5.
(Abstract from Michael Tharakan, P.K. 0p.cit.)

The increase of population in Wayanad taluk in Malabar between the years

of 1941-195 1 is explained in the census itself. And this was mainly due to the

Government colonization scheme for Ex-sewicemen, migration from Travancore

etc. Under the colonization scheme of the Government about 2850 persons were

settled in ~ a ~ a n a d ~. "v ~e nafter deducting these figures, the decennial increase of

'" Census Hundbook, 195 1 : Malabar District, p.5.

 population was about 60,000 which may be attributed to the migration of farmers

from Travancore. As in the case of Wayanad, the increase in population in

Kozhikode, and Kottayam taluks also could be attributed to the inflow of migrants

from Travancore.

This point is further established by the following table, which provides the

census figures of persons born in Travancore and enumerated in Malabar during

1901-1951 period.

TABLE 2.27
Statement showing the number of persond born in Travancore and
numerated as such in Malabar in successive Censuses, 1901-1951
I Year Number of persons
1901 3,049
I
1911 2,611
1921 2,030
1931 3,328
1941 N.A
1951 88,275
Census ofIndia: Madras, 1901,1911, 1921, 1931. 1941 and 1951

The significance of the year 1951 is that, in this year Travancore was joined

with the State of Cochin to form the composite State of Travancore - Cochin. But

from the region of Cochin there was little migration as compared with that fi-om

Travancore. Therefore the 1951 figure should be fairly representative of the

dimensions of migration fi-om Travancore to Malabar.

Beginning of Migration

In 1926 Karippaparambil Jacob Thomas (Chakochan) and Maliackel

Thomas Joseph from Kanhirappalli bought 3000 acres of land on lease for 99 years

agreeing to pay @ 50 paise per acre as rent (pattam). The land was near

Mannarkad. Mannarkad Moopil Nair, the jenmi of the land also gave 300 acres as

a gift to Jacob Thomas.

In the same year (1926) Aimanum Ouseph and his family migrated and

settled at Moonnarnkai, near Thottilpalam (Kuttiyadi). The year 1 928 witnessed

the beginning of a few more migrant settlements - Alakode, Peravoor,

Vayattaparamba, Kolayad etc. The history of Travancorean settlements began in

Kulathuvayal (1930) Mananthavady (1930), Edoor (194 I), Thiruvambadi, (1942),

Kodanchery (1 944), Chemperi (1943), Rajapuram (1943), Thomapuram (1 945). '37

Migration to Malabar was a very slow process because of the negative

factors in Malabar. By 1939 about 212 families settled in 9 different areas in

Malabar. Out of this 212, about 42 families returned to their native places. 138

There was no transport system and the settlers had to undergo numerous

137
Fore more details about the Migration History see more than a hundred souvenirs
published in connection with the jubilee of churches and schools in Malabar. List of
souvenirs attached with bibliography section of this work. For details of early migrant
centres, year of first migration and names of early migrants see Appendix - I.
"' Joseph Kuravilangad, Konippadikal (Mal.), (Calicut, 1991) pp. 5- 15.
hardships, such as attack fiom wild animals, malaria, cholera and various other

epidemics. These hostile conditions slowed down the migratory process of settlers

from Travancore.

The wave of third generation migration fiom Malabar to Karnataka began in

the 1990's. This time too, it was the need for more cultivable Iand at cheaper rates

that had prompted the farmers to move to Karnataka.

The land price in Karnataka was varied from Rs. 10001- to Rs. 10,0001- per

acre based on the facilities. But in Kuttiyadi, Thiruvambady area, price of one acre

of land was 8 - 10 lakhs during 1990 - 1995 period.139

While the educated children of Christian settlers in Malabar prefer to settle

down in town for their employment or business purposes, those not well educated

and having no salaried job continue to toil on land. Once land owned by them

becomes less fertile or when they require more land for cultivation they move to

other places where land is abundant and available at cheap prices. Hence the

migration to Karnataka..

Several Roman Catholic churches in towns like Calicut, Badagara,

'39 The difference in the land price in Malabar and Karnataka was an attraction. The
additional attraction was that, in ~arnatakathe cultivators will get 10 acres of government
land fkely only for cultivation. There will be no documents for th~sland assignments. A
number of peasants migrated to Shimoga, South Canara region fiom Malabar settlement
areas. For instaqce, Karinad Wilson, George Kochuparambil from Kodanchery,
Chettilckel Baby from Koorachundu, Ettiyil Scaria from Kallanode etc. migrated to
Karnataka. See Malayala Manorama Daily, dt. 4.4. 1993.
Tellicheny, Kannur, Thaliparamba, Payyanur, Kanhangad, Padannakad and

Kasargod indicates the presence of a large number of members of the migrant

families in these towns for education, employment and business purposes. 140

At the same time land purchased by the migrants were resold for more

profit. Cholakkandathil Mani bought 1500 acre land near Kuttiyadi and later re-sold

in small plots. In this sale he got a huge profit. The practice of purchasing of large

areas in Malabar and splitting it into small units for selling among the ordinary

peasants by rich and influential people in one way attracted more people to

Malabar.

In these settlements of Malabar, every Sunday after mass, earlier settlers

used to meet the newcomers and offered all possible help to purchase land, obtain

seeds and seedling for cultivation. 142

The uprooted

There was a saying in Travancore that ljoining the army, death by hanging

and migrating to Malabar make no difference'. This, of course, made the difference

in the early stages of migration. Even after they had been reduced to abject poverty

- -
-

140
Interview with Rev. Geo Payyappalli, Eranhippalam, Calicut, 15.1.2002.
l4'In the recent migration to Goa and Orissa for agricultural purpose we can trace the
same elements of profit motivated role of capitalist farmers.
'42 At Alakode, Mr. Mani Kalappura, an early migrant helped other migrants. Once he
went back to Thodupuzha (his native place) with big banana, tapioca, y a m and vegetables
cultivated by him to show his achievements in Malabar and also to attract more people to
Malabar, Interview with Cheriyakutty Kalappura, Ottathai, 11.10.1985.
owing to the I and I1 World Wars and pressure on cultivable land, many a farmer

legislated to Malabar as he was really afraid of the consequences. Lack of

transportation facility also slowed down the migration process.

But Man cannot forgo his needs. He will strive for it even if he was to risk

his life. So the Travancoreans finally had to make a move to Malabar, though not

willingly.

143
The journey from Travancore to Malabar was a painstaking one. It

started by bus or boat to either Kottayam or Eranakulam or Alwaye Railway

Station. From there to Shornur, then from Shornur to Malabar - Calicut,

Tellicheny, Baliyapattam, Cannanore, Payyannur, Nileshwar, Kanhangad, Railway

stations1" . All the while on their way they were destined to face hardships due to

14.7
To migrate to Malabar created a sense of sadness, separation from friends and
relatives is an agonizing affair. As the family members were not sure whether they would
meet the migrants again, they bid their kith and kin adieu with a broken heart. To those at
home Malabar was venomaus maiden and they had a feeling that their dear and near
marching towards the valley of death.
144
There was no single train to Malabar. The first phase of the journey was from
Travancore to Shornur, then they had to wait one day for a train to Malabar. This train
journey also was a very difficult one. Migrants with the entire family and their bag and
baggage had to travel without reservation. Ashes and smoke of the coal train bugs,
cockroaches added to their woes. The train was a veritable hell. At Calicut migrants
stayed at Comation Hotel near Calicut railway station and Kerala Hotel near Tellichery
railway station. They had to wait two or three days at Calicut to catch a bus to Wynad or
Thamaraseny side. The only bus to Wynad was operated C.W.M.S (Calicut Wynad
Motor Service). The buses first used coal and later oil as fuel. There were ticket brockers
and black marketing of tickets for this bus was common. Interview with K.M. Philip
Master, Manathavady, dated, 2 1.1 1.2002.
misinformation, blunders, cheatings exposure to the elements, assaults by humans

and by beasts.

On the whole, the mere existence is ever precarious. The emigrant must find

shelter, where he may, try to subsist on what he brings with him and take extra care

to keep the cash safe. If he fails he has no resource but to live on the land not as a

conqueror who takes what he needs, but as a supplicant who works hard for his

daily bread.

It was difficult to cross the state boundaries because of various factors. One

was border regulations. It became difficult to secure the right of transit through

intermediate states. There were check posts for identity examinations to discover

whether taxes had been paid. At every border station comes the risk of being

stranded in a strange place, of separation &om family and of disastrous interruption

in the journey. 135

During 1940's and 19501s, the movement of group of families towards

Malabar hillocks was a common scene at Shornur Railway Station. From these

railway stations they used buses or boats to arrive at the near by towns. From

'j5Thus uprooted, they found themselves in a prolonged state of crisis - crisis in the sense

that they remained unsettled, few weeks and often for months, they were in a state of
suspense between the old and the new. Also see Joseph Punchathara Souvenir of St.
Joseph, Church, Vayattuparamba, 1986, pp.111, IX. also Interview with K.M. Mathew,
Taliparamba, 11.10.1984.
there they reached their settlements through the forest on foot. This was the

common nature of the journey from Travancore to Malabar. 146

Early Migrations

In 1928, the well known Dr. P.J. Thomas of Kuravilangad acquired 12,000

acres of land from Vellade Devaswom. 147 He was not keen to develop the land.

By the next few years he sold out portions of his property to aspirant migrants from

Travancore, particularly from his own village of Kuravilangad. Also, a large

portion of the land purchased by him could not be occupied owing to legal disputes.

However, several farmers from Travancore like Thavarolikkal Sebastian and

Elakkattupararnbil Paulose, bought land from Dr. Thomas in 1926, and settled

down in Vayattuparamba and Karuvanchal near Alacode in the present Cannanore

district. 148

In 1927, another big farmer ffom Travancore Kochepatharakan of

Polachirayil in Mavelikkara, bought 1,500 acres of land from Koothali landlord

14G
Ib id.
147
A.C. Chacko, Alakodinte Kutha Adhava North Malabar Kudiyettavum Vikasunavum
(Mal.). (Taliparamba, 1993) pp.3-20. Also see Vayattuparamba St. Joseph's Church
Souvenir (Vayattuparamba, 1986), pp.49-55.
14' St. Sebastian Church, Vellade Souvenir (Vellade, 1984) pp.15-25. Besides these
persons Vellaparambil Emmanuel, Pallithara Lukose, Pullati George, Mannankarti
Thomas, Purayidathil Pappan, Dr. P.A. Mathew and Porunganal Joseph also settled down
in this area around 1928- 1930.
family. 149 He made an unsuccessful attempt to plant rubber in Changoram and lefi

Malabar forever . In 1926 Thomas Karippapparambil and his relatives fiom

Kanjirappally bought 3,000 acres of land for around Rs. 12,0001- at Mannarghat in

the present Palghat district. 150

Kuttiyadi area was one of the earliest settlements of Travancorean migrants.

Kocheepa Tharakan's arrival in 1927 is already mentioned. Between 1927 and

1930 a batch of small farmers arrived there. 15' This group had to go through an

intense struggle to survive against malaria and other hazards of settlements in

Malabar. They were again joined by other families from Travancore. They

acquired lands in Kuttiadi during 1929 - '30 and settled down there. They got

around 400 acres of land fiom Moyarath Narayanan, Chief Supervisor of Kottiyoor

Devaswom, paying a price of Rs.21- per acre. 152

149
Rev. Abraham Thomippara, Thomas, C.D., Thomas Kattakkayam in Sacerdotal Silver
Jubilee Souvenir of Rt. Rev. Sebastian Valloppilly, Op.cit., no.33.
1 -50
Interview with K.P. Mathew Kudakkachira, Kaniyaram (Mananthavady), dtd. 9.9.1987
and Jose Grace, Journalist, Kannur, I I .3.2002.
They were followed by K.P. Mathew Kudakkachira, Mathachan Kattakkayam and
Mathayi Cheriyan Kudakkachira, who acquired land in Kolayad in 1929. Kolayad had a
Christian church at least as early as 1923. This was an added attraction of Kolayad for the
Christian migrants from Travancore. Around this time Itti Vakkil from Pulinkunnu in
Kuttanad, started tapioca and papaya cultivation in Kolayad.
151
Dr. C. Jose (edit), Kudiyettuchurithruvum Thamurusseri Mekhulayum (Mal.)
(Thiruvarnbadi, 1998), pp.35-65. Also see St. .Joseplz's (.'hurclz C:lzempunoda, Golden
Jubilee Souvenir (Chempanoda, 1999), pp.33-69.
'j' Interview with P.R. Ramavarma Raja, Alakode, dated, 23.3.1985.
Migrations during 1930-'40

The history of Travancorean settlements in Wynad began with Devasia and

Mathew Kudakkachira occupying land in Payyampalli near Manathavadi. Between

1930 and 1938, they were joined by a significant number of families from

Travancore. The influx of migrants in this period opened up in near by areas like

Plakuzhikunnu, Thavinjal and Poyur. Other areas to be settled soon after that or

during the same time, were Nadavayal, Vazhavatta, Theneri and the hills around

Sultan's Battery. 153

As early as 1928, seven families - Kudakkachira, Vattamattam,

Mankappadi, Ozhukoyil, Thottattil, Mudappanthode and Palakatukunnel from

Meenachil, had settled in Peravur to make it one of the earliest settlement of

Travancorean migrants. These families initially acquired lands on the banks of

Kanjirapuzha from Kottiyoor Devaswom and Kottayam Raja. In the 1930s more

migrant families, attracted by the success of the early settlers, moved into Peravoor

to make it a full-fledged settlement. '"

In Kulathuvayal, out of the ten families believed to have settled in 1933 -

1934, returned to Travancore and three moved on to Peravoor. In 1934, there were

enough settlers in that area, and this warranted the visit of Rev. P.R. Fernandes of

p p

'53 Rev. George Kuzhikkachalil, in Souvenir ofthe Sacerdotal Silver Jubilee of Rt. Rev.
Dr. Sebastian Valloppilly, Bishop of Tellicheny, (Tellicheny, 1970), p. 185.
lS4 Ibid., p.253.
the Calicut Diocese in order to administer spiritual services. In 1937, Sir Mathur

Cheriyan came and settled in Mukkallil, and he was joined by six farmers and their

families in 1938 and by another six in 1939. 15'

Kuttiyadi received more emigrants in the 1930s. One attraction of Kuttiyadi

was the land left behind by Kocheeppa Tharakan, the pioneer settler. Some of them

like Purayidathil Thomas and Pattal Joseph are known to have bought the land left

behind by Tharakan at Padathukadavu. The most significant flow of migrants to

this areas was during 1936 - 1937. lJ6

During 1930-1940, Malabar was dotted with the settlements of Travancore

migrants at Kuttiyadi, Peravoor, Mananthavadi and nearby areas and

Kulathuvayal. Another small colony, Kanichiyar, also started developing in this

period. In fact, by 1936 they had their own make-shift churches. 157

Settlements since 1940

1940s marked the peak period of migration to Malabar. The three or four

scattered settlements of 1930s got developed further and a large number of new

settlements emerged during this period. There was a real mushrooming of

settlements in the hillocks of Malabar in this decade. Hence, the subsequent

155
T.D. Sebastian, Mathew Kattakkayam, in Ibid., p.246.
156
Rev. Abraham Thomippara, in Ibid., p. 164.
157
Kuravilangad Joseph. Konippadikal (Mal.,) (Calicut 199I), pp.394-420 and Interview
with Dr. Thankan Panoose, Peravoor, dated, 15.11.2001.
course of migration is to be traced by relating it to the growth and development of

individual colonies or settlements.

Migration to Kuttiyadi, an early settlement, received an added impetus in

1940. This was the year in which a few big farmers from Travancore came over to

Kuttiyadi to invest in land. With the capital they had, they opened up vast areas for

cultivation. This development in the area attracted more small farmers to

~ u t t i ~ a d iMaruthonkara,
'~~. a settlement of this area also saw a new influx of

migrants in 1940s. The numerical and subsequent financial strength of the settlers

in this colony had reached such a stage that during 1946 - 1950, they could build a

substantially big church and construct a new school building. The pattern of

settlements starting with the establishment of a church which was common to all

settlements of Travancorean migrants, was followed in Kunduthode, a nearby

colony, which had a church in 1943. Puravayal started with five families in 1944,

while Peruvannamuzhi had 30 families in 1941. The number went up with the

arrival of twenty more families that settled in Peruvannamuzhi in 1943.

The early settlements in Kulathuvayal region, namely, Kulathuvayal,

Koorachundu and Kallanode had 1,000 families in 1941 alone. By 1943, an area

(15 miles long and 5 miles wide) in this region came to be filled up by migrants.

I58
Interview with Rev. Joseph Tafhel, Tellicherry, dated 7.4.1985.
This area developed into such an important Christian centre that the Bishop of

Calicut, Rev. Leo Proserpie, S.J., paid an official visit to it on 28' January, 1944.

Like Kuttiyadi, Wayanad area was also extensively explored by a new batch

of migrants in the 1940s. Thariyode, in this area had its first settler in,

Mundunadakkal Joseph who came in 1940. Joseph and others like Pulikkalath

Thomas and Korandiyarkunnel Ulahannan, who had settled even before 1940 in a

nearby place called Pozhnudi, were joined by eight families in Thariyode proper, in

1942. In the same year another four families came to settle in Kottathara and few

other families in Kurumbala. Altogether there were around 33 families in this area

by 1942. Thus the number of families increased to around 300 by 1950. 159 In this

period colonies like Payyampalli, Thavinjal, Peli, Kallodi, Nadavayal and

Konnayad developed into full-fledged settlements in the region. So also,

Vazhavatta near Kakkavayal on the Calicut - Sultan's Battery road was opened up

in 1946.

The Assumption colony had already been established by 1944. In 1944

itself, 46 families had settled there. These settlers were. attracted by the newspaper

advertisements of available land in these areas, published by the Diocese of

Calicut. The Diocese had acquired 1850 acres of land fiom Chembokathil C.D.

I59
Mar. Sebastian Valloppilly, l~uivumNummodu koode fMulayulum) (Tellicheny, 1999),
pp. 164-185.
Ibid. pp. 146-158. also see Op.cit., no. 3 1 , pp.38-50.
Mathew, an early migrant. Rev. Beretta S.J. was appointed as the first Director of

this prospective colony, and he supervised the settlements of migrants who secured

plots from the land holding settlers, and moved into forest areas near places like

Thiruvambadi, Kodancheri, Mukkam, Puthuppadi and Koodaranji, from

Assumption Colony. Thiruvambadi had settlers fiom 1942 onwards, but it was in

1947-33 that a large in-flow came from the seven villages Palai, Punjar, Thidanad,

Thodupuzha, Muvattupuzha, Rarnapuram and Marangattupalli in Travancore.

Settlement in Koodaranhi started with 48 families in 1947 and by 1949 there were

72 families and a school with 40 students. Increased migration raised land prices in

the area and by 1947 - '49 price touched an unprecedented rate of Rs.351- per acre.

Thottumukkam a nearby area also had a significant inflow of migrants fiom 1945

onwards.161

Chemperi, 35 miles east of Cannanore town, was another settlement that

developed in early 1940s. Five families settled in this area initially in 1943. From

1947 onwards the rate of incoming migrants increased and by the end of 1948,

three full fledged settlements - Chemperi, Paisakiri and Chembanthotti - developed

in this area. Paisakiri alone had an addition of 13 families in 1 9 4 8 . ' ~ ~

161
Rev. Thomas Pazhapararnbil, 0p.cit.. Pp. 220-256.
'62 Mathew Chalil, "Malabar Kudiyettavurn Chemperiyum" (Mal.) in Nirmala H.S.
Souvenir Chemperi (Chemperi, 1982), page number not marked. also see Dr. P.T. Varkey
and M.C. Sebastian, "Kudiyetta Charithravaiokanam" in Lourde Forane Church Golden
Jubilee Smaranika (Mal.) Chemperi, pp.43-49.
 It is estimated that the strongest inflow of migrants occurred during 1940's

and 1950's. It is possible to trace the developments of around 50 settlements of

Travancorean fanners in Malabar during this period. The main centres of

settlements were Thiruvampadi, Koodaranhi, Kodancheri, Thamarasseri,

Kulathuvayal, Maruthonkara, Koorachundu in the present Calicut district,

Kanichar, Kottiyur, Kolakad, Aralam, Ayyankunnu, Ulickal, Chemperi, Naduvil,

Velladu, Alakode, Cherupuzha and Sreekantapurarn in the Cannanore district,

Chittarickal, Panathadi, Rajapuram, Palavayal and Vellarikundu in the present

Kasargode district. 16'

Wayanad was also extensively opened up by a new batch of migrants in the

1940's. Thariyode, Mullankolli, Pulpally, Periya, Kenichira, Nadavayal and

Vellamunda were developed into full-fledged settlement area during the period

bemeen 1 940 and 1950's.'~~

Malappuram and Palaghat districts were also opened up as new centres of

migration. For example, Nilampur, Kalikavu, Karuvarakundu, Chungathara,

Vazhikadavu and Chokkad in Malappuram district and Mannarghat,

Kanjirampuzha and Attappadi in Palaghat district. Settlements were made at Edoor

in Aralam area, in 1941, at Angadikadavu, in Ayyamkunnu area on the Coorg

163
Thomas Pazhapararnbil, Op.cit., pp.44-48.
16' Ibid.
border, in 1947, at Killiyanthara in 1947-'48. Meanwhile, Kunnoth which had

settlements since 1942, put up its own school in 1945 and Church in 1946. 16'

Nellikampoyil's settlement history started in 1939 when Joseph Neerackel

from Kanjirappilly bought 140 acres of land here at Rs.21- per acre. Two families

joined him there in 1941, and two more families came in 1942. In 1943, when the

total number of families in the colony reached 15, an elementary school was

opened. 166

Manikadavu colony has the distinction of being a settlement of migrants

&om among the migrants. In 1949 nine families, who had earlier settled in

Kallanode and Kakkayam, moved into this area.

Palavayal opened up in 1949 with three families. Later in the same year

eight families came there from Athirapuzha near Kottayam and nine families from

Meenachil. Vellarikundu colony started in 1946 with 24 families from

Ayarkunnam. Cherupuzha with nine families, and KozhichaI near Cherupuzha in

Cannanore district were opened up in 1948. Balal in Hozdurg taluk was opened up

in 1943, when Mathew Meenatoor organized an agricultural company at Meenachil

Taluk of Kottayam district and developed plantations extending over 1,000 acres.

These families in 1 948, and a few more during 1 949-50, from -the village of

165
Kuravilangad Joseph, Op.cit., Pp.395-440.
166
Golden Jubilee Souvenir of St. Sebustiun's Church, Nellikkampoyil, (Nellikkampoyil,
1998), pp.44-48.
Bharananganam near Palai moved in here. When the agricultural company of

Meenachil was liquidated in 1949, the shareholders having shares worth Rs.5001-

got 7 acres and 4 cents each. This resulted in a few more families arriving in the

area during this period.

In February 1943, a group of 72 famiIies from the Catholic Diocese of

Kottayam migrated to Hozdurg under the patronage of Bishop Choolapparambil

and the leadership of Prof. V.J. Joseph. They settled down as a colony in 2,000

acres of land in Panathadi. Later on this settlement developed into three different

parishes of Rajapuram, Malakkal and Odayanchal. 16'

Considering the better conditions prevailing in Malabar with regard to food,

land and labour, some people from Kidangoor near Palai went a round to find out a

suitable place in order to help some families to migrate to Malabar. Finally they

procurred a place in Chirakkal Taluk in north Malabar. The organizers of the

colony meet the expenses of the colonization from their own pockets.

Pattern of Developments

On the whole, the 1940's witnessed a significant influx of migrants from

Travancore to Malabar. This resulted in new settlements coming up and old

settlements branching off further. This was the period in which the early settlers

organized themselves and started creating necessary public facilities.

167
K.K.N. Kurup, 'Christian Peasantry and Social Changes in the Highlands of Malabar, in
John K.J. (ed.), Christian Heritage oJ'Kerala (Cochin, 197 1 ) .
 Migration into Malabar continued during 1950's and 1960's while new

colonies were opened up independently as offshoots of earlier settlements, earlier

colonies strengthened their population. Earlier settlements also developed new

facilities in their areas. 168

Between 1950 and 1960 and in the early 1960's more settlements of

Travancorean farmers emerged in Malabar. Nearly 30 new settlements emerged

during this period while the earlier settlements grew in population. However

migration to Malabar seems to have slackened since 1970's because of the shortage

of unoccupied land. '"

Pattern of Cultivation

Immediately after the arrival in Malabar they first built a temporary shed as

their residence. Then by January-February forest or semi forest (elambakadu) land

would be cleared for cultivation. After the first rain in the month of April they

sowed the paddy seeds. ' ' O ~ l o n with

~ the paddy seeds, seeds of pigeon pea, Bajara

and certain other cereals and millets also would be sowed, as mixed crops. In

168
Interview with Annama Verananickel, Ottathai (Alakode), dated 8.10.1990 and
Dr. Thomas Verananickel dated 8.10.1990.
'69 Interview with K.J. Baby (Social activist and writer, Kanavu, Nadavayal) Nadavayal,
dated, 3.11.2001.
The clearing of forest and sowing of seeds (Vithu vithakkal in Malayalam) will be a
collective work of the migrants and local tribes, accompanied by folk songs- 'Vithapatt'.
Forest cleared land for cultivation is generally known as 'Uzhavu' and clearing forest as
'Uzhavuvettel'.
addition to that, they cultivated plantain, elephant yam, colocasia, tapioca,

vegetables in another block of 'Uzhavu' (cleared forest land). Cultivation of pepper

also started the first year itself.

In the second year the same process of cultivation was repeated and in

addition to that, lemon grass, rubber, coffee, pepper, coconut and arecanut were

also planted in separate plots of land. Plants like jackfruit, teak, mango tree,

pineapple, lemon, nutmeg tree, grampus, cardamom, cinnamon and all other plants

and trees available both in Travancore and Malabar were slowly planted in their

newly cleared land. Lemon grass oil was their main means of substance till they

were able to raise proper income.171'Mattalpani', 'Pothupani', 'Poondan pan? were

the types of work culture followed by the settlers. In the construction of peasant

huts, in the repairing of thatched roofs, 'Kappavatt' (the process of preservation of

tapioca), public works like construction of roads, schools and churches migrants
172
followed these mutually benefited work culture.

171
Lemongrass oil and the sale of 'Amalpor?, a Medicinal plant, sale of banana were the
important source of income in the initial stage. Interview with Punchakunnel Thomas,
Cherupuzha, dated, 8.10.1987 and T.V. Joseph, Thayyil (Rtd. Post Master), Cherupuzha,
dated 9.10.1987.
"' Mattal Pani in which one man [XI will work for.his fiiend or his neighbour not for
wages. Instead of wages the beneficiary will work in the land of other man [Y]. This type
of work culture helped the poor peasants who were unable to pay wages for agricultural
works. Pothupani means public work. ie. for the construction of village roads, churches,
school building, libraries, stadiums etc. For this purpose, during the course of Sunday
mass, the Parish priest used to announce the date and venue of works. 'Poondan pani
means there will be meat particularly pig or cattle meat along with the food for the public
works or works in individual's own sake. Kappavattu, the process of converting raw
tapioca into dry tapioca - i.e, production of Vattukkappa and Vellakkappa, for details, see
the 'Kampola Nilavaram' (Commodities) column of Malayalam Dailies.
Common features

As already indicated, development of individual settlements seems to have

followed a common pattern. Each colony will make its own temporary church in

the initial stage itself. The early settlements used to invite the priests of Calicut

diocese, who were operating mission stations in these areas, even before the arrival

of migrants, to render religious services. In course of time, a school and a proper

church building will come up. Usually these establishments were followed by a

dispensary or hospital. '71

Like churches, schools and hospitals, roads were another public amenity

which attracted the attention of these settlers. As a means of communication and

travel road is a must. It is also essential for marketing their products. This

prompted them to construct extensive roads. Most of the roads linking individual

settlements with towns and with other settlements, were all built by the voluntary

efforts of the migrants. Some unofficial estimates put the total mileage of roads

built by the migrants far above to that of the total mileage of roads built by the

government in Malabar area during the same period. '71

'73 Interview with Rev. Fr. Antoninus C.M.1 Poolakkadavu (Calicut) dated 2 1.10.2001.
and Rev. Fr. Bartholomew C.M.1, Lourdes Monastry, Koodathayi, dated 23.10.2001.
These two C.M.1 fathers had spent most of their time for the uplihent of migrant settlers
of Malabar.
'71 Church fathers were the spiritual leaders. But at the same time they organised the
settlers - irrespective of nligion Hindu, Muslims and Christians - for the road
construction through voluntary works interview with Kottarathil Joseph, Chemperi dated
14. 3.1987 and P.J. John (Puthooru Vaidyar) Koorachundu, dated 20-7-1986.
 One point to be stressed in the context of the development of new

settlements in Malabar is that, the 'life blood' of the new settlements were the small

farmers fiom Travancore. They were the people who stayed on as permanent

settlers in the new colonies. The capitalist f m e r s who came in order to develop

large estates either shuttled between their possessions in Malabar and Travancore

or operated the estates through supervisors and managers.

STRUGGLE FOR SURVIVAL

Early migration of peasants fiom Travancore to Malabar is an inspiring saga

of human endeavour. Early settlers had to face many hardships. Cholera, and other

infectious diseases, attack of wild animals, exploitation by jenmies and rich

immigrants, heavy taxes and eviction threats were the worst among the hardships

that awaited them in the strange hillocks of Malabar..

Many a migrant had to start from scratch. Famine and diseases wiped out

hundreds of lives. The hospital records at Tellicheny and Mananthavadi bear

testimony to this . Orphanages at Marikkunnu at Calicut , Kolayad, Peravoor and

other areas were filled with the children of Travancorean migrants. Under these

circumstances many returned to Travancore, and several others became agricultural

labourers. The condition of the children of the settlers was equally distressing . In

their struggle for existence many of the migrants lost their life.'75

In May 1926 Aimanam Ouseph with his ten member family migrated fiom

Palai inTravancore and reached Kuttiyadi and settled at the nearby Moonnarnkai.

Like their brethren, they took shelter beneath the trees. Later on, they built a hut

and 'Erumadam' with bamboo. They cleared forest and started cultivation of paddy,

tapioca and vegetables. But owing to the constant attacks of wild animals like

elephants and wild pigs, agriculture was a strenuous task. In addition to this,

members of his family died one after another of Malarial fever and natural

calamities. At last Ouseph with his two sons returned to Travancore empty

hande~l."~

A brief look at the plight of some early migrant families of Malabar will

help us to have a better picture of the hardships they had to undergo. From

1943-44 onwards farmers fiom Travancore began to migrate to Vythiri near

Sultan's Battery for cultivation. Almost all of them fell victims to poverty ,famine,

'75K.G. Sivaswamy et. al, ExodusJi.om Travancore to Malabar Jungles, (Coimbatore,

1945) Pp . 1-40 also see Appendix -11.
17'Thomas Pazhaparambil, Swapnabhurniyil (Malayalam), (Muvattupuzha, 1978) pp. 13-
19, Also see George Kattakkayam, "Marudonkara - Vikasanathinte Pathayil
Aranoottandu" (Malayalam), in Marudonkara St. Mary's High School Rajatlta Jubilee
Smaranika, (Marudonkara, 1982) pp. 1 -x.
 malarial and anaemic diseases. Left with no option they became agricultural

labourers and worked in Chundale Estate, V ~ t h i r i . ' ~ ~

The settlers lived a poor life, their dwellings were not properly planned and

constructed and infact, they lived in the most unhygienic conditions. In the

thatched huts they were exposed to severe cold. They slept in 'Maruku' without

even woollen clothes. 17' Experience of such a rough life style severely affected

their life. Besides these, settlers had to be content with a meagre food. They took

tapioca and black tea, twice a day. After the World War I1 , both beef and fish

became very costly'79. In the hills dried fish of low quality alone was available, and

only the rich could afford to buy this. None could buy sufficient quantity of rice as

the price of rice was very high. All these amounted to an unbalanced dietary

system which in fact paved the way for widespread infection of Malarial diseases

and Cholera. Ig0

Interview with Fr. James Nasarat, Pappinisseri, dated 17.3.1985. Similar situation can
be seen at settler areas like Thlruvambadi, Tharnarasseri, Balal and other places.
17' 'Maruku', a cot like furniture made out of bamboo and wild ropes used for sleeping.
'79 Interview with Varkey lkrumala, Kodanchery, dt. 3.9.1986.
O'' Sivaswamy, K.G.0p.cit. p.15. also see Mathrubhumi, Daily (Malayalam), (Calicut)
August - September, 1943. The Mathrubhumi reports of that time covered the picture of
poverty and famine in Malabar very vividly. For instance in Chirakkal Taluk certain
schools were shut down because of the continuous absence of students owing to the
scarcity of proper food and clothing (Mathrubhumi, August, 15, 1943). There was another
news that a post man in Kottayam Taluk of Malabar fell unconscious on road, while on
duty. For the last five days he hadn't taken any rice food.
Encounter with Death and Diseases

The early migrants had to face a lot of problems. One significant problem

was high rate of mortality -dueto infectious diseases. A number of heart felt events

happened during the early stages of migration. Kottarathil Oudha, who settled at

Areekamala near Kudiyanmala had lost his wife and two children due to Malarial

fever, The pity was that in the absence of the help from others he himself dug the

pit to bury the dead . There was no church, no neighbours .So there was no help

from any comer. 181

The reports of Mathrubhumi Daily alone is a clear testimony of the ravages

of Malaria in Malabar. A news in the Daily runs like this: "The decomposed body

of a man was found on the road between Kuttiyadi to Wayanad at a place called

Thazhemulakuthottam in Kavilumpara village. For the last four or five days the

body was lying there unclaimed. The severe stench elements from the decomposed

body has prevented people from walk through this route". This incident was not an

isolated one. Through out Malabar we come across numerous horrible scenes such

as thislS2.

lgl Interview with Oudha Kottarathil, Areekamala dated 27.3.1985.

182
Mathrubhumi Daily, September 16, 1941, p.3.
 Pallikkathazha family came from Anikkad with a total number of sixty

members which included brothers, their wives and children. Seven brothers died

within five years. With the death of elder brothers others returned to ~ n n i k k a d " ~ .

Edattel Pappachan's father died at Edoor. At that time there was not any

church within 20 kilometers. The swollen 'Payam rive' prevented from taking the

body to the St. Joseph's Church at Peravoor which has about 23 kilometers away.

So his friends buried his body in their own land and planted four cinnamon trees to

identi@ the place of burial. Later his family settled at Vilangad. After several

years, Edattel Pappachan and his relatives dug open the spot where his father was

buried. The skeletal remains were brought and buried at the cemetery of the

Roman Catholic church, ~ i l a n ~ a d ' " .

In 1934 Puthanveetil Joseph settled at Kulathuvayal . His wife and

daughter- in- law died. He buried them under a tree and went back to Travancore

with his only son.

In 1942 Thomas Thekkel and his eight member family migrated to

Koorachundu. All others except Thomas lost their lives. Mr. Moolachalil Varkey

settled at Kallady near Peravoor. His son was affected by Malaria. Varkey took his

son to Tellicherry for medical treatment. But he lost his son. More alarming things

Interview with Rosa Pallikkathazha, Maruthonkara, dated, 14.5.1986.

lS3
1%
Interview with P.J. Mathew, Journalist, Malappararnba, dated 12.1.2002 and
Adv. Subhash Benedict, Calicut 12.1.2002.
awaited him at home. When he reached his house with the dead body of his son, he

realised to his great shock that his daughter, too had died due to ~ a 1 a r i a . I ~ ~

At Sultan's Battery twenty one persons died out of a twenty two member

family due to malarial fever. The family had migrated from Kuravilangad in

Travancore and settled at Malavayal near Sultan's Battery.

In another case, relating to Vattapparambil Joseph's family, he and his one

child survived and all others died. Kattukudi Mathayi sent his wife and children to

their native place (Kuravilangad) and they returned to Malabar only after ten

years. lg6

In another incident, on the same day six dead bodies were brought in a

bullockcart and buried in the same pit at Sultan's Batte~).. The present site of

Assumption Hospital at Sultan's Battery was a graveyard of migrant settlers, who

were the victims of malarial fever.lg7

Dead bodies of many migrants were cremated in the forests and in private

sites because there were no Christian churches, except at Calicut, or Marrikkunnu,

185Thomas Pazhaparambil, Swupunu Bhoomiyil (Malayalam), (Moovattupuzha, 1978)

pp.98-107.
Interview with Kattukudi Mathayi, Sultan's Battery, dated 15.4.1994.
187
Interview with Rev. Mathayi Nooranal, Sultan's Battery, dt. 2 1.1 1.2001 and interview
with Rev. Maxwel Nerona, Bishop of Calicut, dt. 8.7.1989.
Tellicherry, Mananthavady etc. For instance, at Erumbakam fifteen and at Kattyat

six dead bodies were buried. 188

In some cases the entire family members became the victims of Malarial

fever. On the basis of the report of Dr. Raghavendra Rao, Madras Government

sanctioned Rs.230001- to Malabar District Board to start proper water supply

system, and drainages at Meppadi. The government further sought the financial
189
support of tea estate owners of Meppadi to eradicate Malarial fever. Madras

Government started measures to control malaria. As a part of this, steps were

taken to begin a survey in Malabar and fund was allotted for the same. In 1941

Dr. T.S. Adisubrahmanyan was appointed as the officer in charge of anti-malarial

actions in Wayanad. lgO

It should be noted that comparatively low percentage of malarial fever

could be seen in Meppadi region. It was due to the fact that officials and estate

owners poured a type of oil in the streams and also there was a general hospital at

'" Interview with M.J. Michael, Thiruvambady, dt. 11.7.1985. Thiruvambady S.H. High
School, Silver Jubilee Souvenir, (Thiruvambady, 1980) p. 1-7.
189
Interview with K.P. Mathew ~udakkachira, Mananthavady, dtd. 9.9.1987 and
.C4athrublzumi Daily September 12, 1931.
190
Mathrztbhumi Daily, July 14, 1935 and 1941, April 8.
191
Interview with Lorrans, M., K.P. Chacko, Sicily, teacher at Meppadi, dtd. 6.11.2001
also see Mathrubhumi January 16,1932.
 Measures for controlling malarial fever with the participation of the people

started by 1940's on a large scale by spraying of D.D.T, distribution of Quinine

tablets through post offices, sub agents, by Christian Priests and church

organizations etc. Malabar District Board was very actively involved in this

process. Free medical camps and fiee dispensaries also were common.'g2 The

biggest colony of the Travancoreans is Kulathuvayal in Calicut district, near

Perambra on the 30' mile of the Calicut-Badagara Road.

In 1942 around nine hundred people were buried in-the Kulathuvayal Parish

Church-graveyard. The figures in the death register of St. George Roman Catholic

Church, Kulathuvayal is as follows: '93

19' Malabar District Board meeting on 1 9 August ~ 1944 discussed the strategies and
progress of Malaria eradication project. See minutes of Malabar District Board meeting
on 19.8.1944. A free dispensary was opened by 'Kerala Duritl~aNivarana Samithi' at
Kuttiyadi to distribute medicine for the poor malarial patients. see Mathrubhumi Daily,
August 22, 1944, August 26, 1944.
'93 For the funeral before 1943, see funeral register of Badagara Latin Church (This Parish
was detached only in 1943).
Many people in 1943-'44 period did not bring the dead bodies to the church. Instead

they buried them in their own compound due to the negligence and

i n c ~ n v e n i e n c e . ' Ofcourse,
~~ the actual number of deaths were very higher than the

death registered in various Christian churches in ~ a 1 a b a r . l In

~ ~certain cases,

where relatives also were malarial patients they buried the body by pouring some

oil and covered the body with dried leaves. For instance in Kodancherry and

Kulathuvayal this same method was followed in the initial stage of migration to

these areas. 196

Malaria alone wiped out a significant portion of early population. For

instance, the church at Kulathur which had 700 families on its rolls had registered

900 funerals in one year.19' So also, of the thirty families that had settled in

194
See Thomas Pazhaparambil, p. 107 and Malayala Manorama (Daily) in Malayalam July
3, 1983. For more details of death caused by malarial fever, cholera, infant mortality see
the death register of Chstian churches in Malabar. For copy of the above said register of
certain churches see appendix 11. 1 to 9.
195 Interview with Devasia alias Kochu Vadakkayil and Varkey Thirumala, Kodanchery,
dtd. 4.9.1986 and 3.9.1986 respectively. Also interview with Chacko Pallithazha
Marudonkara, dtd. 15.6.1986.
'96 Sri Sauryar Mathan with his family consisted of nineteen members settled at
Thiruvambadi. All except three died of Malaria. The remaining three persons sold their
land to N.C. Koyakutty Haji and returned to Travancore.
For further details see Varghese, O.M. Olickel, Vazhakulam Oru
Charithruveekshanam (Muvattupuzha, 1985) pp.307-11.. Also see Thomas
Pazhaparambil, Op.cit., pp.98-108.
"Kaduthandiya Katha" in Malayaka Manorama (Daily), July 3, 1986. Also see
"Kanneerinte Thazhvarayile Rakthasakshikal," in Thiruvambadi Sacred Heart High
School Silver Jubilee Souvenir (Malayalam), (Thiruvambadi, 1980), p.XI.
"' Pazaparambil, Op.cit., pp.98-107. and 125-132.
poor people.201Excessive consumption of tapioca, on which many of the migrants

had to sustain themselves, caused a lot of digestive troubles. Scarcity of food in its

turn made them prey to malarial attacks. The following extracts establish the

relation between scarcity of food and malarial epidemic.

S.R. Christopher in his investigations of the epidemiology of malaria in

Punjab studied the relation between the famine and the diseases. He noted that the

twelve great epidemics of malaria which devastated Punjab in the later half of the

19" century, have followed seasons of famine or acute scarcity. Considering the

price of food stuffs as an index of scarcity, he found a strong correlation between

scarcity and mortality due to fever; to epidemics of 1870, 1872, 1878, 1879, 1881,

1887, 1890, 1892, 1900 and 1908 all occurred during the periods of high prices."202

It is argued that the main source of infant mortality in 19' century was

diarrhoea and that the decline in infant mortality during the first two decades of

20" century was mainly due to decline in diarrhoea. The deaths due to diarrhoea

Within the last two decades there has been a growing awareness of what might be
called the "biological" aspect of history. It is now recognized that disease and diet are
valid historical subjects as worthy of study as the politics, thought or diplomacy that have
been the core of traditional historical scholarship. See Andrew S. Appleby, "Diseases,
Diet and History," Journal oflnterdisciplinary History, VIII: 4 (Spring 1978), 725-735.
202
Famine Enquiry Commission Report, 1945, p.121 also Sivaswarny, K.G. and others,
Op.cit., pp.16-17. Amartya Sen, in his Poverfy and Famines (New Delhi, 1984)
examined causation of starvation in general and of famines in particular.
can be reduced by giving more attention to better nutrition, improved domestic

hygiene and improved environmental sanitation.203

In 1943 there was an unprecedented epidemic of cholera in Malabar,

claiming 28432 deaths out of 28, 874 deaths fiom cholera recorded during the

decade. Mortality fiom respiratory diseases, dysentery and diarrhoea was above

the normal for the state.

Apart from natural calamities like floods in the low-lying areas, avalanche

in the high ranges of Malabar areas contributed greatly to epidemic diseases. The

chief diseases were plague, cholera, gastro-entritis, small pox malaria, tuberculosis

etc. Of these, cholera, gastro-entritis and malaria were seen in epidemic f ~ r m . ' ~

Malaria was a common disease in Wayanad from 1920 onwards. Many of

the first settlers died of this disease and some abandoned their possession and went

back to their native areas. The clearing of forest lands reduced the number of

malarial attacks. The eradication programmes undertaken by government also

helped in checking Malaria. Malaria is now a rare disease in the area2".

'03 Ralph Shlomoutic "Infant Mortality and Fiji's Indian Migrants 1879-1917." The Indian
Economic and Social Histov Review. Vol. XXIII, No.3, July, September, 1986, pp.289-
302.
'O?ensus of'lndiu, 1971, Kerala parts I-A & I-B, General Report p.37.
'05 Census of India 1961. Vol.VII Kerala part VI A, Village Survey Monographs
Cannanore and Kozhikode districts, p.2 19.
 Poverty and famine dominated the life of Malabar for decades. Many

schools were closed, due to lack of food and clothes for the children. Padappengad

and Kooveri U. P. School (aided) in Taliparamba taluk in Kannur district were

closed because of continuous absence of the students and due to the lack of basic

necessities. h another area, a postman of Peringathur post office became

unconscious due to starvation.206

In the year 1943 cholera infection largely reduced the percentage of

population in Malabar. It is believed that it was through the pilgrims from Pazhani

and patients from Coimbatore that this fearfid disease reached here.207 The

following table shows the nature of diseases and death in Malabar.

206
Interview with Aryavaidyan T. Kannan, Kooveri, dt. 8.3.1985 and Mathrubhumi 5&
August 1943, 15&April 1944. see Doume, G.H., 'Starvation in Europe' (London, 1943)
and Allen and Unwin, Durges, G.C.E., et al., Malnutrition and Starvation in Western
Netherlands, September 1944 July 1945, (Hague, 1948).
207
The official report of District Health Officer suggests that in 1943 total 83,942 Cholera
patients and 225,992 patients died of cholera. He also explains the details of death of
cholera in yearwise from 1924 to 1942. Also see - Mathrubhumi, Daily May 20, 1944.
 TABLE 2.28
Death and Diseases in Malabar

Taluk Patients Death Vaccinated people

Kozhikode 3778 2779 6856 1
Chirrakkal 2495 1954 84300
Eranad 36 18 5792 139320
1 Kottayam I 475 I 28 I 58977 1
Kurumbranad
Palghat
Ponnani
Valluvanad
[ Wayanad 78 51 17696
Source:Report of District Health Officer to the Director, Public Health, government
I
of Madras.

With in two months the total cholera deaths in Malabar was about 30,000

The death in interior parts of Malabar so far was not at all reported to the

government. So the actual death toll would be much more than this figure. In

Calicut city, out of the total population of 1,50,000 died 3000 people, i.e., two per

cent of the deaths were due to cholera. Under these circumstances a number of

children became orphans. Servants of India society opened 7 orphanages in

Malabar.208

""nterview with P.P. Ummar Koya, former Minister of Kerala and a known Gandhian,
Calicut, dt. 3.10.1985.
Dutt R.C. Indian Famines: Their causes and prevention, (London: 1901).
Dandekar, V.M. and Rath, N., Poverty in India, Poona : Indian Scl~oolof Political
Economy. (Pune, 1971 ).
 Around the beginning of 1930, the dreaded plague broke out in Wayanad,

particularly at Kalpetta. Alarmed by the news of death caused by plague many

people left the place. Shops were closed at ~ a l ~ e t t a . ~ ~

Poverty and Famine

In fact, it was poverty and famine that drove the peasants of Travancore to

the jungly Malabar. But to their dismay they found the jungly Malabar. But their

dismay the same old ills re-visiting them in this strange land. The decline in the

foodgrain availability, lack of purchasing powef are the principal causes for the

poverty of the people of third world.210

Malnutrition is probably, the most distressing manifestation of

undevelopment. As a condition, it exhibits a wide variety of effects on health,

work productivity and the returns of human investment. Thus it impair both

209 Mathrubhurni Daily, January 1, 1930, p.6. and Interview with M.P. Veerendra Kumar,
former Wnister of Kerala, Kalpetta, dt. 28.5.1990.
210 For details of the similar situation, see Jyanatul Islam and Habibullah Khan, "Income
i n e q h t y , poverty and socio-economic development in Bangladesh, An empirical
investigation, The Bangldesh Development Stw'ics. Vol.XIV, No.2, June 1986, (Dhaka
1986, p.75).
The paper attempts to study the pattern of the income distribution and poverty in
Bangladesh and it also compares the socio-economic status of country in mid 1970's with
other developing countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America. There has been drastic
deterioration in inequality and poverty in recent years, and this disturbing findings re-
inforced by the fact that Bangladesh occupies the lowest position in the third world in
terms of a composite social index. Also see Shepherd, J. (1975), The Politics of
Starvation, New York, 19751 Minhas B.S. Rural Poverty Land Distribution and
Development Strategy: Facts. (Burdhan, 1974) Morris, M.D. (1974) What is Famine?
Economic and Political Weekly, 9,2 November.
physical and mental development, increased vulnerability to infections and diseases

thereby lowering life expectancy. These in turn were likely to have a detrimental

effect on the population, productivity and its response to educational and family

planning campaigns. This slowed down the pace of economic development."'

Severe famine also very badly affected the future life of not only migrants

but also the entire Malabar population. Madras Government and Malabar District

Board Administration were very actively involved in initiating steps to reduce the

miseries of the folk.212Government of Madras introduced rationing of rice in

Malabar. For every adult the allotted ration was 1 1.3 ounce i.e. 0.7 Rathel and 0.2

Rathel wheat or Ragi. Later in 1946 the government decided to reduce rationing but

owing to the popular pressure, they withdrew decision. Similar to that of

Travancore, people of Malabar also consumed palm powder [Kodappana powder in

Malayalam i.e. sago obtained from the stem of palm tree]. At the same time the

export of palm powder from Malabar still continued. People with the help of

2" P. de Kobbe, "Measurement of Malnutrition in the Third World", Jozrrnal of

Agricultural Economics, Vol.XXXVI1, No.3, (Sept. 1986), p.405.
212 For details of third world poverty, see George Susan (1976) How the Other Half Dies:
The Real Reasons for World Hunger, Harmonds Worth: Penguin and Wedderburn,
Dorothy (ed.) (1974) Poverty, Inequality and Class Structure, Cambridge University Press.
Also see Newman, Peter (1977), "Malaria and Mortality",Journal of American StutisticuI
Association.
media urged the government to stop the export, as the people were suffering from

shortage of food materials.213

On the whole the life of the migrant settlers was characterized by death and

disaster. No strangers or outsiders would ever understand the migrants, familiarity

with death. The end of life was an end to hope.

Medical Aid

The victims of malarial fever, cholera and other epidemics lacked proper

medical attention, because of the non-availability of doctors, hospitals and

medicine. Poverty and famine, lack of money, ill health of migrants further

worsened the situation. There were only few government hospitals at

Mananthavady, Vythiri, Calicut, Tellicheny, Kannur etc. There were not enough to

fulfill the need of the time. Slowly, Christian church leadership started certain
;a
dispensaries and hospitals in important migration centres like Champeri,

Karuvanchal, Cherupuzha, Batheri etc. Dr. Thankam Panoose started a hospital at

Peravoor. In addition to this a large number of Ayurvedic. Homeo, Traditional,

Mama, Registered medical practioners etc. worked as doctors in interior parts.

= I 3 Before 1940 the cost of the palm - A species of palmyra - ie. 'Kodappana in
Malayalam was Rs.10-12 rose in to Rs.2001- in 1946. The District Food Council meeting
on 3.4.1946 also decided to start propaganda to induce people to use tapioca, sweet potato
etc. in addition to ration rice. The average price of raw tapioca was 1 Anna per Rathel and
of dry tapioca 3 Anna per Rathal. Interview with K. Panoor, Tellichery, 25.3.2002 also
see Mathrubhumi Daily,dt. May 25, May 30, April 6, 1946.
Nursing assistants and pharmacists also performed the functions of doctors, which

included among others stitching of wounds and minor surgery."'

Other Miseries

In addition to the above mentioned trials and tribulations, the migrant

farmers were put to a host of other hardships. Their life was all the more hazardous

as they were frequently attacked by wild animals. Their attempts to scare away

these wild animals were not always successful. They had to risk their lives in the

efforts of ,protecting their land and cultivation from the merciless attack of

wild boar, elephant and tigers. There were instances of complete destruction of

their cultivation by the wild animals. During the early 1940's, 150 families settled

at Kannam, Kodancheny and Poolavally had their high yielding paddy cultivation

spoilt by the wild animals. Some of them in their attempts to fight the wild beasts

escaped quite narrowly from the brink of death. And these dreadful experiences

coupled with the untold miseries caused by epidemic diseases like Malaria,

malnutrition and poverty made their life an unending struggle between life and

death.

"9number of souvenirs related to jubilees of Christian churches and schools gives this
type of information. Interview with Dr. Thankam Panoose, Thondi, (Peravoor),
dt. 15.11.2001. Most of the early priests of Calicut Dioceses distributed quinine tablets to
the migrant and they collected and started important medicines for serving the migrants.
Quinine tablets were distributed through post offices. The cost of 1 box tablets (500
tablets) was Rs.51-. For the list of few medical personnels See Appendix IV.
 A fearful situation in high land settlement area of Malabar was caused by the

attacks of wild animals like elephant, tiger, leopad, snake, pig etc. While elephant

destroyed their agriculture, the tiger killed the peasants and animals like cow and

goat.

For instance, in 1928 at Kuttiyadi while Devasia Eluppupara, son of Srattel

Asan (Augusty Eluppupara) was sleeping in the night, a tiger attacked him. But he

narrowly escaped death. The treatment was also odd. They made a paste mixing

, hot water with rice powder, and applied it on the wound. This was enough to cure

the Peasants resisted elephants by throwing stones, and 'pandham' and

beating drums to make sound. Comparatively rich settlers used gun for the same.

At Koodaranhi one Pathrose, Kommattathil's 'Erumadam' [shed built on the

top of a tree in order to escape from the attack of the wild animals] was attacked by

an elephant. Pathrose had a narrow escape from death but he later became insane

because of this terrible experience. Kuriachan Aviyil at Kakkayam lost his life

ivhen he attempted to fire an elephant which destroyed his ~ u l t i v a t i o n . ~Wild

'~

animals including elephants, cobras etc. were a common sight in the forest

'I5 Interview with Devasia, Eluppupara, Manathavady, dtd. 22.1 1.2001.

2 1 6 rum ad am is a shed built on the top of a strong tall tree usually Chamatha, Velliluve
trees were used because these trees won't easily broken at the time of attack of an elephant.
The Erumadam was the real house of the early migrants to escape themselves from the
attack of elephant and other wild animals. It also used as a watch tower to look after the
entire cultivation. Some Erumadams were multistoried one. The lowest for cooking etc.
and other two used as bed rooms. They used ladder to climb over to the top of the tree ie.
Erumadam.
where migrants came and settled. In the high land region of Malabar very small

number of huts of Adivasis were also seen. To protect themselves and their

cultivation they built Erumadams, from where they kept a tight vigil round the

clock. In order to prevent themselves from sleep there were instances of cutting of

the eye lash of the lower eyelid. Such eye lash create pain and thus it prevented

the sleep of poor migrants.217 Attacks of wild animals on migrants can't be

explained in a page or two. The stories of their hazards and hardships can be

written in volumes. Wild animals like wild elephant, pig, monkey, deer, rabbits etc.

were a constant threat to their crops.

Monkey, rabbits, pigs, bandicoot etc. destroyed the crops. Crabs destroyed

paddy cultivation in Wayanad. Kompanchelly destroyed coconut cultivation.

Infections of pepper, plantain etc. were the common problems of the farming

population of Malabar. Attack of snakes of various species was another threat

faced by them.218 Wild animals destroyed tapioca cultivation. The major threat to

the Tapioca cultivation was from wild bear, rat, bandicoot and rabbits. In many

places migrants used country made bombs [pannippadakkam] to kill wild pigs and

217
Sunny Joseph, "Manikkadave Pathittandhukallelude" (Malayalam), Rajatha Jubilee -
Devalaya Prathishtaa Smaranika, Munikkudme St. Tl~omasDevulayarn. [Manikkadave,
19831 p.2-15.
218While Mamrni Thekkekandathil was washing the cloths near the river side a wild
snake 'karimkoli' - tried to attack Mammi. She cried out, by hearing the sound her brother
and neighbours came and killed the snake of '18' feet length. Interview with Thressia
Thekkekandathil, Nellikkampoyil, dtd. 17.10.1993.
dug pits to catch them. But this country-made bombs took the life of many early

rnigrant~."~

Wild elephants destroyed not less than 1000 coconut trees at Veppur estate

at Tharnarasseri, Ottathai, near Alakode. All the coconut trees except one which

was planted by punam cultivators were destroyed by the wild elephants. It was

from these coconut trees that migrants came to knew that this place was suitable for

coconut cultivation. It is believed that from this single coconut tree [otta thai] the

place name Ottathai came.220

Attack of rogue-elephant [single tusker] was fearful. At Sultan's Battery in

addition to wild elephants, pigs, etc. there was threat from bear also. Once a bear

tried to enter the house compound of Father Mathayi Nooranal of Sultan c at her^.'^^

Attack of wild animals was a common phenomenon. The bushy area of laterite

zone of Malabar was the home station of tigers [small type Tiger] Sr. Anmary of

Clarist Convent at Chemperi cut off the neck of a tiger at their convent

"9 Puthan Purayil Kutty, at Mavumchal near Vellade (Alakode) died of the blast of this
type country-made cracker to keep away elephant and pigs. Similar disasters largely
happened all over Malabar Hills. See Death Register, Vellade St. Sebastian's Church also
see Death Register of R.C. Church Kozhichal in 1952 at Kozhichal Johny Poomkombil
was lulled by a wild elephant.
220 Interview with P.R. Rama Varma Raja, Alakode, dt.. 23.3.1985. Also see
Mathrubhumi Daily Sept. 2 1.1932.
22 1
Interview with Rev. Father Mathayi Nooranal, Sultan Battery, dt. 22.1 1.2001.
222 Mathew Manirnala - 'Kudiyetta Vazhiyile Puthukazhchakal, Muluyulu Munoruma
Daily ,Nov. 25, 1999.
CLIMATE AND NATURAL CALAMITIES

Climate also was not favourable to them. Cold wind, the presence of mist,

heavy rain in rainy season and drastic draught during the summer season adversely

affected the morale of the early migrants.

During 1962 - 63 period, severe storm accompanied by heavy rain hit

Manikadave area. A number of huts, and cultivation of the peasants were

destroyed. It was followed by a severe famine. To meet this situation they even

consumed husk of tapioca, wild roots, and palm powder. Under the leadership of

Rev. Nedumpalli, church authorities collected relief fund for them.223

Severe flood of 1968 destroyed cultivation of a number of people in Malabar

hill regions. Thekkekandathil Thresia alone lost 500 plantain trees."hevere cold

climate of Wayanad created a type of scars on the surface of the skin of the early

migrants. Early period, in mornings up to I 1 'o clock there was no sun light due to

heavy mist. That is why the adivasi huts in Wayanad are built in single room with

one door and no windows. The walls of these huts were made out of bamboo mats

covered with mud to suit climate.22' 'Urul Pottal' (avalanche) or. land slide was

another threat to the migrants. In several incidents settlers lost everything - men,

223 Interview with Sunny Joseph, Manikadave, dtd. 11.7.1984 and Rujuthu Jubilee
Devalayu Prutlzislzta Smarui~iku- Manikadavu St. Thomas Devalayam, [Manikadavu,
19831 pp.2-15.
224 Interview with Thresia Thekkekandathil, Nellikam Poyil, dtd. 17.10.1993.
77j
" Interview with M.D. Thomas, Madathil Pulpally, dtd. 26.2.1990.
money and houses. In certain isolated cases the entire family was destroyed. In

1968-69 period at Kakkayam except two children all other members of a family

became victims of the ' ~ r u l ~ o t t a l ' . ~ ' ~

Transportation

Absence of adequate marketing facilities is a serious problem which the

farmers face through out India. One of the main obstacles to any sound marketing

system in India has been the absence of adequate transport network in the rural

areas. To the settlers also, marketing of their products were a great problem largely

due to the absence of any vehicle or transport. The settlement of migrants were

unconnected by road with the commercial centres located several miles away. Their

products consisted mainly of perishable items such as tapioca, yam, plantains and

lemongrass oil. North Malabar was a totally neglected area in the realm of

'"Interview with Rev. Jacob Narikuzhi, Kolavayal (Wayanad) dtd. 23.1 1.2001 . For more
details of horror of urulpottal, see Mathrubhurni Daily, Malayala Manorama Daily,
Deepika Daily, Deshabhimani and other leading news papers from 13.10.2002 to
16.10.2002. A number of Urul pottals all over the migrant settlements of Malabar with
severe causalities of life and properties of the settlers were reported in several times. On
October 8th, 1984 nearly hundreds of urul pottals at Kakkayam, Thalayade, Kallanod,
Koorachundu, Chompanod, Poozhithodu, Pasukadavu, Chamel, Kattippara, Kunduthodu
area in which 18 persons died, many wounded, cultivation and houses fully or partially
destroyed. For details see Girideepam (Monthly bulletin of Diocese of Tellicherry),
Tellicheny, November, 1984. In July 1996, there were a number of urul pottals and land
slides in Thiruvambady, Kodanchery, Puthuppadi, Chakkittapara, Vanimel, Kavilumpara
Panchayats. In thls connection Calicut District Development Council passed a resolution
requesting the intervention of Government of Kerala to reduce the dfficulties of the
affected peasants of this area. For details see Malayala Manorama, Daily, July 27, 1986
also see Manorama, dtd. 21.6.1992. It reported that at Kappikkalam in Wayanad,
Moolamveettil Vasu and other ten members of his family died due to urul pottal. Only
one child - 12 year old Preetha - survived.
development. During the first half of 20'' century in the Nonh of Calicut, there

were no bridges for Korapuzha, Badagara river, Baliapattam river, Kuttikkol river.

But in the case of Baliapattam river, the facility of changadam (rufi) to transport

vehicles was available.

From Taliparamba to Alakode there was no road route, though up to

Kanhirangad there was a narrow road of one foot width. In the case of

P.R. Ramavarma Raja, he used water transport (local boats) to reach from Kuppam

to Chapparappadavu, three kilometers north of Taliparamba. From

Chapparappadavu he reached Alakode, on foot. In his journey he was confronted

with the threat of wild animals. The rivers were full of water. He had to cross big

rivers like Alakode, Karuvanchal which had no bridges. The route to Alakode was

through thick forest with ferocious wild animals like wild pig. elephant, leopard,

tiger, porcupine etc.227

In the initial stage of migration to Malabar there were no roads in the interior

parts of Malabar. The British Government constructed certain roads for their

administrative purposes, connected with major towns Palghat, Calicut, Tellicheny,

Kannur, Payyanur, Mananthavady, Sulthan Bathery, Kalpetta etc. As far as the

settlers were concerned journey towards the cultivable land in the hilly region was

quite difficult. In certain places, water transports - country made boats was used

'27 Interview with P.R. Rama Varma Raja, Alakode, dt. 23.3.1985.
for travel.228 The laterite rock zone, with bushes ie. Edanad region of entire

Malabar was the basic camp of wild animals like tiger, leopard etc. 'Pattikaduva' a

small type of tiger caused much disturbance to the settlers. It killed cows, goats

and even dogs. So the migrants used to put a particular type of sharpened belt

across the neck of their dogs, made out of sword in order to protect the dog from

the attacks of these tigers.13 These laterite zone wild animals were a constant threat

to the settlers, who had to travel behveen low land and high land.

The roads and transport in Wayanad also were in the same pattern. The

three major roads which connected Wayanad with the rest of Malabar were

Kuttiyadi Road, Tellicherry Road and Calicut Road. Durins the rainy season the

entire roads connecting Wayanad with the low lands got blocked owing to heavy

land slides. A detailed examination of newspaper reports of that period reveal that

this was a repeated phenomenon during monsoon.230

CHEATING AND EXPLOITATION

Though the land was available at low price, the migrants had to pay huge

amounts in the .form of commissions to the land agents or brokers. Majority of the

'28 TOtravel to eastern regions of Kanhangad and Nileshwar (towards Balal Konnakkad,
Chittarikkal etc.) early migrants used country boats from Nileshwar [Karyamkodej to
Mukkada and after that by foot to their destination where as the settlers of Rajapuram
region had much more facilities. They had a road Kerala - Karnataka road. But no bus or
taxi services. Only bullock carts were available for travel.
2'9 Interview with P.T. Thomas Padavil, Vellade, dt. 7.3.1994.

2'0 Mathrubhumi, Daily, July 16, 18, 1941.

migrated farmers obtained land measuring five to ten acres on lease for twelve

years. On several occasions, they found themselves cheated by the agents, both

natives and Travancoreans. Many of them were threatened by overclaimants to the

land they had purchased, even after the land had been developed partially. An

advanced rent, varying from Rs. 101- to Rs.401- had to be paid for every acre of land

they purchased. In addition, an annual rent of rupees 2/- per acre was paid in most

cases. Around Peravoor the rent was high, which went up to Rs. 101- per year. In

the case of paddy fields the cash rent ranged between Rs.12/- to Rs. 1%. In

Wayanad, however, no advance amount was collected on paddy lands.

The locals and natives, inter mediaries in land sale, local merchants, jenmis

exploited thi: settlers on various levels. In one instance, Eluppupara Augusty

[Srattel Asan, one of the earliest migrant to Kuttiyadi (Moonnamkai)] belonged to a

middle class family in Travancore. He had with him some floating capital even

after the early stages of settlements began. So with this money he opened a small

shop. The local contractor, a timber merchant, purchased goods from his shop on

credit basis. They never returned the money. At last he lost every thing and left

Moonnamkai empty handed and settled at ~ a n a n t h a v a d ~ . ~ ) '

One Joseph, a cripple, was the friend of Srattel Asan. He was a merchant at

'" M.J. Michael, "Kudiyettam Thiruvambadiyil" Thiruvambadi S.H.H.S. Silver Jubilee

Souvenir, (Mal.) (Thiruvambadi, 1980) pp.Appendix IX-X. Also see Sivaswamy, K.G.
and Others, Op.cir., pp. 16-17 and Interview with Devasia Eluppupara, son of Srattel
Asan, Mananthavady, dtd. 22.1 1.2001.
Thodupuzha. He acted as land broker and started real estate business. He used to

purchase land for 4 Anna per Acre and sell at Rs. 1001- per acre, by showing the

plan and sketch of the land. Very often the migrants were cheated, the land

occupied by them would be different from the one for which they had paid money.

In most cases Joseph, the broker would extract the land value on the way, before

they reached ~ a l a b a r .Sale

~ ~ of
~ the same land to different farmers by the agent,

edajenmi or land lord led to police and court cases and eviction problems. Most of

the intermediaries in land sale deliberately cheated the unsophisticated village

'pilgrim fathers' from Travancore. The purchase of land by migrant, fiom edajenmi

or rich migrants, reveal innumerable instances of cheating.233

At Thiruvambadi in 1944 Vettickel Varkey bought land fiom one edajenmi,

Kunchu Mohammed Haji at the rate of Rs.37.501- per acre. When he tried to clear

the forest for cultivation another migrant Sauryar Mathan interfered and tried to

stop him from doing so. It was true that the edajenmi had already, sold the

particular land to Sauryar Mathan. This is an example of how the migrants were

cheated by edajenmis of Malabar in land transfer. At Thiruvambady superintendent

of Thindoorkandi estate sold tapioca stems (to cultivate) for Rs.2 per each stem. It

232
Interview with Devasia, Elluppuppara, Mananthavady, dtd. 22.1 1.2001. The nature of
cheating is infact similar to that of contemporary to gulf migration or migration to Japan.
233 For examples Sauryar Mathan bought 1000 acres of land, a but when he measured the
land later, it was only 400 acres.
K.C. Ninan bought 1000 acres but actual extent was only 600 acres. Advocate
Chakkunkara bought 400 acres but actually it was only 180 acres of land. At
Pullorampara one peasant had to pay the price of land to four persons.
is a pitty that the cost of tapioca stem for cultivating one acre land was higher than

the price of one acre land.234

In violation to the earlier agreement between N.C. Peter and one Thampuran

of Kottayam Royal family in the Kannur district, the Tharnpuran was not ready to

give land to them even though he received advance amount for 100 acre forest land.

Jenmis of Malabar with the help of communal elements and religious

fimdarnentalists imposed several hardships on migrants.235

Certain jenmis and natives of Malabar were jealous of the progress of

settlers in Malabar. In order to check and prevent them in their venture they

deliberately destroyed the cultivation of migrant farmers, by letting out their cows

for free pasturing.236

13' M.J. Michael, "Kudiyettam Thiruvambadiyil. Thiruvarnbudi S.H.

H,S. Silver Jubilee
Souvenir, (Thiruvambadi, 1986) pp. 1- 10.
'I5 Jenrnis belonged to higher caste in Wayanad exploited both natives, tribals and
migrants. Stiff resistance was made by the people led by A. Varghese. Later it attained a
colour of militancy under the banner of Naxalite movement in Wayanad. A. Varghese, a
migrated peasant from Vazhakulam near Thodupuzha was the leader of the movement.
He was killed by police in an encounter with Naxalates at Thirunelly forest. See O.M.
Varghese 0p.cit and O.K. Johny, Wynad Rekhakal, (Malayalam), (Calicut, 2001) Pp.
150-170.
236
Jenmis of Malabar domesticated cows and cattle without any restrictions. They
destroyed cultivation of the migrants. In most cases migrants were in fear of Jenrnis. In
certain other cases clashes occurred between them. For example : Chilambikunnel Kochu
of Konnakad, threatened jenmi to kill his cows. There after no such problems from that
jenrni occurred. See Konnukkud Cl~uritl~ruthiloode (Mal.) St. Marys, Church Souvenir,
(Komakkad, 1999) pp. 1- 15.
Gunda Menace

Another hardship to which the migrants were exposed to was that they were

under the threat of local jenmis, edajenmis and their gundas and other powefil

and influential classes. Every where in Malabar, we can see the same state of

affairs existed. At Bandadukka, Kodoth family, Konnakkad and Balat Karimbil

Kunhikkoman and Kunharnbu, Alakode - P.R. Ramavanna Raja, Naduvil

Rayarappan Nambiar, Thiruvambadi - Mukkath Alikutty, Mannarghat - Kalladi

family, ~ u i ~ a-lKuppathode
l~ Madhavan Nair etc.

In certain incidents rich and powehl migrants withstood and faced the

challenges of the powerfbl land owning classes of ~ a l a b a r . ~ ~ '

In addition to diseases, poverty, attack by wild animals and local feudal

lords and their gundas, resulted in death of many settlers. Local police, government

officials etc. favoured them. The aim behind all these threats was to extract

money fi-om the migrants. The feudal lords gave money to S.I., C.I, and DYSP of

police to protect the goons. Mr. P.J. Jacob, Kainadi was a victim of the gunda

attacks on several occasions. On one occasion gundas and their patrons wanted

Rs.50001- from him. He informed the attack and threat on his life and property

by gundas to District Superintendent of Police, Calicut, for action. The Police

Superintendent was head of police in entire Malabar. Police charged cases against

'37Kalluvelil Brothers at Chempanoda reacted against the atrocities of Mukkath Alikutty.

Interview with Dr. P.K. Michael Tharakan, Trivandrum, dt. 5.7.2002.
the accused. The verdict of the Sessions Court, Tellicherry was for the

imprisonment of gundas and gunda leaders. The Sub Inspector of Police, who

supported gundas was also remanded in judicial custody for eighteen months.238

Eviction Threat

The peasant settlers always faced eviction threat by the jenmis, edajenmis

etc. Poor peasants from Travancore purchased land at a cheaper price in Malabar.

These land transactions, in most cases were on verbal agreement (Vakkal Charthu).

There was no sufficient land record to prove the omnership of the migrants. This

naturally led to eviction threat to them. The eviction threat to the migrants were

mainly on the basis of three issues - Adivasi land, excess land of jenmies and

private forest nationalization Act. In most cases migants unknowingly purchased

land by fulfilling the agreement with land owner or his agent. As a step to restore

the lost land of adivasis (tribal land) the Government of Kerala passed necessary

orders, in many cases these lands now owned and cultivated by the peasant settlers.

So with these legislations many settler families are on the brink of eviction. The

fact is that, in many cases they purchased the land having proper land documents

238
Interview with P.J. Jacob Kainadi, Chevayur, dtd. 3.1.1985. Also see C.M.I. St.
Thomas Province, Bulletin, 1994, pp.71-74.
and were cultivating it for more than 40 years. In certain other cases they

knowingly encroached adivasi lands.239

Cheating of adivasis by migrants may be an isolated case. So it is not worth

to generalize this. In Malavayal kuruman colony about hundreds of small farmers

(migrant) settled down purchasing land from adivasis. Most o f these adivasis and

migrants were having the same pattern of life. All of them were agricultural

labourers. Neelamanga Pachanmoopan, an adivasi of this colony had seven acres

of land. Most of the land sold by him for the existing market price. He told

Mathew Manimala, Malayala Manorama reporter that there was no cheating in

these deals. Poolakkal Krishnan from Ottapalam, Mr. Moidu from Kondotty and

K.K. Thankappan fiom Panthalam had land purchased 6,50 and 23 cents

respectively from adivasis. Now the settlers are in fear of eviction from their land

on the ground that they had purchased adivasi land. Infact, in many cases the

'" Widespread agitation started all over Malabhr against the move to evict migrated
peasants on the ground that they had occupied tribal lands. As a part of agitation
Malayora Karshaka Samithi, Wayanad District Committee conducted a dharna strike
infront of Wayanad Collectorate on 23d Sept. 1987. Similar type of agitations and counter
agitations took place in Attapadi (Palghat District). The timely intervention of police
helped to maintain situation under control. Interview with A.C. Varke , Chairman
FARMCO, Nadavayal, dt. 7.1 1.2001 and Malayala Manorama Daily, I 1X September
1987. At Panathur in Kasaragode district, Shylaja, a 16 year old girl committed suicide.
She was desparate because of the compulsory eviction by the government fiom their house
and landed property on the ground that their land belonged to adivasi land. See Deepika
Daily, November, 2.6.1996.
present occupants of the land may be holding the land of the thee or four levels of

land transaction. He is unaware of the nature of land i.e. Adivasi land or not.240

Farmers resisted the move of Revenue officials to evict 71 families from

Panathady Panchayat - Pannathour, Mylatty, Kunduppalli, Puthuradukkam,

Parakadave etc. They (peasants) organized jatha and public meetings in protest of

the eviction move. The issue is also related to adivasi land problem. In 1987

government invited 22 landless families to settle down at Pala excess land in

Muzhukunnu Panchayat. But on the basis of Kerala High Court verdict of 1997

August, these 22 families were evicted from the land, but Government of Kerala

promised them to grant 4.75 lakh to them. So far no remedial measures have been

taken. So they formed an action committee and Block Panchayat member V. Raju

threatened to start hunger strike fkom 27& October, 1997 onwards. At Cheengeri

near Ambalavayal 123 families are in eviction threat. These 123 families were

living in 90 acres of land of which 25 families got Patta for their land. They settled

there between 1954 - 64. At Vietnam Colony near Keezhpalli (Iritty) when

Revenue officers with police escort tried to evict farmers Nannath Moideen tried to

commit suicide in protest against evicton."'

240
P. Varghese former Sulthan Battery Panchayath President and Waynad Kudikidappu
- Sangham President is firmly criticized the move on the part of government to evict
migrants, from their land on the ground of adivasi land. Vazhavatta Bharathan, Adivasi
Sangham president is also against this eviction threat of poor migrants, to avoid rivalary
between the two subaltern poor groups. Also see Malayala Manorama Daily, dt.
15.11.1975.
241 See Deepika daily, 6.3.96,23.496,24.9.96 and 25.10.1997.
 The settlers bought land from intermediaries in Malabar. The common

procedure of land transaction of that time was that migrants will pay the amount to

intermediaries who owned the land with out any documents. The transactions were

only on verbal agreement [Vakkal charthu]. For instance at Nadukkandam near

Anakkampoyil in Kozhikode district, migration started from 1959 onwards. They

migrated from various places of Travancore purchased 80 acres of land from

intermediaries. Later, 87 families of this region received land board notice for

eviction. But in many cases, peasants had proper land documents - pattayam, tax

receipt, registration of Rubber Board etc. These categories were also under threat

of eviction.242 All over Malabar this type of threat to the basic existence of poor

peasants can be seen. They purchased land from intermediaries with out proper

documents but on oral consent. The document of the land and the ownership of the

land is the yielding coconut, arecanut trees bearing red pearls, various varieties of

pepper vine, rubber plantations etc. This is nothing more and nothing less their

documents.243

In 1940's government purchased land for Wayanad colonization scheme for

'j2 Malayala Manorama Daily, 22.8.1976 for instance in 1960 Vernanukunnail Varkey
bought 3.63 cent land @ 750 per acre paid total Rs.28801- to the intermediaries. Puthu
Parambil Mathayi bought 4 acres of land @ Rs. 1001- per acre. They possessed proper
documents including tax receipt, Patta etc. He is also under eviction threat on the ground
that t h ~ sland is forest land. In Anakkam Poyil, Churrathottiyil Augustine, owner of 3 '/z
acres of land due to tension linked with eviction threat fall unconscious on the way to his
residence from Anakkam Poyil village town. Also see Malayala Manorama 23.8.1976.
'j3 Ib id.
the settlement of ex-service men of the World War 11. Settlers from Travancore

purchased lands by paying money to village authorities settled in Ambalavayal,

Sulthan Batheri, Noolpuzha, Vaduvanchal villages without knowing that this land

belonged to Wayanad colonization scheme. Eviction started - settlers organized

and formed an organization called 'Kudiparpu Sangham'. Communist party

workers were behind it. At last orders issued in favour of settlers.2u

About 2 1,000 acres of land was in Pulpally. Before 1950 about 6500 acres

were sold of to adivasies and others with out any records.245 The bone of

contention was that the problem hit area covered the remaining land of Rs.3581-

IAIAI in 14,998 acres and 8 cents of land. This land was owned by Pulpally

Devaswom. In 1951 District Collector ordered to give 2000 acres of land to

farmers with Rs.51- as 'Manusham' and Rs. 21- as Pattam. Poor peasants migrated

and occupied these forest lands in course of time.246 In the second stage people

211
In interview with NIA. Kumaran Arnbalavayal, dtd. 10.10.1996.
"'j Fr. Joseph Nechikkattu, "Pulpally Oru Anusmaranam" in St. Thomas Church Murukuve

Blessing and Immigration silver jubilee souvenir, (Malayalam), (Marakave, 1980) pp. 1-
30.
'" P.C. Celin, Varshantha, (Kodancheny, 1981); pp. 10-14 by about 1961, the total area of
8975 acres of land including 2000 acres of land occupied by migrants also sold to 15 big
land lords. This new land lords began to sold the land to others with proper records
(records which the land lords made with the help of higher officials). Thus the land issue
started and by 1967 the eviction started. People organized .under their vicar Fr. Joseph
Nechikkattu. They formed an organization "Pulpally Karshaka Samithi" The office
bearers of the organization were Fr. Joseph Nechikkad as patron. Kudyppil Joseph,
Joseph General Captain Tharapath General Secretary, police brutality started. Huts of
peasants burnt, destroyed their cultivation. Their intention was to evict 4500 families on
the charge of encroachment. Peasants shouted and resisted against this move.
resisted police forces in several places. In place of burnt huts they built new ones

with in two days. At last police force were compelled to stop to brutalities.

Gradually government also knew the real situation in Wayanad. Actually these

migrant farmers were cheated by the land lords of Malabar by selling land to them

without proper records. On the other hand they received the price of the land very

accurately.247 A public meeting was to protest against eviction was organized by

the 'samara samithi' on November 22, 1968.

Naxal leader Varghese was a spectator at the meeting and the Naxal leaders

considered this as an apt time for their intervention. So they decided to attack the

police MSP camp at Pulpally. On 24' morning they began the attack.248 The

attack was not a success as the sub inspector of police, who was the main target of

the Naxals was not at the station when the incident took place. However; a

constable was killed and a Naxalite, Kisan Thomman, who was severely

247
Interview with P.K. Madhavan, K.M. Mathayi, M.M. Devasia at Pulpally, dtd.
3.5.1984. The fact is that at Pulpally number of peasant families came and settled without
any formalities. They came, cleared forest built huts, and started cultivation. In 1967
eviction threat, people organized cutting across political barrier and organized an
organization called 'Karshaka Powrasamithi" K.M. Mathai as President, Kisan Thomman
as Vice President. Joseph Vadavana, T.V. Jacob Secretaries. The representatives of
peasants travelled to Trivandrum several times and informed the situation to Chief
Minister and other ministers. Finally they gave memmorandum to Forest Minister N.K.
Krishnan and he ordered to stop eviction at Pulpally- interview with K.A. Kesavan
Pulpally, dt 24-5-1985.
news paper there was an advertisement, of the sale of Pulpally Devasworn land @
51- to needy on Maruapattarn basis. But peasants from Travancore had to pay 5 + 35 = 40
to Devaswom (Rs. 35 to Devaswom Manager). Thus they got land but later by 1967, they
faced eviction threat.
wounded in an accidental bomb blast was shot dead by his comrades at his own

request.

In 1958, then Irrigation Minister, V.R. Krishna Aiyar showed keen interest

in building a 52 metre dam across Karyancode river at Kakkadavu. The

Kakkadavu project was expected to help paddy cultivation in 3500 acres of land

and to increase paddy production to 112800 tomes. However, this project was

shelved for a very long period.

The file was re-opened in 1978 and the Government of Kerala went

ahead with land survey and other necessary works to implement the Kakkadavu

project. By this time, a large number of peasants had occupied the project area.

They were up in arms against the proposed project as the dam was to sink over

1000 acres of cultivated land, besides making thousands of families homeless. The

farmers also realised that they would be deprived of their lands and a living one

the dam was built. This fear led to widespread agitation led by all political parties,

MLAs, Bishop of Tellicheny and priests. They took out protest marches to the

Kannur Collectorate, taluk and village office^.^"

Since last 30 years migrant families fiom Travancore settled down at

Vazhamala, Narrikodumala, Chathirikkal mala, Mundashan Kunnu, Podikkalam.

Now they are facing eviction threat on the ground that these lands are part of

249 Paluvayal Kudbettu Smumniku, (Palavayal, 1999) pp.83-93.

Vadakkelakam excess land. The Malabar Karshaka Samithi led by church

leadership filed an 0 . P at Hon'ble High Court of Kerala (0P.NO. 13446196) and

stay order was obtained. They organized wide demonstrations against eviction of

peasants.250

Disputes over the ownership of land often led to civil and criminal cases. In

several instances rich farmers, land lords and jenmis evicted the poor farmers

without any resistance. But in certain cases the affected parties filed petition to the

police and followed civil procedures.25'

Several eviction cases were reported in Malabar. There was no proper land

records for the migrants. They purchased lands having no proper documents and

cultivated it unaware of the impending threat of eviction. Many of such assigned

plots either belonged or claimed by government or jenmis. This led to eviction

threats. A number of popular agitations followed. These agitations were

organized and led by popular leaders like A.K.G., Fr. Vadakan e t ~ . ~ ' ~

At Kottiyur, the land belonged to Kottiyur Devaswom. Migrants bought land

from the Devaswom on Verumpattam basis. But later in 1956 the Nair Service

250 Girideepam (Tellicheq, Nov. 1997) p.36.

251
Landlord Mukkath Alikutty was arrested by the police in charge that he evicted certain
peasants at Kavilwnpara village near Kuttiyadi. He got bail from the court. See
Mathrubhurni Daily, Calicut June 4,1949, The case was charged under I.P.C. 148, 448,
379.
252 P.C. Celin Varshantha Kodachery government Village Magazine, (Kodancheny, 1981)
pp.7-9.
Society bought the land for a nominal value from Kottiyur Devaswom and they

demanded further money from the peasants for their possession of the land.

Settlers resisted this move to evict them from their cultivable land. In this case final

victory was for them.2"

Gudallur Eviction

Though Gudallur and Shimoga are not included in Kerala most of the

affected parties in these two evictions were Malayalis. So let us examine these

eviction problems too. Gudallur, was formerly formed part of Malabar District.

By the end of 19&century it was merged with Nilagiri district.

In 1929 'Malabar kudiyayma Niyamam' was implemented in Gudallur (the

Madras Government n o t i f ~ dthis in the Gazetteer in 1945) to protect the farmers

from exploitation of land lords and jenmies. Lured by the Kudiyayama Niyamam

a lot of Malayali peasants migrated to Gudallur and started cultivation. Majority of

these migrants were from Meenachil, Kothamangalam and Thodupuzha in Kerala.

They had to undergo all types of hardships suffered by early migrants. Around

253 M.C. Saviour "Kottiyur Kudiyetta Charithram" in St. Sebusticmk Church Souvenir
(Kottiyur, 1993), pp. 19-20. Joseph Vadakan, Entekuthippum Kithappum (Mal.) (Trichur,
1973) p.146. In 1961, N.S.S. Purchased 3000 acres of land on melcharth from Kottiyur
Devaswom which led to the eviction of those families who had already occupied and
cultivated the land on the basis of oral lease from the concerned authorities and also by
way of encroachments. These families united and led a large peasant mobilization against
it under the leadership of Fr. Vadakkan and B. Willington.
95% of the population at Gudallur were ~ a l a ~ a l i e sEviction
.~'~ began in 1972.

Farmers organized under Gudallur Karshakasangham led by Advocate

M.J. Cheriyan, Fr. Parakkal and later by Fr. Joseph Vadakkan and many others led

the mass agitations. The agitators had to face brutal lathicharages, police firing etc.

In 1978 Mr. Louis Thuruthiyil committed suicide infiont of the Gudallur R.D.0

oKice. Later in 1979 T.V. Joseph also committed suicide because of the eviction

threat and police persecution.255 The suicides attracted much media coverage and

nation wide protest. The government was forced to stall all eviction proceedings.

Shimoga Eviction

Migrants from Travancore settled in 3600 acres of land at Shimoga in

'"By the order of G.O. M.S. 2384, dtd. 18.5.1960, the holders of three acres of land were
eligible for getting permanent deeds (Pattayam). William Phense, "Gudallur Prasnam"
(Mal.), is K.C.Y.M. Publication No. 11 (Trivandrum 1982) pp. 1- 16.
"j Ibid., Eviction of settlers at Gudallur in Tamilnadu under D.F.O. Marimuthu on 1978
Oct. 4. at 6 am at Machikolly region virtually attacked by forest officials with the help of
police. This area is closely connected with Kerala. Arrest and lathi charge started,
destroyed houses and cultivation, attacked and destroyed Machikolli Christian Church and
evicted 80 families of Machikolli. Media persons like Malayala Manorama's Mathew
Manimala and Mathew Kadhalikadu, reached there. Police prevented them from taking
the photos of the debris - houses, church and cultivation. They kept the reporters under
illegal custody. T.K. Louis Thuruthyil was the leader of settlers of Machikolli. He was an
artist from Nadavayal in Wayanad, who had later migrated to Gudallur. Louis reached
the RDO office on a October 7, 1978. Louis wrote a few letters to authorities, his wife and
children and put them in a tin box. He then poured Kerosene over his body and torched
hlmself. This attracted the attention of the whole nation. Government stopped eviction,
and decided to issue documents to them. Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu M.G.
Ramachandran visited the house of Louis. Thousands of people attended the funeral of
Sri. Louis Machikolli re-named as Louis Nagar. Also see P.M. Mathew "Gudallur
Kudiyirrakku" Diocese of Mununthuvady Specrul Rullettm, (Munutlzuvudy, 1979), 1979,
pp.45-50.
Karnataka. Land was owned by a jenmi called Kalling Rao. Due to unforeseen

reasons settlers didn't get the proper documents from him. Then the Karnataka

Government evicted 500 families of Kerala migrants from Shimoga. They settled in

5 acres of land provided by District Congress Committee President Dhananma.

Rev. Bishop Sebastian Velloppilly, intervened. He met chief minister Nijaligappa,

who promised to settle the issue. But Chief Minister's assurance to the Bishop

never materialised. So Rev. Sebastian Velloppilly bought 263 hectares of land at

Payyavoor and handed over, two acres each to 250 families. By this time other

families had returned to Travancore. The fertility of the soil at Payyavoor

Shimoga colony was very bad. Farmers availed loans from the government for

soil conservation but failed to repay it in time. Again recovery threat started. The

settlers observed a hunger strike in front of Kannur Collectorate. Then Chief

Minister of Kerala, K. Karunakaran intervened in the issue and gave directions to

write off their agricultural debt. Thomas Thamarassery was the best all round

leader of settlers of Shimoga colony. Twenty five families still live in Shimoga

usury

Shortage of cash often drove the migrants into the trap of an expensive

credit system. In the bitter intervals between earnings they were compelled to turn

256
Interview with Rt. Rev. Dr. Sebastian Valloppilly, Tellicheny, dt. 24.8.2001 and also
see Malayala Manorarna Daily, November 24, 1999.
to the generosity of the local shopkeeper who would tide them over to the limit of

his slim resources (what else could the merchant do when all his customers were in

the same miserable condition). As debts mounted up in the grocer's book, the

migrants lost the freedom to shop, paid in the price of their food, the interest and

more.'j7

In this transactions, local merchants, majority of them Muslims acted as

money lenders before the formation of Aikyananaya Sanghams, later co-perative

Banks, Commercial Banks and Gramin Banks. Money lending in various forms

with cut throat interest prevailed in Malabar.

There was immense scope for agriculture in Malabar. But it was hindered

by shortage of funds. With the introduction of state wide rationing and monopoly

procurement of surpluses by the state, it became difficult to get paddy loans during

the Monsoon period to be returned afier the harvest. Local money lenders made

use of this situation by advancing money to the poor cultivators on security of gold

and land. For cash loans local money lenders took pronotes for 50 percent more

than the principal sum, to be returned with the interest at local

257
For details of the working of usury in international and national situation see Oscar
Handlin, The Uprooted (Toronto 1973) p.71, and Balakrishna, Interest and Usury Slr
Asuthosh Memorial Volume (Edt). J.N. Samaddar (Patna 1928) pp.277-301.
258 Sivaswamy, K.G. Op.cit., P.H. and also interview with Rev. Joseph Taffereal dtd.
7.4.1985.
 In certain parts of Malabar agitations were organized by the political parties

and other organizations against this type of exploitation of the poor peasants. In

Wayanad it gained militancy and ended with naxalite insurgency organized by

A ~ a r ~ h e s e . ~ ~ ~

The business community also advanced money on crops like tapioca and

pepper, on condition that for a loan of &.loo/-, agricultural products worth.

Rs.200/- should be returned. At Sulthan's Battery and Vayattuparamba, the mopla

traders advanced loans on the pledge of paddy, ginger, tapioca and cattles. Interest

was collected at the rate of 50 percent on loans, where the cattle were pledged for

sec~rity.~"

'Vilamurikkal' was a common style which prevailed all over Malabar

through which merchants (in certain cases other rich people including rich settlers)

advance money to the poor peasants. In this transaction a peasant will be a victim

of three dimensional exploitation. For example, the market price of one packet

*j9 Jenrnis of higher castes in Wayanad exploited both migrant cultivators and tribals.

Peasants and tribals led by A. Varghese revolted against this injustice. Later it assumed a
colour of militancy under the banner of naxalite movement in Wayanad. The leader of
rebellion Mr. A. Varghese was a migrated peasant from Vazhakulam, near Thodupuzha
and he was brutally killed by police at Thirunelli forest in Wayanad. For further details
see O.M. Varghese Op.cit., p.311-12. Also see 0 . K Johny, Wayanad rekhakal,
(Malayalam) (Calicut, 200 1).
Interview with Davasia Alias Kochu, Vadakkayil Kodencheri dtd. 4.9.1986, I. Jockin,
Trichamparam, dtd. 17.3.1985. Also see Sivaswamy, K.G. and Others p. 14.
paddy (5 'para') was Rs. 151-. In vilamurikal transaction the price of one packet

paddy was fixed at Rs.51- instead of Rs.151-. The amount ie. Rs.51- was not paid in

cash, Rs.1SO/- will be paid in cash and remaining 3 '/z paid in kind for . Even in

the sale of the grocery worth Rs.3 54 the real price would be Rs. 21- since because

the merchant will naturally fix much higher price for it.261

This was the common pattern of money lending in Malabar. Instead of

paddy, other materials like tapioca, pepper and other hill products also were sold in

advance in this Vilamurikkal transaction. It. was against this in most settlement

areas migrants and locals formed 'aikyananaya Sanghams'. Later this sangham

transformed into primary Co-operative ~ocieties.~"

With the formation of Co-operative Banks throughout Malabar the

percentage of exploitation decreased. 263 The role of political leadership in this

matter should be positively remembered. By 1940-50 under K.P.C.C. leader

'" Money lenders exploited settlers and adivasis. For examples one adivasi (Kuruman
caste) had debt with a merchant. During crops season he had cleared all debts except 2 pai
(2 paise). The money lender told him that he had to pay two more pai to the former. In
the tribal local usage 'pi' means calf. So he thought that 2 pai means 2 calves. So he gave
one calf to the money lender and he assured that at the earliest he will give the other calf
also. This is the pattern through which money lenders exploited the illiterate,
unsophisticated, poor adivasis and migrant settlers in Malabar.
262
Interview with Rev. Mathayi Nooranal Sultan's Battery, 2 1.11.2001 and Sebastian
Joseph, "Wayanad Aranootadmidayil" in Discover Wayanud (Kalpetta 1995) pp. 113-127
Also see Joseph Kuravilangad, Konippadikal (Calicut 1991 ) pp.318-319. Interview with
K.M Mathew, Chapparapadam, dt. 14.3.1998.
263 Interview with early migrants who lost their land in this way. Thomas
Kollamparambil, Vellade dt. 3.6.1988. Padinjare Veetil Lakshmi dt. 3.6.1988 and Chacko
Thekkurnkattil, Odayanchal dt. 13.2.1999.
K. Kelappan, Congress Party formed 'gramodharana sanghams'. As an offshoot of

this organization Aikyananaya sanghams with Rs.5.25 per share, was formed. The

holder of one share was eligible for a loan Rs.501- fiom the Sangham. One person

holding 20 shares, was eligible to get Rs.5001- as loan. These Aikyananaya

Sanghams and Co-operative Banks helped settlers to a large extent.2M

Civil and Criminal Cases

Another type of hardship and difficulties faced by the settlers in the early

stages of migration was,police cases, court cases, threat from jenmies etc. Up to

1970's jenmi landlordism prevailed in Malabar and its elements played a vital role

in their attitude towards settlers. In several cases they became victims of cheating

by landlord or intermediaries. But political leaders like K. Kelappan, A.K. G.,

K.A. Keraleeyan, A.C. Kannan Nair and a number of veteran leaders whole

heartedly supported them. The feudal elements and hostile attitude towards settlers

by certain landlords and intermediaries dragged them to civil and criminal cases.

In connection with the construction of Christian churches, schools, roads,

many police and court cases were charged against the priests and migrant

2N P.J. Varkey " Kudiyetta Janathayde Puthan Prateeksha:"(Mal.), in Fr. Mani Kandathil
Jubilee Souvenir, Karikkottakkiri, 1984, p.95.
leaders.265 In 194 1 Cheriyan Kadalikkattil bought 500 acres of land fiom Mukkath

Moideen Haji at Kunduthodu. He planted coconut trees. The growth of coconut

trees caught the attention of the landlord. He made a hidden agenda to recapture

the land.266 Perumanna Estate owner O.C. Jose was arrested by Quilandy Police

under IPC 379, 381, 447, 408, 420. Calicut sub divisional Magistrate gave bail to

him, The charge against him was that he encroached government owned Koothali

estate land and instigated Travancore settlers to settle in the estate land.267

Mr. Thomas from Travancore bought land through registered document

fiom Mannarkad Moopil Nair and he planted rubber. At the same time, the same

jenmi sold the same land to Kuthiravattathu Bhaskaran Thampan. So Bhaskaran

Thampan cut off about 700 rubber sapplings of Mr. Thomas as a symbol of his

265 The establishment of Thiruvambadi Christian Church led to a series of cases. When
the Parishioners under Rev. Kerubin started the construction work, the jenrni of the land
Manniledeth Karthlyayini Amma filed a suit at Calicut Assistant Munsif Court, vide O.P.
No. 935 dt. 9.1 1.1958. Interview with K.L. Poulose, Thiruvambadi, 20.7.1975.
P.N. Chldambaran, Thlruvambadi, 20.7.1985. M.J. Michael, Thiruvambadi, 21.7.1985.
P.J. Thomas, Thiruvambadi, 2 1.7.1985.
266 Land lord Moideen Haji deliberately, did not receive the land rent. The existing land
tenure was that when a tenant not remitted the land rent, for the three consecutive years,
will be evicted. Cheriyan knew the trap of Haji and he played another trick ie, he
borrowed Rs.1000 fiom Haji and returned it through money order to Haji and kept the
money order receipt. After three years Haji filed a suit to evict Cheriyan on the ground
that he had not remitted the rent. Cheriyan produced money order receipt in the court and
claimed that he had paid the rent through money order. Finally O.P. was disposed in
favour of Kadhalikkattil Cheriyan. See Joseph Kuruvilangad Op.crt., p.280 and Interview
with Mathew Kadhalikkat, Journalist, Calicut dt. 5.1.2002.
267 Mathrubhurni Daily 13.4.1947,p.5.
right over the property. Subsequently, agent of Mr. Thomas filed a petition at

subdivisional Magistrate Court of ~ a l a ~ ~ u r a r n . ~ ~ ~

Many such cases of disputes over the ownership of land were reported all

over Malabar. Many poor peasants were evicted from their land, actually

purchased and cultivated by them. But rich peasants like Mr. Thomas got judicial

help. The officials especially revenue and civil supplies, officials were hostile

towards migrants. This can't be generalized. In isolated cases depending on the

nature, influence of the settler and the real issue, they showed a type of 'anti'

attitude. We would like to put an example for this attitude of bureaucracy. It was

connected with appropriation of land cess, levy etc. in Thiruvambadi areas. Civil

supplies officers usually came with gundas and antisocials to extract the levy of

production from the peasant migrants. In fact, the entire paddy produce will be

taken away by them as levy. This created a sense of insecurity among the farmers.

At last Rev. Athanesious intervened and the problem was brought to the attention

of District Collector of Calicut, and the Collector gave direction to stop these

inhuman actions.269

268 Mathrubhumi (Three in week, ),22.2.1930. p.6.

*" Interview with Rev. Berthelornew C.M.I., Koodathayi, dt. 16.1.2002
 The life of these migrants were chequered with sunspots of utter penury and

threatening lacunae of hopelessness. However, those who could somehow survive

these hardships did creditable works and left indelible marks in the history of these

settlement areas. The painstaking efforts of these settlement 'fathers' form a silver

line in the gloomy historical bygone days of these areas.

 ORGANIZED INTERVENTIONS

P.T. Sebastian “Christian migration to malabar, 1930 - 1980 ” , Department of

History , University of Calicut, 2002
 CHAPTER 111
ORGANIZED INTERVENTIONS

The organized settlements in the Malabar regions, has 'its' golden history,

though underlined by a series of hardships, which the early settler's underwent. It

speaks volumes and volumes on the systematic schemes employed by various

organizations like the churches, NSS and other organizations in the setting up of

schools, colleges, hospitals in the hilly areas of these places, the significant role it

has played in the large scale development of this area, especially in the agricultural

field. The migrants from Travancore to Malabar can be classified into two : (1) the

isolated or individual and (2) the organized group. The latter's contribution to

development and their history is to be noted and studied in detail. It all began with

Late Prof. V.J. Joseph. It was he who first noticed the large areas of uncultivated

forest in the hilly regions of Malabar.

In the realm of organized migration, the role of Mar. Alexander-

Choolapparambil, Bishop of the Diocese of Kottayam and Prof V.J. Joseph is to be

remembered. They had established three colonies in Malabar - Rajapuram, Alex

Nagar and Ranipuram. Prof. V.J. Joseph was the president of Knanaya Catholic

Congress. He was working as a Professor at Mangalore. In his journey fiom

Mangalore to Kottayam he used to collect information about the availability of

cultivable land in the eastern hill ranges of Malabar side. It was known for its rich

flora and fauna. At the same tirne he had another advantage, i.e. many of his
students belonged to the families of the land lords of these regions.' Being very

religious and committed to Christianity the idea of establishing Christian colonies

in these areas flashed in his mind, and without any delay, he consulted the Bishop

of Kottayam and other heads of the Church, and the organized migration began.

Abundant land at cheap price, the enforced poverty and famine due to war

and the fascinating appeal of the churches and various other factors accelerated the

colonization in several areas such as Rajapuram, Madampam, Ranipuram,

Chungathara, Shimoga, etc.

Migration under Knanaya Catholic Diocese of Kottayam

It was Prof. V.J. Joseph who had suggested the idea of settlements of

Knanaya catholic colonies in Malabar under the leadership of Kottayam Diocese.

But at the same time it was a dangerous and a h 1 thing to migrate to these forest

region. Mar. Alexander Choolapparambil, the Bishop, discussed this idea of

Prof. Joseph with his colleagues in the Bishop House. They wholeheartedly agreed

to the suggestions of Prof. Joseph and entrusted him to purchase land for the same

1 Interview with P.C. Luckose Master, Panathadi, 5.10.2001.

2Kottayam Diocese, Platinum Jubilee Smarunika I Y I I - I Y 8 6 , (Kottayam, 1986) pp.98-
100.
Rajapuram Colony

As Prof. Joseph had intimate connections with the landlords in Kanhangad -

Kasargode areas, it was not difficult for him to find out suitable land for

establishing a settler's colony in Malabar. He bought 1800 acres of land at

Panathadi village in Hosdurg Taluk. The land belonged to Kakkottumadam

Kovilakam of Nileshwar Royal Family. On March 26, 1942, he formally registered

the sale of 1800 acres of land at Hosdurg Sub Registrar Ofice, Kanhangad.3 After

the purchase of land in Maiabar, the church leadership of Kottayam Diocese, made

enough propaganda for the colonization programme in Raiapuram (formerly

Echikol). Public meetings and seminars were organized under the leadership of

Knanaya Catholic Congress in various parts of Central Travancore.4

Subsequently they invited application from the interested parties for

colonization progamme. The price fixed for one acre of land was Rs.81-. The

authorities decided to allot 72 blocks of land and each block consisted of 12 ?4

acres of land. They further decided to send 72 families from Travancore to

3 P.C. Lukose, Notes on Rajapuram Kudiyettam, unpublished Manuscript, p.4. also see
K.G. Sivaswarny et al., The Exodus From Travancore to Malabar, (Coimbatore, 1945),
p.5-6.
1 In these meetings Prof. V.J. Joseph, Rev. Thomas Tharayil, Rev. Cyriac Mattathil,
Adv. Cheriyan Ottathaikkal etc. explained the importance and objectives of the
colonization. see Joseph Kuravilangad, Konlppadikal (Calicut, 1 99 1 ), pp.607-609.
Rajapuram.5 But the number of applicants to the scheme was much more than 72.

Under these circumstance certain families offered to share their block of land with

their friends or relatives by giving half of the land they possessed.

Before the arrival of the selected families to Rajapuram a pioneer team

reached Rajapuram to make a survey of the land. They stayed at government

Tourist Bungalow at Kallar and later they shifted to another building called

'Ummachi Banglowt.6 This team surveyed and divided land into 72 blocks. The

selection and allotment of the blocks of land was done by drawing the lot. Majority

of the colonizers to Rajapuram came from Punnathura, Kattachira, Kidangur,

AMattakkara,Koodallur, Piravam, Arunoo, Itimangalam, Karinkunnam etc.

The colonizers commenced their long journey to Rajapuram on 2" February,

1943 under the leadership of Rev. Mathew Cherussery from Kottayam to

Ernakulam by boat, and Ernakulam to Shornur by train, then Shornur to Kanhangad

5 The number 72 is a symbol of the Knanaya migration under Thomas of Cana from Syria
to Kerala in 345 A . 3 . Faith and tradition says that there were a5out 400 members
including 72 families- One Bishop - Mar Joseph of Uraha, two Kasisas, two Chemachans
etc. in the area. For the detailed list of Heads of 72 families, see Appendix VIII. also see
P.T. Sebastian, Kasargode Distict (Mal.) in Jillacharithram, Kasargode District
(Kasargode, 2002) . Pp. 200-205
This team was led by Prof. V.J. Joseph, Rev. Lucko Kattappuram, Rev. Jacob
Mudakkalil, a land surveyer and a cook were also included in the team. At first they
received the migrant at Kanhangad railwaystation on their arrival on 41h Feb. 1943 They
stayed at Latin Church, Kanhangad. For details see E.P. Mathew "Malabar Kudiyettavum
Knanaya Catholica Congressum" (Mal.) in Golden Jubilee Souvenir of Knanaya
Catholica Congress, (Kottayam, 1988) pp.27-29.
were they shifted to another train. Their journey from Kanhgad to Rajapuram was

on foot or in bullock carts. This was the nature of their exodus to Rajapuram.7

On 5'h February, 1943 the settlers reached Rajapuram. Before their arrival,

the pioneer team had constructed a temporary shed with 20 feet width and 100 feet

length. This shed was used as temporary residence as well as prayer hall of the

settlers.8

The next day, a meeting of all the settlers under Rev. Mathew Cherusseri

and V.J. Joseph, resolved to introduce a new name to 'Echikkol'. They named it as

'Rajapuram' after a prolonged discussion. They unanimously approved the name

'Rajapuram' and Echikkol was Chrished 'Rajapuram'. The name 'Rajapuram'

means Jesus' Kingdom (Kr~sthuRajyam).

The landed property at Rajapuram town was also divided in to 72 plots.

Each plot having 3 3/4 cents of land were also allotted to the settlers. The migrants

immediately occupied their land and started cultivation. They cleared the forests,

built temporary huts and Erumadams for their shelter. In this venture they received

7 Mathew Manimala, Malayala Manorama Daily, Dec. 10, 1999. Also Interview with
Ullatil Eli, Rajapuram, 4.10.2001, Mathew Padinhattu Nhalil, Rajapuram, 4.10.200I .
8 Mar. ~uriakose Kunnasseri, "Malabar Kudiyettathil Kottayam Roopathayude
Pankalitham" (Mal.) in Kudiyetta Charithravum Thumurasseri Mekl~ukuyum
(Thiruvambadi, 1 998) pp.66-68.
the help of other migrants.9 As noted earlier, the migrants of Rajapuram also had to

face various forms of challenges for their existence. The main threat was from

\vild animals, especially of wild boars, monkeys, elephants etc. The Malarial

fever, cholera, s\\-elling, and other diseases resulted in a number of casualties and

difficulties to the settlers of Rajapuram.10 To contain this severe situation the

church fathers Rev. luck Kattappuram and Rev. Jacob Mudakkalil distributed

Quinine tablets among migrants. Fr. Mudakkalil travelled on his cycle from

Malakkallu to Chullikkere and made his daily visits at the peasants and distributed

Quinine tablets to them."

The organized leadership in the Rajapuram settlements helped the migrants

in various levels. Unlike that of individual migration they were under the

patronage of the Diocese of Kottayam. The leadership made all efforts to provide

modified treatment of diseases, and facilities and advance for cultivation in

marketing of agncultural produces. For instance, the existing interest rate at

Rajapuram was 25 percent (for 6 months). To liberate the colonises from usury the

church leadership sent Rev. Mathew Thekkanattu as superintendent of Rajapuram

colony. He introduced a project to help peasants. Under this project the Church

9 Deepika Daily, 16.1.94,27.11.1999.

1Vor details of diseases and deaths see appendix 111-b. Also see P.C. Luckose Master,
A,otes on Rujupurum, Unpublished Manuscript. See 'Canayi Muthal Rajapuram Vare"
(Mal.) in Malayalam Manorama Daily, Feb.5, 1992.
11 Ibid. Aslo see Sacerdetul Silver Jubilee Souvenir of Rt. Rev. Sebstiun Velloppilly,

(Tellicherry, 1970) pp.268-269.

gave loans to the farmers for which the latter had to pay only 10 percent as

interest.12

In another case they brought tapioca seedlings in large quantity through

special wagon of Railway and they collected tapioca and sold it directly in

Bombay. The brain and leadership behind all these progressive ideas was

Prof. V.J. Joseph.13

In June 1943 itself they had started a L.P. School at Rajapuram. In 1948

another school started functioning at Malakkallu. The Holy family school of

Rajapuram, which has now been upgraded as a Higher Secondary School and

Malakallu L.P. School upgraded as U.P. School belongs to this category. The

Diocese of Kottayam established a college (Pious X college) at Rajapuram. The

settlement area of Rajapuram is now developed like any other settlements in

Malabar.14

" C.K. Varkey, "Malabar Kudiyettavum Kasargode Jillayum" (Mal.), in Kasargode

District Souvenir (Kasargode, 1985), page no. not mentioned.
13 Interview with Kudunilamkuzhiyil Korakkutty, Rajapuram 3.10.200 1. Chacko
Valiyaparambil, Rajapuram, 3.10.200 1.
14 Public institutions like telephone exchanges, electricity offices, post offices, banks,

hospitals etc. were serving the needs of the people of this area. See P.T. Sebastian,
"Malabar Kudiyettam Oru Visakalanam" (Mal.) in Rajatha Jubilee Smaranika Holy
Family High School, (Rajapuram, 1986), pp. 23-26.
Alex Nagar Colony

The Diocese of Kottayam started three colonies in northern part of Kerala -

Rajapuram colony, Alex Nagar colony (Madampam) and Ranipuram colony. The

main source of inspiration behind this was Prof. V.J. Joseph. His idea was to

establish at least five colonies in between Trichur and Kasargode. After purchasing

land for Rajapuram colony, he turned his attention to start a Knanaya colony at

Madampam.

After initial investigations Professor Joseph purchased 1969 acre and 87

cents of land at Madampam area near Sreekantapuram from Karikkattidam

Nayanar. This area of land was spread over Sreekantapuram, Kanhileri and

Eruvessi villages. The documents of the purchase of land was registered as

No.98411943.I5

The total purchased land was divided into about 104 plots and was assigned

to 104 families. But at the linitial stage, only 39 families came to live at

Madampam.16

13 Chacko Manthuruthil, "Alex Nagar Kudiyettam Oru Anubhava Sakshyam" (Mal.) in the
Souvenir of Malabar Knunayu Kudiyetta Suvarna Jubilee 1913-1993 (Kannur 1993),
pp. 17-19.
16 M.J. Chacko, "Ente Ormakkurippukal" (Mal.) in The Parish Directory, Lourde Forance
Church, (Madampam, 200 1), pp. 17- 19. For the list of migrants see Appendix IX.
 The first team of migrants started from Kottayam on 7' May 1943 and they

reached Madampam on 9' morning. Their journey was more or less similar to the

journey of the settlers of Rajapuram. They were received at Madampam by a team

led by Prof V.J. Joseph, Mamalasseri Abraham and others.17

Rev. Mathew Chermsseri was the leader of the migrants in their exodus

from Travancore to Madampam. Prof. V.J. Joseph had already bought necessary

tiles for settlers' temporary huts. He had also collected and stored paddy for the

consumption of migrants. Immediately after reaching Madampam, they

constructed a temporary shed having 701 feet length and 25 feet width for their

temporary stay at Madampam. This shed, was also used as their church, for their

prayer and Holy Mass. Rev. Mathew Cherusseri and Prof. V.J. Joseph, after

consulting with the migrants named the colony as Alex Nagar colony. This name is

a mark of respect to Bishop Mar Alexander Choolapparambil, to comemmorate his

love and affection for the migrant.18

After reaching Madampam, the settlers occupied their own blocks of land

and started hut building and cultivation. The early hardships which they faced were

17 M.J. Chacko Master, Notes on !MadampamMigration. Unpublished Manuscripts.

18Mathrubhumi Daily, June 16, 1993, p.7. Also see Interview with Mathayi
Poovathummoottil, Madampam 24.10.1992. And K.G. Sivaswami, et at.,Ibid.pp.24-29.
much more than that of their counter parts at Rajapuram.19 Later they established

Mary Land School and Lourde church at Madampam. Now this area Alex Nagar

colony, has developed like any other settlements in Malabar.

Ranipuram colony

Ranipuram colony is the third colony established under Diocese of

Kottayam in Malabar. This colony was being opened during the time of Bishop

Mar. Thomas Tharayil. Ranipuram colony came into existence as a part of the

silver jubilee celebration of the ordination of Bishop Mar. Thomas Tharayil,

Rev. Fr. Stephen Muthukattil was entrusted with the job of opening the colony. He

bought 750 acres of land at 'Madathumala' in R.S. No.292, 18 k.m. from

Rajapuram, in Hosdurg Taluk. The land transfer document was regstered on

September 26, 1969 and selected 45 families to migrate to this colony.20

The settlers reached Ranipuram on January 27, 1970. Ranipuram was

appealing for its scenic beauty . But climatic conditions were quite hostile to them.

The extreme cold climate, poor fertility of the soil and threat from wild animals

'9 P.T. Sebastian, "Problems of Peasant Settlers of Malabar," in the Proceedings of Indian
History Congress, 47' Session, Srinagar 1986. also see Mathew. Manimala, Malayala
Manoram, 8.12.1999.
20 Fr. George Kappukala, "Kudiyettam Alexnagarilwn Ranipurathurn" (Mal.) in Souvenier

ofMalubar Knanaya Kudiyettu Golden Jubilee (Kannur, 1993), p. 18.

Deepika Daily, 15.12.1994. For details of the list of early settlers. see Appendix X.
adversely affected the dreams of the migrants.21 So many deserted the land. Even

though the organizers of the colony opened church, school, post office etc. and had

constructed 42 houses for them, most of them were not willing to stay there. The

reason for this was the poor productivity of the land and even the mere existence

was a challenge for them.22

At present Ranipuram is spoted as a tourist centre in the tourist map of

Kerala. The District Tourism Promotion Council and Kerala Government Tourism

Department are doing their best to tap the Tourism potential of Ranipuram23.

N.S.S. Colony at Panathadi

Nair Service Society (N.S.S) bought 4800 acres of land at Panathadi -

Balamthode area in 1958 in Kasargode district. The idea behind the purchase of

this land was to establish a colony for members of Nair community of Travancore

in Malabar. The N.S.S. leadership selected 500 Nair families through the N.S.S.

Karayogams for organizing migration to Malabar. They fixed Rs.501- per one acre

21 M.J. Chacko Master, Notes on Ranipurarn Colony. Unpublished Manuscripts. Also see
"Ranipuram Kudiyettam" in Kottayam Roopatha Platinum Jubilee Smaranika, (Kottayam,
1986), pp. 100-101.
22Interview with M.J. Chacko Master, Madampam, 10.10.2001. Also see Jospeh
Kuravilangad, Op.cit., p.614 and Sacerdotal Silver Jubilee Souvenir of Mar. Sebastian
Vellopilly.
23 Jose Tharakkel, "Ranipuram Kasargodinte Ootty" (mal.) in Kasargode District Souvenir

(Kasargode, 1985). Page number not mentioned. Also see Mar. Kuriakose Kunnasseri,
.
Op.cit., pp.66-68.
of land and allotted 500 block of land for the same. Each block consisted of five

acres of land. They collected Rs.500 from every settler family.24

Sri Makkappuzha Vasudevan Pillai and Pattadi Sankaran Nair were the

loaders and promoters of this colonization programme. In between 1960-65, about

500 families settled down at Panathadi.25 Nair Service Society leadership did all

the help to the settlers in their cultivation and construction of houses.

By 1959-'60 they started plantation agriculture including rubber, pepper,

aredcanut etc. in the remaining land.26 Now the N.S.S. estate at Panathadi is one of

the important Agricultural farms operated by N.S.S. in Kerala.27 At Balanthode

they started a hospital besides opening a new N.S.S. administrative building. The

conditions of the settlers of this colony have also advanced much.

-4ssumption Colony

The forest land at Kodancheri area was under the ownership of Manaledath

Ramunni Nair and others. From them Manomiyil Unichan alias Kuttayi from

Kallai bought the ownership of the land. In 1942 C.D. Mathayi Chempokathil from

-4 Rs.250 as price of 5 acres of land and Rs.250 as security amount (to be returned later).
" Interview with C.R. Krishnan Nair, early settler and staff of N.S.S. Estate at Panalthadi,
Balamthode, 12.9.2001.
C.K. Varkey (1985), Op.cit., and Joseph Kuravilangad (l991), Op.cit., p.6 10-61 1
2: The budget of the N.S.S. estate for the year 1997-'98 shows Rs.2,24,29,000 as receipts
and Rs.90,87,000 as expenditure. see for further details. Nair Service Society,
,-ldministrution Report, 1997-98 (Changanasseri, 1998) pp. 1-4 (Agricultural section) Also
see Budget Report 199596, N. S.S. (Changanasseri, 1995), pp. 1-30.
Erumeli bought about 4000 acres of land. The Diocese of Calicut had acquired

1850 acres of land from C.D. Mathayi. The price of land was fixed at Rs. 12.50 per

acre.28 Rev. Beretta of Calicut Diocese was appointed as the Director of the colony,

and he supervised the settlements of migrants who secured plots from the land

holding settlers. The settlers later moved into forest areas in the adjoining areas

like Thiruvambadi, Kodancheri, Mukkam, Puthuppadi, Koodaranhi etc. The

assumption colony had already been established by 1944. In 1944 itself 46 families

had settled there.29 While buying the land Rev. Beretta had an idea of starting an

Estate or industry in this area. But his dreams did not materialise. So they decided

to sell this land to the migrants from Travancore. They appointed Sr. Thomas

Purayidam as the agent for land sale and handed over the power of attorney to him

for the same purp0se.m

Rev. Fr. Beretta and others gave the name - Assumption colony - to this

settlement. Rev. Monthanari was the Parish priest of this area in earlier time.31 The

colony being sponsored by the Diocese of Calicut, the settlers, of this colony were

in receipt of various forms of help from the church authorities.

28 N.A. George, "Assumption Colony, Thiruvambadi Velli Nakshatrarn Oru Avalokanan"

(Mal.). Sacerdotal Silver Jubilee Souvenir ( 1 970) Op.cit. pp.205-208.
29 Interview with Rev. James Nazarat Pappinisseri, 16.3.1985.

30 Thomas Augustian, Koduncheri Forane (Mal.) in Kudiyetta Charithruvum

Tharnarusseri Mekhulayum, (Thiruvambadi, 19983, pp.49-50.
3' Joseph Uravilangad, ( 199 1), Op. cit., p. 169- 1 70.
Uruppanthattu Colony (Aanara Colony)

Rev. Fr. Thomas Nilamperil from Pulinkunnu (Kuttanad) wanted to help

some poor people of Pulinkunnu. So he proposed a project for starting a colony in

Malabar to Mar. Sebastian Velloppilly, Bishop of Tellichery.

Rev. Bishop Velloppilly entrusted the task to Fr. Mathew. J. Kottukappalli,

Rev. Kottukappalli bought 150 acres of land @ 200 per acre at Uruppanthatta near

Manikkadavu.32 Fr. Nilamperil devided the land to 30 families, 5 acres for each

family. 12 families reached Anara and settled down the particular land. The land

was on the top of a hill, with less fertility. So the migrants became desperate. The

migrants fiom Kuttanad Plain region had no knowledge of the art of cultivation in

the high land forest regions of Malabar. Fr. Nilamperil used to give them Rs.22.50

per month and this continued for several months. In course of time, all families

except four, went back to Pultnkunnu side.33

Bathe1 Marthoma Colony

In 1951 April Marthoma Church organized a migration of poor farmers,

under the leadership of Fr. Plavumkal. They bought more than 200 acres of land

from Nilambur Kovilakam and settled at Pullanchery. The Government of Madras

32 Rev. Mathew, J. Kottukappally Pullumkuzlzalinte Atlzmageetl~um (Alakode, 2002)

pp.83-86.
33 Interview with Joseph Maliyampura, Mathew Nelluvelil, Saviour Arupathuchira
Uruppanthatta, 24.3.1987.
of that time gave all assistance to this settlement. The early settlers like that of

their contemporaries in other parts of Malabar, had faced hardships including

poverty, famine, diseases, non-availability of church priests and church, doctors,

hospitals. Each family got five acres of land and a total of 40 families settled in

this colony.34

Shimoga Colony

About 600 Travancore families were evicted from Shimoga in Karnataka on

May 10, 1966. The eviction was followed by police brutalities which further

increased their agony. Rev. Sebastian Velloppilly, then Bishop of Tellicheny

intervened. Many of them returned to Travancore. The remaining 240 families

were brought to Chandanakkampara in Kannur District of Kerala.35 The Diocese

of Tellicheny bought 500 acres of land at Chandanakkampara and allotted two

acres to each family. The selection and allotment of land was through lot. They

also allotted ten acres of land to 'Vimalalayam sisters', who were also evicted from

Shimoga.36

-Y Interview with Rev. J. Joseph, Kunnamkulam, 19.8.1996 also see Joseph Mar Bernnabas
"Jubilees - Mahajubilee" (Mal.) in Mulunkuru Murfhomu Suriyun Subhu Kunnamkulam
Malabar Badvasanam Kunnamkulam) pp.2-4.
35 Interview with Fr. Joseph Kunnel, Calicut 2.8.2002 and Rev. Joseph Mannur, Vellade,
28.4.2000.
-76 Mar. Sebastian Velloppilly I>uiwam Nummodu Koode (Calicut, 1999), pp.358-359.
Vazhamala Colony

This colony of migrant settlers were organized and promoted by All Kerala

Catholic Congress (A.K.C.C.). The A.K.C.C. bought the land in 1969 from Pothan

Joseph and Company, to establish a settler's colony. Through newspaper

advertisement they invited applications from the needy. At the first stage, about

ten families came and settled there. Again in 1970 more settlers reached and

started their agricultural operations. Later in 1990's Government of Kerala declared

Vazhamala land as excess land and started formalities ,for the eviction of these

peasants. This led to a series of agitations .37

Wayanad Colonisation Scheme

On the basis of the law passed by the Government of Madras, to start

colonies for the re-settlement of the Ex-service men, the Wayanad colonization

scheme was introduced. The colony which started in 1944, is now spread over

Kidanganad, Nenrneni, Mooppanad and Noolpuzha villages of Wayanad district.

The Government acquired 36000 acres of land by evicting the existing cultivators

of this area. They paid compensation to the evicted peasants.%

The Government allotted five acres of dry land and two acres of wet land

(paddy field) or ten acres of land instead of two acres of wet land. In addition to

37 Ibid., pp.110-111.
38 Laws on land, Government of Kerala, (Trivandrum, 1963) pp.4-5.
that the Government granted Rs.2250 for them from the PWSR fund (Post War

Service Reconstruction Fund).39

Many of the beneficiaries of this scheme were actually not interested in the

scheme and they were not willing to settle there. They only wanted money. So

they built temporary huts, and started cultivation. The interesting thing to be noted

here is that instead of planting coffee seedlings, they had planted the sticks of

coffee plant and instead of plantain seedlings they cut the plantain seedling in to a

number of pieces and planted it. They did all this for obtaining grant .from the

Government .*

Slowly, the inhabitants of this colony began to sell their lands to settlers on

verbal terms. This is because they had no right for the transfer of land properly.

The Government before the allotment of this land, had fixed certain terms and

conditions, in which transfer of land, cutting of trees etc. were not permitted. The

Government also had allotted the 60 cubic feet of wood for the construction of

houses. By 1970's the entire area of Wayanad colonisation scheme was more or

less filled with settlers from Travancore.41

39Ibid. p.7. also see Joseph Kuravilangad, Op-cit.,pp.32 1-22.

* Mathrubhumi Daily, May 19, 1954 and Interview with Sekharan Pazhoor, Ambalavayal,
22.1 1.2001.
K. P. Anandhan, Ambalavayal, 22.11.'0 1. N. Karunakaran Nair, 22.11.'01.
41 Mathrubhumi Daily, Feb. 13, 1993, 1998, Feb.20. "Vaiki Ethiya Angeekaram" in
Chandrika Daily, 1 1.70.1999.
 During his second tenure as Chief Minister of Kerala,

E.M.S.Namboodirippad visited the colony and understood the needs of the people.

They wanted 'patta' for their land and he promised them to issue patta at the

earliest. At present this area is developed like any other settlements in Wayanad.42

Hindu Colony at Vayathur

In the year 1942 a number of Hindu farmers migrated from Kidangur in

Travancore to Vayathur in Kannur district. The leaders of the project were Kovur

Sankara Pillai, Mekat Balakrishnan Nair etc. They had purchased land at Vayathur

in Padiyur amsom under the erstwhile Chirakkal Taluk. The organizers

themselves made arrangements for the clearing of the forest area for cultivation.

They further distributed land to poor Travancore Hindu peasants.43

From the above discussion it is learnt that the organized migrations to

Malabar was largely helphl for the settlers. The organizers of these projects

looked after them in every aspect. In cultivation, construction of houses, roads,

hospitals, educational institutions and other forms of development of the colony,

the role of its own organizers can't be under estimated. But this was not the case of

the individual migrants to Malabar. They had to solve each and every problem by

Interview with K.A. Abraham, Arnbalavayal, 23.1 1.2001, and K.V. Joseph, Village
officer and Social activist, Ambalavayal, 24.1 1.2001.
* For detailed information about the Hindu colony at Vayathur, see, the letter from the
organizer of the colony to Sri. K.G. Siwaswamy, see Appendix XI.
themselves. There was no body, no organizers, no organizations to help them.

Thus the role of organized migration in the history of migration to Malabar will be

remembered, positively.
 THE SOCIOLOGY OF CHRISTIAN
MIGRATION

P.T. Sebastian “Christian migration to malabar, 1930 - 1980 ” , Department of

History , University of Calicut, 2002
 CHAPTER IV
THE SOCIOLOGY OF CHRISTIAN MIGRATION

This part of the study is an analysis of the role of Christian ideology behind

the migration process. The Biblical concept of exodus of the people of Israel to

Egypt and from Egypt to Israel under Mosses deeply touched Christians

whereever they lived. Again Christian community as a whole always showed a

character of mobility. Even though they are having nostalgia for their home land,

fhends and relatives, they continued the process of exodus. In the migration of

Christians of Europe to Australia, U.S.A, Canada and other Latin American

countries and to other parts of the world we could see the same exodus touch.' The

importance of faith in Christian life and the transplantation of faith to their new

settlement is another character of this migration. The Portuguese landed in Kerala

with a sword in one hand and a Bible in the other.

This Chapter further discusses the role of various groups and fractions of

Christian church and its various organisations and institutions in helping the

migrants at various levels. The sociology of the Christian migration is giving stress

to church centred developments. Every development activities in one way or other

is linked with a parish priest or Bishop. In the Malabar terrains also we could see

the dominance of Christian priests in every walk of life. They are the leading

See Bible, Genesis, chapter 35-50 and Exodus, Chapter 1-40.

figures of the public life in these areas. In all the popular movements against

eviction threat at Kottiyur, Pulpally, Gudallur, Ambalavayal, Kakkadavu and in

liberation struggle against the Communist Ministry in Kerala, the Bishops and

priests played a pivotal role.* The popular contemporary peasant movement -

Infam - in Kerala, and the ongoing anti-eviction struggle at Belthangadi in

Karnataka are also examples to this conviction. In the opening of roads, bridges,

public institutions, electricity, telephone, educational institutions and above allt in

the all round development of the settlement region of Malabar, the role of the

church leadership can't be under e ~ t i m a t e d . ~

The migration of St. Thomas Christians f?om the old Syro-Malabar Diocese

in Central Kerala, is a unique event in the history of the Catholic church in India.

\f-hile in other places the church grew by conversion here it was by migration.

Thousands of families migrated to the North in search of cheap and fertile land fit

' Re\. Sebastian Velloppilly, "Kudiyetta Dhinacharanam" (Mal.) in' lleepiku I))~l~ly
Feb.
31. 1990.
Also see Kerulu Kuumudi L)uily, 26.2.1990.
Under the leadership of Rev. Everistus Plambani C.M.I. a ~ i g hSchool was started at
Maruthonkara. In t h s venture they got the support and help of Communist leaders like
A.K.G. and C.H. Kanaran. Again for the construction of 5 k.m. road bet\veen
Maruthonkara and Kuttiyadi under his own leadership a committee was formed. The
office bearers of the committee were Melpatt Alikutty Haji - President Kanhirakkatt
Thottiyil Joseph - Secretary, Nadukkandi Kanaran - Treasurer. Under the committee
nearlv 10000 people participated in the construction work of road and with one day's ~vork
they -had opened a 5 k.m new road. The voluntary work was accompanied by
instrumental music (Band set). For details see Fr. Mariadas C M I . ,Suhhuyude Muluhur
Kudyetturn (Palarivattam,200 1 ) pp. 1 12-1 13.
for cultivation. This movement started as early as 1926, when a few families d

bought land from the local jenmies (landlords) and settled down at Kuttiyadi and

Mannarghat. It gained momentum during the Second World War period.

The Hindu and Muslim landlords of Malabar owned thousands of acres of

forest or semiforest land, but no one dared to enter these forest land for fear of

Malaria and n-ild beasts. The jenmies got hardly any income from these lands and

hence were happy to sell them to the settlers at a nominal price of Rs. 5 to 10 per

acre. Though many of the early settlers died of Malaria, a few survived. They

cleared the forests and cultivated the land. Since the land was very fertile, it gave

them good crops and hence a lot of money. Their success attracted more people

from the South and by 1953 there were about 74129 Christian settlers in ~ a l a b a r . ~

The history of Christianity in Kerala from the 16'hcentury A.D onwards was also a

history of mutual struggles and infights which led to the emergence of various

groups.

Briefly, it is generally agreed that before the arrival of the Portuguese there

was one church in Kerala which adhered to the Nestorian doctrine The

Portuguese, through the procedure of the inquisition which began in Goa in 1560,

tried to eradicate Nestorian heresy from Malabar and switch the allegiance of the

Syrian Church from Persia to Rome. When the Portuguese power ebbed, a part of

4
Mar. Sebastian Vellopilly, "The Diocese of Tellicherry and the C.M.1 Congregation," in
the Souvenir oJ'C,M.I St. Thomas Province (Calicut, 1994), p.40.
the catholicized Christian community of Malabar repudiated Rome. Those that did

not, but followed the Catholicized Syrian liturgy are known as Syrian Catholics,

and those who followed Latin liturgy are called Latin Catholics. The part of the

Church which repudiated Rome became the Jacobite Church. (In the Nineteenth

century the Roman Catholics were known as Pazhyakuttukar (old division), and

the Jacobites as Puthankuttukar (new division). So between the Sixteenth and

Nineteenth centuries, the Catholic Church of Malabar was divided into Syrian

Catholics, Latin Catholics and Jacobites. Protestant missionary influence promoted

further fission in the Nineteenth and early Twentieth centuries. Strongly influenced

by Protestant teaching, a section of the Jacobite Church split off to form the

Marthomite Church, whose first Metropolitan was consecrated in 1842. Later

fission produced the Syro-Malankara Church, a branch added to the Catholics from

the Jacobite Church, in the 1930's and the Syrian Orthodox, another branch of the

Jacobites which finally separated between 1909 and 1912. Besides these major

sects, there exists many minor ones with a few adherents situated in different

localities. There are also many distinct Protestant groups.S

The following table shows division among the Christians of Kerala:

K.J . John (edt.),Christian Heritage of Kerala, (Cochin, 198 1 ) pp. 1 8- 19.

 Fig.4.1
The Converts of St. Thomas (AD 52)

Pazhecoor Romo-Syrians (1653) Puthencoor Syrians (1653)

Anglican Syrian 1840 Mar Thoma 1889 Orthodox Jacobites 1889

1912 1912
Orthodox Jacobite
Syrians Syrians
also called- also called
Metran Kahhi Bawa Katshi
C
,- - Patriarch
followers followers

u Yakoba

Source: Susan Viswanathan, The Christians of Kerala, (Delhi, 1993), P. 12.

 The Christians of St. Thomas or Syrian Christian of India are at present

divided into many groups. The main groups are: (1) The Syrian orthodox or

Jacobite; (2) The Marthomite church; (3) The Church of East; (4) The Syro

Malabar Church; ( 5 ) The Syro Malankara Church. These differences are mainly

the result of foreign intervention in their affairs. Before the middle of the 16'

century there existed only one community, "the churches of ~ n d i a . " ~

The following chart on various Christian denominations, churches and

croups in Kerala further substantiate the nature of various divisions and sub
b

divisions of churches in Kerala.

6
George Menacheri, (edt.) The St. Tlzomas ('lzr~stlanEncyclopuedru of' Zndzu, Vol. 2,
(Trichur, 1973), pp.46-47.
 S w a n Christians were a migratory community. There is evidence to show

that Christians had begun to migrate from the coastal region to the interior part

&om very early periods. The Census Report of 1891 also mentions that thousands

of 'hardworking Syrian Christians' from the sea-board taluks of Travancore

migrated to the interior taluks of Thiruvalla, Chenganore, Kottayam,

Changanacherry and ~ottarakara. By 193 1, in Travancore, the Christians

accounted for a high proportion (39%) of the population in the midland region than

in the coastal low land regions.8

The Syrian Christians are acknowledged by several scholars as one of the

most intelligent and hard working communities in the whole of Kerala. As Ward

and Conner has remarked, "they are laborious fiom necessity and to their industry

many of the finest districts owe their fertility."9 Such a background of the Syrian

Chstians as a migratory community must have stood them in good stead in their

migration to Malabar.

It may thus be suggested that in Travancore only the Syrian Christians were

endowed with the necessary socio-economic background and experience and the

7
Census of Travancore, 891, Vol.1, Report (Trivandrum, 1893), p.295.
8
Census of India 1931. Vol. XXVIII, Travancore Report, p. 195.
9
Ward and Conner, Georgraphical and Statistical Memoir of the Survey of Trmancore
and Cochin States (Trivandrum, 1863), p. 134 and also see Francis Buchanan, A Journey
fiom Madras through Mysore, Canara and Malabar, (London, 1807), pp. 10-47.
willingness and ability, to migrate in search of cultivable land in Malabar. Besides

they had already acquired expertise in the cultivation of land in up-country regions.

Before going into detail about the helps rendered by church to migrants, let

us examine the establishment and the role of the Dioceses of Mangalore, Calicut,

Tellicherry, Mananthavady, Palghat, Thamarasseri and the role of Jesuits, C.M.I.

Fathers, Knanaya Diocese of Kottayam and others. This study was done not region

wise but in a chronological order.

The Diocese of Mangalore

The Carmelites were in charge of Mangalore. Even though they were

looking after the parishes and Mission stations well enough, they could not cope

with the ever increasing work. The Mangaloreans, in particular, rightly realized

that without proper education their future would be dull and devoid of bright

prospects. On the other hand the Carmelites were not in a position to provide the

people with educational facilities. Hence the Catholic leaders of Mangalore

appealed to Pope Leo XIII, humbly and earnestly to send Jesuits to help them. His

Holiness graciously acceded t c ~their legitimate request and asked Fr. General of the

Society to supply a team of Jesuits. Fr. General in turn ordered the provincial of

Venice - Milan Province to take up the "Mangalore Mission." Thus on 31

December, 1878, a batch of Jesuits landed on the shore of Mangalore. Actually the
few Jesuits that went into the Mission field could be counted on the fingers of one's

hand: Fathers Maffei, Corti, Gaviraghi, Zearo and camsia.1°

By 1923 the Mangalore Diocese had so much developed and had been so

well provided with parishes, schools, convents and other institutions, that the Holy

See considered it high time to hand over the Diocese to the indigenous clergy.

Thus. the last Italian Bishop of Mangalore, Monsingnor Perini, ceded his Episcopal

see to Monsingnor D'souza and went over to Calicut to take charge of the newly

formed Diocese. This infant diocese comprised the vast areas of the Wayanad and

the territories which were under the care of the French foreign missionaries."

Jesuits

The Jesuit fathers worked under Mangalore and Calicut Diocese largely

served for the cause of migrants from Travancore. The year 1978 marked the

centenary of the coming of Jesuits to Mangalore and Calicut when they formed but

one eclesiastical unit. The early Jesuit missionaries gave their very best in the

service of the poor to bring them close to Christ.

lo Rev. Joseph Taffarel, A Missionary Indeed A Missionary in Deed (Tellicheny, 1980),

Pp. 8-9.
' ' Ibid.
Also see "They came from A fur," in the growth of the Mangalore province,
Golden Jubilee Souvenir, 1986 of Sisters of Charity, Holy Angels Convent, Belvedeve
(Mangalore, 1986), p.1. and The Diocese of Mangalore "Church in India Today" the
proceedings of the Follow up Seminar, (Mangalore, 1970), p. 1- 10.
 To be a genuine missionary two fundamental virtues are necessary. The first

is : renouncing all worldly pleasures and giving up oneself for good. The second

is to accept, every body and everything of the place once is sent to, as ones own.

This complete renunciation divestment of ones own self and the consequent putting

on, the identification of oneself with the new life of the adopted country and her

people is but a logical step. 12

The Jesuit fathers were the first group of missionaries who worked among

the migrants of Malabar. It was Fr. Paul Rosario Fernandez from Mangalore who

started a mission in the Kannavam forest near Kolayad in 1920. This is popularly

known as Kolayad Mission. He had worked among the native tribal of Kannavam

forest. Later he established a church, and a school at Kolayad. It was to this place

that Mr. K.P. Mathew Kudakkachira came, in search of cultivable land. l 3

The role of 'Palli, Pallikkoodam and Pattakkaran, 14 were the triple factors

which very much influenced the migration and settlements of migrants from

12
Rev. Joseph Taffarel, Op.cit., p. 8-10.
13
Manual Ribero, "Kolayad Mission - Malabarinte Kaithiri" (Mal.) in Cherupusl~pum
(Monthly). Book 61, *issueNo.6, Oct. 1984. (Manjummel, 1984) pp. - Also see K.M.
Joseph Koluyad St. Cornelius Mission (Malayalam)(Tellichery, 1981) pp.4-12.
l4 Palli means church, Pallikkodam means School, Pattakkaran means Priest.
Travancore. From 1926 to 1949 when a small group of C.M.I. Fathers came to
15
Malabar for working among settlers, Jesuit fathers did everything for them.

The Diocese of Calicut

By a decree of H.H. Pope Pius XI, dated 12.6.23 the new Diocese of Calicut

came into existence as a separate and independent ecclesial unit and mission.

Msgr. Paul Perini, S.J. after handing over Mangalore to the Diocesan Clergy

became the first Bishop of the new diocese. l6 In numbers it was really a tiny

diocese, with only 6000 Christians, divided into 6 Parishes, cared for by only 12

Jesuits Priests and 4 Diocesan Priests. But the experienced Bishop had great plans

to evangelize the place and to revitalize the faith of the few catholics who were

spread around the diocese, but God called him to his eternal reward sooner than he

expected. At the death of Msgr. Perini, 28" June, 1932, Fr. B. Ranzani, S.J. at that

time Rector of St. Joseph's seminary, Mangalore, was appointed Administrator

Apostolic of the Diocese, with all the authority, rights and duties of a Bishop. But

on 2nd~ovember, 1937, Fr. Leo Proserpio, S.J. at that time working in the

St. Joseph's College, Bangalore, was nominated Bishop of the Calicut Diocese. He

died in 1945. For three years, from 1945 to 1948 Fr. P. Zanolin, S.J. administered

15
Large number of priests, missionaries and sisters worked among the early settlers of
Malabar. They had rendered religious services and distributed quinine tablets (against
Malarial Fever) among the settlers. For details of the names of priests see Appendix XII.
l6 Directory of Diocese of Calicut (Calicut, 2000), p.6.
the diocese as Vicar Capitular. On 28' March, 1948, Fr. A.M. Patroni, S.J. at that
17
time superior of the Calicut Mission, was nominated Bishop.

When the Calicut Diocese was formed it was small and almost insignificant.

The Catholics did not count in Calicut. They were a tiny drop in the ocean. A

priest even in cassock could have gone about the town without being recognized.

The Diocese of Tellicherry

The Bishop Rev. Patroni showed real interest and took effective steps in the ,

formation of the Diocese of Tellicheny as a new ecclesiastical unit. This shows his

broad and impartial vision. By the time the Bishop took over the governance of the

Calicut Diocese, the Syrian Catholic immigrants who had started to settle in North

Kerala in the area of the Diocese of Calicut reached a total of 60,000 and according

to statistics carefully gathered with the help of his Vicar. General especially

appointed by the Bishop for them, their number swelled up to 80,000 by 1952. The

Bishop from the very start of his episcopate had thirty regular parishes erected for

17
TrlppIe Jubilee Souvenir, Diocese of Calicut, (Calicut, 1973) p. 17-18 and Mar. Maxwel
Nerona "Kozhikode Roopathayum Malabar Kudiyettavum" (Mal.) in Kudiyetta
Charithravum Thamarasseri Mekhalayum, Souvenir (Thiruvambadi, 1998) pp.63-64.
18
Rev. Geo Payyapilly, "Malabarile Missionarimar" (Mal.) in Bishop Patroni
Smarananjali Souvenir (Calicut, 1989), pp.37-39 and Mathew Manimala, "Muppathirandu
Varsham Roopathaye Nayichu Abhivandya Pithave" (Mal.) in Dr. Maxwell Nerona
Methrahhisheka Smaranika, (Calicut, 1980), pp. 14-17.
Also see C.J. Robin, in Ibid. Also see Mathrubhumi Daily and Malayala
Manorama Daily, Sept. 23, 1988, pp.23-25.
these immigrants of the Syro Malabar rite. 15 Two High Schools, one at Peravoor,

the other at Kulathuvayal were also started, besides Upper and Lower Primary

Schools in most of these colonies. The Bishop lent the services of a good number of

his young and able diocesan priests to take care of these parishes of Syro-Malabar

rite - immigrants into his territory. He also enlisted for this purpose the services of

the C.M.I. fathers who could conduct for these settlers liturgical functions in the

rite of their origin. A map of the diocese showing the precise location of these

parishes and colonies of the Syro Malabar rite immigrants was painted on the walls

of the Bishop's House close to the room where Cardinal Tisserant was due to stay

during his expected visit to Calicut in 1953, and an album showing the growth and

strength of the new colonies was taken to Rome personally by the Bishop to be

presented to the Holy See for study and decision2'. Thus the way was clearly

prepared by Bishop Patroni for the erection of a separate ecclesiastical unit for the

catholic immigrants of Syro Malabar rite in the territory of the Diocese of Calicut

and it is he who suggested Tellicherry as the seat and name of the new diocese. It

l9 The following were the 30 churches:

1. Peravoor (2) Edoor (3) Kilianthara (4) Nellikarnpoyil, (5) Naduvil (Vayattuparmba)
(6) Chemperi (7) Paisakiri (8) Maruthonkara (9) Padathukadavu (10) Chempanthotty
(1 1) Kulathuvayal (12) Koorachund (13) Kallanode (14) Kodanchery (15) Koodaranji
( 16 ) Tiruvarnbadi (17) Kannoth ( 18) Koodathai ( 19) Venappara (20) Kallodi (2 13 Kellur
(22) Sulthan Bathery (23) Nadavayal (24) Teneri (25) Thariode
(26) Mariapuram (27) Manimooly (28) Nenrneni (29) Pottasseri (30) Nilambur.
'O Mar. Maxwell Nerona, 0p.cit. (1978) Also see Mathrubhumi Daily, 22.3.1954 and
Deepika Daily, 4.8.1990.
must also be remembered that Bishop Patroni used to make very frequent pastoral

visits to all these colonies, sometimes on foot, prior to the erection of a separate

diocese for them. All these facts show clearly that Bishop Patroni rises above all

considerations of rite, and origin, that he had an All-Kerala vision and that he

looked upon every one of the faithful who came under his jurisdiction temporarily

or permanently, no matter, as belonging to his own flock.

H.H. Pope Pius XI1 of happy memory of the Bull 'Ad Chnsti Ecclesiam

Regendam' of 31" December, 1953 erected the Diocese of Tellicherry as a

suffragan of the Archdiocese of Ernakulam for the Catholics of the Syro-Malabar

rite who had migrated to Malabar from the old Syro - Malabar Dioceses in the

south. The boundaries of the new Diocese were the same as those of the Latin

Diocese of Calicut, but were later extended to the present Latin Dioceses of

Mangalore, Chickmagalur, Mysore and Ootacamund by a Decree of the Holy See

dated 29" April 1955.

In the year 1989 Mar Sebastian Velloppilly retired from the post of Bishop

of Tellicheny and on May, 1, 1989 Mar. George Valiyamattam became the Bishop

of the diocese. Later the Diocese of Tellicherry was lifted to the status of the

Arch Diocese of Tellicheny. "

21
The Directory, Diocese of Tellicherry (Tellicheny, 2000), p.3.
Diocese of Mananthavady

His Holiness Pope Paul VI, by the Bull Quanta Gloria of March 1, 1973

bifurcated the vast Diocese of Tellicheny and erected the Diocese of

Mananthavady. The diocese comprised of the civil districts of Wayanad in Kerala,

the h'ilgiri district in Tamil Nadu and the districts of Shimoga, Chickmagalore,

Hassan, Mandya and Mysore in Karnataka. Mar Jacob Thoomkuzhy was

consecrated as the first Bishop of Mananthavady on May 1, 1973.

On Decefiber 31, 1975, by a decree of the Congregation for the Oriental

Churches, dated 4& December 1975, ten parishes of the Diocese of Tellicheny in

the civil districts of Kannur and Kozhikode (at present Malappuram) in Kerala were

added to the diocese. Mananthavady has an area of approximately 48250 sq. krns.

and a population of 1,62,800 Syrian Catholics. On June 7,1995 Mar Jacob

Thoomkuzhy was transferred as the Bishop of Thamarassery. 22 And the then Proto-

Syncellus Msgr. Joseph Kaniamattam was appointed as the Administrator of the

diocese on July 27, 1995. On January 26, 1997 Bishop Emmanuel Pothanamuzhy

was consecrated as the second Bishop of the diocese. 23

22
The Directory, Dioceses of Mananthavady, (Manathavady, 1998) Pp. 14-15
23Ibid. Also see Mar Jacob Thoomkazhi, "Thirinhu Nokkumbol" (Mal.), Manathavudy
Roopatha Bulletin (Special issues (Mananthavady, 1979) pp.3-4. and Malayala Manoruma
Duib., 12.12.1990.
The Eparchy of Palakkad

The Holiness Pope Paul V1 by the Bull "Apostolico Requirente" of 2 0 June

~

1974, bifurcated the Eparchy of Thrissur and with the addition of a few parishes

from Thalassery Eparchy, erected the Eparchy of Palakkad as a suffragan of the

Arch-diocese of Emakulam. The Eparchy comprises the civil districts of Palakkad,

Coimbatore and Periyar, and Karur Taluk in Trichy District. The Eparchy covers

approximately an area of 28,s 15 sq. km."

The Diocese of Thamarassery

His Holiness Pope John Paul I1 erected the Diocese of Thamarassery on 28'

April 1986 by the Apostolic Constitution Constant nun mudo brfurcating the

Diocese of Tellicherry. The patroness of this diocese is B1. Alphonsa. Only this

diocese has the unique privilege to have an indigenous patroness in Kerala. The

diocese consists of two revenue districts of Kozhikode and Malappuram, in the

northern part of Kerala. The Catholics of this diocese are the migrants from the

central part of Kerala. Bishop Sebastian Mankuzhikary, the then Auxilliary Bishop

of the Arch-diocese of Ernakulam, was appointed as the first Bishop of

Thamarassery by the Apostolic Constitution Pro Munere Nostro De Singulis. The

Diocese of Thamarassery was formally inaugurated and the Bishop took charge of

l4 The Directory, Diocese of Palghat, (Palghat, 1996), Pp.2-3.

the diocese on July 3, 1986, the feast of St. Thomas, at the Sacred Heart Church,

Thiruvambady. On 11" June 1994 he was called for the eternal reward.

On 14" June 1994 Msgr. Francis Aruparayil, the then Vicar General was

appointed administrator of the diocese. Bishop Jacob Thoomkuzhy was appointed

Bishop of Tharnarassery on 7" June 1995 and took charge on 28" July of the same

year. He was nominated Arch Bishop of Trichur on 11" November 1996. Bishop

Paul Chittilapilly was appointed Bishop of Thamarasseny on 1 1' November 1996

and took charge of his office on February 13, 1997. 25

Diocese of Kottayam

The Diocese of Kottayam was erected exclusively for the Southist

(Knanaya) Catholics in 191 1. The Knanaya Community traces its origin from a

group of Jewish-Christian emigrants from Southern Mesopotamia to the South

Indian port of Cranganore in AD 345, who formed themselves into an endogamous

community. They co-existed peacefblly in the Indian nation and fulfilled their

missionary purpose of re-invigorating the Church of St. Thomas Christians. The

original community consisted of about 400 persons belonging to 72 families of

seven steps headed by Thomas of Kynai. A Bishop by name Uraha Mar Yousef,

four priests and several deacons were among them.

25
The Directory, Diocese of Thamarasseri, (Tharnarasseri, 2000), p.20, Also see Muluyulu
Manoruma Daily,3.7.1986.
 As the Catholics of the East had promised the emigrants that he would send

from time to time bishops to India. Uraha Mar Yousef had successors till the end

of the 1 6 century.
~ Under the East Syrian Bishops, the Knanaya Community had

their own churches and priests distinct from those of the non-Knanaya St. Thomas

Christians. This system continued also under the Latin Rite European bishops, who

governed the St. Thomas Christians. When a separation based liturgical rituals

was effected for the Catholics in Kerala between the Orientals and Latins in 1887,

all the Knanaya Catholics de facto were in the Apostolic Vicariate of Kottayam,

and the Holy See ordered Bishop Charles Lavigne to appoint a separate Vicar

General for the Knanaya Community. When the Vicariates Apostolic were re-

organized into Trichur, Emakulam and Changanassery and three indigenous

bishops were appointed for the Syro-Malabarians, the Bishop appointed for the

Vicariate of Changanassery was Mar Mathew Makil, the former Vicar General for

the Knanaya Community.

In 1 9 1 1, the Vicariate Apostolic of Kottayam was reconstituted exclusively

for the Knanaya Community by the Apostolic letter "In Universi Christiani" of His

Holiness Pope St. Pius X.

On December 2 1, 1923 the Vicariate Apostolic of Kottayam was raised to an

Eparchy by Pope Pius XI. When the territorial limits of the Syro-Malabar Church
was extended in 1955, the jurisdiction of the Eparchy of Kottayam also was made

co-extensive with the then extended territory of the Syro-Malabar Church. .26

The role of the Diocese of Kottayam in the organized migration to Malabar

is already discussed in detail in the 4" chapter. However, in addition to its three

colonies, large number of settlement of individual families can be seen in different

parts of Malabar.

Eparchy of Bathery

The Malankara Catholic Church has been steadily growing and spreading

throughout the states in South India.

In 1977 late Bishop Zacharias Mar Athanasios of Tiruvalla petitioned to the

Holy See for a division of his Eparchy with head quarters at Sulthan's Bathery. The

request was granted and His Holiness Pope John Paul I1 was pleased to bifurcate

the Eparchy to Tiruvalla and created the Eparchy of Bathery by the Bull dated

October 28, 1978. Accordingly the Eparchy was formally created on zndFebruary
1979, in the St. Thomas Procathedral, Sulthan's Bathery. His Excellency Most

Rev. Cyril Mar Baselios was appointed its First Metropolitan. His Excellencey

Most. Rev. Geevarghese Mar Divannasios was appointed the Second Bishop of

26
The Directory of Kottayam Diocese (Kottayam, 1996) p. 19-20.
Bathery on 18'h December 1996 and the Consecration and Enthronement of His

Excellency took place on 5' February 1997. 27

The Diocese of Bathery comprises the civil districts of Wayanad,

Malappuram, Kozhikode, Cannore and Kasargode of Kerala, Nilgiris of Tamil

Nadu and Mysore, Mandya, Coorg, Hassan, Chickmagalore, South Kanara and

Shimoga of the Karnataka State.

The Diocese of Meenangadi

Meenangadi diocese was established in 1975. The spiritual jurisdiction of

this diocese was in between Bharthapuzha and Kasargode. Rev. Samuel Mar

Philixines Metropolitan was the first head of this diocese. He passed away in 1985

and later Rev. John Jacob took charge as the Metropolitan of the Diocese. He

received the new name of Dr. Yuhanon Mar Philixinos Metropolitan. He continued

the spiritual duties which had started by his predecessors and further extended it by

establishing a number of churches and various forms of social service activities in

-7

-' The Directory, Diocese of Bathery (Bathery, 1996), p. 123.

" Silver Jubilee Souvenir, St. Peter's and St. Paul Cathedral, Meenangadi (Meenangadi,
1999), pp.20-30.
Malabar Bhadrasanam

Till 1965 the followers of Orthodox church were under Cochin Diocese. In

1966 a new diocese was formed with its headquarters at Calicut. The jurisdiction

of the new Diocese was from Shomur to Kasargode. Again in 1986 the Malabar

Diocese was divided and Bathery Diocese was formed Rev. Kuriakose Mar

Clemeis is the present Metropolitan of Bathery Dioceses. 29

Malankslra Marthoma Suriyani Sabha

The Kunnamkularn Malabar Bhadrasanam (Diocese) with its head quarters

at Makkada near Calicut performs its ecclesiastical duties over seven northern

districts of Kerala, Gudallur, Mangalore, Echilampadi, northern Karnataka, Goa

and Dubai. The total families under the diocese are 4200 and total population is

2 10000.30

The C.M.I. Congregation

Up to 1954 the Malabar area was under the jurisdiction of the Latin Bishop

of Kozhikode. He had only a small number of priests just enough to attend to the

spiritual needs of the Latin Catholics in his Diocese - less than 10,000 in number.

29 Souvenir of St. Mary's orthodox Cuthedrul (Mal.) (Sulthan Batheri, 1986), pp.35-40.
30 Souvenir of Mlabar - Malunkaru Marthoma Suriyuni Sabha (Mal.) (Calicut, 2000),
p. 109.
The migrants came in big numbers and settled down in the hilly regions of Malabar

far away from the centres of the Latin Catholics. Though the Bishop and his priests

tried their best to help them they could not do much. Moreover settlers being

Syrian Catholics could not appreciate the Latin Mass and ceremonies and so

requested the Bishops of their original Dioceses - Archbishop Augustine Kandathil

of Ernakulam and Bishop James Kalassery of Changanacheny - to send priests to

Malabar to attend to their spiritual needs. They were ready to do so but the Bishop

of Kozhikode Msgr. Proserpio. S.J. was not in favour of allowing Syrian priests to

come to his diocese because in those days the jurisdiction of the Syro-Malabar

church was restricted to the small area between Bharathapuzha in the North and

Pampa river in the South. Subsequently petitions were sent by the concerned

Bishops to the Holy See explaining the situation and requesting permission to send

priests to Malabar.

Rev. Fr. Romeo Thomas, CMI Mananal of the present Palai Diocese and

Rev. Fr. Placid Podipara, CMI of Changanacherry Diocese were two illustrious

members of the CMI congregation. They were scholars and historians and devoted

sons of the St. Thomas Church. Fr. Romeo Thomas was the principal of

St. Berchmans' College Changanacherry for some time and Fr. Placid, CMI was

Professor at the CMI seminary Chethippuzha. From 1952 on wards Fr. Placid was

the consultor of the Congregation for the Oriental Churches and Professor at the

31 Mar Sebastian Vellopilly, Op-cit.pp.29-40.

Oriental Institute, Rome. They wrote articles in English and Malayalam papers

describing the real situation in Malabar, the sad plight of the settlers and the need

for sending priests of their own rite to attend to the spiritual needs of these people.

Mr. Joseph Kallidukkil, one of the settlers published a booklet in 1948 - "Kerala

Suriyani Reethum Malabar Kudiyettawm" - the Kerala Syrian rite and the Malabar

colonization - giving real facts and figures, the reasons for getting priests of their

own rite and requesting the Holy See to erect a Diocese in Malabar for these

settlers. 32

A slight change in the attitude of the Latin Bishops of Kozhikode came

when Msgr. Patroni, S.J. became the Bishop in 1948. He invited priests of the CMI

congregation to come and work in his diocese to attend to the spiritual needs of the

settlers. Accordingly five priests came in 1949, and they \vere appointed at

Thiruvambady, Kodencheny, Kannoth, Koodaranji and Koodathai - all in the

district of Kozhikode.

His Eminence Eugene Cardinal Tisserant was the secretary of the

Congregation for the Oriental Churches at that time. He was, a great scholar and

historian who 'loved the Syro-Malabar church because he knew her history, to

quote his own words. He asked Bishop Patroni of Kozhikode to give him detailed

information about the number of settlers in his diocese. The Bishop collected the

'' Joseph V. Kallidukkil, Kerala Swiyani Sabhayum Mdabar Kudiyettavum (Mal.)

(Tellicherry, 1983), pp. 1-10.
details and informed the Cardinal that there were 74,129 Syro Malabar settlers in

his diocese.

These figures opened the eyes of everyone both in Rome and at home. His

Eminence the Cardinal during his historic visit to Kerala in November-December

1953. after going to all the dioceses in the South visited Kozhikode, Thalassery and

Peravoor, the first colony of the settlers. His Eminence was surprised and

overjoyed when he saw the big crowd assembled there. The Cardinal returned to

Rome towards the middle of December and on the 3 la of the same month the papal

Bull was signed by His Holiness Pope Pius XI1 of Happy Memory, erecting the

new Diocese of Thalassery in Malabar for the Syro-Malabar settlers and appointing

Fr. Sebastian Valloppilly as the Aspostolic ~dministrator.~~

When Bishop Sebastian Velloppilly assumed charge of the new diocese on

19" March, 1954 there were only a dozen priests - five CMI priests and seven

diocesan priests. There were 17 latinized Syrian priests, working in the diocese of

Kozhikode at that time. Though he requested all of them to join the new diocese

only three accepted his invitation. Many of these priests were at that time working

in the colonies of the settlers and hence when they enbloc went back to the

Kozh~kodediocese a sudden void was created. Bishop of Tellicheny appealed to

Bishop Sebastian ~ a i a l i of
l Palai for help. He most readily obliged and sent a

33
Fr. Norbert Edamattam C.M.I., C.M.I. Mission Annum Innum (Ernakularn, 1984), p.43.
good number of priests. Bishop Vayalil allowed all those priests of his diocese

who were ready to join the new diocese to do so.

Though this was a great blessing for the settlers in those areas, it was a

heavy burden for the new Diocese of Thalassery. They had hardly enough priests to

look after the spiritual needs of the settlers in Malabar. Here again help came

mainly from the Diocese of Palai and the CMI Congregation. From Palai they got

five priests and Archbishop Augustine Kandathil of Ernakulam who was greatly

interested in the welfare of the settlers, gave only four. All the three provinces of

the CMI Congregation generously sent eight priests, majority of whom were from

the St. Joseph's Province to the Diocese of Tellicherry. 34

Besides the above mentioned dioceses and church groups, a number of

houses of religious congregations for women such as S.H. (Sacred Heart,) C.M.C.

Fransiscan, Clarist, Adoration, Vimalamary Missionary Sisters, Nasrath Sisters,

Presentation Sisters, Sisters of Charity, Daughters of St. Thomas etc. are working

among the migrants of Malabar.

The various organs of the dioceses, missionaries ' working in Malabar

actively makes efforts to solve the social and economic backwardness of the settlers

Rev. Mariadas C.M.I., C.Ml. Subhuyude Mulubur Kudiyettam (Mal.) (Palarivattarn,

200 1) pp. 10-40.
of Malabar. They give stress to the term 'Development' in a broader Biblical

Paradigm.

Christianity was originally a movement of the oppressed people, it appeared

in history as the religion of slaves and outcastes, of poor people deprived of all

rights, people subjugated or dispersed by Roman Empire. But unfortunately, today

the church doesn't display this picture in its appearance and mode of finctioning.

Christian social service can be broadly classified into four types.

(1) Educational and medical. Very'often they are beyond the reach of the suffering

masses, in whose name they availed and invested money. In addition to it the

educational institutions are producing bureaucrats and technocrats for running and

protecting the present social order in the interests of the exploiters and oppressors.

(2) Relief works: In connection with flood, famine, epidemic etc. They are

laudable (eg. CRS Programmes, Orphanages etc.), but it can have meaning only if

we try to situate these activities in their proper social context, ie. they are at least

partially products of social mal-functioning. (3) Developmental project approach:

(modem agriculture, cottage industries, dairy etc.) In the present social frame

work, development projects in isolated communities only serve to divert the

attention of the people from the critical task of working for social justice and

equality. Moreover, seldom can they stand against the adverse pressures from the

surrounding social milieu, dominated by big business, middlemen, profiteers etc.

In addition to this, they contribute only to the insular developments of certain

communities or groups, who are a relatively affluent section of the rural population.

It stimulates a sort of dependence of the people on the aid giving agencies and of

the aid giving agencies in India on their funding agencies abroad.

Down through the centuries, these three types of activities were carried out

by the Church with enthusiasm and real commitment. At the same time, on the

other side, we see that there is a tremendous increase in the number of people

plunging into the abyss of abject poverty. Now the church is positively trying to

meet this situation, through establishing more and more social service centres, with

highly qualified personnel.

Church leadership in Malabar actively involved in the problems of the

settlers with an outlook of the above mentioned points regarding development. The

major areas of involvement by the priests really started with the beginning of

settlements in Malabar. In the purchase of land, beginning of cultivation, churches

and schools, hospitals and dispensaries, construction of roads and bridges the role

of priests were an important factor. " In many places of Malabar they took

initiative in the starting of Aikyananaya Sangham, which later developed as

35
Gheevarghese Mar Osthathios Metropolitan, "Twenty five years of God's Amazing and
Abundant Grace" in Silver Jubilee Souvenir of St. Paul', Ashram and Children's Home,
Puthupaddy (Puthuppady, 1984), p.7-9. Also see Girideepum, (Tellichery, Dec. 1999,
p.11.
service co-operative banks. To eradicate rural poverty and unemployment problem

various church agencies had started a number of projects.36

Schemes of housing, drinlung water, irrigation, non conventional energy

and literacy are implemented by the church effectively. Self supporting societies,

credit unions, rural employment movement, steps against alcoholism and a large

number of other programmes are operating among the settlers of ~ a l a b a r . ~ ~

36 Fr. Joseph Kunnel had started Wayanad Milk Production Co-Operative Society at
Manantavady. For this he had undergone, one month training at 'Amul' factory at Anand
in Gujarat. Rev. Philiph Locus formed tea growers organization in Wayanad, in order to
include tea planters of Wayanad in Kerala Tea Board at Kottayam.
37
For a detailed list of institutions and organizations functioning under various Chnstian
dioceses in Malabar see Appendix XIII.
 TABLE 4.1
Details of Christian Dioceses in Malabar

Diocese of Diocese of
Diocese of Diocese of Diocese of Palakkad Kottayam
Tellicherry Thamara- (Malabar Total
Mananthavady (Malabar region
ssery region
only) only)
AREA (In Sq. 4902 48250 5893 Not available Not 72096
Km.1 available
Families 48661 28150 24,071 5278 106160
(Syrian (SC) (sc) (Knanaya)
Catholics)

Population 1 2,89.562 1,62,800 1,21,800 64446 29525 668315

Churches , 275 219 126 76 46 742
Priests 536 363 316 92 No 1037
separate
I list
Charitable 1 81 87 44 74 13 299
lnstitutions I
Institutions of
secular
education
1 242
180 216 108 24 770

Other
Institutions
i 2-Retreat
Centre
1 - Press - 03-Press 17
1 2-Book stall 04-Book stall -
( 2-press
I 2- Bmk
/ stalls I
I
No. of 27 (78 84 22 26 --
Religious I members) 201
houses (men) I 23 (memben) (members) members
513

No. of RH for 166 (1291 223 132 145 -- 666

(Women) ( members) Members
(1323 (1137
I members) members)
3751

No. of houses 1 16 - - - - 16
for religious I (students
formation 164) Students
(men) - 164

No. of H for - 17 (317 -- - - 17

Re1e:forrnation students)
(Women) Students
317

Contd.
 Diocese of
Diocese of
II Diocese of Diocese of Diocese Of Pabkkad
Kotta~arn Total
I Tellicherry Mananthavady (Ma'abar
WrY (Malabar region
region only)
onfy)
-
I Hospitals and
Dispensaries
20 44 12 10 86

Homes for 03 02 07 01 5 18
Physically
handicapped
- -
1
t
Homes for Mentally
retarded
09 04 01 14

I Rehabilitation 1 02 - -- 01 4
j centres I

1 Orphanages 11 25 10 04 - 50
/ Old ~~k homes 7 06 06 02 - 21
1 Hostel 23 04 - -- 06 33
Institutions for 3 01 - - 02 6
I Secular education
i college
Higher secondary 4 02 04 -- 02 12
/ school

j Technical school 23 4 25 - 03 56
I
I
i High school 26 19 18 03 02 68
I

1 Upper Primary 31 21 21 03 4 80
: School

1
1
I Lower Primary 44 47 21 08 04 124
! School
[
I Nursery Schods 107 85 73 12 10 287

1 Other Institutions 1 2 01 04 12 -- 19
1 Press
I -
I Book stall 2 ' 02 04 02 10
Source: The Directories of Diocese of Tellicherry, Mananthavady, Thamarasseri, Palakkad
and Kottayam.
 The above table speaks volumes on the spheres of activities and

involvement of various dioceses of Malabar in social, economic, educational and

other sectors. The figures in the table consisted only of few important dioceses of

Kerala working in Malabar side. In addition to these dioceses, the Dioceses of

Meenangadi, Bathery, Malankara Diocese of Bathery, Marthoma Diocese of

Calicut and many independent churches and organizations run similar institutions

in Malabar. The Christian concept of development is the charity of the haves

shouldn't be the basis of the very existence of the have-nots, which effect a sort of

dehumanization of the people on the receiving end, also and for the neutralization if

not annihilation of the inborn capacity of man, bestowed in him by the Creator

himself to change the structures that perpetuates this situation.

The concept and approach to development may vary according to persons

with different grades of analytical vision of the society. Much more than an

increase in the amenities of life, development means a thorough change in attitudes,

way of life, vision towards our neighbour and in our culture and philosophy of life.

Development means enabling people to critically analyse the system of which they

are a part, and to liberate themselves from this through a process of independent

thinking, free decision making and fearless execution of these decisions. Hence

circulating a sense of confidence in man to resist the dehumanization process of the

society or system is an essential part of it.

 Development has to start in the hearts of man. The material development

which is not preceded by this radical change in the innerman is the cause of all the

inequalities we face today.

Real development is not something that can be achieved by an individual or

few individuals in a few days or months. It is a gradual, constant and conscious

process through which a group or community becomes aware of the existing social

situation, and struggle together for the building up of a more humane society where

love, justice, equality, fraternity and truth would prevail.

Basing the strategy on this concept of development and a wider perspective

for the total transformation of the society, the church has its work towards the

organization of the masses of the grass root level. With this end in view the church

has undertaken motivational and training programmes as well as economic

programmes assisted by both governmental and non-governmental agencies.

Thus organization and dynamics of church in Malabar served the settlers in

all their needs.

 TRANSFORMING LANDSCAPE

P.T. Sebastian “Christian migration to malabar, 1930 - 1980 ” , Department of

History , University of Calicut, 2002
 CHAPTER V

TRANSFORMING LANDSCAPE

Migration from Travancore to Malabar had brought about a sea change in

the social, economic, cultural and political life of the people of this region. This

chapter is a detailed discussion of the impact of migration on socio-economic and

cultural sphere of Malabar.

The migrants, though a different type of people from a different region with

a ditierent background, found no difficulty in penetrating into the Malabar society

and they soon became indivisible part of that society. It should be noted that the

migrants were also instrumental to many revolutionary and longstanding changes

in all spheres of life that had changed the very face of Malabar.

There are coastal areas, lowlands, middle and high lands in Malabar. Of

these only the first three were occupied by the local inhabitants in the pre-migration

period. The settlers from Travancore invaded the highlands, risking their lives

and health. Wild animals, and epidemics like malaria and cholera posed greatest

threat to the migrant farmers. But the brave and hard working farmers were not

ready to be cowed down. Even the malaria-ridden Wayanad, with its vast smtches
of uncultivated fertile lands held out great attraction to the migrant farmers from

Travancore. '
A remarkable development during the later period was the large scale influx

of immigrants, particularly Christians from the Travancore-Cochin area of the state

into this Malabar. These immigrants had settled in almost all taluks. Reports

received from the Tahsildars gave detailed information about the number of

families settled in each taluk. It was reported that about 15,000 families had settled

down in Hosdurg Taluk alone. They lived mainly in Panathady, ~ & Eleri,
t and

West Eleri villages where they had acquired plots of land and constructed houses.

The vast majority of them were engaged in agriculture and agricultural labour. In

the North Wayanad taluks more than 1, 600 families had settled down. In the

Taliparamba Taluk about 12,000 families had permanently settled down and they

were mainly engaged in the cultivation of food crops and commercial crops like

pepper, ginger, cardamom, rubber, lemongrass, tapioca and cashew2.

During the period 1921-71 the population of the Cannanore District

registered an increase of 173.29 percent as against 173.61 percent recorded for the

state for the same period. The taluks of Hosdurg and North Wayanad had higher

growth rates for the period 1921-71 as compared to the state and district rates. The

' See A. Sreedhara Menon, Kerala District Gazeteers, Cannanore (Trivandrurn, 1972),
p. 180.
Ibid.
decennial growth rate for the district in 1941 shows an accelerated growth except

for the decade 193 1-41.

The taluk-wise growth of population in the earlier decades up to 1941 was

lower than the corresponding state growth rate. The period after 1941 was

significant. There was a large scale influx of population fiom Travancore and

Cochin areas to the eastern hill tracts of Hosdurg, Taliparamba and Tellicheny

Taluks. North Wayanad Taluk was the main target of these migrants. These hard

working Christian migrants utitised all opportunities to cultivate the highly fertile

virgin lands and settled there . Naturally this was responsible for a considerably

higher growth of population in the succeeding decades. The following tables and

the figure show the variation in population and nature of density of population both

in Travancore and Malabar.

 TABLE 5.1
Statement showing the density of population per square mile and the decennial percentage increase in density in major
centres of emigration and major centres of immigration 1901-1951.

I Taluk 1901 - -
1911
Density per square mile of area '
1921 1931
- - .
1941 1951
. -- -
1901-11
Percentage increaseldecrease in density
1911-1921 1921-1931 1931-1941 1941-1951
Meenachil 447 565 565 1625 1833 1000 + 26.4 0.0 + 18.6 + 12.8 - 45.4
Thodupuzha ' 64 68 118 414 394 442 + 6.3 + 73.5 t- 250.8 - 4.8 + 1.2
Muvattupuzha 32 1 293 314 625 74 1 452 - 8.7 + 7.2 + 99.0 + 18.6 - 39.0
P* Devikulam) 25
Peermade
Kozhikode 674 7 15 767 9 18 1071 1384 +6.1 + 7.3 + 19.7 + 16.7 + 29.2
Kottayam 436 47 1 483 548 6 15 764 + 8.0 + 2.5 13.5
i- + 12.2 + 24.2
648 70 1 707 8 19 88 1 1095 + 8.2 + 0.8 + 15.8 + 7.6 + 24.3
Cwayanad 91 100 103 112 139 206 + 9.9 + 3.0 + 8.7 + 24.1 +48.2
E* Centres of Emigration, Travancore. [Source : Census of India: Madras, Travancore,
P* Centres of Plantation agriculture, Travancore 1901, 1911, 1921, 1931, 1941, and 19511
I* Centres of Immigration, Malabar
 TABLE 5.2
VARIATION IN POPULATION DURING FORTY YEARS
Percentage
District Year Person Decade decade Males Females
variation
variation
1921 865,447 ... 4 14,23 450,624
1931 997,057 +125,997 +12.64 480,640 516,417
C-ANNANOREDISTRICT 1941 1,123,054 + 125,997 + 12.64 540,449 582,605
1951 1,375,081 +252,027 +22.44 668,486 766,595
1961 1,780,294 +405,2 13 +29.47 874,667 905,627
1921 140,029 ... ... 68,300 7 1,729
1931 164,616 + 24,587 + 17.56 80,691 83,925
Kasargod taluk 1941 186,557 + 21,941 + 13.33 9 1,474 95,083
1951 224,015 + 37,478 +20.08 110,056 113,959
1961 271,015 + 47,000 + 20.98 134,46 ' 136,547
1921 116,902 ... 57,019 59,883
1931 137,427 +20,525 + 17.56 67,364 70,063
Hosdurg taluk 1941 155,744 + 18,317 + 13.33 76,365 79,379
1951 187,016 +3 1,272 +20.08 90,87 1 96,145
1961 241,131 + 54,115 +28.94 118,278 122,853
1921 136,683 ... ... 64,590 82,4 13
1931 157,429 +20,746 + 15.18 75,016 82,4 13
Taliparamba taluk 1941 175,758 + 18,329 +11.64 83,687 92,07 1
1951 211,061 + 35,303 +20.09 102,116 108,945
1961 310.723 +99.662 +47.22 153.704 157.019 -

1921 209,712 ... ... 99,100 110,612

1931 241,543 + 31,831 +15.18 1 15,096 126,447
Cannanore taluk 1941 269,665 +28,122 +11.64 128,401 141,2164
1951 323,829 + 54,164 + 20.09 156,342 167,487
1961 391,636 + 67,807 + 20.94 192,205 199,431
1921 232,285 .. 109.105 123,180
1931 263,743 +3 1,458 +13.54 124,566 139.77
Tellicheny taluk 1941 297,899 +34,156 +12.95 140,125 157,774
1951 369,580 + 7 1,681 + 24.06 177,696 191,884
1961 475,589 +196,009 + 28.68 229,283 246,306
1921 29,836 16,709 13,127
1931 32,299 + 2,463 + 8.26 17,907 14,392
North Wayanad taluk 1941 37,431 + 5,132 + 15.89 20,397 17,034
1951 59,580 +22,149 + 59.17 3 1,405 28,175
1961 90,200 +30,620 + 51.39 46,729 43,471
Source: Census of India 1981, Kerala part, District Hand book, Cannanore p. 2 1.
 FIGURE 5.1
TRENDS IN DECADAC C R ~ W T RATE-OF
H GOPULATION 1901-81

30-

2 0-

z 10-
0
-
I- ,..-st.

s
. . .
,.--'%
3 3 0
a
a
0

to.
WAYANAD
- 1 0

-z 0

I-

KOZHIKOOE
- KOT TAYA M

<
 TABLE 5.3
Growth of Population in Malabar District from 1921-1971

DistrictITaluk 1921 1931 1941 1951 1961 1971 1921-1971

Cannanore I 865,447 997,057 1,123,054 1,375,081 1,780,294 2,365,164 ---
I1 --- +15.21 + 12.64 + 22.44 +29.47 +32.85 173.29
Kozhikode I 733,057 856,351 960,997 1,226,091 1,588,468 2,106,249 ---
IT --- +I 6.82 +I 2.22 +27.59 +29.56 +32.60 187.32
Malappuram I 764,138 874,504 977.085 1,149,718 1,387,778 1,856,362 + 142. 94
TI --- + 14.44 + 11.73 +17.67 +20.57 +33.80 -----
PalghatI 853,988 94 1,286 1.025,058 1,214,208 1,369,500 1,685,342 ----
I1 --- + 10.22 +8.90 +18.45 +12.79 +23.06 +97.35

I - Actual population
I1 - Growth of population (percent)
Source : Census of India 1971 Kerala Parts I-A & I - R General Report, pp- 42-44
 TABLE 5.4
Persons born in other Districts of the State enumerated districts of Malabar between 1961 - 1971

Persons born of the districts of the state

Total population
Rural Urban unclassified
Cannanore District 2,365,164 171,997 25,640 245
Kozhikode District 2,106,249 180,337 26,670 400
Malappuram 1,856,362 60,785 13,785 115
Palaghat 1,685,342 54,380 17;255 150

Source of India series-9, Kerala Part 11-D migration Table, pp. 16-20
 From the above tables it is clear that people born in other districts and

enumerated as people of rural areas of the districts of Malabar may be migrants

from Travancore.

From the census report of 1971 it is found that the total number of migrants

from Kottayam District to the districts of Malabar are as follows3.

Cannanore - 1,03,483

Kozhikode - 54,9 17

Malappuram - 1 1,760

Palaghat - 10,645

TABLE 5.5
Population and percentage - Decade variation of Cannanore District
I
I Census year population percentage - Decade
I variation

1 1971 2,365,164 + 32.85

Source - Census of lndia 1971, series 9 Kerala, District Census Hand Book,
Cannanore District, p. 52

' Census of India, 1971, series 9, Kerala, District Census Hand Book, Kottaym, part X-C.
census Table, p.93.
 The population of Cannanore District as on 1 April 1971 was 2,365, 164.

The net addition to the population of the district between 1961- 1971 was 584,870,

there by recording a decennial growth rate of 32.85% during the decade. The table

given above shows the population of the district from 1901 to 1971 and the

decennial growth rates.

191 1 Census shows that out of the total district population of 3,O 15,119 in

Malabar, Hindus were 2,008,082, Muslims were 953,381 and Christians 53,015.'

Out of this Christian population (if non-Indian Christian population is removed

then the total Christian population in 1911 was 48,444) 23,133 were Roman

. ~ early as 1911 Syrian Christians

Catholics (Latin) and 21,009 Syrian ~ h r i s t i a n sAs

though not a majority among Christians, were present in Malabar in fairly large

numbers. Among this 26 11 people enumerated were from ~ravancore.~

By 1931 the total Christian population in Malabar had become 65,394.7 Out

of a district total of 3,533,444 Roman Catholics (Latin) were 28,811 and Syrian

4
Census of India, Malabar 19 1 1 . p. 22.
Ibid.
Ibid.
7
Census of India, Malubar 1 93 1 , Op.cit.
Christians (Catholic and non-catholic) 23,672.8 In 1931 census records 3,328

people fiom Travancore were enumerated in Malabar.

In 191 1 itself, in a remote hill tract like Guddalore which later became a

centre of Travancore settlement, 24 people were enumerated, from ~ r a v a n c o r e . ~

Truly indicative of the component of Travancore migrants will be the Christian

population of the rural tracts of Malabar, as the migrants were mostly Christians

and they settled mostly in the rural areas.

TABLE 5.6
Christian Population in Malabar in 1911

Name of Tract Christian Population in 1911

Calicut
Chirackal 1 1825

Kottayam
Kurumbranad
Palghat
Ponnani
Valluvanad
Wavanad 1790
Source: Census of India, Malabar, 1911.

Ibid
9
Census of India 1911,Op.cit. p.94.
 TABLE 5.7
Christian Population in Malabar in 1951 (Rural Tracts)

Name of Tract Christian Population in 1951

Chirackal 9465
Kottayam 12155
Wayanad 24850
Kurumbranad 11529
Kozhikode 15161
Ernad 1562
Valluvanad 2020
North Ponnani 1229
Source: Census Hand Book, Malabar District 1951.

TABLE 5.8
Number of People born in Travancore-Cochin and Enumerated in Rural
Tracts of Malabar 1951

Name of Tract People born in Travancore - Cochin and

enumerated in Malabar in 1951
Chirackal
Kottayam
Wayand
Kurumbranad
Kozhikode
Ernad
Valluvanad
N. Ponnani

Source: Census Hand Book Malabar District, 195 1 .

 The preceding table shows the increase in Christian population in Malabar,

particularly in the rural tracts. Though we do not have the break-up of the

Christian population into Syrian and non-Syrian catogories, we can safely assume

that a significant proportion of the increase is accounted for by the incoming Syrian

Christian migrants from Travancore. The substantial population of people born in

Travancore- Cochin and enumerated in the rural tracts of Malabar in 1951 further

strengthen this supposition.

The increase in the Syrian Christian population in Malabar and their later

organisation in to a diocese (Tellicherry Syrian Catholic Diocese) created a new

element in the communal fabric of Malabar. The organisation of Tellicherry

Diocese itself was promoted by the fact that even in the earlier Latin Diocese of

Calicut by 1953 there were 74,129 Syrian Catholic members as against only 17,217

Latin Catholics. In fact the number of Catholics in the Calicut Diocese had

increased from around 11.000 in the middle of 1920s to about 9 1,000 in 1953."

The total population of Catholics in the Diocese of Tellicherry in 1959 was

only 1,25987 whereas the approximate number of Catholic migrants in Malabar

(Roman Catholic and Knanaya Christians) were 66,8,315. The total Christain

migrant families were 1,O 6160. In addition to the above mentioned number other

Christain denominations like Jacobites, Orthodox and Malankara Marthoma

'O Malabaril Oru Suriyani Roopatha', in Deepika Daily (Kottayam), 6 February, 1954.
Church also migrated to various parts of Malabar." Besides these various Christian

-czroups, peasants belonging to other religions like Hinduism and Islam also largely

migrated to Malabar. But in the absence of available datas we are unable to cite the

actual number of various other religious communities that came down to live in

Malabar.

Both the' family register and Baptism register of various Christian churches

in Malabar is a clear testimony to the steady increase of christian population in

\-arious districts of ~ a 1 a b a r . l ~

Impact On The Economy Of Malabar

The impact of the migration on the economy of Kerala in general and of

Malabar in particular needs special mention. Large scale production of

commercial crops like rubber, ginger, pepper, arecanut and coconut, advanced

methods of cultivation and the introduction of new agricultural crops immensely

influenced economy of this region.

Small scale farmers who migrated to Malabar in order to escape the

differentiating and depressing pressures of commercialization of agriculture in

Travancore brought in powerfblly the spirit and relation of commercial agriculture

11
For details see: Directories of Diocese of Tellicheny, Thamarasseri, Mananthavady,
Palghat and Kottayam 20001.
" For details see Baptism register of certain Christian churches in Malabar. See
appendix -V]
into feudal Malabar. They began to cultivate commercial crops in this region .13 In

addition to extending the cultivation of such crops they also introduced tapioca

which was so far unknown in Malabar. It is Ittyvakkil from Pulinkunnu in

Travancore is considered to be the first one to introduce tapioca cultivation in

large scale in ~ a l a b a r " . Tapioca was unknown in Malabar before the arrival of

migrants that some early migrants recall that the wild boar in Malabar which used

to demolish all other crops, was not touching tapioca as it did not know the taste of

this new crop. 15 ,

l 3 For similar studies in expansion on agriculture, go through the following works.

Progress of Agriculture in Kerala, Ministry of Agriculture Directorate of Economics and
Statistics, Govt. of India, New Delhi, 1972. Dr. P.K. Gopalakrishnan Notes on Our
Development Experience Since Independence 1950-1985, (Trivandnun, 1986) pp. 53-80.
14
Kunhikrrshnan. K, "Kudiyettakkarude Gramathil (Malayalam)?Mathrubl~umiWeekly,
Vol. XIV 2 1 March, 1971. also in George V.C " Malabarile Kudiyettakkarya Chettanmar
verubaganthakkaro" (Malayalam) Giricieepam special, (November - December, 1966).
l 5 There is enough references about the tapioca cultivation in Malabar before 1930's .
See Mathrubhumi, (three in a week) Nov. 14, 1929. The reports suggest, that in Perambra
(Calicut District) region tapioca production was lower than the previous years. This was
probably because of the low price of tapioca in the market. For reports about tapioca
cultivations and role of migrant in the poverty eradication in Malabar see Mathrubhumi
daily, May 11, 1944 May 15, 1943, August 28, 1949. Kaindy Scaria a capitalist planter
of Thamarasseri area at first freely distributed tapioca at Thamarasseri, Calicut region
later people of Malabar preferred tapioca as their food . In later years tapioca became an
important item of food served in the hotels of Malabar . Later wholesale merchants of
Malabar directly sold tapioca to mills in Bombay, Erode and Coimbatore. T h s helped
largely for the economic and agricultural development of Malabar. For the importance of
tapioca cultivation in the economy of Kerala see. Report of the Subcommittee of the
Tapioca Market Expansions Board, Govemment of Kerala, 1972. The total area in which
tapioca was cultivated was more than one-third of land under paddy cultivation. Also see,
report of the subcommittee of the Tapioca Market Expansion Board Govemment of
Kerala, (Trivandrum, 1972). Polly Hill, Xerala is Different' in modern Asian Studres,
Vol-20 part 4, Oct. 1986, pp. 78,83.
 With the increase in migration, tapioca cultivation spread all over Malabar.

As a result, by 1975 Cannanore district alone produced 1,60,000 tonnes of tapioca

fiom 7,000 hectars out of which 400 tonnes were sold outside the State of ~ e r a 1 a . l ~

The settlers made a seemingly justifiable claim that it was their tapioca that saved

Malabar from an imminent famine in early 1940's."

The settlers were also believed to have introduced the Travancore pepper

plant which yields annually fiom the second year onwards unlike the Malabar

pepper which yields late and only in alternate years.18They also brought in rubber

seeds of better quality and higher yields. There were very few crops which the

16
Kunhikrishnan.K. 0p.cit. no. 14.
17
Sebastian D. Vadakayil 'Malabar kudiyettam, Athengana vijayapradhamakum' irz
Deepika, Daily 1" January 1954.
18
Thomas Pazhaparambil, Fr. Swapnabhoomiyil (Malayalam) (Muvattupuzha, 1978) pp-
, 1/20.
In 1925 when Jacob Thomas Kariparambil bought 3,000 acres of land in Plikeezh
near Manarghat, the price was around Rs. 41- per acre. It is evident that land prices
differed from place to place, according to the presence of migrants from the fact when
prices were Rs. 101- per acre in Kuttiyadi, an area which has earlier migration history, as
early as 193-1. In an unsettled area like Nellikkampoil, land price increased due to the
increase in migration and development of transport and other facilities to those areas land
prices also shot up. It is in late 1940 and 1950's that land price increased in Malabar
most spectacularly, for instance in the ,village of Eruvesi, a settler colony in Cannanore
district, where land was acquired by migrants in 1945 for Rs. 101- acre from Kuramathoor
illam.
settlers did not try out in Malabar. They cultivated ginger, cardamom, lemon-grass,

cashewnut ,coconut etc. l9

Apart from introducing new crops and extending cultivation of old crops,

the settlers also opened up vast forest areas for cultivation as has already been

noted with the advent of big farmers from Trvancore, plantation agriculture in

Malabar which till then was confined to the British efforts in Wayanad, spread out

into other parts of Malabar. In the early years of migration, land was available

for so low a price as YIrupees per acre.

Another impact of the migration is that the decrease in the forest area of

Malabar. In many places thick forests were transformed and this had a very crucial

impact. The following table shows the decrease of forest land in Malabar ~ i s t r i c t . ~ '

19
In Malabar native peasants cultivated low quality 'Balankotta' variety of pepper, which
had good yield only in alternative years. Instead of that migrated settlers brought high
quality variety of pepper vine like "Arakkulam mundi', Karimunda', chettan' etc.
Ginger was an important short term cash crop whch was very popular when it
first came to the area. The fertile land produced a good crop and the dned ginger fetche a
good price. These1 prove ginger cultivation was undertaken extensively in those days.
Due to the uncertainty experienced in the price of the ginger, the spreading of the disease
and the diminishing fertility of the soil, the ginger cultivation is becoming less important
nowadays.
Lemongrass is totally a new cultivation in the Malabar region having been
brought in by settlers. H ~ g hfertility of the soil is not required for the cultivation and as
such the areas unsuitable of other crops are selected for lemongrass cultivation. It can
also effectively prevent soil erosion since it has a fibrous root system. The seeds can
either be sown after picking the field or seeding can be raised over a nursery and
transplanted.
'' Forest Resources of Kerala A Quantitative Assessment. Forest Department, Govt. of
Kerala, Trivandrum, 1973, Tab. 32, p.5 1.
 TABLE 5.9
Statement showing availability of forest lands in the districts of Cannanore,
Kozhikode and Palghat in the years 1940 and 1950.
(Area in Squre Kilometre)

Particulars Cannanore Kozhikode Palghat

1940
(i) Forest area under public 450 690 870
ownership
(ii) Forest area under private 880 1500 970
ownership
Total - 1940
1970
(i) Forest area under public 457 662 792
ownership
(ii) Forest area under 269 822 409
ownership
Total - 1970 726 1484 1201
Area lost between 1940 & 1970
(i) For agriculture and 350 340 325
habitation by assignments
and encroachment
(ii) For settlement of hill 43 50 50
tribes colonisation etc.
(iii) Reservoirs and hydel and - 15 50
irrigation schemes
(iv) Rubber, coffee, pepper 220 302 214
and other'plantation crops
Total 613 707 639
Source: Forest Resources of Kerala; A Quantitative Assessment, Forest
Department, Govt. of Kerala, Trivandrum, 1973, Table 32, p.5 1
 The farmers migrated from Travancore to Malabar with little capital for

investment and manpower for cultivation. The migration helped in the increase of

the total income from agriculture in Kerala. In 1960's -I61 the total income from

agriculture was 230.91 crores but it increased to 3 11 crores by 1975'76. This kind

of increase happened only after the migration of farming population to Malabar.

So it can be assumed from the above that migration to Malabar helped the increase

of income from agriculture in m era la."

Another impact of the migration is the expansion of agriculture in

Malabar. The table shows the expansion of agriculture in different districts of

Kerala after 1957 -'58.22

21
Joseph K.V "Malabar Kudiyettavum Karshika Vikasanavum" (Malayalam)
Mathrubhoomi Weekly (13 - 19 May 1984) for similar studies see - Kalyani
Bandopadhyaya, Agricultural development in India and China", (New Delhi 1976), pp. 1-
15 As is well known trahtionally agriculture occupied a predominant place in the
economy of India. Land provided livehood of subsistence level to about 75 percent of
India's population even in the 1930's. But in 1930's the agrarian structure or the level of
rural technology was not conducive to real agricultural growth in India. But since 1950's
after independence India has undergone technology changes in the context of its political
system and ideology of development.

22 Joseph .K.V. Ibid.

 TABLE 5.10
The table showing the expansion of agriculture in different districts of Kerala
- after 1957-'58
District Land used for cultivation Land used for cultivation
in 1957 - '58 (Hectare) in 1975 -I76 (Hectare)
Trivandrum I 147265
Quilon 1 205807
Alleppey I 157942
Kottayam I 274171
Idukki* -------- 156188
Ernakularn 187707 1777989
Trichur 129991 161513
Palghat 2227 18 2 19503
Malappuram -------- 2 13451
Calicut I 300443
Cannanore I 214195
Total 1 1839337 2189172
Idukki District was formed by joining parts of Ernakulam and Kottayam Districts
in 1972 and Malappuram District was formed by merging some parts of Palghat
and Calicut Districts in 1969.

From the above table it is clear that in Kerala the total cultivated area in

1957 -58 was 18.39 lakhs hectare. But in 1975-'76 it increased to 2 1-89 lakhs

hectare. The total increase of cultivable land is 3.50 lakhs hectare. Out of this, 2.70

was in Calicut, Malappuram, Wayanad and Cannanore ~ i s t r i c t s . ~ ~

 Because of their success in agricultural operations migration to Malabar

also resulted in the large scale capital accumulation. The average accumulation of

a family in Malabar at that time was Rs.4151-. The migrated poor peasants

gradually became middle and rich peasants. Even bourgeois emerged from this

class.

The Christian migration has helped to bring about a green revolution in

Malabar. The church agencies gave training to the farmers by starting efficient

training centres for agriculture and animal husbandry. For instance in 1964, the

Bishop of Calicut opened a diary farm and agricultural training centre at

Pariyaram.24

The immigrants were mostly enterprising and hard working people and they

have by their efforts helped in the economic development of the area. Lands which

were inaccessable for centuries due to thick forest growth were cleared off and

brought under effective cultivation. The settlers as a class cultivated their lands

according to modem methods by applying chemicals and fertilisers. The local

people also started taking to modern and scientific methods of cultivation after the

24
Interview with Rev. Fr. Succol Pariyaram, 3.8.1998.
example of immigrants. This resulted in the increase of agricultural production in

Cannanore ~ i s t r i c t . ~ ~

Migration of peasant farmers from Travancore to Malabar paved the way for

the flow of labour and capital for the reclamation of land and extension of

cultivation in Malabar. Such activities contributed significantly to capital

formation in agriculture. The report of the All India Rural Credit Survey 1951-52

is perhaps the only source of information which throws some light on this aspect. It

is significant to note that, though the rural credit survey presented Malabar as a

region with higher levels of capital formation, it was not so during earlier periods

when Travancore was well ahead of Malabar in all respects.26

Infact, condition of the farming population in Malabar had been irreversable

that large number of Nairs, the traditionally land owning community of the region,

" A Sreedhara Menon, m era la Stale Gazeteers, Cannanore, (Trivandrurn - 1972), p. 18 1.

Migrants introduced new technology in agricultural operations. They had availed
all the facilities of aid, for development blocks in the cultivation of colocasia yam, various
cereals, tapioca variety of vegetables. The local people who were unaware of these
cultivation in hilly areas and new varieties of food and commercial crops slowly started
the new type of cultivation of the population from Travancore. Also see, Divakaran
Kattakkada, Keruleeya Gramangaliloode, (Kottayam, 19671, pp, 3 13-3 14.
' 6 ~ e ~ oofr the
t All India Rural Credit Survey,l951-52, Vol. 1 (R.B.1 Bombay 1956) P.P,
11, 12.
had been reduced to the status of menial ser~ants.~'Although there existed plenty

of cultivable land in Malabar, its owners had not cultivated it. Their tenants and

other landless people usually had no capital to do S O . ~ ~ B by

U ~ 1951-52, when the

Rural Credit Survey was conducted, the migration from Travancore had reached

its peak levels and economic conditions had undergone a change. Though the

report of Rural Credit Survey does not explicitly mention any reason for the high

level of capital formation in the Malabar region the report does contain evidence to

suggest that migration had been the major causal factor.

During the pre-migration period, Malabar region was characterised mainly

by subsistence farming - despite the fact that it had a long tradition of

cultivation of cash crops like pepper, coconut and arecanut.

The district also made progress in the economic and social fields as a result

of the steps taken by the government and also by private agencies. The cultivation

" Report of the Malabar Tenancy Committee 1940, Supritendent of GOM.Press, (Madras,
1945), p. 15. For details about various tenurial system in India, crop sharing tenancy,
money invested in Indian agriculture etc. see the following works.
P.K. Bavdhan & T.N. Srinivasan, "Crop Sharing Tenancy in Agriculture: A Theoretical
and Emperical Analysis, " American Economic Review ,Vol. 6 1 March 1971.
Ashok Rudra, Indian Agricultural Economics-Myths and Realties (New Dellu, 1982) p.
467.
Aparajitha Chakravorthy, "Some Aspects of Farm Economics Under Varying Tenurial
Conditions: A Comparative St+ ((unpublishedthesis), 1978.
Hamza Alavi, Fedalism and capitalism in Indian Agriculture", Frontier, Vol. 6 , 29 sept.
1973.
Adrian Mayer, Land and Sociew in Malabor (Bombay, Oxford University Press, 1952)
p. 228
of plantation crops received special attention. Even towards the end of the 18'

century the English Company opened a plantation at Anjarakandi and carried on

trial cultivation here in a number of rare crops like cinnamon, coffee etc.

Murdoch-Brown, a merchant of Mahe, who joined the service of the company on

the fall of Mahe in 1739, was in charge of the plantation, and his name is closely

associated with the economic progress of the district. The coffee plants introduced

by Brown at Anjarakandi found its way into Wayanad and before long coffee

became the staple product of the Wayanad plantations. Towards the end of the 18'

century several tea estates that sprang up in the area gave further impetus to the

economic progress of the region.29 Plantation of coffee, tea and rubber did have an

early start in Malabar. The total area covered by such crops did not exceed 29000

acres at the beginning of the thirties." The corresponding figure for Travancore

was much higher.31 In 1970's the cash crop occupied a predominant place in the

cropping pattern of ~alabar."

The plantation estates were opened up from virgin forest or jungle land

with in the last fifty years as the result of capitalistic enterprise, no matter whether

29
A. Sreedhara Menon (ed) Kerala District Guzeteer - ('annunore (Trivandm, 1972), p.
163.
30
C.A. Innes, District Guzeteer of Malabur (Madras Govt. Press, 1933) p.228.
31
T.C. Varghese, Agrariun Change and Economic Consequences: Land Tenures in
Kerulu, 1850-1960(Bombay, 1970) p. 109.
32For Details see - K.V Joseph, Migration and Economic Development of Kerulu,
unpublished Ph.D. thesis (Trivandrum, 1986) p. 1 86.
it was European or Indian. But chiefly such enterprises were owned and managed

by the former . In the early days it was mostly of individual effort, but later the

capital for management and development was usually found by joint stock

companies which in the course of time had absorbed many estates which were

formerly privately owned. Application were to be made to the local government

concerned to ascertain the terms on which such land could be obtained. Labourers

were recruited from the plains largely on a system of paying advance salary and

was usually housed in the estate at the expense of the estate. In the various local

districts of Madras the planters formed district association, to further their local

interests. All these district associations were combined to support the general body

of the United Planters Association of Southern India with head quarters at

~an~alore.~~

The impact that immigration had on labour relations has also been equally

impressive. Prior to the influx of migrants an attached or bonded labour system

prevailed in several interior parts of Malabar. The wages offered to apcultural

labourers were extremely low. Wage rate of a male agricultural labourer was

around Rs. 1 per day in 1950-51. A steady rise in the wage rates of the local

agricultural labourers was ensued, a fact which attracted agricultural labourers

from distant parts of Malabar. The local labourers who till then led miserable

" Madras Agriculture -A Brief Survey (Regional Archives, Calicut) Madras, 1917, p. 1 .
lives were now able to enjoy higher living standards due to an increase in

employment opportunities and improvement in terms and conditions of work.34

One of the direct impact of the migration of Malabar was the emergence of

new trading and commercial centres. Almost all the settlement areas became

centres of trade, most of them dealing with the "Hill products" or commercial

crops like rubber, pepper and ginger. These centres acted as a basis for the cultural

growth in Malabar area, especially in the hilly areas, educational, charitable and

commercial institutions like Co-operative banks, Commercial banks, Nationalised

" Wage rate of male agricultural labourers was around Rs. 1.OO in 1950-51. See Adrian
Mayer, Land and Society in Malabar.

Historically, plantations were a product of colonialism. In the earlier years,

planters spared no method to recruit people to work in the plantations . In addition to
offering a package of facilities which were often more imaginary than real, coercion and
brute force were extensively used to bring labour to the workplace. It appears that
worsening living conditions drove people from the plains to the hills for the plantations.
Moreover, the very development of plantations accelerated the process of pauparisation of
the tribals through usurping of forest tracts and of the poor peasants who were made to
part with a greater share of their already meagre production to the government in the
form of land revenue and there by assured a steady supply of labour for plantation
purposes. Another source of labour supply was the villages affected by famine and natural
calamities. Migrants from these areas could be easlly taken as resident captive labourer.
The planter who was interested only in accumulating profit gave only low wages to the
workers and provided practically no facilities. Ill-fed, ill-housed and ill-treated workers
died like rats, with nobody noticing their deaths.
Capitalist planters in Malabar brought estates workers from Tamilnadu. The
Thenrnala Estate at Chedikudu, Vellode Estate, Kolayad estate of P.R Ramavama Raja at
Alakode etc. The same way of labourers employment can be traced. For the theoretical
and colonial paradigm of labour force in plantation industry see Ravi Raman. K, "
Plantation Labour: Revisit Required".
Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. XXI, No. 22, May 3 1, 1986. pp. 960-62
Banks, Land mortgage banks, Gramin banks etc. developed in these areas.35Thus

migration played a significant role in the urbanisation of the interiors of Malabar.

Some migrants achieved fame as the best in their field, Karshaka sree, Kerakesari

Karshakothamo were instituted for this purpose.36

Electrification of villages had a tremendous influence on the development

process. Due to the influence of the migrants majority of the settlements were

electrified . In the electrification of the settlements, the role of rich and influential

migrants, parish priests and political leaders should be noted. For instance

P.R.Ramavarma Raja of Punjar Royal family migrated to Alakode during this

period. Through his personal interest and influence by and also depositing cash

security of Rs. 25000 to the government, electricity reached at Alakode in 1964

itself. The government policy of 'Velicha Viplavam' ( light revolution) promoted

by the then electricity minister K.M Mani largely helped in the mission of rural

electrification in general and settlements of migrants in particular. The peculiar

35
"Malabarinte malayorangalil". (Malayalam) Report on the Souvenir of the Silver
Jubilee of the Cherupushpam Mission League, Diocese of Tellicheny, 1954-1984,
(Tellicherry, 1985), pp. 17-43
The focal effort of Agriculture should'be the market rather than the house hold
was altogether strange to the peasant. They were now enterpreneurs, tied to the
kaleidoscopic fortunes of a market economy.
36 Sri. Sebastian. P. Augustine [Baby] a retired government servant residing at
Bheemanadi was awarded with Kerakesari Award of Shaji Vaniya Kizhakkel of
Kottappara (near Manikadavu), a disabled man was selected as best farmer of their
panchayat.
Mr. Jose Muthukulam is a migrant settled at Puranhan near Chemperi was also a
winner of a number of National and State awards for his inventions.
oeography
a of Malabar hills, i.e flowing rivers fiom uphills helped many farmers to

produce electricity for their own purpose.37 Further the idea of 'peoples' electricity

is also an important feature of ~ a l a b a rhills. Lessons fiom people's electrification

projects at Attappadi region and Pathanpara in Kannur District is a promising

one.38

Globalisation and Rural Economy

Globalisation is about the process of reducing barriers between countries and

encouraging closer economic, political and social interaction. It necessariky implies

the diminishing importance of national borders and strengthening identities that

stretch beyond those rooted in a particular region or country. Globalisation is a

process of intensification of worldwide social relations which link distant localities

.-
? In Many settlements, from Manarghat to Bandhadukka peasants have started producing
micro hydel electricity. The production engineers and technicians of this project also
belong to the category of migrants. Their technology is very simple, i.e by using pipe
(hose) and a dynamo with this electricity, peasants were satisfied to operate television,
mixie and other purposes. One Joseph, a bank employee from Mediiakayam (near
Chemperi) is a busy engmeer in h s field.
'' The persons behind Pathanpara peoples electrification project were
Rev. Asaripparambil, Technician Anil [Sigma, Alakode] and Samuel (S.D.E of B.S.N.L].
In Attapadi region - Kuravampadi, Putiyara etc micro-hydrel project started by the
people with the help of M y t h Rural Technology Mission. Nava Jyothi Development
Society, Attapadi Social Service Society. These projects are serving the power needs of
the people of this area to a certain extend. For details see Jacob Mavumkal,
"Attappadiyile Jankeeya Vaidyutha Paddhathi (Mal.) in Diocese of Palukkad Ra~atl~u
Jubilee Smarnika (Palghat 1999) pp. 8 1-83
in such a way and vice versa.39

The increasing internationalisation of markets necessarily affects the village

economy in many ways. Infact it unleashes substantial changes in the rural

economy of India. There was a heavy fall in the prices of agricultural produces

like coffee, tea, rubber, pepper, coconut, arecanut, cashewnut etc. owing to the

globalisation and subsequent trade policies in recent years. Due to this the Iiving

condition of the farming community are lopsided. 40

The performance of Kerala's agriculture during the last quarter of the 20'

century has not been an impressive one to say the least. From 1960 to 1975 there

has been an overall increase in the rate of growth of area, production and yield for

all the crops. After 1975 there has been a stagnation. Studies on this problem

suggests that the inadequate as well as illconceived development. the total

negligence of factors such as water management and land development led to the

stagnation of agriculture in Kerala. This has been exacerbated by the increasing

environmental degradation taking place in Kerala since the mid seven tie^.^'

39-William .K. Tabb, 'Progressing Globalisation : Challenging the Audacity capital' in

Monthly Review. 50 (a), 1999, Pp. 1-10 also see Susan V. Brassford, 'Presidents' Message :
1997 "Ford Foundation, Annual Report: Ford Foundation (New York), P. 1 . and Anthony
Giddens, The Consequence ofModernity, (Cambridge, 1990), P. 64.
V.P. Raghavan of Kerala, Southern Economist, Oct. 3 1,2002, Pp. 60-67
41
K.P Kannan and K. Pushpangadan "Agricultural Stagnation in Kerala, An Exploratory
Analysis" in Economic and Political Weekly; Vol, XXIII, No. 39 Sept. 24 1998 pp. A.
120 - 128
 The decrease in the total agriculture produce and fall of price of the

agricultural crops very badly affected the rural life. The phenominal decrease of

price started in 1995. At first there was a heavy fall on the price of paddy, this was

followed by coconut, rubber, pepper coffee, tea, arecanut, cardamom e t ~ . ~During

'

1990's, when agricultural prices was very high peasants purchased vehicles,

constructed houses by availing bank loans and loan from private parties with cut

throat interest (fkom blade companies). New business were started using the loan

tiom the same sources. But from 1995 onwards, the financial scenario was totally

changed due to fall in the prices, economic depression etc.

Following this the peasants were not able to remit loans and interest

promptly, and this led to revenue recoveries (Jepthis). In order to escape from this

situation many committed suicide."

''Mathrubhumi Daily, October, 29 2001. The increase of the price of chemical fertilizers
and cancellation of all forms of agricultural subsidies is great blow to the farmers. Also
see Malayala Manorama Daily dated 29.3.2001 and Deepika Daily, dated 14.4.2001 Crop
failures and diseases like 'Mandari' of coconut 'Mahali' of arecanut, fading of pepper etc.
adversely affected the total agricultural production.
43
The real picture of the fall of prices of agricultural commodities are as follows:
Price of pepper fell from Rs.300 per kilogram to Rs.75/- rubber from Rs.65/-
Rs.25, coffee Rs.50 to Rs.20 Arecanuts 160 to Rs.28 and Copra (Dry coconut) from Rs.40
to Rs. 2 0 ~ marginal peasants who availed loans and advances for cultivation expected a
high rate of income from agriculture. But the sudden fall on the prices really shocked
them. So many opted the ultimate decision to end life. For them there was no other
alternative. The curious thing. is that the mass suicide of the members of the entire
family due to debt increased to 200 percent within 5 years. The period between August-
September 2000 there were eleven suicide cases reported in Alacode panchayat area alone.
 As a response to this challenges, many peasant oragnisations started

agitations and struggles. In addition to the peasant organisations promoted by

political parties, many non-political, independent and Church sponsored peasant

organisations came to the f o r e - ~ r o n t . ~Karshaka Raksha Samithi led by Dr.

Jose Manippara and farmers relief forum led by Sri. A.C. Varkey, Malabar

Karshaka Samithi organised by the Diocese of Tellicherry and Infarm led by

Christian Bishops of Kerala are the main peasant ~ r ~ a n i s a t i o n s . ~ '

U
Karashaka Rakshasamithi under Rev. Dr. Jose Manippara is an independent farmers
movement in Kannur-Kasargode Districts. They protected many pesants from revenue
recoveries. In one incident its workers gheraoed the manager of Syndicate Bank,
Alakkode branch for illegally keeping the land document of farmer Mr. Jose Kallam
Plakkal. The agitators forcefully recovered the land document from the bank. See
Deepika Daily Sept. 7, 2001 also see Mathrubhumi, Malayala Manorama and
Deshabhimani dated Sept, 7, 2001. Farmers relief forum with its head quarters at
Nadavayal under the leadership of Sri. A.C Varkey is doing a good job for the welfare of
the people by helping them to renew the bank loans, protecting them from eviction and
revenue recovery (Jepthi). Farmers, Relief Forum Karshaka Raksha Samithi and other
like minded peasant organisations formed a new forum - FARMCO in state level. Sri A. C
Varkey is the Chairman of FARMCO.
45
'Malabar Karshaka Samithi, a peasant organisation promoted by the Diocese of
Tellicherry organised a new model of struggle,by sending rubber sheets through post to
the Prime Minister of India. The campaign was inaugurated by Arch Bishop George
Valiya Mattam infront of Head Post ofice at Kannur on November 3,1997.
See Girideepam , (Monthly bulletin of Diocese of Tellicheny Dec. 1997, PP. 39-
43.
Infarm - Indian farmers movement is a church sponsored peasant organistion.
Infm conducted various forms of struggles against fall of price of agricultural products.
Fr. Mathew Vadakkemuri is the national Chairman of Infarm. Thousands of people
participated in the march and dharna organised by Infarm at Kottayam on 23-10.201 and at
Kannur on 1- 11-2001.
See all leadtng Malayalam and English Dailies published from Kerala
dt. 24-10-200 1 and 2- 11-2001.
 The set back to world economy and Indian economy is reflecting on Kerala

economy as well . The anti farmer's export and import policies of the Central

Government, entry of India into WTO further worsened the situation. Rural life in

Kerala, especially in Malabar settlement areas (where 99 percent of people are

directly linked with cultivation) is miserable.

Thus the large scale immigration of people from Travancore is an important

factor that has contributed to the increase of population in the northern parts of

Kerala during the last few decades. As the Gazatteer rightly concludes, this "influx '

of immigrants has in recent years radically changed the picture of socio-economic

life in the Districts". And, it has the following comment to add " The immigrants

are a highly industrious and enterprising people and they have contributed not a

little to the economic development of the region by their unremitting exertion^."^

Urbanisation Of Settlement

One would expect third world countries in the course of their development

to undergo several structural transformations, including a demographic transition, a

process of urbanization and a labour price shift out of the primary sector.47

46
Sreedhara Menon, (Ed.) Kerala District Gazetteers, Kozhikode (Trivandm, 1962) Pp.
1997-98.
47
For details see Francis Gillenspie "The Effect of Emigration Upon Socioeconomic
Structure. The case of Paraguay," in International Migration Review Vol.13, No.3, Fall.
1979, p.502.
 The problem of hyper-urbanization in third world cities are not causes, but

symptoms of what has been called 'dependent' or 'peripheral' capitalism. The

capitalist penetration appears the shape to process of urbanization in the third world

in several distinctive ways. It leads to the eventual disintegration of the rural

subsistence sector and increasing reliance on the urban informal economy; to

increasing articulation between the formal and informal sectors of the urban

economy. 48

At the beginning of the 19' century a very low percentage of the world

population lived in urban areas. Towards the end of the 20' century what we

experience is an urban revolution by which half of the world population have

become urban dwellers. Prior to the second World War the process of urbanization

was accentuated by highly industrialized regions.

Urban process in the third world has been erroneously conceived as a

precocious one. It is true that the experience of urban evolution in the less opulent

world are drastically different from the patterns observed in the industrialized

world where urbanization was essentially an offshoot of a sequential sectoral

development of the economy from backward agriculture to industrial growth

followed by the emanation of a well organized services network. In the third world

on the other hand, the prospects of agrarian reformation and productivity rise are

48
see Helen.1. Safa (ed.), Towurds a Political Economy of Urbanimtion in the Third World
Countries (Delhi, 1983) p.3.
still gloomy compounded by a stagnating industrial sector. But the services sector

shows a rapid development which accounts for the unprecedented agglomeration of

the third world population in towns and cities. "

The causative factors for this differential performance are many and varied.

The investment of British capital in the economy was mainly in the plantations and

various steps were deliberately adopted to increase the area under commercialized

agriculture. This led to an enormous increase in trading and processing activities

related to plantation products. The agro processing industries which developed in

Kerala did not get concentrated in particular areas leading to a progressive

agglomeration of productive forces.. Instead there was a decentralization of these

traditional industries which cascaded down from higher forms of production

organization to household business. The settlement pattern which is of a

dispersed type had its impact on the urban process in the colonial and post colonial

periods. Dispersed settlement pattern resulted in the phenomenon of big villages,

the boundaries of which could be delineated only arbitrarily. This has also led to a

situation by which any development process easily gets diffused into rural areas.50

49
For details see V.K.J. Menon "Geographical Basis for the Distribution and Pattern of
Rural Settlement in Kerala" Journal of the M.S; University of Baroda, (Baroda, 1953)
No.2, pp. 1-35.
50
Study on the Eflect of Urbanisation on Agricultural Lands, Kerala Land Use Series
No. I 3, state Land Use Board (Trivandrum, 198 1 ) pp. 1-1 0.
 The urban process in Kerala, the transformation of the relationship between

society and space is rather unique. The statistical empiricism of the census

definitions need not necessarily capture the dynamism involved in the process.

One has to look for other meaningful measures and criteria for delineating urban

centres in Kerala. Space is socially produced. It may take varied forms. William

Logan (1981) had remarked that towns and town life are not congenial to the tastes

and habits of Malayalees. The various historical process had ultimately created a

situation where the emerging spatial form is neither rural nor urban. They can be

either called 'urban' or semi-urban.

Once the f e d 1 forest region transformed in to agricultural lands and later

as semi-urban centres or village towns. High land region of Malabar from

Bandadukka in the North to Attappadi in the South, covering centres like

Rajapuram, Balal, Vellarikkundu, Chittarickel (Thomapuram), Alakode, Chemperi,

Payyavoor, Iritty, Peravoor, Manikkadavu, Maruthonkara, Kulathuvayal,

Thiruvambady, Pulpally, Chungathara, Mannarghat, developed as 'cities' or 'towns'

to full fill the needs of the sett~ers.~'

51
These urban centres were turned as big trading centres dealing with agricultural products. The
big wholesale merchant of these towns had business connections with Cochin, Bombay, Nagpur
and other North Indian towns. Also they have developed good business strategy by making direct
business link with first grade industrialists like M.R.F, Modi, Tata oil company etc. Interview with
Mathew Karanthullil and Augustine Perurnpallippara, Aalattil, 17.2.1984. For similar
international situation. see Canni Shulamit and Rosenfeld, Henry immigration, urbanization crisis;
The process of Jewish Colonization in Palestine during the 1940's. Int. J. of Cooperative
Sociology (Netherlands) 197 1, 12(1), 4 1-57. An analysis o f the social characteristics of the wave
of immigrants of 1924-26, and their effect on the Jewish community of Palastine, especially of Tel
Aviv. It supports the thesis of an immigration expansion crisis amelioration pattern in the period
prior to the establishment of the state of Israel.
Transport and Communication

In the context of a developing economy the transport system had a special

role to fulfill. Apart from opening up the country and linking all areas with each

other, it had to meet the growing movement of raw materials on account of more

rapid development of industry and rising levels of consumption and distribution. In

Kerala, the persistent food deficit of the state, necessitated movement of rice and

other cereals by road and rail from adjacent states and imports through ports.

From the fields and plantations originated movements of coconuts, rubber,

pepper, ginger, cardamom, cashew, tapioca, coffee, tea and a variety of other

spices. The transport network had to cater daily to the needs of industrial

establishment as well as the passenger t r a ~ i c .In~ the

~ early stages of migration

roads were totally absent except for the 'Anayelukal' (the path used by elephants to

drag timber through the forest). Later few 'Kooppu roads' were constructed by

timber merchants.

With the growth of migrant settlements in Malabar, settlers themselves

under the leadership of church priests constructed large number of village 'roads,

S2 Basic Road Stutistics Relating to Kerala, 1977, Motor Vehicles Department,

Government of Kerala (Trivandrum, 1982), pp. 1-20.
meant for jeep journey. These roads were constructed through 'Pothupani' or

voluntary works of the settlers. j3

The migrants constructed village roads without availing any help from the

government. But later, these roads were taken over by the Public Works

Department and Grama Panchayats for repair and maintenance.

Many roads were constructed by timber merchants in Malabar for the sole

purpose of trekking timber from forests to timber depots in coastal region -

Baliappattam, Payyannur, Badagara and Kallayi.

In Wayanad the major roads which connected the settlements and taluk

headquarters and also the inter-district roads like Meppadi - Anikkampoyil road,

Mananthavady - Vaniyad - Kuttiyadi road etc. were constructed under collective

leadership and voluntary service of the people.5'

In the settlement of migrants in other districts like Palghat, Malappuram,

Kannur, Kasargode, the same pattern of road development can be traced from the

initial stages. Iritty-Ulikkal - Mattara, Kadumeni - Chittarikkal,

Alakode, Chernrperi - Kudiyanmala - Vellade, Vellarikkundu -

53
see Kurmalukusumum (Mal.) March 15 (Mannanam, '1999) pp.3-9. Also see St.
Sebustian's Church Suvurnqjubilee Smaruniku (~ellikkam~o~il,
1998), pp.34-40.
5 9 h e major village roads in Wayanad are: Nadavayal-Panamaram road; Batheri-Pulpally
road and the roads which connect each and every settlements in Wayanad-Ambalavayal,
Thariyode-Meenangadi, Padinharethara, Kenichira, Veliyampam, Mullankolly, Adikkolly,
Pakkarn, Mavakave, Payyampally, etc.
Balal - Rajapuram, Panathadi - Karivedakam - Bandadukka road etc. were also

constructed in the same manner as mentioned above. Later these got government

approval.55 A number of 'Thookkupalam' (hanging bridge) and concrete bridges,

culverts across rivers and streams are constructed throughout the settlement areas.

Like other public institutions, roads etc. the construction of bridges also were in

the initial stage under the leadership of public committees led by local leaders and

parish priests. The major architect and technician of hanging bridges in hilly areas

was Sri. Baby Mundattu ~ h u n d a ~ i l . ' Certain

~ bus routes in Malabar were

nationalised by the government for the benefit of the Kerala State Road Transport

55 Interview with Sri. Devasia Kalarnbukattu and Sri. Thomas Mathasseri, Palavayal,
Dated 26.03.1987. In connection with tarring and maintenance of different roads by the
government, people agitated,organised strikes, hartals, bandh to win over their demands.
In the case of the Ulickel-Iritty-Mattara road, the Road Committee Secretary, E.M. Francis
threatened to commit suicide in front of the Government Secretariate at Trivandrum. So
the government agreed to grand money for the same.
In another incident for the development of Thornrnapuram (Chittarickel) -
Kadurneni - Cherupuzha road people attracted the attention of the authorities, by
observing a complete hartal and besides threatened to boycott elections in protest against
anti-people attitude of the authorities. Interview with Sri. Kutty Adichilarnrnakal,
Cherupuzha, dt. 8.10.1987.
Kottiyur - Manathana road constructed for vehicular transport by the voluntary
work of the local people. They organized themselves and formed a development society
in democratic manner. They called for Kottiyur 'bandh' on 6.10.1969. The bandh was
different from the conventional destruction oriented bandh. But it was a constructive one.
About 7000 people united and constructed 13 km.road within a day. see Joy Sebastian,
"Kottiyoorinte Vikasanathil Janangalude Pankalitham" (Mal.) in Souvenir of St.
Sebastian's Church, (Kottiyur, 1993) pp. 15- 16 and Malayala Manorama Daily
"KottiyoorintePadam" editorial article, dated October .8, 1969. For details about roads see
Appendix IV.
56 Sri Baby Mundatt Chundayil residing at Chemperi is a migrant. The main architect
behind the constrution of hanging bridges all over North Malabar is Mr. Baby. The
'Thookupalam' at Palavayal, Cherupuzha, Parappa (Alakode), Chemperi, Bheemanadi,
Balarnthode etc. were constructed in accordance with the directives of Mr. Baby.
Corporation. Taliparamba - Kudiyanmala route in Kannur District and Calicut -

Wayanad inter-district route etc. are a monopoly of KSRTC buses. It had its own

both positive and negative impact on the C.W.M.S. Bus (Calicut -

Wayanad Motor Service) served the needs of the migrants of Calicut and Wayanad

District during 1940's. In these days the people had to wait three or four days at

Calicut for setting a seat and many stayed at Coronation Hotel till they received

tickets for this bus.''

Even after 75 years of migration many of the settlements lacked bus services

or are not properly connected with the other towns. People had taken it as a

challenge and as a response to this challenge migrants began to ply 'Janakeeya

Buses' (Peoples' Bus service). The first of this kind began at Chemperi, when Rev.

Kuriakose Kudakkachira was the parish priest there. The settlers of Chemperi

bought a van, popularly known as 'Chemperi van'.

Now in many settlements, migrants and natives jointly purchased buses and

conduct bus service as 'Janakeeya Bus' (People's Bus). Before the beginning of

57Rev. Mathayi Nooranal, "Wayanad Valarchayude Pathayil" (Mal.), lMarakave St.

Thomas Church Souvenir, (Marakave, 1980), pp. 10-11. Interview Sri. Philip Perurnpuzha,
Kudiyanrnala, dated 14.10.1998.
''CWMS was established in 1939. The formation of this bus company was a net result of
the merger of few motor companies in Malabar. i.e., the merger of K.P. Motors (of
K.P.Choyi), C.C. Motors (of C. Cherooty), Maruthi Motors (of R. Muniswami Naidu),
Kadachira Motors (of T. Kunhikannan), Anandavilas Motors (of K. Appu), Surya Vilas
Motors (of C. Kuttan). In the initial years total 18 buses were in service. For further
details see Malayala Manorama Daily, Feb. 9h, 1989.
these peoples' bus services, they mainly depended on van or jeep services paying

exorbitant charges.59 Increase in the facilities of transportation also led to the

opening of inter-state services.

The construction of Taliparamba Coorg inter-state road would help the

socio-economic development of both the state. This route is the shortest one to

Virajpet and Markare fiom Taliparamba - Alakode side.60 Another major demand

of the migrant for their all round development is the implementation of the

proposed 'Hill Highway' and 'Malayora Vikasana Authority'. The draft plan for

Hill high way of Kannur - Kasargod District, Started in 1963 still remains a

dream. A number of organizations of settlers are agitating for this purpose.

59
A typical example of peoples bus concept was put into practice successfully at
Pathanpara in Kannur District. Pathanpara is also famous for peoples' electricity, peoples'
bakery and other forms of collective activism of the local people. At Pathanpara at first they
formed a committee with Parish priest as the patron (Rev. Asaripparambil). Then they decided to
issue the share of Rs.2501- each among the 400 families. Thus they raised initial capital for the
investment. Then the committee availed bank loan also for the purchase of the bus. This model of
peoples bus services is common in all over Malabar. For example Nellikkunnu Bus Service,
Vijayapuram (Asankavala) Travels, Kuttippuzha Travels, Mother Theresa Bus Service at
Chittarickal, Kavumthala, Konnakkad, Vellarikkundu. Attappadi Passengers Association issued
shares of Rs. 10001- each and purchased a Janakeeya Bus for service in Attappadi-Agali route. See
Aloscious George, M., "Nhangalude Bus" (Mal.), Palakkad Roopatha Rajatha Jubilee Smaranika
(Palghat, 1999), p.109. Also interview with Joshi K. Joseph and Rev. Mathew Asaripparambil,
Pathanpara, dated 3.7.1998. Jubilee Souvenir of Lourdes Church (Chemperi, 1997), pp.30-45 and
Souvenir of Nirmala High School (Chemperi, 1982), pp. 1- 15.
The demand for the proposed inter-state road began in196O1s,when P.R. Rama Vanna Raja was
the President of Alakode Grama Panchayat. At that time the District Development Council of
Cannanore showed interest, but the bureaucratic delay and total negligence fiom the part of
political leadership shattered the expectation of the people. See Malayala Manorama Daily,
Kannur, October 7,2001 and interview with A.C. Chacko, Rayarom, dated 12.10.1990.
 -
The proposed Hill High-Way Kerda State

District Boundary

Hill High-Way

Hill High Way

Important Centres

1. Nandharapathavu
2. Malakallu
3 . Chittarikal
4. Chemperi
5 . Iritty
6 . Manathavady
7. Kalpetta
8. Nilambur
9. Mamarkadu
10. Palghat
1 1 . Athirappally
12. T h o d u w a
13. Erattupwa
75 1 Scale: 1: 2.350.000
14. Kanjirapp@lly
15. Erurneli
16. Pathanarnthitta
17. Punallur
18. Pglodu
19. Neyyardarn
20. Kadukara '
Major Centres Major Towar
1. Mw%alapuml
2. Ethadukam A) Kumbala
3. Adhoor B) Manjeswarm
.
4. Bandha&&, .. C) Kasargode
5. Pallakadu D) Kanchagat
6. Manadakkam E) Neliswaram
7. Mautbothu F) Payynnw
8. Malothumchai G) Thaliparambu
9. Palavayal H) Kannur
10. Therthally I) Tellisseq .
11. Rayarom
12. Allatcode
 However owing to the continuous demands of the people of Malabar hills,

the Government of Kerala agreed to form a 'Malayora Vikasana Authority' (Hilly

Area Development Authority) and allotted one crore rupees in the 2001-2002

annual budget.61

The development of road in Malabar led to the growth of bus services

connecting settlements in Malabar and their parental villages in Central

Travancore. The major schedule of the bus services are between Pulpally,

Nadavayal, Nilambur, Attappadi, Mangalam Dam, Koodaranhi, Kulathuvayal,

Thiruvambadi, Kottiyur, Karikkottakkiri, Payyavoor, Kudiyanmala, Manakkadavu,

Balal, Vellarikkundu etc. in Malabar and Kattappana, Moonnar, Thodupuzha,

Muvattupuzha, Palai, Kottayam, Kottarakkara, Erumeli, Ponkunnam etc.in

~ravancore.~~

Settlement areas are in the forefront in the field of communications as well.

These settlements are linked with post and telegraphs, BSNL phones, Mobile phone

facilities, cable connections for T.V. etc. In the remote settlements they are using

solar energy, energy from wind for operating electric and electronic items.

61
Malayula hfc~noranzuDaily, dated 14.7.2001. Also see Joseph Kanakamotta, "Kannur
Jillayile Malayora Gramangal Avagananayude Aakethuka" (Mal.), Malayora Vikasana
Samithi (Kanhangad, 1977), pp. 1 - 10. A.C. Chacko, Alakodinte Katha A thuva North
Malabar Kudiyettavum Vikasanavum(Mal.), (Taliparamba, 1993), pp.28-62.
Rev. Mariadas George. C.MI. Subha-vude Mulabur Kud(vettum (Mal.) (Palarivattam,
2001), pp.30-37.
Mahindra Jeep and Dish Antenna, hill product or grocery shop in the near by

'town' are some of the status symbols of the sett1e1-s.~)

Impact on Malabar Society

One important impact of migration to Malabar is that Malabar society

became a mixed society comprising of different religions and culture. An exodus

of Christian population to Malabar villages with total, different culture food habits,

and spoken languages were alien to the natives. The Syrian Catholic population

(strictly of migrants) in 1953 was 74129 whereas in 2000 AD it fbrther grew up to

6683 15.64

On their arrival, in Malabar, adivasis of Malabar considered them as man

eaters and poisonus roots eaters (tapioca). So they were reluctant to develop

relation with the migrants. The native population of Malabar even today are

skeptical and doubtful towards migrants, as they believe that these 'chettans'

63
Manathavady Roopatha Bulletin (Mal.), (Mananthavady, 1979), pp. 16-17. In Kannur
secondary switching area alone 33 Telephone exchanges are fimctioning in settlement
areas of migrants. For details see Telephone Directory, Kannur secondary switching area
(Kannur, 1998) Pp. 1- 9.
64
Directories of Dioceses of Tellicherry, Thamarasseri, Palghat, Mananthavady and
Diocese of Kottayarn. The figure is totally excluding the Latin Catholics, Marthoma,
Malankara Reethe and various fractions of Jacobites.
(migrants), Thekkan's (southerners) who reached by train ('Neelanvandi') was

'harmful and not dependable characters. We can't generalize this analysis.6s

The settlement of migrants in Malabar may be classified in to four categories

based on the percentage of population.

1. Settlements with majority migrant population.

.3 Migrants and natives in equal proportion.

3. Migrant population lesser than the population of natives.

4. Migrants in cities and towns (as minority).

The settlements with majority migrant population resembles a central

Travancore village in every aspect of life, their language, food habits, gesture,

dress pattern etc. The impact of migration on Malabar society is that the

intermingling of different cultures which resulted acculturation in certain levels and

in certain areas.66 The migrant peasantry played an active role in the social

transformation through their collective demands and mobilization for an effective

tenancy legislation. For instance when the eviction problem of Kottiyur arose the

65
This was the attitude of natives and adivasis in the early stage of migration. Later they
realised that these people were not like that. See Souvenir of' St. George Church,
(Kulathuvayal, 1992) pp.20-30. Also see immigration Silver Jubilee Souvenir of Holy
Cross Forane Church (Nadavayal, 1976), pp.48-50.
66~nterviewwith Mr. K.A. Antony, Principal correspondent, The New Indian Express,
Kannur, dated 3 1.10.2002. K.A. Shaji, Journalist, Calicut, 1.10.2002. Also see Andre
Beteille, Studies in Agrurian "iocial Structure (New Delhi, 1975), p.2 14.
migrants mobilized and organized Kottiyur jatha and formed Malanad Karshaka

Union.

From the early phase to the present, house pattern of migrants underwent

tremendous changes. At first they lived in simple huts made out of bamboo with

thatched roof and in the night they slept in 'erumadam'. In the second stage they

used the hut building technology of tribals of Malabar i.e. the bamboo walls of

their huts were pasted or covered with mud and continued the thatched roof (with

grass or leaves of coconut or bamboo). In the third stage of change of their house

construction, settlers built houses with unburned bricks, wooden doors and

windows and with tiled roof

In the fourth stage they constructed houses with walls of burned bricks or

laterite or granite and concrete or asbestos roof in the front portion of their houses.

The final stage (at present) the settlers began constructing concrete houses., a
Consequent to the development of migrant settlement - along with different

Christian dioceses in Malabar resulted in the establishment of large number of

charitable institutions, both in government level and in private sector. This

includes orphanages, hospitals, educational institutions, private press, old age

home, rehabilitation centres for insane orphans (Akasaparavakalude Asharamam).

67
Interview with K.C. Kurian, K.M. Chandi, Kolayad, dated 26.3.1985.
The following table shows the number of institutions managed by Chiristian

dioceses of Palghat. Thammarasseri and Kottayam (Knanaya), Mananthavady,

Tellichery in settlements areas. Besides this the Diocese of Calicut, Marthoma

Church, Malankara, Jacobites etc. opened such institutions in Malabar area. These

institutions are also serving the needs of the non migrant population including

Thus migration to Malabar is a migration of superior

adivasis and non-~hristians.~~

agricultural technology, capital investment, which deeply influenced the Malabar

society.

68
Mission League Rajatha Jubilee Smaraniku, Diocese of Tellicherry (Tellicherry, 1984),
pp.70-90. Souvenir of Malankara Marthoma Suriyani Sablra, Kunnamkulam - Malabar
Bhadrasanam (Calicut, 2000), pp. 103-113. The Diocese of Palakkad Rajatha Jubilee
Smaraniku (Palghat, 1999), pp.141-149. Shreyas Bulletin 2001 (Sulthan Batheri, 2001),
pp.5-24. See T.N. Madan, Culture and Development ( N . Delhi, 1983), pp.55-61. In this
book Mr. T.N. Madan examined some aspects of the relationship between culture and
development. The concept of social development has often been reductively linked to
belief in the western model of economic and social developments. Arguing against this
narrow notion, the author propounds a composite view of development as holistic,
endogenous and culturally rooted. He also locates some of his ideas within a sociological
tradition.
 296
'I'A13L13 5.1 I
List of Charitable Institutions run by Christian Dioceses
Dioccsc of
Uivccsc 01' Dioccse 01' I>iocesc01' Aparchy of' Koltayam
ha-
Tellicherry Thamarasseri Palakkad (Malabar regions only)
vadv
Hospitals & Dispensaries
Homes for Physically handicapped
Homes for mentally handicapped
Rehabilitation Centres
Orphanages
Old Age Homes
Hostel
Institution for Secular Edn. College
Higher Secondary School
Technical School
High School
Upper Primary School
Lower Primary School
Nursery Schools 1 107 1 85 173
Other Institutions
Press
I 1 0 2
-- I
1 0 1
-- I
I
--
O4
Press 0 2 1 0 1 I04
Book Stall 02 02 04
Source: Directories published by Diocese of Tellicherry, Mananthavady, Thamarassery, PP~
Kottayam, 2000 A. D
Interaction with the locals

In the movement of population from one place to another place, the response

of the receiving societies should be studied in much more wider context. In

American migration, Europeans destroyed the culture and civilization of the native

inhabitants. In this confrontation thousands of red Indians and other Americans

lost their lives. In our study, the response of Malabar society and natives towards

migrants were a cordial one. Local jenmis made money by selling land to the

settlers. Settlers on the other hand wanted land. The unprevilaged adivasis and

other locals had no voice in this land transfers. Any how certain tribal groups

indirectly challenged (through theft) and made difficulties to them.69

Certain jenmis destroyed the cultivation of migrants by freely grazing

elephants and cows in the cultivable land of settlers. But in general the relationship

between the migrants and natives were cordial."

In the construction of churches, schools and other public buildings local

people very actively participated by donating money, timber and manual labour.

69 Thomas ~azha~arambil,'
Swapna Blzoomiyil, (Muvattupuzha, 1978), pp. 133-140.
70
Ibid., pp. 130-170.
There was no communal or caste feelings among the migrants. They very

consciously worked to promote communal harmony and religious t~leration.~'

The religious festivals of settlements - 'uroos, pehnnal and ultsavam' -

considered as the festival of their own and they actively participated in it. In every

year there will be a public function - Matha Sauharda Sammelanam' (religious

harmony seminar) in connection with these religious festivals. In migrant village

settlements we don't find any differences on caste or religion. But very few

instances of communal disharmony between Christians and Hindus, '~hristiansand

Muslims were reported.72 At present the things are slightly changing with

beginning of the work of different communal organization like, SNDP, NSS, NDF,

FDF, K.C.Y.M etc.

71 For example, in connection with the construction work of school at Koodaranhi, the
entire population of the area voluntarily participated in it. Timber for the entire school
building was donated by Moyin Haji of Mukkom. This was the common pattern of
construction of public institutions in the settlement areas. See Golden Jubilee Souvenir of
St. Sebastian 's Clzurch (Koodaranhi, 1999), pp.40-50.

7 2 ~Palangara
t near Manimooli differences over the possession of land led to clashes
between Christians and Muslims which ended with the brutal murder of two persons -
K a m Thottiyil Mathayi and Mr. Alavi. This was followed by a prolonged civil and
criminal cases. In another case, at Karuvanchal (near Alakode) tension generated by
R.S.S. and Christians in connection with the dispute over the construction of a
'Bhajanamadam'. But timely intervention of police and revenue authorities led to an
amicable solution to the problem.
Alcoholism

The peasants of Travancore, who later migrated to Malabar were hard

working people. The usual practice was that from dawn to dusk they worked in

their land, and in the evening every body went for shopping . On the way they

used to take little quantity of toddy or arrack, so as to enable them to have a sound

sleep in the night. When they reached in Malabar there was prohibition on the sale

and production of liquor. Naturally they turned towards locally made illicit liquor

''
(Nadan Charayam in ~ a l a ~ a l a m ) .

Even before the amval of migrants there was the practice of production of

country made liquor in Malabar. But the migrants popularised this. The settlers

used illicit liquor to influence revenue staff, agents of land lords to get more

concessions from them.74 Again by giving this liquor to adivasis, as price of their

land or remuneration for their manual labour. settlers, exploited the local people,

With the establishment of the Diocese of Tellicherry Mar Bishop Sebastian

Velloppilly and church machinery Lvere working hard to eliminate this evil from the

73 During the prohibition period in Malabar Gingyberries an ayurvedic medicine with

alcoholic content used largely for intoxication. The illicit, country made liquor generally
known as - 'Kottuvadi', 'Nadan', 'Rack', etc. and the seller of this had nick name as
'Kottuvadi Vasu', 'Brandy Mathan', 'Foreign George', 'Navasaram Varkey' etc. See P.C.
Thomas Master, Culicirt Prohibition Committee (1982), Souvenir. E.V. kbdu,
"Kudiyettathinte Padam" (Malayalam), in Varshantha (Kodancheri, 1981), Pp.27-29.
74M. Kannan, a non migrant resident of Thimiri in Taliparamba Taluk was arrested and
sentenced by the magistrate, for the production of illicit liquor. For details see
Mathrubhumi Daily, dated April 18, 1950.
settler community. Now a number of de-addiction centres and councilling centres

are working at Tellicherry, Kuthuparamba, Mananthavady, Calicut, Palghat etc. to

help them escape alcoholism.75

Increase of crime rate

Increase of crime rate in Malabar is another impact of the migration.

Excessive drinking habits of migrants, disputes over boundaries, of land disputes in

connection with the construction of new roads etc. are some of the causes for

violence and murder.76

Reports from several parts of Malabar, substantiate the common assumption

that with the coming of settlers the percentage of criminal cases increased in

Malabar. Even before the beginning of migration, news paper reports and police

records suggests that crime including murder was common in ~ a 1 a b a . r . The

~~

social and economic base for this excessive murder cases map be that early settlers

were educationally and culturally backward, they were ready to do anything for the

75
Samuel Daniel, "Mudhyavary'unaSumithi, Mmoor- Oru Avulokunum" (Mal.). (Calicut,
1982) P. 10.
76 The Sessions Judge of Tellicherry once told to Bishop Sebastian Velloppilly that, most
of the civil and criminal cases of migrants in his court was connected with boundary
disputes of migrants. Interview with Mar Sebastian Velloppilly, First Bishop of
Tellicherry, Tellicheny, dated 24.8.2001.
77
Mathrubhumi, Calicut, 05.03.1928. Mathrubhumi during this period published only
thrice in a week.
possession of land." Infact the peasantry wanted only to protect and expand the

boundaries of their propert-.79

Migration and Political Developments

Migration of peasants, fiom Travancore to Malabar started with out any

design or planning. The simple reason were their interest in acquiring more land at

a cheaper price. In the parental villages migrants had their own politics. Many

actively participated in the struggles led by State Congress against the rule of

Diwan C.P. Ramaswamy Aiyer. But in Malabar fiom the initial period onwards till

1957, generally they never showed an active involvement in politics. But in 1940's

and in 1950's some of them, especially rich migrants were actively involved in the

Movement for a united Kerala.

Wide spread movement for unification of Kerala in Malabar grew under the

leadership of Indian National Congress and other political parties. The argument in

''Police Superintendent of Calicut (an English citizen) asked the reason for the increase of
murder cases to the Sub Inspector of Police. The Sub Inspector of police in his reply
wrote, " 'the chettans' have arrived. For details see Jose Grace, "Kudiyettam Kathakal"
(Mal.) in Vunithu Jan. 15-2 1, 1992. (Kottayam, 1992).
"In their attempt to protect the landed property they killed the brothers, neighbours and
others. For details see Mathrubhumi Daily dated 23.3.1948. The newspaper reported that
in October 1948 Akkottil Devasia murdered two persons - Scaria and Augusty at
Thiruvambady. In the verdict Malabar sessions judge N.D. Krishna Rao punished him
rigorous imprisonment for 3 and 7 years. In another case, at Padiy-ur near Irikkur,
Vattappara Varkey was murdered (stabbed) by his brother Vattappara Thomman. See
Mathrubhumi Daily dated 17.5.1949.
favour of Aikyakerala movement in Malabar was the backwardness of Malabar in

the field of agriculture, industry, education and health care. The following table

shows the relative backwardness of Malabar economy, education and a g r i c u ~ t u r e . ~ ~

TABLE 5.12
Relative Backwardness of Malabar

State Measurement Tax (in crores) Education Cultivated

(in square land out of
Nazhika) total arable
land
Travancore 7662 8.55 47% 8 1.60%
Cochin 1493 2.66 49% 8.89%
Malabar 5809 2.86 25% 34.0%

Many migrants, particularly capitalist planters were very actively involved

in the Aikyakerala Movement. Mr. Jose A. Kalluvelil was the leader of the

" Sri. K. Kelappan (Kerala Gandhi) in his presidential address of "Aikyakerala

Mahasammelanam" on 26& April 1947 argued that the relative progress of Travancore and
Cochin in every walk of life was that these two states had their own governments, where
as Malabar was still under the Government of Madras. See '~athrubhumiDaily, dated
1.4.1947,2.4.1947,27.4.1947,29.5.1948.
81
Political consciousness among the settlers is an important topic to study. Many of the
early settlers stood for the cause of the unification of Kerala and some of them played key
role in the Aikyakerala Movement. For more details see A. Sreedhara Menon, Political
History of Modern Kerala (Madras, 1987), pp.68-72. E.M.S. Namboodiripad, Kerala
Society and Politics, An Historical Survey (New Delhi, 1984), pp.20-28. E.M.S.
Namboodiripad, Communist Purfy Kerulathl?il(Mal.) (Trivandrum, 1986), p.79. In this
book Sri Namboodiripad characterised the school and church based politics of Travancore
developing in Malabar also, because of the role of migrants in Malabar.
 During the course of the migration, migrants faced many difficulties,

because they had to cross the boundaries of Travancore and Cochin before entering

in to Malabar. In the check posts they had undergone humiliating treatments from

the authorities. So this situation created an atmosphere of need for unification of

Kerala.

Up to 1957 the politics of the migrants were cultivation, construction of

churches, schools, libraries, arts and sports clubs, roads etc. These projects were

executed under the leadership of parish priests and collective leaderships of the

people without any political or religious bias. Every decisions were taken

unanimously. Selection of the ofice bearers of the committees also were in the

same manner.8'

In the eviction problem at Kottiyur, i.e. Nair Service Society versus migrants

was the first sign of political involvement of the settlers. They organized

themselves for the common cause. Kerala Thozhilali Party (KTP) under Fr. Joseph

Vadakkan and B. Wellington came to the scene and many migrants joined with

K.T.P. Communist Party under A.K. Gopalan was also active to protect people

from eviction. Peasants under Fr. Vadakkan, Bishop Sebastian Velloppally and

A.K.G. successfblly fought against eviction. The net result was that in the next

"souvenir of St. Mary's Clzurclz, (Mullankolly, 1988) pp. 1-50 and interview with K.M.
Alexander (former President, Eruvesi Grama Panchayat), Chemperi, dated 14.8.1984.
election (1957 election) majority of the migrants voted for K.T.P. and Communist

P a m . It was a great blow to the Congress Party because formerly migrants were

generally sympathisers of Indian National Congress

In the next turn , i.e. in the liberation struggle against E.M.S. Ministry all

migrant settlements like that of Travancore and Cochin peasants were organized by

church. They became liberation struggle volunteers. So from this anti communist

struggle onwards the active entry of settlers in the political activism started.

In the political developments of Kerala in 1960's and 1970's i.e. the split in

Congress Party and subsequent emergence of P.S.P, various groups of Kerala

Congress Parties also had their own imprint on the political scenario of Malabar.

However, the majority of them are now acting as mass supporters of Indian

National Congress(1). The Kerala Congress 'groups' branded as the party of

migrants were not able to attract the support of the migrants.84~he case of

Communist Party was also not much different. In the early stage under the devoted

leadership of the early Communist and Karshaka Sangham leaders Communist

83 see St. Sebustiun's Church Souvenir (Kottiyur, 1993), pp. 17-24. And also Interview
with M.C. Xavier, Joy Sebastian, T.S. Scaria, Kottiyur, 25.3.1990.
8 4 ~many
n places in Malabar settlement areas the Kerala Congress Party - Mani Group,
Joseph Group, Pillai Group, Jacob Group are only as 'paper tigers'. Still they are
continuing power as interest and pressure groups, in coalition politics. In every Kerala
ministry there will be a Kerala Congress minister of some group. This is the tactics of
Kerala Congress politics.
party had a sound support among the migrants. The major supporters of

Communist Party particularly C.P.I(M) was agricultural workers, head load

workers and taxi-auto drivers of settlement areas.85

The growth of SNDP, N.S.S., Viswakarma Mahasabha, Infarm, FARMCO,

Karshka Rakshasamiti etc. are very closely linked with migration to Malabar. The

recent duel between SNDP- CPI(M) followers is another dimension of issue of

caste based communal politics in southern part of s era la.^^

Infact the political ideologies of the peasant settlers, in Malabar is generally

the politics of temporary gains for them. Majority of them lacked strong political

commitment or political bias. This exactly goes with the assessment of peasantry

85 The geography of the supporters of C.P.I.(M) is that, most of the agricultural workers (at
the same time they were owners of 50 cents or 1 acre of land) were living in the peripheral
regions of each settlements. The fertile land with paddy fields occupied by the elite, rich
peasants, where as poor mi_mnts pushed to the hilly, rocky, infertile lands in the up hill
regions of each settlements. Naturally these categories of settlers attracted by the slogans
of the communist party. Most of these people are still in a unorganised situation. They
had no capacity of bargaining power. This is a general analysis, in certain areas like
Vilangad-Kavlurnpara region thing is much different which assumed the couloor of
violence, which led to the brutal murder of a settler, Mathew Kannamundayil in 1982.
86
SNDP means Sree Narayana Dharma Paripalana Yogam; NSS - Nair Service Society;
Infarm - Indian Farmers Movement: FARMCO - Farmers Co-ordination; CPI(M) -
Communist Party of India (Marxist).
by ~ a r m a r x . ~ 'However a substantial number of migrants emerged as political

leaders are po'ssessing key posts in public life.88

Impact on Education

The relative backwardness of Malabar in the field of education continued

even after independence. For the educational development the role of Christian

Missionaries particularly of Base1 Mission and individuals like Herman Gundert

and Edward Bremen etc. should be remembered.

In 1 9 century
~ the Malabar District made significant strides in providing

education and other social services to the people. The Base1 missionaries opened

" ~ a r lMarx and Frederic Engles, Eighteenth brumaire of Louis Bonoparte, in Marx and
Engles Selected Works, Vol. 1, Moscow, 1977, p.479. The study of the history of peasant
movement in Kerala is closely llnked with anticolonial struggle in Kerala. Following the
August resolution of the Communist Party of India, there was a strong wave of anti-
colonial and anti feudal struggles in Kerala. It continued even after independence against
land owning class. T h ~ sstruggles converted the Communist Party of India into a major
political party in the subsequent years with mass following. The involvement of migrants
in these movement was not seen because they settled down only in hill tops whereas the
peasant movement took place in low and midland of Malabar. However, peasant activist,
like Vishnu Bharatheeyan and K.A. Keraleeyan tried to organise the migrants against
oppression of landlords. See K.K.N. Kurup, Agrarlc.7 Struggles in Kerala (Trivandrum,
1989), pp. 144-160. Interview with K.A. Keraleeyan, Calicut dated 15.8.1986 and. Pacheni
Kunhiraman Bakkalam, dated 2.3.1984.
88
A short list of migrant political leaders is as follows: Sri. Cyriac John - Former
Minister of Kerala; K.C. Rossakkutty - Former M.L.A.; Mathayi Chacko - M.L.A.; N.D.
Appachan - M.L.A.; M.C. Jose - Former Kasargode District Council Chairman; Sunny
Joseph - President, District Congress Committee; C.D. George - former Chairman,
Housing Board; James Mathew - Former State Secretary, S.F.I.; Sony Sebastian - Former
State Secretary, K.S.U., Mr. Paulose - President, District Panchayat, Wayanad.
the first English school in North Malabar at Tellicheny. The Brennen School at

Tellicheny, the nucleus of the later Government Brennen College was started in

1862 with a donation of Rs. 8,900 made by Edward ~ r e n n e n . * ~

During the pre-independent period Malabar District Board under the Madras

Government started a number of elementary schools in Malabar. The students of

these schools included the children of settlers.

TABLE 5.13
Educational Statistics of Malabar District Board

Total Children 6,33,195

(in school age)
Boys - 3,59,314
Girls - 2,73,881
/ Total primary schools 1I 3665 I
/ Total secondary schools I 15 I
Total school going students II
Primary j
Secondary 6336
Source: Administration report cf Malabar District Board 1945 46

89 A. Sreedhara Menon, KeraIa District Guzetters- C~unnunore,(Trivandrum, 1970) p. 164.

 The above table shows the level of education in Malabar before

independence. There was a move to start a High School at Manathavady in 1949

under the leadership of M.K. ~inachandran~'.But at the same time the Malabar

District has tried to terminate hundreds of teachers of elementary schools in

Malabar. The reason for this termination move was the shortage of students in

The Diocese of Calicut had started a few schools in the settlements of

Travancorean migrants. The main purpose of beginning of these schools were to *

cater to the educational needs of the children of the migrants. Most of these

schools were, handed over to the Diocese of Tellicherry after 1954. 92

Later under the leadership of parish priests and Bishop Sebastian

Velloppilly schools were started in every settlements. 'Palli' and 'pallikkoodams'

were the style of development of migrants in ~ a l a b a r . They

~ ~ used to form

The pre-condition for the sanction of a High School was to remitt Rs.5000/- to the government
by the people. So they formed a committee for school building under the presidentship of
Sri.M.K. Jinachandran. For details see Mathrubhumi Daily Sept. 4, 1949.
91
Ibid., dated, 28.7.1933.
'* For instance at Peravoor, the church and the landed property of Church and school, the
Assumption Church and its property at Sultan Bathery were handed over to the Diocese of
Tellicherry. For ,more details see Souvenir of Assumption Forane Parish (Sultan Bathery, 1996)
pp. 20-27. Interview with Fr. Plathottam, Sulthan Batheri, Dated, 7.11.2001.
Y3 'Palli' means Christian church and Pallikkoodam' means school.
educational societies and started schools. Later they had obtained Govemment

sanctions for these schools. Slowly these schools were handed over to Parish

Churchers in settlements. The land and materials for the school building were

collected through donation from the local rich people and migrants.94 In the areas

where the supporters of left politics had dominance, established were Govemment

Schools were started, particularly during the time of the first E.M.S. Ministry. With

colonisation and opening of new educational institutions, there is a phenominal

increase both in male and female literacy in Malabar. But this, increase is limited

to new settlers and to the advanced communities among the original inhabitants.

Literacy rate among the tribal people is still very low compared to the other

comm~nities.~~

With the establishment of University of Calicut and Kannur University

higher education in Malabar was popularised. Private registration system under

Calicut University a opened up neu- vistas to students of rural areas (migrants) in

the field of higher education and many have obtained degrees in various subjects.

94
See.P.M.Cheriyan, "Thalayad L.P. School Varshangaliloode" (Mal.) in Thalayad StGeorge
Church Silverjubilee Souvenir. (Thalayad 1981) pp. 1-11 also see Divakaran Kattakkada, Op.cit.
p.426. St. Thomas L.P. School -Vadavayal Golden Jubilee Souvenir 1930-2000 (Nadavayal, 2000)
pp. 3540. St. Thomas H.S.M&adavu Rajatha Jubilee Smaranika (~Manikkadavu,200 1 ), p.27-
29.
95 Census of India, 196 1 . Vol. \?I p.244.
The opening of Technical institutions, Higher Secondary Schools and Parallel

colleges in hilly areas are a clear testimony of the educational progress, due to

migration96 The following table firrther substantiate the arguments.

96 P.R. Gopinathan Nair and D.Ajith, Parallel colleges in Kerala: A Case Study of Their Structure
in Terms of Enrolment Costs and Employment, Working Paper No. 156, C.D.S. (Trivandrum,
1983) pp. 1-7.
 TABLE 5.14
Edllcational Institutions under Christian Management in Malabar

Institution Diocese of
Tellicherry
Diocese of
Thamarsseri
Diocese of
Palakkad
Diocese of
Kottayam
Diocese of
Mananthavady 1 1
College 3 0
Higher Secondary School 1 4 I 4
High School 1 26 I 18
Upper Primary School I 31 I 2I I 3
Lower Primary School I 44 I 21
Nursery School I 107 I 73
-

Press 2 4 12
Book Stall 2 4 2
Technical Schools 23 25 30
Source: Directories of Diocese of Tellicherry, Tharnarasseri, Palghat, Kottayam and vlananthavady
 The figures in the above table are not complete because the educational

institutions managed by other Christian groups like Marthoma Church, Malankara,

Orthodox, Jacobites Church groups etc., in Malabar are not included in it, because

separate list of educational institutions in Malabar owned by them are not available.

Many of the educated people from the settlers got better employment, in

India and abroad." Thus migration of Travancore peasantry to Malabar positively

influenced the education development of Malabar.

Cultural Impact

The so called Malabar culture is a blend of the different cultures of the

locals as well as that of the migrants. The inherited ways were subtly modified to

suit the environment of Malabar. How inheritance and environment interacted is

the theme of discussion of this part of the study.

The existing culture of a society is deeply related to the existing modes of

production and distnbution in the structure of a particular society . Malabar

society had developed a mixed form of culture, which evolved through decades, by

the inter mingling of Tribal culture, capitalist plantation culture, Commercial

culture and so on . The Western culture too had influenced it. The economic

'7 They are working as I.A.S. I.P.S. Officers, Doctors, Nurses Engineers, Professors,
Servants etc. The present D.G.P. of Kerala Mr. K.J.Joseph himself is a migrant.
Dr. Thankam Panoose (Peravoor) is the first doctor, Mr. C.J. Jose (Puravayal) is the first
1.A.S Officer and K.J. Joseph, the present D.G.? of Kerala (Vayattuparamba) is the first
1.P.S officer among the migrants.
hegemony of the elite either imposed their culture or influenced to promote and

copy it by the society.

Hence this is the most difficult phase of all settlers to get through the whole

assimilation process, and both their common sense and the experience of others;

indicate their desirability of paying special attention to promote cultural

assimilation.

Nevertheless the degree of cultural affinity between the migrants and

natives is to be taken into account . While analyzing the process of cultural

integration. The fact remains that the problems of integration have been conhsing

as the social organisation of modem society has becomes more complex. Migrants

can no longer transplant their culture to an empty land; they were forced to

understand and adapt themselves to associate with the new societies which have

their own deep cultural roots.98

The cultural mentality of the people is different in different places in

Malabar. Where the migrants are in majority, their culture dominated over the

native culture. A form of acculturation can be traced there. Generally

98
Migrants of the modern world are seldom colonizers going out to transplant society,
but they are newcomers who should accept the fundamental frameworks of already
existing social structure, which may indeed be more complex in the formation of the
social structure for which the migrants must be aware of their areas of origins.
Travancoreans looked Malabar culture as comparatively backward one, where as

native inhabitants of Malabar considered the migrants as uncultured barbarian^.^^

The motivation which implies an individual to migrate is definitely

psychological , springing from a sense of insecurity, frustration or dissatisfaction

with his original social environment. On the other hand he is completely merged

with that environment, where he plays a variety of roles and has a definite status

and specific standards by which to measure himself.

When he actually leaves to the physical transition process of migration, he

profoundly modifies the whole psycho-social and cultural fiame of reference. In a

way he becomes desocialized by his withdrawal fiom the social sphere in which he

was a part and parcel of it, and his image itself, his roles and status in this original

society and his system of values are all thrown into confusion. Simultaneously he

forms a picture, still as yet indistinct, of the new society to which he is going to join

and build up a series of hopes and expectations regarding the part he will have to

play there. The arrival brings him into contact with the new society. where he will

"
Locals call the migrants as 'Poola chettans, kappa chettans and rubber
chettans. Poola and kappa means tapioca and chettan is another title used by
Malabar people for Travncoreans irrespective of their religions. In certain other
regions of Malabar they call them as kizhakkar, that means rustics or easterners
(Those who are living in Eastern hills of Malabar) which denotes that they are
uncivilized and uncultured.
nature. They had already come from a foreign terrain and the new background had

toughened them up both in body and mind. This attitude of migrants often created

frictions between them and the native communities.

The migrants have their own peculiar style in clothing, dressing, eating

habits, house construction and even in the mode of cultivation. The Christian

women used to wear 'chatta' and 'mundu' i.e wearing dhothis with layers of frills

folded in an artistic form round the buttocks of the body. They wear chatta, a

peculiar type of blouse to cover the upper part of the body. . Both men and women

wear chain beads, with a locket bearing the pictures of Jessus Christ, Virgin Mary

or a cross.'02

The usual items of the food are tapioca with green chillies or dried fish.

They consumed toddy and arrack. 'Acchappam', Avalose , 'Avalose undas,

'Kozhukkotta', 'Undayum Pidiyum', 'Chakkara Manga Curry'. etc. are their special

items of eatables. The natives of Malabar also learnt to cook these items and there

it has become a constituent in their food habits. h the families of the migrants

there is no restriction for the consuming of the liquor. Father. children and

relatives could sit together and consume alcohol (liquor).

lo2They wear Venlhing (a kind of amulet made of thread and cloth which they wear
around the neck] and kontha a type of chain with small beads used for rosary purpose by
Chstian migrants in Malabar.
 The migrants' physical features are also noteworthy. Most o f them have

well built structure, their voice is sharp and loud, their gesture and actions are quite

peculiar. lo3

The first and second generation of migrants were simple. Their main

concern was to exploit the fertile soil and save something for their children. It is

interesting to note that though they were God fearing people, they kept their God

within the church walls and infact they had no real faith in christian spirituality.

Most of these early migrants were utter misers as circumstances compelled them to

be so. They often reminded their family members and neighbours about the

hardships they had suffered in the early days.lo4 They used to compare this

present situation with the past days of hardships. Migration to Malabar infact

meant arrival to an alien society to a new world of curious situations, people, dress

pattern, diet, language etc. The initial targets of Travancore peasantry in Malabar

was the establishment of palli and pattakkaran under the leadership of (priest) and

that itself was for their own developments. Apart from the schools established by

103
In the evenings gents wear lungis and tie a towel (Thorthu') round the head, cvrist
watches and carried iong torches in hand while wallung through the villages of settlements
and smaii market centres which they call as 'cities'. Usually each city is having one or two
grocery shops (where they sell hill products) and tea shops (all combined together). lllicit
liquor is also available in 'cities' (not in shops)
lo' At the same time these migrant fathers were snobbish for they spent money for
luxuries. But they were not ready to spend money for their necessities . This out look of
the majority of early migrants led them to be introverts. The thrust for money, feeling of
selfishness, profit motivated relations, feeling of superiority over others, especially over
natives of Malabar, glorification of Travancore and above all narrow mindedness are some
of the darker aspects of the migrants of Malabar.
them, the schools already started by Malabar District Board fulfilled educational

needs. In addition to this schools, in several regions migrants started Arts and

Sports Clubs and libraries. lo'

Cultural programmes like dramas, Kathaprasangams etc. are held in

connection with the annual festival of the Parish chruches( Thirunal). The entire

village population irrespective of caste and religion participate in it. Margam Kali

and Chavittunadakam are the art forms presented in Malabar area of the Christian

migrants.lo6 It is found that in the school and college festivals, the students from

105
Few examples of the cultural activities of the migrants are given below. At
Manikkadvau they established St. Thomas Nadana Kalasamih and later started Santhome
Arts and Sports Club, Reshmi Sports Club, Kairali; Grandhalayam (library) which got
recognition from Kerala Grandha Sala Sangham. They had also started Mahila Samajams
at different places around Manikkadavu. See St. Tomas H.S. Silver Jubilee Souvenir,
(Manikkadavu, 200 1).
At Alacode one public library and a number of local libraries were established in
the surrounding areas of Alakode. Vijaya Arts and Sports Club, Prabha Arts Club,Sathya
Arts Club etc. are some of the cultural institutions of Alakode area. G.V Raja memorial
drama competitions were held in connection with the festival of Arangam Sree
Mahadeva Temple and the thrunal at St. Mary's Church in Alacode. All these constituted
the cultural scenario of Alacode. See P.K. Ramavanna Raja, " Oru Kudiyettakkarante
Ormakurippukal wal.] in souveiiir, of St. Joseph Chruch Vayattuparamba Souvenir
(Vayattuparamba, 1986) p.62.
In Nadavayal they formed A.N.K.S (Alphonsa Nadana Kala Samithij, Nadavayal
Recreation Club, Calholic Yuva Samajam, Young Mens Club, Wayanad Club and other
institutions.
Recreation Club at Karthikapuram had played a leading role in the overall
development of Karthikapuram - Udayagiri area. A similar pattern of cultural evolutions
in settlement areas can be seen in the souvenirs of churches and schools in the high land
areas of Malabar.
'06 Chummar Choondel, Christain Theatre in India (Trichur, 1984) Pp. 120-125.
settlement areas used to bag major share of medels.lo7 The most important thing to

be noteworthy in the cultural studies of migration to Malabar is the differences

shown in' the usage of languages and its pronunciation. Here we can find the

mutual give and take process in its various spoken languages of Malabar. The

natives of Malabar assimilated a large number of Travancore usages to their

spoken language. lo8

The first generation of migrants preserved their language and customs

without much change. The second generation copied the language and culture of

Malabar. One important factor to note is that there is the fusion of language of

northern and southern ~ e r a 1 a . l ~

iGi
A number of sons of migrant, became famous in the cultural field. For instance Sri.
K.J Baby (Kanaw, Nadavayal) wrote two books - Nadu Gaddika and hlu~~elr Manram, in
which the latter got Kerala Sahitya Academy Award of 1994 and the former book is a
drama which infact a most discussed work in Kerala during 1980's. Sr. O.K. Johny, is
a writer, journalist and winner of the National Award for direction of feature filim.
Sn. Paul Kallanode, is another migrant whose fame linked with painting and poetry.
ioa
C.J. Gorge, Lkinte Samoohika Susthram, (ma1j (Trichur 1988) Pp. 40-65.
S.H. Higitschool Jubilee Souvenrr (mal) (Thiruvambadi, 1980) Pp. 46-48 Malayala
Manorma (Daily), Nov. 30, 1999 for more details see Appendix - V
appendix -V
lo9 M.R. Raghava Warrier " Malabar Kudiyettam Oru Samskarika Visakalanam" (mal)
Suvarna Jubilee Samaranika, St. George Forunce Citruch' (Kulathuvayal, 1992), page
No. not marked in the souvenir.
Also see Varshantita (Mal.) Government College margazine (Kodanchery 1981),
page number not marked in the souvenir
 As a result of migration a fusion of both southern and northern culture can

be seen in Malabar. Language, religion customs thinking, ceremonies, faith etc. of

Travancore slowly spread to hilly regions of Malabar. The birth of a new class of

land lords in Malabar is another noteworthy factor. Till the arrival of migrants,

adivasis of Malabar worked under their traditional land lords for '~alli'"'. The

status of the tribals in Malabar society was recognized and they began to receive

remurations in cash for their labour . The migrants possessed money, knowledge

and advanced in production strategies. With this they had an upper hand on others.

Thus they were superior to the tribals and natives in economic and cultural

spheres.

Migration to Malabar jungles in no way promoted large scale religious

conversion of natives and tribals to Christianity. Of course various christian

groups under the banner of different social service organisations were working

among the tribal people to convert them, but the tribals were reluctant to be

converted. l1

110
Valli means paddy given to tribals as their remuneration by land lords in Wayanad.
K.J. Baby Mavelimunram (Mal.) (Trichur, 19911 Pp 1-20. For more details of land
system in Malabar see LI Chapter of this study also
0 . K Johny , Wayanud Rekhukal (Mal.) (Calicut, 200 1) Pp. 147- 164.

"' Wayanad Social Service Society, Tellicherry Social Service Society World Mission,
Wayanad Sreyas etc. are some of the social service organizations in Malabar.
 To sum up the discussions on cultural impacts of migration, in the first

stage of the migration, it can be seen that they showed unity,co-operation and

mutual love. In the second stage, there were dedicated leadership to uplift the

migrated society and the society also recognized their leadership. In the third

stage people reached the level of economic self sufficiency which led to

selfishness, lack of unity, fight for leadership etc. Unable to cope with the corrupt

and power hungry men, who were too keen to fill their pockets in the name of

development, an able and dedicated group kept away from the so called

developmental activities which, they knew, were not for the benefit or betterment

of the society but for the selfish and corrupt leaders. The call of the time is for the

emergence of selfless people to lead the society.

Sports

From the early stage of migration settlers showed interest in sports and

games. The peculiarity of their food habit [tapioca, both raw and dry with dried

fish is an unavoidable item is their daily diet], hard working character and daily

walk of 10 to 15 km in between their huts and schools. With the opening of

churches and schools by the migrants and later they concentrated in the

construction of play grounds and volieyball courts. Volleyball is favourite game of

settlers in Malabar."* Slowly they had started Arts and Sports clubs in every

Silver Jubilee smaranika of St. George Church (Thalayad 198 1 ) . pp.6 1-63. See
Kerala Kaurnadi, Daily, 24.1 1.1998.
colonies of settlers Migrants used to organised sports and games, competitions in

connection with Onam festival. These sports competitions were arranged by either

Church organisations like K.C.Y.M. Mission League, or the sports clubs of each

region113. In the various levels of [school, college, sub district, state and national )

competitions of students, a reasonable percentage of victory is achieved by the

students from settler areas. Thus many got employment in sports quota in central

and state government departments railways, banks etc."' As a symbol of

encouragement to sports and games play grounds, stadiums and swimming pools

can be seen in many settlements. The leading figures in sports and games fi-om

settlers, who won national and international victories are Jimmy George, M.D.

Valsamma, Mercykuttan, Baby Aloscious, Anju Bobby Geroge, Saly Joseph etc.

The list of such stars will be very long. In short, contributions of migrants, in the

field of sports is substantial one.

113Interview with Boby Aloscious Chemperi. dated 3.7.2001 also see Kerala Kaunzudi
Daily, 27.1 1.1988.
'I4 Interview with M.D. Valsamma, Palghat, 7 - 8-2001 also see Siver Jubilee Smaranika
St. Mary's High School (Kallanode, 1989) page number is not printed Malayala Manorama
Daily, 8.12.1988,9.12.1988, 13.12.1990. Mathrubhumi Da'ily,7 . 12. 1988.
Kuravilangad Joseph, Konippadikal (Mal), (Calicut, 1991) Pp. 218-228 also see O.R.
Abraham " Jubilee Stadium" (mal.) in Silver Jubilee Smaranika St. Mary'.~High School,
(Kallanode, 1989) page number not available P. Narayanan" Thirinhu Nottam" (Mal), in
Vijaya High School Silver Jubilee Souvenir (Pulpally, 1990) p.28.
Deforestation

There is probably no other area of India' environment that has been more

visiously attacked and destroyed in the last century than the country's forest.

According to official statistics of Forest Department., India lost between 1951- 1972

3.4 million hectares of forest lands to dams, new crop lands, roads and industries

which means the annual rate of deforestation of about 0.15 million he~tares."~

Forest department statistics have reportedly pointed out that approximately

23% of the country's total area i.e. 75 million hectares, are classified a s forest lands.

But this again is misleading. It simply means that these are under forest

department control. There is no guarantee that it has any tree cover. A report of

the national committee on environmental planning also clearly state that no more

than 12 per cent of country's total land surface is under adequate tree cover. One of

the important impacts of migration of peasants from Travancore to Malabar is the

decrease in the forest area of Malabar, that led to the transformation of thick forests

into agricultural fields. It could be presumed that large area under this category had

been occupied by them in Malabar.

'I6The State of India's Environment; A Citizen's Report, Centre For Science and
Environment (New Delhi, 1982) P. 33
 The Reserve Forests are administered as per the provisions of the Madras

Forest Act of 1946 and the extraction operations in the private forests are controlled

by the provisions of the Madras Prevention of Private Forest Act of 1946.' "

In spite of many beneficial results, migration has also produced certain

economic, social and environmental problems. The settlers also have encroached

on government lands and private forests, and the government is forced to take

steps to evict them118. But on the other hand certain arguments are in fa\-our of

migrants also. The advocates of original settlers argue that even before the coming

of migrants majority of the thick forests were cleared by the local jenmies and

intermediaries and that they began cultivation only in timber removed forest area

of Malabar. On the other side they planted a number of trees including various

plantation crops and mango trees, jack trees etc.

Environmental Problems

Timber was felled and lush forest and fertile valleys put on to the plough, as

abundance of land provided ample food for the settlers. Plantation crops were

grown for export through out Malabar high land regions with no regard for the

future of the lands.

-
l7 A Sreedhara Menon, Kerala District gamletteers - cannanore, (Trivandrurn, 1979), P.
3 16.
'I8 Ibid,p.181.
 The existing agricultural practices which is being done along the slope

resulted in soil erosion. Soil erosion has already eaten away so much quantity of

valuable top soil leaving behind only the comparatively less productive sub soil. l9

Migration of farmers to Malabar negatively affected the climate and

environment of Malabar as a whole. Now-a-days the migrants of Malabar are

concentrating in the preservation of nature, there by providing chance for their

coming generation to enjoy the h i t s of their early hazards and hard work.

The complex interconnected environmental and ecological crisis in Malabar

essentially stems fiom the following route causes:

119
A debate is going on the issue of migration and deforestation of Malabar. Those
oppose migration argue that migration to Malabar led to large scale deforestation in the
region. See K. Panoor 'Keralathile America', (Mal.) (Kottayam), 1992, Pp. 77-98.
On the other hand, arguments in favour of migration is that migrants settled mainly
in timber removed semi forests ( [Elambakkadukal), which we have discussed in earlier
part of this study. The land lords of Malabar were badly in need of money, so at first they
sold out the timber in their land to Muslim timber Merchants. Later they sold the land
itself to migrants from Travancore and rich people in Malabar. The advocates of
migration further raised the question, that is how Kallai and Baliapattam emerged as the
leading centres of timber business in Asia, without the deforestation of Malabar.
For further details see N.C Jose, "Keralathile America" (Mal.) in Suvarna Jubilee
Souvenir of St. George Church, (Kulathuvayal, 1942) page. No. not available. Thls is a
reply to Sri. K. Panoor K. Panoor. In his book Keralathile America' K. Panoor has
criticised migrants for the destruction of forest in Malabar. also see Sooppykutty,
"Karshikamekhala Uttaram Thedunne Chila' Prasnangal (Mal.) in Smaranika, Wayanad
District Karshaka Sammelanum, 1985, May 25-26, (Kalpetta, 1985) P. 16.
120
K. Balakrishnan Nair and U.M.M. Chandra Das, 1978, A Report of Sample Survey on
Soil Erosion in Kunathur, Pattanapuram and Pathanamthitta Taluks. Kerala State Land
Use Board (Trivandrum, 1978), P. 117.
1. The near total deforestation of the entire region. Protection and regeneration

of the primary catchment areas of rivers in these region is a primary

corrective measure.

2. Loss of vegetation cover providing insulation to soil surface has increased

the amplitude of fluctuation of the temperature of the soil and in the lower

layer of atmosphere and removed soil organic content through speeding up

oxidation.I2l

As far as Kerala is concerned, 1983 witnessed the historic severe drought. In

1983 for about 7 -8 months there was no rain fall in Kerala. In 1989 also it

partially repeated. Rivers dried, reservoirs became empty, mountains burned. At

present in Kerala drinking water itself has become a major problem even in rural

areas. Apart from shortage of rain fall, various other factors also are acting as

major agents for drought in Kerala such as, structure of surface soil, green

coverage of the soil, temperature, winds , density of population, exploitation of

water resources e t ~ . ' ~ ~

The 1972 U.N. conference on the Human Environment brought the

industrialized and developing nations to gather to delineate the 'rights' of the human

"' M.K. Prasad, " Kudiyettavum Malabarinte Kalavasthayurn" (Mal.) in Varshantl~a.

Govt. College Magazine, (Kodamcherry, 1981) Page No. not avaialble.
122
S. Sathish Attappadi - A Profile., (Trivandrum.1989) Pp. 1 1- 12. Plant cover act as a
drag and reduce wind velocity in addition to absorbing so!ar radiation and insulating the
soil, thus curtailing the energy for air movement.
family to a healthy and productive environment. A string of such conferences

followed on the rights of people to adequate food, sound housing, safe water and

access to means of choosing the size of the fam11ies.l~~

~ l over
l the world lovers of

nature and friends of environment have organised themselves and contributed

much to the common cause. In India also a number of small and big organizations

and groups cried against the raping of environment by the vested interest group.

The popular agitation against Silent Valley Project, Narmada Valley Project etc.,

are some examples. The activities of Kerala Sasthra Sahithya Parishat deserves

special mention here. Besides this P SEEK''^' - Society for Environmental

Education in Kerala - an organisation fully dedicated to nature education and

conservation are also doing much for the eco preservation and the protection of

environment .

Migration to Malabar resulted in the incessant deforestation that led to the

ecological imbalances. It has further deepened the environmental crisis which have

"' Sathish Chandran, Vurulunne Kerulum (Mal.)published by Silent Valley National Park
(Palghat, 1989) Pp. 3-4 shortage of rain fall is not a single cause for drought, because even
in 1983 the average rain fall of Kerala was above 2500 m.m. This is more than the
,

national and international average of rain fall we are getting more rainfall than other
states.
121
Gro Harlem Brundtland, Our Common Future - World Commission on Environment
and Development. New Dellzi. P. 1.
SEEK : Society for Environmental Education in Kerala was formed with a view to give
grass roote level environmental education. Most of its programmes are aimed at educating
common man, particularly youth and students, on the importance of protecting the
environment and the urgency of remodeling our life style in tune with the law of nature.
already affected the area due to the unholy alliance between the forest officials and

timber contractors.

Tribal Alienation

The migration of Travancorean settlers to Malabar, adversely affected the

life of the tribals of Malabar. Whatever be the arguments for and against

migration, tribal alienation is real fact. The adivasis, who were the real owners of

the land earlier became refugees in their own land. The tribals often have an

inferlor social status and they are ruthlessly exploited by their employers (migrant

farmersj and by money lenders and local merchants. The local money lenders and

merchants take full advantage of the tribals' ignorance, sense of trust and their

general habit of honouring a debt. As migration become more common, the

contact of tribals with the migrant has increased in a wide spectrum."'

It is true that the tribal, when they were gradually confronted by farmers

who slowly spread into the jungles of Malabar, took to agricultural work which fits

in with the economic needs of their more advanced neighbours.12"

Before the penetration of the migrants in to the world of tribals their needs

were limited. For centuries they have been leading a simple life. A high sense of

125
Gazetteer of India - Country and People (Faridabad, 1983),p.3 17
'26 Nirmal Kumar Bose, Culture and Society in India, (Delhi, 1972)Pp. 176-77 and
discussion with the aged tribals .
community life prevailed among them, and no feelings as rich and poor or super

ordinate and supra-ordinate developed. In the recent years the continuity of such a

life has been greatly improved. The influx of others in tribal habitations made them

money mind. At the same time - the needs of 'adivasis' multiplied.'27 In most of
the areas the tribals have been badly over-powered economically, politically and

socially by the migrants. The tribals, in many places, have been reduced to the

position of agricultural labourers.

Over the years the migrants have 'grabbed' a large part of their cultivating

land. As a result most of the tribal families were reduced to extreme poverty.

Unless a viable alternative is provided to meet the immediate social and economic

needs of the tribals and unless their economic resources are regenerated, their

indebtedness and poverty will lead to new problems, both of socio-psychological

and economic nature.128

The unambitious tribal life was growing almost smoothly with all its merits

and demerits inspite of the continuous influx of immigrants from Travancore to

the tribal areas. The new settlers brought under their possession vast areas of

forest or village land which was for all practical purposes under control of the

tribals for centuries. They brought the virgin land under cultivation. This was

'17 Vyas, N.N. and Mann, R.S (ed.) Indian Tribes in Transition (Jaipur, 1980) Pp. 68-77.
12* Ibid. The recent adivasi struggle led by C.K. Janu is closely related to this situation .
however adverse to the tribals. The very ethnic composition of these villages got

upside down in favour of the new-settlers.12'

The new forest policy laid down by the Union Government in 1952

affected, to some extent the triabls who depend on forest for their food. The

liberty enjoyed by the tribals for centuries to utilise the forest as they liked, are no

more recognised. The encroachment of the tribal land by the new settlers, the

restrictions imposed on the utilisation of forest, the destruction of vast forests for

plantation or cultivation etc. have caused much uncertainty to their subsistence

economy. NaturalIy, their life beset with new problems became more and more

difficult and the tribals with their traditional outlook were inclined to borrowing

more than ever before. The subsistence tribal economy forced them to borrow

freely from all available sources to perform various rituals and ceremonies, to take

medical treatment, to participate in festivals or even to meet the domestic expenses

during the off seasons.

Formerly when land was plenty the evil effects of the debts were limited to

the exploitation of their manual labour under some patronage. But under changed

circumstances, the land become scarce and the demand for it increased steeply.

Government of Kerala, Report on Socio-economi Survey of Tribals in Kerala - 1976-

77, Bureau of Economics and Statistics (Trivandrum, September, 1979),P. 27
 The new settlers who were very keen and clever to bring more land within

their fence allowed bits of advantage to the tribals and consequently the range of

exploitation attached to the tribal indebtedness widened into the new setup. The

alienation of tribals then became a common phenomenon in the recent decades.'31

The immigrants have already encroached upon much of the tribal land

during their settlement and the consequent wide-spread alienation of the tribals

became all the more damaging to the triabl existence. Landlessness have become a

very serious problem among the tribals. The simple and honest tribes men who

honoured ancestral debt easily became victims of the unscrupulous exploitation.

The contact of the tribals with various socio-cultural or socio-religious

groups coming from outside their land-locked region has had a shocking effect on

many asects of their traditional ethos and culture. For example, the matriarchal
L

structure of Karimpala society, their marriage, dress, diet etc, were influenced by

the migrant new-comers. A similar instance of cultural change is the Khasi culture

of Meghalaya which under the influence of the ~hristiansthe Plainsmen and the

Britishers changed its consonance.l 3 ' However the migrants helped the 'adivasis'

of Wayanad to become human beings because the landlord class exploited them.

The Muslim merchants, from the plain also continued the same attitude towards

I3O Ibid.
131
P.R.G Mathur, Klzusi of Megtzuluyu, (New Delhi, 1979) Pp. 15-20.
'adivasis'. The land hungry migrants came here of course in many cases they

encroached their land, but at the same time they paid wages in cash. They opened

up transport and communication, school and libraries not only for their children,

but also for the adivasi students.132The upliftment of tribals of Malabar is one of

the important impact of migration. There are a number of instances of inter

marriages between migrants and local adivasis (usually not arranged but love

marriage or marriage with compulsion from the community due to certain other

reasons). However certain recent developments, affecting the relationship between

the different sections of the population are not very healthy. The relationship

between settlers and original inhabitants were smooth and wholesome in the early

periods. Frictions developed in later period and although it is narrow and almost

imperceptible at present a cleavage has been definitely formed between the new

settlers and old inhabitants. It is of utmost importance for the harmonious social

development of the village that the two sections understand each other better and

live as good neighbours instead of harbouring envy and enmity against each other.

Thus migration of farmers tiom Travancore to Malabar resulted in the

transformation of Malabar society in every aspects. It had its own influence over

social, economic, political and cultural life of the people of Malabar.

'32 Divakaran Katakkada, Keraleeya Gramangaliloode (mal) (Kottayam, 1967) P. 424.

 CONCLUSION

P.T. Sebastian “Christian migration to malabar, 1930 - 1980 ” , Department of

History , University of Calicut, 2002
 CONCLUSION

This study on migration, as is evident from it, is done on the pattern of

investigation. All available data from charts, reference materials, including books,

news paper reports, periodicals and souvenirs are used so as to make this

~nvestigationas complete and accurate as possible. That apart, a number of early

migrants, their children, journalists, priests and bishops who have worked among
'
the settler community in Malabar were interviewed to get first hand information

on migration to Malabar.

The present study is a detailed historical survey and an indepth analysis,

which would give a clear picture about the causes, course and impact of migration.

A number of 'push' and 'pull' factors worked behind the migration to

Malabar. Most important among the push factors were famine, an offshoot of

World War I1 and the growing need of the Travancorean farming community for

more cultivable land. As the size of the family became larger and larger, the need

for more cultivable land increased. So the farmers were on the look out of more

land for their children. Their unending search for virgin lands for cultivation took

them to the hillocks of Malabar.

Famine was a driving force behind large scale migration to Malabar. Land

system in Travancore, commercialization of agriculture and the subsequent impact

on Travancore Economy, Progress of education in Travancore, increased

population pressure on cultivable land in Travancore, the Christian way of

inheritance which led to the fragmentation of property in Travancore, the despotic

rule of Sir C.P. Ramaswamy Aiyer and the political developments in Travancore,

the economic depression, poverty and famine which led to death and diseases in

Travancore are some of the 'push' factors that influenced the migrants to move from

Travancore to Malabar.

Land prices in Malabar were very low as compared with the land price in

Travancore. The price of an acre of land in Travancore was enough to buy almost a

hundred acres of land in Malabar. For instance, while an acre of land in Meenachil

Taluk would fetch about Rs.3501- to Rs. 400/-, land could be bought in Malabar at

the rate of Rs. 21- to Rs. 4/- per acre . This proved a great incentive to the Christian

community in Travancore which had been confronted with the problems of

excessive fragmentation of their parental holdings. The low price of land in

Malabar and increasing tendency of cultivation of commercial crops, coupled with

the aforesaid situations in Travancore, helped the migration of small peasants to

Malabar.

In Malabar the ownerships of waste lands and forest lands were also vested

with the Jenmies, where as it was under the ownership of the Sirkar (government)

in Travancore. Even though Malabar as a region contained plenty of cultivable

waste lands, farmers of that region did not some how have, either the will or the
ability to move to the uncultivated areas to reclaim them. On the other hand,

peasant farmers fiom Travancore migrated with enthusiasm to the jungle lands of

Malabar situated at a distance of about 300-500 kilometres from their native

villages.

Many social non-conformists or people who were marginal to their own

communities in Travancore also joined the migration bandwagon. People with

criminal backgrounds and others who were bankrupt or were dishonoured in their

home villages were among the migrants to Malabar. Family feuds and disharmony

within the families and with neighbours further helped the cause of migration from

Travancore. All these factors combined to cause a mass movement of tremendous

magnitude, that made migration to Malabar a major event of modem Indian

history.

Migration to Malabar turned out to be a mass movement, as migration of

half a million people took place without any design, organisation or leadership.

And this makes it unique in the annals of migration. A number of families left

their parental villages in Travancore for reasons of their own and settled in the

mountainous parts of Malabar. The majority of these settlers were small farmers,

who went on to make Malabar their permanent abode.

Migration of the h i n g population fiom Travancore to Malabar began in

the late 1920s. Malabar being a part of Madras Presidency of British India, was
almost like a 'foreign country' for the people who migrated to it from the princely

state of Travancore. Travancore and Malabar were separated by Cochin, another

princely state. A trip to Malabar from Travancore in those days was a difficult one,

owing to lack of transport and communication facilities. The coastal railway line,

f?om Cochin to Mangalore, through Calicut, Mahe and Tellicherry, was the only

means of transportation available to the early migrants. And trekking into the

interiors from the coastal towns of Malabar formed a glittering chapter of

determination, sacrifice, bravery and enterprise.

Early batch of pioneering migrants, or more correctly entrants into Malabar

were farmers who came mainly fiom the middle and lower stratas of the farming

communities of Travancore. A significant majority of these early migrants came

from the taluks of Meenachil, Thodupuzha and Muvattupuzha, in the foot hills of

the high ranges. Most of the migrants were Catholics, belonging to various

denominations.

The process of early migrations seem to have followed a common pattern.

First an investigatory trip was undertaken by one or two persons. These trips were

naturally restricted to those areas where Christian mission stations or churches had

already been established by the Catholic Diocese of Calicut. Once the land suitable

for cultivation was located, the investigators returned to their villages in

Travancore. Generally after the Sunday mass, word spread in the local churchyard

about the availability of land in Malabar. This usually resulted in the addition of
few more fresh recruits to join the hazardous trip to Malabar. Once the team had

become sufficiently strong and once enough capital had been raised, often through

sale of property, a new trip was undertaken. Usually, during this second trip, land

was purchased in Malabar. Land was acquired mostly from devaswoms and big

land owners (Jenmis) of Malabar. The common mode of transaction was through

'Vakkal Charthu' or verbal agreement. The common verbal land transactions

between migrants and local land owners or their agents were Odacharthu,

Kutticharthu, Kalicharthu, Vakkal Charthu, Choondippanayam, Varam and pattam

deeds to cut and collect bamboo, and trees, to use the land to pasture cattles, or to

cultivate and for rent ie, for 'Pathil Randu' (2110) Pattam (rent). In the absence of

clear land documents all the land transactions were on the basis of mutual

understanding.

Driven away from their home land into the jungly hills of Malabar, the

farmers found themselves in a real predicament. For, innumerable hardships

awaited them in this strange terrain.

Early migration of peasants from Travancore to Malabar is an inspiring saga

of human endeavour. Early settlers had to face many hardships. Cholera, and other

infectious diseases, attack of wild animals, exploitation by jenmies and rich

immigrants, heavy taxes and eviction threats were the worst among the hardships

that awaited them in the strange hillocks of Malabar..

 Many a migrant had to start fiom scratch. Famine and diseases wiped out

hundreds of lives. The hospital records at Tellicherry and Mananthavadi bear

testimony to this. Orphanages at Marikkunnu at Calicut, Kolayad, Peravoor and

other areas were filled with the children of Travancorean migrants. Under these

circumstances many returned to Travancore, and several others became agricultural

labourers. The condition of the children of the settlers was equally distressing . In

their struggle for existence many of the migrants lost their life.

The organized settlements in the Malabar regions, has its golden history,

though underlined by a series of hardships, which the early settler's underwent, It

speaks volumes and volumes on the systematic schemes employed by various

organizations like the churches, NSS and other organizations in the setting up of

schools, colleges and hospitals in the hilly areas of these places. It has played a

significant role in the large scale development of this area, especially in the

agricultural field. The migrants from Travancore to Malabar can be classified into

two : (1) the isolated or individual and (2) the organized group. The latter's

contribution to development and their history is to be noted and studied in detail. It

all began with Late Prof. V.J. Joseph. It was he who first noticed the large areas

of uncultivated forest in the hilly regions of Malabar.

In the realm of organized migration, the role of Mar. Alexander-

Choolapparambil, Bishop of the Diocese of Kottayam and Prof V.J. Joseph is to be

remembered. Prof. V.J. Joseph was the president of Knanaya Catholic Congress.
He was working as a Professor at Mangalore. In his journey from Mangalore to

Kottayam he used to collect information about the availability of cultivable land in

the eastern hill ranges of Malabar side. It was known for its rich flora and fauna.

At the same time he had another advantage, i.e. many of his former students and

students belonged to the families of the land lords of these regions. Being very

religious and committed to Christianity the idea of establishing Christian colonies

in these areas flashed in his mind, and without any delay, he consulted the Bishop

of Kottayam and other heads of the Church, and the organized migration began.

Abundant land at cheap price, the enforced poverty and famine due to war

and the fascinating appeal of the churches and various other factors accelerated the

colonization in several areas such as Rajapuram, Madampam, Ranipuram,

Chungathara, Shimoga etc.

The rich planters promoted migration to recruit work force in their

plantations. Unlike organized migration peasants from various parts of Central

Travancore had also migrated to Malabar at their own.

. The present study further discusses the role of various groups and fractions

of Christian church and its various organisations and institutions in helping the

migrants at various levels. The sociology of the Christian migration is giving stress

to church centred developments. Every development activities in one way or other

is linked with a parish priest or Bishop. In the Malabar terrains also we could see
the dominance of Christian priests in every walk of life. They are the leading

figures of the public life in these areas. In all the popular movements against

eviction threat at Kottiyur, Pulpally, Gudallur, Ambalavayal, Kakkadavu and in

liberation struggle against the Communist Ministry in Kerala, the Bishops and

priests played a pivotal role. The popular contemporary peasant movement Infarm

in Kerala, and the ongoing anti-eviction struggle at Belthangadi in Kamataka are

also examples to this conviction. In the opening of roads, bridges, public

institutions, electricity, telephone, educational institutions and above all, in the all

round development of the settlement region of Malabar, the role of the church

leadership can't be under estimated.

Real development is not something that can be achieved by an individual or

few individuals in a few days or months. It is a gradual, constant and conscious

process through which a group or community becomes aware of the existing social

situation, and struggle together for the building up of a more humane society where

love, justice, equality, fraternity and truth would prevail.

Basing the strategy on this concept of development and a ,wider perspective

for the total transformation of the society, the church has its work towards the

organization of the masses at the grass root level. With this end in view the church

has undertaken motivational and training programmes as well as economic

programmes assisted by both governmental and non-governmental agencies. Thus

organization and dynamics of church in Malabar sewed the settlers in all their

needs.

One of the striking impacts of migration is the socio-economic development

it had brought about in Malabar. Malabar consists of coastal areas, low lands,

middle and highlands. Of these only the first three areas were populated in the pre-

migration period. Fishermen (belonging to all communities) lived in the coastal

areas while the Hindus (especially Nambiar, Nayanar, Saliya, Thiyya, Nair,

Namboodiri, Marar, Maniyani and Pothuval) occupied the low and middle lands.

The Muslims being a business community always preferred the thickly populated

areas.

The impact of the migration on the economy of Kerala in general and of

Malabar in particular needs special mention. Large scale production of

commercial crops like rubber, ginger, pepper, arecanut and coconut, advanced

methods of cultivation and the introduction of new agricultural crops immensely

influenced economy of this region.

Small scale farmers who migrated to Malabar in order to .escape the

differentiating and depressing pressures of commercialization of agriculture in

Travancore brought in powerfully the spirit and relation of commercial agriculture

into feudal Malabar. They began to cultivate commercial crops in this region. In
addition to extending the cultivation of such crops they also introduced tapioca

which was so far unknown in Malabar.

The f e a h l forest region was transformed in to agricultural lands and later

became semi-urban centres or village towns. High land region of Malabar from

Bandadukka in the North to Attappadi in the South, covering centres like

Rajapuram, Balal, Vellarikkundu, Chittarickel (Thomapuram), Alakode, Chernperi,

Payyavoor, Iritty, Peravoor, Manikkadavu, Maruthonkara, Kulathuvayal,

Thiruvambady, Pulpally,,Chungathara, Mannarghat, developed as 'cities' or 'towns'

to fullfill the needs of the settlers.

The migrants constructed village roads without availing any help from the

government. But later, these roads were taken over by the Public Works

Department and Grama Panchayats for repair and maintenance.

Many roads were constructed by timber merchants in Malabar for the sole

purpose of trekking timber from forests to timber depots in coastal region -

Baliappattam, Payyannur, Badagara and Kallayi.

The hilly regions, formerly occupied by a handful of tribals, became a

beehive of activities with the arrival of Travancorean peasants. They cleared the

forest lands, tilled and cultivated it only to change the once fearful face of Malabar.

Malabar gradually became a little paradise on earth. The commercial and

agricultural products produced from this land brought prosperity to the settlers and
the local inhabitants, especially the business community alike. Migration also

meant more educational institutions and sports and arts clubs that had played an

important role in the educational and cultural development of the people of the

entire region. With the advent of more schools and colleges, there was a spurt in

employment opportunities, both in the state and outside.

Migration also played a commendable role in shaping the language of the

region. If the first generation of migrants preserved their language, customs and

culture, the second generation copied the language and culture of Malabar besides

making their own contribution to it.

The migrants fiom Travancore always play an important role in tilting the

political balance of the region. There is a common feeling among people that the

Christian migrants in Malabar owe their allegiance to the Kerala Congress Parties.

But this is not true. They are basically Congress activists and sympathizers and a

considerable section among them support the Communists.

One of the important impact of migration of peasants fiom Travancore to

Malabar is the decrease in the forest area of Malabar, that led to the transformation

of thick forests into agricultural fields. It could be presumed that large area under

this category had been occupied by them in Malabar.

In spite of many beneficial results, migration has also produced certain

economic, social and environmental problems. The settlers have also encroached
on government lands and private forests, which forced the government to take steps

to evict them. But on the other hand certain arguments are in favour of migrants

also. The advocates of settlers argue that even before the coming of migrants

majority of the thick forests were cleared by the local Jennies and intermediaries

and that they began cultivation only in timber removed forest area of Malabar. On

the other side they planted a number of trees including various plantation crops and

mango trees, jack trees etc.

The migration of Travancorean settlers to Malabar, adversely affected the

life of the tribals of Malabar. Whatever be the arguments for and against

migration, tribal alienation is a real fact. The adivasis, who were the real owners

of the land earlier became refugees in their own land. The tribals often have an

inferior social status and they are ruthlessly exploited by their employers (migrant

farmers) and by money lenders and local merchants. The local money lenders and

merchants take full advantage of the tribals' ignorance, sense of trust and their

general habit of honouring a debt. As migration become more common, the

contact of tribals with the migrant has increased in a wide spectrum.

It is true that the tribals, when they were gradually confronted by farmers

who slowly spread into the jungles of Malabar, took to agricultural work which fits

in with the economic needs of their more advanced neighbours.

 Before the penetration of the migrants in to the world of tribals their needs

were limited. For centuries they have been leading a simple life. A high sense of

community life prevailed among them, and no feelings as rich and poor or super-

ordinate and supra-ordinate developed. In the recent years the continuity of such a

life has been greatly improved. The influx of others in tribal habitations made them

money minded. At the same time - the needs of 'adivasis' multiplied. In most of

the areas the tribals have been badly over-powered economically, politically and

socially by the migrants. The tribals, in many places, have been reduced to the

position of agricultural labourers.

Thus, the large scale migration of people from Travancore is an important

factor that has contributed to the all round development of northern parts of Kerala

during the last few decades. As the Gazetteer rightly concludes, this "influx of

immigrants has in recent years radically changed the picture of socio-economic life

in the districts". And, it has the following comment to add: "The immigrants are a

highly industrious and enterprising people and they have contributed not a little to

the economic development of the region by their unremitting exertions".

 APPENDIX I-
EARLY MIGRATION

Adakkathodu (1957) - Kulangara Joseph, Kalloorath Abraham, Kunnath Varghese,

Melekkoottu Kuttiyappan and his brothers, Thirumalasseril Pappachan,
Chambakkara Chandy, Thekkekkoottu Devasya, Alungal Joseph and
Pottanany Joseph.
Adikkolly (1962) - Nedungombil Ulahannan, Kanappallil Scaria, Kelakathu George,
Pallikkunnel Chacko, Thekkel Thomman.
Alattil (1949) - Karanthullil Mathayi, Olikkal Varghese, Mullankuzhiyil Varki,
Vadakkekara Mathayi Thomas, Perukkonil Agasthi, Kulappurathu Michael
Perurnpullippara Chandi.
Alakode (1928) - Dr. P.J. Thomas, Thevarolikkal Mathew Sebastian, Pullattu Joseph
George, Thomman and Konnaykkal Thomas. 1936 - P.R. Rarnavanna
Rajah
Alex Nagar Colony 1943 - Erambil Ulahannan, Melandassery Kora, Pulluvettathil Luka
Ousep, Memanathara Pothan etc. (about 100 families).
Arnalapuri (1954) - Father Fonnees.
Ambalavayal(l948) - M.O. Paulose.
Ambayathodu (1956) - Pallikkamadathil Varghese, Padyanikkal Mathan, Karakkadu
Devasya, Punjayil Mathayi, Kurnbalakkuzhi Mathew, Narnbudakath Luka,
Joseph, Varkey and Elanjimattathil Joseph.
Anikkampoyil (1952) - Kallolikkal Joseph, Palapra Joseph, Thumdiyil Kochu,
Thiruvallalingam Raghavan and Varakukalayil Joseph.
Angadikadavu ( 1947-1948) - Neranganpara, Punnakundu, Vaniyappara, Kappil Charal,
Murikumkari, Randamkadavu, Eendhumkari and Uruppumkutti
(Peripheral Regions).
- - - Ayyankunnu-Kavungal family in Karikkottakari and Vengathanathu Thomas.
- - - (1947) (Dec) - Koottarappilly Varkey, Kakathookkil Joseph, Puttamallathil Joseph,
Manhappallil Devasya, Poovathungal Varkey, Thomas, Peetikayil Kuryako,
Thazhangattu Mani, Kochurnala Luka (From Kuravilangadu side) Puthankandah1
Devasya, Kochuvelikkagathu Chacko, Nadayathu Joseph, Panayekal Thomas
(From Ramapuram) Sasseril Varghese, Kulangaramuriyil Joseph, John and
Thomas (From Chirakadavu).
Asankavala (Vijayapuram) (1952) - Puthuppally Kunhu, Puthan Veetil Devasya,
Kadhalipparambil Oudha, Pendanath Mani & Kunnathu Joseph. Padavil
Thomas, Joseph Kavalam.
Balesugiri (1947) - Sri. Varacheril Georgekutty.
Balal(1948) - Punjakkunnel Joseph, and Varikkarnakkal Devasya.
- - - (1949) - Thekkumkattil Kunhepe Kulalhinal Kunhu, Podippara Kunhepe.
Bheemanady (1957) - Madathipparambil Pailo, Antony, Puthanpurayil Joseph,
Palamattathil Agasthi, Thaikkandathil Devasya and Thayyil Michale.
Chappathottam (1939) - Mathew KattaMcayam, Elavanal Varkey, Elavanal Varkey
Cheriyathu.
Chathankottunada (1940) - Mathew. C. Kattakkayam, Varkey Elavanal, Cheriyathu
Elavanal.
--- (1940) - Jose Kallivayalil and Michale Kallivayali.
- - - (1940) - Keeranjira Chacko, Kanhirakkattuthodiyd Mathayi, Kangedathu Uthuppu,
Kunnel Thomas, Kulathur Chacko and Kizhukkarakkattu Thomman.
Chemperi (1943) - Pulppel Joseph, Mattakkakuzhiyil Joseph, Valurnannel Abraham,
Kaduvathukkil Joseph and Kakkanattu Varkey.
Chempanthotty (1945) - Muttathu Thomas.
- - - (1947-48) - Chennattu Agasthi, Thonikkal Thomas, Manirnala Varghese, Mechira
Devasya, Porunnakkottu Varkey, Puthanpura Thomas, Kutyathu Thomas
and Karakkattu Varghese.
Chennalodu (1948) - Olikkal Mathayi, Mundunadaykkal Agasthi and Idathanal Mathayi.
Cherukattoor (1947). Moolakkara Chacko, Vadakkel Ousep, Nalledathu Joseph and
Kachelakkalayil Joseph.
Cherupuzha (1947) - Pumnhachakkunnel Thomas, Kunnel Schariya, Vazhappalliyil
Peelippose and Puthanpuraykal Mathayi.
Cherupara (1965) - Sri. Thomas Perekkattil and Family.
Christnagar, (1958-59) - Thottathil John, Choppukalayil M. Mathayi, Kakkarakkunnel
Joseph, Chelayckal Nirappel Varkey Vaidyan, Olikkal Antony and
Thenangalayil Varkey.
Chockodu (1950) - Pallivathukkal Devassy.
- - - (1952) Kuttiplakkal Joseph.
-
- - - (1955) Kunnipparambil Joseph.
-

Chunda (1932) - Mareth Joseph, Pulikayath Thornman, Parapparambil Ouseph, Jubilee

Chacko, Kadhalikkattil Kunhu and Poothakkuzhi Mathayi.
Chundappararnbu ( 1947) - Koonungil Abraham, Mulaykkappurathu Mathayi,
Mungaykkal Franchu, Chaliyekkandathil Kunhappu and Vellaramkunnel
Kunhu.
Chungakkunnu (1949) - Vattukkulathl Joseph, Thuruthel Matha, Vadakekkara Kunhu.
Chungathara (1950) - Kunthrayil Tharyan Varkey, Meprathu Mathayi, Konniyil
Kunhachan and Udayamannil Kosi.
- - - (195 1) Villothu Phlipos.
Chully (1958) - Araykkal Mathayi.
Edappuzha (1949) - Kottarathil Joseph.
Edavanna - Puthanpuraykal Kunheppu, Nhallampuzha Thomas, Nhallmpuzha Skariya,
Nhallampuzha Pappachan, Thattamparambil Varkey, Arnbattu Kochu,
Karukappally Varkey and Othara Kuttappan.
Edoor (1939). Valiyaprambil Kunhukkuttan Esthappan, Mathachan, Markos, Kutty and
Kunhu. Kadampuzha Kuttiyachan Vhavalligl Eppachan and his brother
Scario, Karippaparambil Dominic.
Eaychom (1950) - Mundaykal Outha.
- - - (195 1) - Puthiyedath Ousep and Ramachanattu Chacko.
- - - (1952) - Punnathanam Mathayi and Punnathanam Luka.
Vattyara (1950 - 1955) - Koorikkattu Varkey.
Ennappara (1953) - Marottikkuzhiyil Chacko.
- - - (1960) - Vasyamparambil Cheriyan, family, Puthanpuraykkal Mathayi, Kuryan,
Pullelkunnel Mathew, Vaduthalakuzhiyil Mathayi and Maliyekkal
Kuttappan.
Eramam (1944) - Adichilamakkal Varghese, Punjekkunnel Thomas, Mundarnattathu
Oudha, Kunnel Schariya and Pare1 Kongattu Devasya.
Kacherikkadave (1948) - Manikkombel family, Eettappuzha family, Kollikolavil family
and Marottippara family.
Kadabha (1952) - Korurnadam Kuryakose, Korurnadam Mathayi, Chambakara Stephen,
Marnbally Kuryakose.
- - - (1 953) - C.C. Joseph Chembannil, C.C. Phillip etc. (9 families).
Kanhiradukkam - Kalappurayakkal Varghese and his family, Karottupurathu Chacko and
Vadakkedahu Varkey.
Kannivayal (1948) - Ezhupara Thomas, Kappalumakkal Baby, Kannikkattu Pappachan,
Kaippamplakkal Pappachan, Kallur Mathayi and Padinharel Kuruvila.
Kottody (1958) - Poomarathungal Mathayi, Pandarapparambil Ousep.
Keezhpalli (1948) - Kadookunnel Peeli.
--- (1949) - Palhiyakalangara Joseph, Kozhakkepeechikayil Thomas, Menapaddath
Joseph.
Kakkadampoyil (1956) - Father Bernardin Thadathil kutty, Pannikkottu Mathew,
Mazhuvanjery Paily, Thevarkkattil Kunheppu, Kuzhurnbil Mani,
Puthanpurayil Chandy, Paralayil Mathayi, Vettikkal Kochu, Ikkarasseril
Devasya, Veettiyangal Kunhappan, Pulinthanath Ulahannan and
Kadambanattu Thomas.
Kallody (1942) - Vettiyangal Mathayi, Vaithippara Pappa, Thalachira Devasya,
Mookkatholikkal Joseph, M a c h u k d y i l Paily, Kalambukattu Kuryakose
and Pallikkapyalilkkar etc.
Kallanode (1943) - Sri. Mathew, A.T. Joseph and Cheriyan.
- - - (1943) - Vayalil Joseph (Ramapuram), Ettiyil Mathew, Kothambanany Sebastian,
Kadukammakal Thomas, Joseph, Puthiyamadathil Agasthi, Nakatholikkal
Ulahannan, Thadathll Thomas, Ganapathyplakkal Mathayi, Edattukunnel
Thomas & Memgiyani Joseph (Vayala).
Kallurutty (1945) - Adappur Puthanpura Pathros, His brother Ulahannan,
Kumrnayathottiyil Fransis, Malamburathu Kuryan, Tharamuttathu Joseph,
Mudiyil Chacko.
- - - (1946) - Achhikarathu Chacko, Perinjery Mathayi, Kochupurayckal Thomas,
Ranickattu Michael, Penkalathu Varghese, Elanhikkal Joseph and
Palathanathu Joseph.
Kalpra (1957) - Thottapilli John, Thadathil Joseph, Vettikkal Kunhu, Mulaykappurath
Agasthi, Kattikkanayil Joseph, Erathel Fransis, Chelaykkamakkil Devasya,
Kollamkunnel Varky, Mundaplakal Thomas, Kodiyamkunnel Devsya and
Kallada Kunhukkutty.
Kanhrakkolly (1969) - Nakanoolil Varkey, John, Kariyalakkunnel Joseph, Kallur
Mathayi and Karathottathil Mathew.
Kanichar (1945) - Mulaykal Eenas.
- - - (1948) Kalathungal Ulahannan, Kulachira Cheriyan, Nedungallel Chacko,
Manhanamt Varkey and Thayyil Chacko.
Kaniyambatta ( 1950) - Koonammakkeel Varkey, Vazhappillil Mathayi and
Nharalamkulathu Thomas.
Kannoth (1944) - Vazhapparambil Devasya, Ezhanikkattu Agasthy, Vellappanattu
Philipose, Kizhakkel Joseph, Chakkalayil Thomas, Neelanguzhi
Kunhappan and Mannur Mathayi.
Kappimala - Kalappura Thomas, Kallananikkal Thomas, Vadakkemury Thomas, Arakkal
Abraham, Palakkuzha Chandi, Andhinattu Ulahamman and Kaviyil Chako.
Karikkottakkari (1940) - Sri. Kavungal Ulahannan, Vettikkal Ouseppu.
- - - Poothottal Chummar, Devasya, Kalapurayakal Schariya, Koyikkalatt Mathayi,
Kandath Mani, Ullooruppil Joseph, Kakkattil Joseph, MekattaMcal
Mathayi, Manyalathil Mathayi Brothers, Vazhamplakkal Varky Brothers,
Chollanamkunnel Chennan, Puliyanikkat Agasthi and Thayyil Varky.
Karingadu - Parayamguzhiyil Thomas, Moolayil Thomas, Kulathur Joseph, Poriyathu
Ousep, Thudiyanplakkal Mathayi.
Karuvanchal (1928) - Puranganal Dr. P.A. Mathew, Pullattu Outha, Vakkan, Thomman,
Mannangary Thomas.
- - - (1939) - Kuruvinal Pakuthi Mathayi and his family, Attarimakkal Chacko, Ouseph.
Karuvakkundu (1943) - Parambil (Kallaraykkal) Mathayichan, Anathanath K.C. Mathayi,
Pallivathukkal P.C. George and Kollangulath K.V. Chacko.
Kattippara (1949) - Parappallil Mathayi, Kochuveetil Thomas, Parathookiyel John,
Palliyocfil Joseph and Ittiyeppara Fransis.
Kavurnmandham (1944) - Mundunadaykkal Joseph, Aikkarathazhathu Mathayi and
Joseph.
Keezhppally (1947) - Chrakkuzhlyil Devasya.
- - - (1948) - Chelakkandathl
Devasya, Kanhirathungal Mathayi, Malodan Ukkaska &
Kadukkwmel Peeli.
Kelakam (1942) - Nellikkakudy Varkey, Naruvely Paily, Pulikkal Paily, Issac, Paloiikkal
Govindan, Areekkattu Govindan, Thekkungal Sankaran and Varappothu
Mathayi.
Kellur ( 1941) - Kathirakkattu family, Kavarmala family and Arappathanarn family.
Kiliyanthara (1947) - Nedumala George, Koottumala Thomas, Charettu Schariya,
Madukkakkuzhi Joseph and Vettikkattil Joseph.
Kodancheri (1944) - Vadakkel Devasya, Paikayil Devasya and Kunnath Mathayi.
Koodaranhi (1947) - Pennaparambil Chacko, Palakkiyil Joseph Puthuppalliyil Kuryako.
- - - Madaliyangal Agasthi, Variyanijyil Mathan and Muthirakkalayil Agasthi.
Koodathay (1942) - Palaykkathuruthel Pappan, Puthiyaparambath Ulahannan and
Pallithazhe Chandy.
- - - (1944) Nedumballil Mathayi, Kanathil Onni, Karikilanthadathil Kochy
-
Kizhakkepparambil Kunhu, Kunnumburathu Paily, Pullochery Ousep,
Kannezhathu Chandy, Thoongazhi Eappan and Kallanikkal Devasya.
Koombara (1949) - Karingozhayckal Thomas, Velliyeppillil Varkey, Puthlyadathuchalil
Ulahannan and his brothers.
- - - (195 1) - Naduvathu Chandy.
Kolakkadu (1941) - Ayilookkunnel Punnoos and his borther Joseph, Kunnathusseriyil
Mathayi and his brothers, Muzhuvanjeril Michael, Karyakkunnel Joseph,
Alaykkathadathil Varkey.
Kolayadu (192 1) (April) - Father Fernandes.
- - - (1928) -K.P. Mathew Kudakkachira. Sri. K.C. Kuryan, Sri. Kattakkayathil
Mathachan and Sri. Vadakkayi Joseph.
Koorachundu (1940) - J. Thomas Mattel. Dominic Kuruvinakkunnel, K.M. Chandi and
Thekkel Kuruvinal Chacko.
Konnakkadu (1950) - Kariyampally Chakochan.
Kottathara (1948) - Thekkilakkatti Mathayi, Aryachaly Kuryan, Ambalathungal Kuryan,
Manhakkala Chacko and Nelllkkattil Ousep.
Kottiyur (1948) - Vattukkulathil Ousep.
Kozhichal ( 1948) - Manayani Chandy
- - - ( 1949) - Urumbukattu Many
- - - (1950 - '51) - Kandavanathil Kunheppu, Mathan, Koonarnbara Varky, Kandathil
Fransis, Kannolil Michale, Puthanpura Sebastian and Maliyekkal Schariya.
Kudiyanmala ( 1951) - Kattakkayathil Cheriyan.
- - - (1952-53) - Iruppakkattu Joseph, Thomas, Kudakkachra Cheriyan, Joseph,
Thenganakunnel Devasya, Kandathil Anthony, Mannuplakkal Chandy,
Karukappallil Devasya, Valumannel Pappachan, Kollikkunnel Raghavan,
Kunnel Mathayichan, Poozhamplakkal Joseph and Mangalathu Varghese.
Kulathuvayal (1930) - Palakkattel Joseph Abraham, Varkey, Chayananikkal Chacko,
Karamel Abraham and Erothu Chacko Kuruvithottathi.
- - - (1937) Mathur Cheriyan.
- - - (1930) - Dr. Abraham from Mepran Near Thiruvally.
Kuliramutty (1950) - Mannur Ulahannan.
- - - (1951) Paimbillil Thomas, Kadambanattu Varkey, Vazhamattathil Chacko and
Mailadiyil Ousep.
Kunduthodu (1941) - Kadhalikkattil Cheriyan, Muttathukunnel Mathew, Pullattu Mathayi,
Kulangara Devasya, Vettukallel Joseph, Poonthottathil Joseph,
Kallanplakkel Ouha, Puthiyaveettil Thomas, Manathu Joseph Thundiyil
Devasya and Varappillikkwh Joseph.
Kunnoth ( 1941) - Vayalungal Kutty and Thomas.
- - - ( 1941) - Vattanthottiyil Agasthi, Chacko, Devasya, Puthiyavellara Thomas,
Arnboorathu Paramu Nair, Kulathinaprayil Joseph, Vayalungal Abraham,
Poothottukuryan, Vallayil Joseph, Chembukottiyckal Agasthi, Varkey and
Thannikkal Mathayi.
Kururnbola (1950) - Kunnumburathu Devasya, Kutyanikkal Abraham, Kanhirathungal
Joseph, Koovaykkal Brothers and Karippala Families.
Kuttyadi (1927-1930) -
- - - (1927) Kocheeppa Tharakan.
1930 (Oct.30) - Purayidathil Thomas, Pullattu Joseph, Vadakkedath Kuryakose and
Ponganpara Varkey.
Mariyapuram (1942) - Kurisurnrnoottil Souaryar, Iyyalil Antony, Parakkal Ulahannan and
Kattippallil Thomas.
- - - (1947) - Manikkath Philip.
--- (1947) - Puthanpurackal Mathayi, Chennamattam Kuryakose.
Mangalagiri (Before 1955) - Kizhakepparambil Pach.
Manhakkadu (Before 1955) - Thoombungal Uthuppan, Pattathettu Abraham, Idathungiyil
Kuryakko, Kurissimasseril Mathew, Kurissimasseril Rajan and
Puthanchira Joseph.
Maikkavu (1948) - Chooraykkathadathil Onni and his brother Thommy
Choorykkathadadul Chacko, Menambadathil Uthuppu, Erambattu Makkeel
 Ouseppu, Pananthanathu Mani, Mappanath Ulahannan, Chelattu Markos,
Kuttisserikkudy Esthappan and Kunnummel Mathayi.
Malaparambu (1950) - Kattil Raman, Appukkuttan Kocheethra Mathayi, Koothrappallil
Thomas, Poovathungal Thomas, Cirakkadavil Ousep, Pazhukkammakkal
Narayanan and Iyyangalil Eali.
Mamboyii (1963) - Muthedath Varkey, Mundappally Gopalan, Pullikkal Kunhu, Kanat
Kuryan, Kuruvinal Mathayi, Tharamangalam Mathew, Palathnal Kutty,
Pezhathingal Unni and Kachira Kunhagasthy.
- - - (1964) - Kanayangal Kochetan & Kanayankal Varkey.
- - - (1964) Kollappally Kuttappan, Kariplakkal Appoyi and Kadassery Thomas.
-

Manakkadavu (1965) - Joseph Kakkathmthel, Mathew Ramanattu, Mathew

Manhappallil, Joseph Kanhlrathingal, Melekkunel Mathayi, Mathew
Poovathingal, Joseph Mandapathil, Mathew Munhanadu, Joseph
Panasnparambil, Mulykkal Sreedharan Nair, Kandalulla Neelakandan Pillai,
Mevida Narayana Pillai, Thadathil Kunhukkuttan Nair, PareparambiI
Kunhukkuttippilla.
Mananthavady ( 1931) - Elappuppara A g a s and
~ his family.
- - - (1933) - Athikkal Chacko, Pathlrkunnel Pappachan, Piuayil Pappachan and
Nadumala Joseph.
- - - (1937) Aliyattu Kudivarkey, Kuihkandathil Ousep, Ulahannan.
-

- - - (1938) - Thravathu bJahannan.

Manimooli (1950) - Thachamburathu Paulose. Thuruthel Varkey - Plathottathil Varkey,
Cherayi Joseph, Nellikkal Oudha, Thottahl Mathayi - Neeranakkunnel
Mathayi and Kondoopparambil Dominic.
Malom (1954-1955) - Kuttikkottukunnel Thomas, Mandhamgri Thomas, Puthur Jacob,
Kariyangal Luka, Panachimoottil John and Kadavankunnel Pappan.
- - - (1956) - Pondanath Varkey, Nhondmakal Devasya.
- - - (1956) Plakkoottathil Looka (Korlanjery).
- - - (1957) Pendanathu Varkey, Mannangary Thomas, Nhondimakkal Mathew,
Orappuzhayckal Chandy, Madapailil Mathew and Kuttikkattu Kunnel
Thomas.
Manikkadavu (1948) - Vengakunnel Agasthi, Ulahannan, Kunnel Joseph, Thomas,
Cheriyan, Vadakkedath Joseph, Thekkumkattil Thomas &
Vettukallanguvayil Mathayi.
Marakkadave (1952) - Pazhzethottathil Varkey, Mannahyil Ouseppachan, Pulikkal
Varkey and Tholanikkunnel Mathachan.
Marakkave (1950) - Panachikkal Mathayi, Karimbadakkuzhi Ulahannan, Alungathazhe
Manuel, thottiyll Pailo, Parakkal Puthampura Mathayi, Vellilamthodukayil
Devasya, Kannachamparambil Ulahannan, Charuplakkal Joseph, Ellungal
Francis etc.
Mariyapuram (1 942) - Kurisummoottil Sowyar, Iyyalil Antony, Paraykkal Ulahannan &
Kattippallil Thomas.
- - - (1947) -Puthanpurayckal Mathayi, Chennamattam Kuryakose and Manikkath
Phillip.
Marypuram (1959) - Koottungal Thomas and his family.
Maruthongara (1926) - Aymanamkaram Ouseppu.
- - - ( 1927) - Elappupara Agasthi, Cholakkandathil Mani.
- - - (193 1) Purayidathl Thomas, Pullattu Joseph, Vadakkedath Kuryakose, Pongarnbara
-

Varkey.
- - - (1939) Eeyalil Joseph, Nellithanathu Peter, Elayckattuparambil John etc.

- - - (1936-37) - Olomana Thomas, Palathottam Kunhu Mattathil Kuttan, Purayidathd

Kuryakkos.
- - - (1940-1945) Nellithanam Peter Sebastian, Mangalassery Chacko, Mannangary
-

Thomas, Elakkattu Parambil John Vaidyar Malepararnbil Thomas,

Malepparambil Joseph, Puthuppallithalutiyel Mani, Pathapparambil
Mathayi etc.
Mattara (1956) - Pallathukuzhi Joseph, Pattappara Outha, Edattel Outha, Medaykkal
Kunhu, Padinharel Pappan, Keedathil Kittan, Gopalan Nambiar, Kongattu
Achu, Thayyil Thomman and Kuttyathu Thomman.
Meenangadi ( 1947) - Thekkevarappothukuzhi Varkey, Kochupuraykkal Joseph,
Punnachalil Kuryakose, Punnachalil Paily, Kattumattam Ousseppu,
Mamuttam Thomman, Konathuvarky, Neettukara Varky, Olikkuzhi Varky,
Kunnarath Ouseppu, Mundokkuzhi Mattu, Perumbilithazhathu Paily and
Kokkappilli Varkey.
Meenangadi ( 1948) - Mundokkuzhi Mathew.
Nadavayal (1948) - George Puhyidam, Thomas Aymanachira, Joseph Kuryechyath,
Agasthi Puthupparambil, Joseph Puthupparambil, Agasthi Punnathanam,
Kuttappan Nair, Chacko Anikal, Chacko Agathottam.
- - - (1948) - Kolathettu Paily and Mathur Chacko.
Nadavayal (1948) - Puthiyidathu George, Chennattu Kuttappan Nair (Padinhattakkara),
Punnathanatthu Agasthi (Karhramattam) Puthupparambil Agastlu, Joseph,
Aymanachira Thomas (Andur), Karakkunnel Joseph, Kallungathara Joseph,
Aanikkal Chacko and Akathottil Kunhy.
Nedurnpuramchal (1946) - Vallattu Pappachan and his brothers and Elavungal Devasya
and his brothers, Padlnharottu Kunhu.
Nenrneny (1945) - Kuttivelil Abraham, Athirakkulangara Abraham and Chakkupurayckal
Vackan.
- - - (1947) Vettikkattu Joseph, Kochuparambil Abraham and Kuzhimattam Joseph.
Nellikampoyil(1939) - Sr. Joseph Neerakkal, Father Kuthoor, Father De Costo.
- - - (1942) Choon&yanippurathu Mathayi (Nilloor) and Thayyilkandathil Agasthi
(Muttam), Vattappara Varkey (Muttam), Chalakuchi Ulahannan
(Nagappucha) & Kanathil Varghese.
Nellikkutty (1943) - Thottungal Kuryakose, His brother Varghese, Elavungal Mathew,
Pulikkakunnel Agasthi, Karikilangattu Schariya and his brothers Thomas,
Mathai and Schariya.
Nellippara (1956-1958) - Mukkattu Kochepu, Kakkathl Varkey - Thomas, Vavolikkal
Gopalan, M.T. Gopalan, Kudakkathady Kochu Kunhu and Kulamankuzhi
Joseph.
Nellippoyil (1950) - Kaithakkulathil Kuryan, Kallanmmakkal Mathayi, Pulikkathadathil
Devasya, Alavelil Joseph, Kadarnbanattu Rocky, Pookkombil Kunhu,
Kalluvettathu Chacko, Ponnamattathil Hillariyos, Plakkal Abraham,
Palathumgal John, Nattunilam Agasthi and Thekkanattu Kuryan.
Nilambur (1928) - K.V. Thresya Teacher.
Odathodu (1939) - Cheruparambil Varkey, Payyappally Joseph, Velanguzhi Varkey and
his brother Chacko, Poombatta Mathayi and his brothers, Arumakkal
Ulahannan, Kuhvelil Thommy, Edathazhe Joseph, Pannaplakkal Varkey
and brothers, Edathazhe Chacko and Kokkattu Kuruvila.
Odayanchal (Before 1955) - Parappanattu Cheeramma, Adhopilly Luka, Vattakkunnel
Thomas etc. (20 families).
Padatthukadavu (1927) - Polachra Kocheepan Tharakan
- - - (1932) Purayidathil Thomas and his brothers Pullattu Joseph.
-
Pa&chra ( 1951) - Panakkal Joseph, Karottuperumballil Devasya, Kizhakkebhagath John,
Parakkattu Mathayi, Vishwanathan Nair.
Paisakkiri (1946) - Mannarkkandathil Varghese, Kudakasseri Devasya, Moolaplakkal
Thomman, Thekkunkattil Francis, Thu&yanplakkal Ousepp Mathayi,
Thu&yamplakkal Mathayi Mathayi. Marippurath Abraham, Kaniyasseril
Ulahannan, Kallarangattil Ulahannan, Vattamattathi1 Ousepp,
Puthiyamparambil Thomas, Muthulkattil Thoman, Kalankkal Philip etc.
Palavayal(1949) - Kaippanplakkal Joseph, Thoppil Philip and Pulikkathadathil Mathayi.
Panthallur (1948) - Kulavattathil Abraham, Manhadyil Mathew and Vayalil Pappu.
Panthanpara (After 1955) - Mudavannattu Varkey, Puthannadayil Joseph, Thadathil
Varghese, Manimala Joseph etc.
Panathady (1962) - Vadana Varkey, Peedikaykkal Joseph and Manimalakkarottu John.
Panathoor (1968) - Peruppatta John, Niravathani Chacko, Thomas, Varikkavanthody
Phillip, Chelappan Nair and Thangappan Nair.
Parappa - Neduvodu (1956) - Chennikkara Joseph, Vadayattu Mathew, Kurisummoottil
Chanh, Nadavanal George, Akkattumundayil Joseph and M.S.
Pappachan.
Pathirappadam Polappadam (1955) - Kalappuraykkal Joseph, Pappachan, Thumbasseril
Mani, Thattambara John and Pullattu Devasya.
Payyambally (1930) - K.P. Mathew Kudakkachira and his brohers Joseph and Devasya.
- - - (1938) - Mekkunnel Mathai and family.
- - - (1940) Ma Theyckal Mathew, Koodakkattu Varkey, Niravathu Varkey and Punnayil
-

Pappachan.
Payyanad (1967) - Puriyottu Varghese, Vellikkunnel Varghese, Joseph, Marattukulam
George, Muttathu Mathew, Muthalakkavil Joseph, Mukalepparambil
Joseph, Pazhukkathadathil Mathai and Neerakkal James.
Pazhur (1950) - Palayur Ittoop, Chazhoor Lazar, Kundukulangara Lazar, Kakkassery
Jacob.
Peratta (1950) - Kanhiramattam Thomas, Kochumuriyil Enas.
- - - (1951 52) - Vettiykkal Joseph, Pottakkulathtl Chacko, Varghese, Vadakkemuriyil
-

Pappachan and Puthanpuraykal Varghese.

Peravoor (1928) - Charanthottiyil Joh, K.P. Mathew Kudakkachira.
Perumpunna (1940) - Kollareth Antony, Kollareth Kuryachan and Kollareth Sunny.
- - - (1941) - Kunnath Ulahannan, Kunnath Kuryakose, Kunnath Mathew and Kunnath
Varkey.
- - - (1942) - Kalarikkal Antony, Kalarikkal Joseph, Kalarikkal Kuruvila, Kararikkal
Chacko, Kalarikkal Thomas.
Perikkalloor (1952) - Tharayil Abraham, Poovathumoottil Thomas, Pulikkal Mathayi,
Keelottukunnel Kuryako, Uravakkuzhi Mathayi, Anakkuthkkal John,
Nirappel Joseph and Plathottathil Kuryako.
Perurnbadavu (1956) - Madayanikkal Kuryan, Kollappally Ittiyavira and Palathadathil
Joseph.
Peruvannamu& (1941) - Kalloor Joseph, Paikayil Thornman, Madathanathu Chacko,
Vazhakkunnel Joseph, Vattothu Kutty, Kdrathungal Ulahahnnan and
Kulathungal Varkey.
Poroor (1948) - Edattukunnel Joseph, Koonambarambil Devasya, Aakkappadkal Chacko,
Moolamkozhaykkal Mathew and Mattahlany Devasya.
Poothambara - Cheriyan Kulathur, Parayanilam Chacko, Thomas Kattakkayam, Mathew
Perayckathottarn and Vayalil Joseph.
Poovaranthodu ( 1958) - Nadukkudiyil Kuryakose.
- - - (1962) - Mundattil Varkey, Pennaparambil Chacko and Plathottathil Devasya.
Pottanplavu (1953) - Chttalappilli Cheriyan, Pulikkal Pathrose, Vettikkuzh Joseph and
Penunbuzhappakuthiyil Kochu.
Pulingome (1948) - Mundamattam Joseph and his brother Mathew, Kallambararnbil
Joseph, Kalloorkulam Mani, Parassery Agasthl, Vellaringattu George and
Mangottil Joseph.
Pullnhal(1955) - Thattarkunnel Luka, Thekkanal Thomas and Nelliyanikkottu Mathayi.
Pulikkwwnba (1949) - Oorkkunnel Joseph, Thonakara Joseph and brothers, Kappukattil
Joseph, Devasathd Chacko, Vadakkeparambil Devasya, Ettiyil Varkey,
Puthanpura Joseph, Chembanathadathil Varkey, Kazhuvelipparambil
Varkey, Cherupparambil Schariya, Akkittayil Thomas, Kallidukkananikkal
Joseph and Brothers and Thekkedath Ulahannan.
Pulloorampara (1947) - Neendukunnel Varkey, Chongara Kunhappan.
- - - (1948) - M.A. Chacko, Joseph and Thomas.
- - - (1944) - Neendukunnel Mathai.
Pulppally (1947) - Panachikkal Mathayi.
- - - (1950) Tharappath Ulahannan, Pullanthiyanikkal Joseph, Madathil Mathayi, Joseph
and Thalikapparambil Mathayi, Madathil Thomas, Madathil Joseph.
Puravayal ( 1942) - Kiliyambrayil Kora and Peediyeykkal Joseph. 1943 - Attuchalial
Kunhoochu, Munduplakkal Varkey, Karuvelil Lukose.
Puthussery (1955) - Vattakkattu Pothan, Vattakkattu Mathayi, Puthusseri Joseph,
Marangattil Thomman.
Rajapuram Colony (1943) - Puthooppallymyalil Kuryan, Poovakkulathu Kuryan,
Andumyalil Chacko, Ullattil Pothan, Mundappuzha Kunhappu etc. (Total
72 families).
Ranipuram colony (1970) - Kollalappara Ulahannan, IdayaQyil Kuttappan, Poonamachira
Mathayi, Thottiyil Onayi etc. (45 families).
Rayarom (1954) - Edattel Chacko, Nambyambarambil John, Vattamala Joseph and
Mekkattu Kutty.
Sulthan Bathery (1923) - Father Berette.
- - - (1935) Athirambuzha Pappy, Kallukulangara Paily and Koonappilli Thomas.
- - - (1936) Thombra Paily and his brother.
- - - (1939) Keechery Mathayi, Kuruvely Varkey, Edapallymattam Joseph and
Keeppanassery Varkey.
(Koondhani side)
- - - (1936) - Pathikkal Poulose, Thenmoola Mathayi, Thelakkattil Mathayi and
Cheruthottil Cheriyan.
- - - (1938) - Kochupurackal Paily.
Thalayade (1948) - Kunnakulangara Joseph. Plakkattu Govindan Nair, Kudiyiruppil
Varkey, Kattikkanayil Devasya, Perinjolloor Joseph, Karthigayil Joseph,
Thadathil Thomas and Ilavungal Joseph.
Thambore (1956) - Vadakkemury Varkey and his Brother Mani, Ponnambara Joseph,
Karakkattil Scaria, Puthettu Kochu, Kootungal Kunhu and Kunhukutty.
Thariyode (1937) - Kaippatti Chacko, KoranQyar Kunnel Ulahannan and his four
brothers with their father Paily, Kurumbalakattu Devasya, Vettukattil
Chacko and Kuppayil Joseph.
- - - (1942) - Puthanpura Scariya, Karuthedathu Mani, Cherumala Joseph and
Aikkarathazhathu Mathayi.
Thavinhal ( 1941-42) - Vadakkaveetil ~ o s e ~ hAyyanikkattu
; Ousep, Kainikkunnel
Devasya, Areeplakkal Mathayi, Thekkekaithaykkal Agasthi, Mulangunnath
Ousep, Mathalikkunnel Agash and Veliyathu Joseph.
Thayeeni (Before 1970) - Karaykkattu Vadakkel Thomas, Kadapra Luka, Chovattukunnel
Joseph, Thekkottu Joseph & Perilulamkattil Mathayi.
Thekkumkutty (1951) - Vadakkekuttu Saviour, Ullattil Pappachan, Koorkkamattathil
Cheriyan and Valyakunnathu Devasya.
Thenery (1946) - Punnaykkappadavi Ulahannan, Thurappattu Chacko, Thottithara
Paulose, Vettukallanguzhi Mathayi and Peechakkudy Agasthi.
Thettamala (Before 1955) - Muttathil Kuryako, Muttathil Annamma, Kanikkulath
Ulahannan, Kanikkulath Chacko etc. (44 families).
Thirumeni (1958) - Kunjarakkattu John and his family, Vadakkedath Thomman and his
family, Parayil Schariya, Munhanattu Mathew, Chakkungulathu Joseph
and Puthanpurayil Chacko.
Thiruvambady (1942) - Chakkukal Joseph, K.C. Nainan (Advocate).
- - - (1943) -Puthiyaveetil Souryas Mathan, Anjanattu Chacko, Abraham, Thottiyil
Schariya, Vakkel Agasth, Akkuttu Devasya, Alaykkappally Thomman,
Ettuthotti Varkey.
Thottumukkam (1948) - Thakahyel Joseph, Parambukattu Thomas, Padanna Makkil
Dominic, Illikkal Abraham, Kalllkkattil Mathayi, I r u m b d Cheriyan and
Panaykkal Mathayi.
Udayagiri (1956) - Pedikkattil Joseph, Valiyamattarn Devasya, Narimattam Chacko,
Vadakkel Kochu and Nagamattam Chacko.
Udayagiri (1956) - Pedikkattukunnel Joseph and Ouseph Narimattam.
- - - Valiyamattathil Devasya, Tharimattathl Chacko and Vadakkel Devasya.
Vadapuram (1950) - Kottayckal George, Valyakkalayil Thomas, Kozhimannil Abraham,
Udhikkamannil Mathayi and Injikkalayckal George.
Valillappuzha (1940) - Karingada Thomas.
Vazhavatta (1 948) - Choodiyanga Mathayi and his brothers Joseph and Varkey.
- -- (1949) - Nellinilkkumthadathll Joseph and fus Chldren, Nellinilkumthadathil
Cheriyan, Mathayi, Panachkkal Paily, Joseph, Neerambuzha Joseph,
Kularnballil Thomas and Vandanakkunnel Chacko.
VelIarikkundu ( 1 946) - Naduvilayil Chacko, Mathew, Vilangayil Joseph,
Chomalapparambil Anthony, Koodathumuklul Varghese.
Vellade (1939) - Kuruvina Pakuthiyil Mathayi and Family.
- - - (1949) - Ettaniyil Abraham.
- - - (1949) Chacko Attrrnackel.
- - - (1950) Mannur Mathayi and Brothers, Padavail Thomas, Padavil Kuruvila.
Velimanam ( 1948) - Kadookkunnel Peeli.
- - - (1949) - Puthiyakulangara Joseph, KizhakkepeeQkayil Thomas, Menambadath
Joseph etc.
Venappara (1944) - Kuzhappil Mathayi and Vandannur Mathayi, Vilangupara
Ulahannan, Mathayi, Chacko and Joseph.
- - - (1945) - Kallidukkil Kutty.
Vilakannur (1928) - Poranganal Dr. P.A. Mathew and Joseph.
- - - (1940) Poranganal Emanuel and h s Brothers, Mathew.
Vilakkanthodu (1949) - Thazhethuparambil Kuryan, Mlakkuzh Devasya, Fransis,
Kochukayppel Churnmar, Thiruvely Devasya, Chramukath Agasthi,
Plakkil Devasya and Vallattu Thomas.
Vilangadu (1942) - Dr. Kuryan, Thoppunthalaykkal Kutty
- - - (1943) - Edattu Thomas, Kunnumburathu Joseph, Choorappoykayil Thomas and
Brothers.
- - - (1943) Puthanpuraykkal Devasya and Nechakkattu Phllip.
- - - (1944) Parayil Agasthi and family.
Vilangadu (1941) - Dr. Kuryan Mappilassery, Penunalilkar Choorappoygayil Thomas,
Edat Pappachan, Kunnumpurath Joseph..
Valayam - Thadhukunnel Devasya.
Vimalassery (1957) (Jan 14) - Periyanikkal Antony, Nhavallykunnel Kunhu,
Vadakkekkunnel Mathayi, Puthanpuraykkal Mathayi (Mukkulam),
Kiolichundanrnakkal Thomas, Paikkara Thomas, Melekkoodappattu Joseph,
Peedikayil Eliyamma, Koonthanam Thomas (Karoor) Anithottathd Joseph
(Neelukunnarn) Mailadoor Joseph (Arakkulam).
 APPENDIX - I1

Statement of Orphan Children of Travancore Settlers

The following are the statement of some children of Travancore settlers maintained by
lfferent orphanages in Malabar by the Latin Church, about why and how they come to the
Orphanages.
Marikunnu Orphanage (Malabar) 5.3.1945

(This place is within six miles of Calicut on the Wayanad road. The orphanage
here is maintained by the Latin Church mainly by the efforts of Rev. Fr. Beretta. This
orphanage maintains the children of the Travancore settlers who left Travancore and
settled near Tamarasseri during the last two or three years in the hope of finding food and
living).

i. Thurni-Girl-My father bought two acres of land and lost it owing to the cleverness
..
of a Mopla.
11. Mathai-Boy-My father came a year ago; lived for six of my brothers and sisters
...
returned back to Muvattupuzha in Travancore as they could not find a living here.
111. Thomas-My father is at Mukkam (Travancore). We came a year ago. We
comprise a family of 12 persons. We grow tapioca.
iv. Varghese - We came a year back no Athodi tone of the malarial places near
Perambra (30 miles from Calicut on the Badagara road). My mother died of
malaria. When I came a year ago they were all suffering from malaria.
v. Varghese-My family stays at Kunnoth. They all suffer from malarial fever. We
came from Arikuzha in Travancore a year back.
vi. Thomas - We came from Chenganacheri two years ago. My family is at Kuttiyah.
They do not get much work. They are suffering from malaria.
vii. Chacko-My family stays at Kuttiyadi. My mother died 2% months ago from
...
malaria. Another mother is there now.
v111. Mary and Cochu Thresia (two sisters). We came from Travancore two years ago
for tapioca cultivation in these parts.
ix. Anny and Eliza - Two years ago mother died in Travancore. Father never comes
and sees us.
X. Rose Thresia and Eliya - We came from Changanachery, a year and a half ago.
My elder brother is maintaining the family.
xi. Thresia - We came from Meenachil Taluk three years ago. Our family is at
Maruthonkara for cultivation. We suffer from malaria here in the orphanage too.
They too suffer from malaria. My younger sister died of Karapan (scabies of
children).
Mariam - We came from Alleppey a year ago. Our whole family is suffering from
malaria and itches.
 Peravoor Orphanage (28.3.1945)

This place can be reached by bus from Cannanore (about 30 miles) or from
Tellicheny via Nedumpoyil (about 30 miles). Th~sis an old settlement of Travancoreans,
but new families from Travancore have come and settled during the last three years. Rev.
Fr. Joseph Kuthur maintains, at present eight poor children of these settlers and sends
away other needy children to the orphanages at Kolayad whch is with in 10 miles of this
place. Fr. Kuthur has started this orphanage from July 1944.

Kolayad Orphanage
(This is an old orphanage maintained by the Latin Church).

i) Joseph and Chacko - Our family is at Perambra which is one of the biggest
settlements of about 500 families colonized by Travancoreans during the last three
years. At first we all came here but we thought that conditions should be better there
and so we left for Perambra.
ii) Thangam - I come from Juthiyadi, a Travancorean settlement.
iii) Anna - Elder sister Aly - We came three years back to Perambra. My father died of
malarial fever a year ago.
iv) Anna and Mary Theresa - We came from Peravoor. Our mother settled at Peravoor a
year ago from Travancore.
v) Rosia and Anna - My father came three years ago from Travancore. I have no
mother.
vi) Maria - My father came four years ago to Maruthankara and returned home back
because of malarial fever. It is now three years since I came here.
vii) Anna and her two sisters - We came from Perambra three years ago. My father and
mother came to t h s colony recently.
viii) Kuruvilla and three others - We came from Peravoor. Our father settled here three
years ago as an Ayurvedic doctor.
ix) D. Maram and D. Devasi - It is only one year since we came to Peravoor. From there
our father sent us to this orphanage.
x) J. Elizabeth - I came from this settlement. My father came here from Travancore two
years ago.
xi) Theresia - My father Abraham settled two years ago. My mother died. We are taken
care of by t h s orphanage.
xii) T.B. Elizabeth and E. George - We settled in this area two years ago. We came to
t h s orphanage as our parents could not give us full protection.
xiii)P. Mathai, P. Chacko, and P. Ely - We settled in this area two years ago. The
orphanage is talung care of us.
xiv) K. Mary, K. Anna - We settled in this area one and half years ago, the orphanage is
helping us.

[The whole statements reproduced from Sivaswamy, K.G. et al.,. The Exodus porn
Travancore to Malabar Jungles. (Coimbatore, 1945) pp. 37-381.
 APPENDIX 111 -1
Death Registers of Christian Churches

Death Register
Immaculate Church Mananthavady

Year No. of Death Causes of Death

1897 32 Fever
1898 33 Dysentery
1899 14 Food shortage
1900 38 Malaria, Jaun&ce, Pneumonia, Consumption,
Debility, Fever, Swelling, Cholera
1901 25 I!

1902 22 11

1903 17 11

1904 22 It

1905 22 11

1906 30 11

1907 34 11

1908 34 11
I
1909 8 It

1910 12 It I
1911 10 11

1912 33 If I
1913 23 If
I
I
1914 32 It

1915 37 It

1916 10 11

1917 15 It

1918 40 It

1919 20 It

1920 21 It

1921 30 It

1922 22 11

1923 17 ll
 - --

Year No. of Death 1 Causes of ~ e a t h

Year No. of Death Causes of Death
If
1958 18
tI
1959 17
II
1960 11
It
1961 14
It
1962 15
II
1963 12
1964 12 Malaria
1965 11 Jaundice
1966 13 Pneumonia
Year No. of Death Causes of death
1967 7 Consumption
1968 11 Debility
1969 10 Fever
1970 13 Swelling, Cholera
 APPENDIX In-2

Death Register
St. Cornelius Church, Kolayad

I Year Total Death I Causes of Death

Most of the causes of the death were
consumption, Jebris etc.

Pneumonia death began to see

Most dled due to pneumonia

Debility, pneumonia etc. in 1941, 20 Malaria

death recarded in the Register, 1st Malarial death
recorded on 25thJanuary (1941) and buried in the
next day in the Church Semithery eventhough
other causes like swellings, debility etc. recorded
the real causes may be malaria and allied
diseases.

Of whlch 22 malarial death.

Due to Epilepsy and Cholera many persons died.
5 malarial death
5 malarial death
2 malarial death
Year Total Death Causes of Death
1947 No malarial death
1948 Nil
1949 Nil
1950 One malarial death
1951 Nil
1952 Many cholera death
1953 II

1954 It

1955 II

1956 It

1957 Il

1958 II

1959 I!

1960 I1
 APPENDIX 111- 3
Death Register
St. Xaviours Church St. Joseph's Shrine, Moopanad,
Wayanad District

Year Number of Death

1926 31
1927 19
1928 21
1929 29
1930 20
1931 26
1932 46
1933 12
1934 18
1935 21
1936 13
1937 11
1938 18
1939 10
1940 16
1941 22
1942 21
1943 13
1944 14
1945 13
1946 18
1947
1948
1949
1950
1951
1952
I Year I Number of Death' I Causes of Death
 APPENDIX 111 - 4

Death Register
St.Joseph Church Peravoor

Year Number of Death Causes of Death

Malaria
Swelling
Dysentery
fever
Epilepsy, Typhoid, fever
I1

Not available
I t 11

II II

I
I
Infant torture, old age
Asthma, b i t t i n g , etc.
Year Total Death Causes of Death
1967 28
1968 47
1969 35
1970 25
1971 21
1972 30
1973 23
 APPENDIX III - 5
Death Register
Lourde Forane Church Madampam (Sreekantapuram)

I Year / Number ofDeath Causes of Death

1943 December
1944 Fever - 3
1945
1946
1947 Biliousness, Fever Infant forture
1948 Infant torture
1949
1950 Fever, dysentry,
1951 Fever, Infant torture
1952 Infant torture, Fever
1953 Small pox, Swelling of the organs,
Fever

Cancer, Diabetes, Fever, Jaundice

Year Number of Death Causes of Death
 APPENDIX 111 - 6
Death Register
Holy Family Church Rajapuram

Year Number of Death Causes

Rheumatism, Smallpox, Torture etc.
Dysentery-6, Swelling-5, Fever-5,
Rhematism, Cholera, Small pox-3
Fever-6, Swelling-3,Chofera, Small pox,
JaunQce, Dysentery
Cholera-2, Fever-2 Small pox
Cholera, Small pox, Fever
Old age- 1, Vomitting-2, Fever-5,
Cholera- 1
Infant tortureS, Fever-3, Old age-1
Old age- 1, Infant torture-1, Small pox- 1
Infant torture, old age
Fever
Fever, Small pox, swelling, Tuberculosis
etc.
Fever, swelling
Fever, swelling, Tuberculosis, Asthma
etc.
Fever, Swelling, Dysentery etc.
11

II

11

It

It

It

I1

It
Year I No. of Death Causes of Death
Tuberculosis
Cancer

11

II

I1

Cancer
 APPENDIX 111- 7
Death Register
St. Joseph's Cathedral Church, Kaniyaram, Mananthavady

Year Number of Death I Causes of Death

Consumption
Fever
Old Age, Debility
If
 APPENDIX 111- 8

Death Register
St. Mary's Church, Mullamkolly

Year Number of Death Causes of Death I

1959 31 Infant torture, biliousness
1960 29 Fever
1961 40 Small pox, Dysentery, Epilepsy
 APPENDIX 111-9

Death Register
of St. Thomas Church Marakavu, Pulpally

Year Number of Death Causes of Death

1962 19 Infant torture, Fever,
1963 27 Asthma, Old age
1964 15 11

1965 16 11

1966 14 11

1967 13 If

1968 11 11

1969 25 11

1970 15 11

1971 16 Ir

1972 17 11

1973 9 11

1974 8 It

1975 8 11

1976 8 It

1977 8 It

1978 9 11

1979 15 lr

1980 4 11
 APPENDIX - IV
Medical Personels Served among early Settlers in Malabar

Name of Settlements / Name of Doctors

Chidambaram - Padichal Vaidyar

Alakkode Raghavan Narnbiar [Nadukani doctor]

Kooveri Kannan Vaidyar
Raman Vaidyar, Naduvil
Anakuzhil Kunhu Vaidyar (Pallithara Varghese)
Annichal Vaidyar or Elayadathil Madathll Paulo
Palavayal Vaidyar.
Joseph Kadalikatt
Herbo minerals treatment.
Kunhikannan Vaidyar - Cherupuzha (For anti
snake venom treatment).
Chemperi Kottarathil Vaidyar at Chengalayi
Iritti Dr. P. Nanu & Ananthan compounder, Sanku
compounder, P. Rama Krishnan
Kalpetta Anandan doctor
Karikotta kari Nedumund Kunchettan Vaidyar
Koodaranhi I Mathayi Vaidyar
Kulthuvayal Rev. Ayallur, Kappukattil Vaidyar, Krishnan
compounder at Perambra
Parakkal Vaidyar
Pandikattu Kunhikrrshnan Nair, Valayath Chacko,
Pulikkal Joseph
Velikkakath Pappachan, Maniyanchlra
Theyyamma (specialists in anti snake venom
treatment
Mariya Puram Manikathu Philip at Angadippuram
 Name of Settlements / Name of Doctors
Marudonkara Ashan Vaidyar, Kezhutt Vaidyar, Thomas
Compounder
Nadavayal Compounder Swami Kanniyanpetta
Peravoor Dr..V. Bhaskaran
Pulpally Dr Eldo
Sulthan Bathery Balan Vaidyar
Peter Paul Vaidyar
Pajppachan Vaidyar, h4r.M.S. Father Mathayi
Nooranal
Thiruvarnbadi / Velayudhan Compounder of Mukkarn
Vellade Pac:ha Ambu (a tribal vaidyar for anti snake venom
tre<atmentjBalahshnan Chettiyar (For the
tre(atmentof Jaundice)
Venapara Rev. Mariya Das
 APPENDIX - V- 1

Baptism Register
St. Cornoleus Church, Kolayad

Year Number of Baptism

1925 26
1926 20
1927 11
1928 11
1929 9
1930 11
1931 18
1933 25
1932 21
1934 27
1935 25
1936 27
1937 5
1938 31
1939 18
1940 25
1941 31
1942 43
1943 8
1944 34
1945 11
1946 32
1947 NIL
1948 19
1949 38
1950 52
1951 48
1952 70
1953 56
1954 84
1955 58
 APPENDIX - V - 2

Baptism Register
St. Joseph Cathedral Church
Kaniyaram, Mananthavady

Year Number of Baptism

1951 30
1952 8
1953 5 1,52,53
1954 96
1955 337
1956 207
1957 253
1958 22 1
1959 189
1960 163
1961 155
1962 168
1963 175
1964 150
1965 20 1
1966 268
1967 77
 APPENDIX - V - 3
Baptism Register
St. Mary's Church, Mullankolly

Year No. of Baptism

1956 48
1957 41
1958 62
1959 91
1960 81
1961 71
1962 46
1963 70
1964 72
1965 71
1966 98
1967 113
1968 120
1969 134
1970 128
1971 116
 APPENDIX - V- 4

Baptism Register
St. Thomas Church
Marakau

Year Number of Baptism

 APPENDIX - VI

District wise length of Roads State highways according to functional classification-

maintained by the P.W.D
Keraia State
Roads in Kerala under different departments
P.W.D roads 16569 Krns
in 1980
Panchayat Roads 66,15 8 Kms

(Source : Economic Review)

Road length in Kerala 1960-1983
Road density

Length of the road

Year Length of the road
Lakhs population 100 S.q. Kin
1960-61 39 143 232 101
1970-71 74000 347 190
1980-81 94145 371 242
 Category-wise length of roads under Panchayat as on 31-03-1983

District and Metalled - I

Palghat 833 1047 2939 4819
Malappuram 108 101 1 3604 4723
Wayanad 156 3692 5595 9373
CNR 281 262 1490 2033
Calicut 234 1646 269 1 462 1
Source :Kerala State Planning Board

Length of PWD Roads in Kerala as per Nagpur classification

1973-74 - Total village roads 1679

1983-84 - Total village roads 3338

-
Distribution of P.W.D Roads by type of surface as on 1 - 4 1985 (in km.)

Classification Cement Black Water sound Total

of roads concrete Topped macadp
Village Roads 616.888 504.431 2257.578 3378.947
 APPENDIX - VII

Regional Variations in Spoken Language

Malabar Travancore Meaning

Akkele, Akkenkilu,
Ekkenluli, pakkenluly Enkile
Pakshenkite, Pakkhele
Ala Thozhuth Cow shed
Alambu Kuzhappam Trouble
Amrnathiri Atharathil Of self type
Anneram Appole That time
APP~Y~ Avar They
Arambarappu Thomiyasarn Rowdism
Ayentha? Athentha? What is it?
Ayibathu Arnbathu Fifty
Ayinu Athinu So what
Ayittal Athukkoot (Atharam) Like that
AynuIAyinu Ayirunnu Was
Badalu Pakaram Alternative
Bairam kodukuka Karayuka Cry
Beruthem Sukkedu Illness
Chaduka Eriyuka Throw away
Chaduka Eriyuka Throw
Chaduka Kalayuka Throw
Chaitan Chekutham Satan
Chanku Kazhuthu Neck
Cheri Chakiri Fibre of coconut
Chola Thanal Shade
Choya Chuva Taste
Choyichu Chothichu Asked
EdaIEde Evide Where
Edangaru Kuzhappam Trouble
 - -

Malabar Travancore Meaning

Emmalu Nammal We
Enakku Enike To me
Ennaram Ethuneram What time
Enthanu Enthayirunnu What was it
Iale Iagale We
Ijone Kandkko Nee Avane Kanduvo Did you see him
Irnmaram E Mararn This tree
Indu Undu Yes
Ingalu Ningal You
Inikku Enikku For me
Now
It

Il
>7

School School
Ittalu Ithukkottu (Itharam) Like this
Jasthi Adhikam Too much
Kachara Vazhakku Quarrel
Kan& Parambu Land
Kani Chalu Drain
Karipam Garbharn Pregnancy
Karuka Chardikuka Vomit
Kayinhu Kazhinhu Over
Kayith Kazhuth Neck
Kedakkammle Kidakyil On the bed
Keeya Eranguka Get down
Keeyuka lranguka Get down
Keri Kayari Climb
Keyak Kizhak East
Kojambu Kuzhambu Herbal Oil
Kolli Kappa Tapioca
 --

Malabar Travancore Meaning

Koyikode Kozhikode Calicut
Kui Kuzhi Pit
Kura Churna Cough
Kurakkuka Chumakkuka To cough
Kuthinka Irikkuka Sit
Lesarn Ichare, korachu A little
Lesam Kurachu (ichiri) Some
Mandua Oduka Run
Manguka Vanguka BUY
Maratluma Marathimel On the tree
Marichini Marichu Dead
Mashu Sir Master
Masi Mashi Inak
Mauthaya Mazhutkai Handle of axe
Mayi Mathi Enough stop
Menam Venam Do want
Menda Venda Don't want
Mesarnma Mesayinmel On the table
Mol Makal Daughter
Mola Illi Bamboo
Mon Makan Son
Moruka Kazhukuka Wash
Mou Mazhu Axe
Mullan Kurichi A type of fish
Murikkuka Vettuka Cut
Muyippu-Muzhippu Kozhupu Fatty
Nenje Chanku Chest
Nenjerichll Pulichuthettal Acidity
Nerathernma Vazhiyil On the road
Neyal Nizhal Shadow
Malabar Travancore Meaning
Ninakku Ninakku To you
Nituprana Pettannu All of a sudden
Nombalam Vedana Pain
Nuppattu Nerathe Earlier
Oal Aval She
Oan Avan He
Ooda/oode Ivide Here
Opparam O P P ~ ~ Together
Oruthela Oridathu At a place
Othukam Maryada Good manners
Oulu Avar They
Padeemma Nadayil On the step
Pai Pashu Cow
Painga Pak Tender arecanut
Palla Vayaru Abdomen
Pani Kudam Pot
Paruka Ozhikkuka To pour
Payya Oduka Run
Payye Pasu Cow
Poola Kappa Tapioca
Poya Puzha River
Poyiki Poyi Gone
Sesam Shesham After
Suippakkua Tamasayakka Make fun of laugh at
Tengumma Thengimrnel On the coconut tree
Thanniki Thannirunnu Has given
Thettam Attam End
Thone Othiri A lot of
Thoyth Thozuthu Cow shed
Thulluka Chadukka Jump
 -

Malabar Travancore Meaning

Urupia Roopa RUPP~S
Vanitte Vannittu After coming
Vanniki Has come
Vannikku Come
Vayi Path
Vayyil Back
Vayyapuram Pinnampuram Background
Vedakku Mosam Bad
Verungane Veruthe Without intention
 APPENDIX - VIII
EARLY SETTLERS OF RAJAPURAM

S1. No. Name of Head of the Family

1. Puthupallimyalil Kurian
A. F. Poovakulath Kurian
2. Aundurnyalil Chacko
Ullatil Pothan
Mundappuzha Kunheppu
A.F. - T. Chandy
Kaniyaparambil Mathayi
Kaniyaparambil Kunheppu
Kocheril Kurian
Chemmangattu Chandy
Chettiyath Mathai
Ozhukayil Unni
Charath Ulahannan
A.F+ Placheri Purath Thomman
Eezharath Thommi
A.F+ Puthusserikkala Lookka
Eezharath Oonni
A.F+ Puthusserikkala Lookka
Eezharath Oonni
A.F+ Muthootti Thornrnan
Thaitharappel Joseph
A.F + Chethalil Mathayi
Thekkunilkkunnathd Thornman
A.F -+ Uthuppu
Padinchattu Myalil Aeppu
A.F + Perumanathettu Thomman
Sl. No. Name of Head of the Family
Padinhchattumyalil Mathan
A.F -+ Valiyaparambil Kuttappan (Chacko)
Kaithamattathil Kunheppu
Sraippallil Ouseppu
A.F -+ Therakathanadi Peeli
Poozhikkalayil Thommy
A.F -+ T. Aeppu
Kallikkattu Thomman
A. F + Mulavanal Luckka
Ozhungalil Ulahannan
Ozhungalil Kunheppu
Methanathu Keppa
A.F -+ A.T. T h o m a s
Methanathu Kochuthuppu
Karupplakkal Chacko
Umamtharappel Kurian
Orappangal Uthuppu
Chambanni Pothan
A.F + T. Oonnan
Alapatt Ulahannan
Cheruvelil Pothan
Vazhakkalayil Kuruvila
Thallathukunnel Uthuppu
Vettrkkunnel Joseph
Cheruvachikkara Mathu
Methanathu Phlippose
Thengumpallil Kunheppu
Cherusseri Kurian
T. Kuriante Sahoodaran
 S1. No. Name of Head of the Family
40. Parekkatt Chacko
4 1. P.C. Luckose, Perukkarott
42. Perukkarottu Peeli
A.F+ Perukkarottu Mathew
Mooppenayil Chacko
A.F+ Kuduntinarnkudy Kocheppu
Kudunthinamkuzhy Korakkutty
A.F+ Aanimootil Uthuppu
Thengurnpallil Kurian
A.F+ Kunnathu Thoma
Pezhumkattil Pothan
Kuzhkkattil Mathai
Palathinade Mani
T. Mathu
Kaniyamparambil Thomrnan
Chakkamkunnel Uthuppu
Methanathu Valiya Uthuppu
Vattapparambil Pathrose
Poothampara Ittiy Oudha
A.F+ Nerattupara Mariyam
Adiyayipallil Thomrnan
T. Kunheppu

* - A.F. Means additional Family. For migration to Rajapuram several applicants were
not allotted blocks of land, because the number of blocks were limited to 72. In such
cases, those who got blocks of land shared their allotted blocks to their friends or relatives.
Such families also migrated to Rajapuram is noted above as Additional Family (A.F.).
 APPENDIX M

EARLY SETTLER FAMILIES OF ALEX NAGAR COLONY

Sl. No. Name of Head of the Families

Karottukunnel Mathayi
T. Appachan
Aanimootil Uthuppu
Pannoora Kuriakko
Mullappalli Kutty (Chacko)
Tharappel Chandy
Aanimootil Kunheppu
Nellikkakandathil Chacko
Kallidukkil Chacko
Uthirakkalunkal Mariyam
Nadakkuzhaykkal Kuriachan
Nadakkuzhaykkal Kanichavelil Peeli
Kummanikkat Itty
Kavumpurathu Mani
Mavelil Kunheppu
Chennattu Thornmy
Mannakulithil Kurian
Kochuvettikkal Lucka
Varikkamakkil Ulahannan
Ururnbikkattil Kutty Abraham
Karottukunnel Kuttappan
Nharalakkad Kunnel Ulahannan
Mathalakkattu Chacko
Kosakkuzhil Mathan
Kochuparambil Thornmy
T. Chummar
Punnodath Kutty (Ponnuse)
S1. No. Name of Head of the Families
Kakkanattu Kunhilu (Ashan)
Kudilil Lucka
Edamana Churnmar
Vattakkottel Pothan
Ottakkattil Thomrnikunhu
Thekkekkunnu Veliyath Abraham
Kaithamattathl Thommy
Erambil Onnay
Nanthiattu Mathai Onnay
Varikkattu Chacko
ElavammuriyiI Chacko
Kunnumpurath Uthuppu
Konthananikkal Anna
Makkeel Mathayi Mulethazhathu
Pazhukunnel Lucka and Kurivila
Vale1 Mathayi
Padinjare Charath Mundupalathnkal Mathayi
Cherukara Thornman
T. Mathan
Puthuppilli Myalil T h o r n
T. Oomman
Purathettu Esthappan
A.F+ Karottukunnel Kuttappan
Njyayappallil Ponnachan
Kuzhivelil Thornmy
Elambasseril Kunheppu
Karimbil Ouseph
Poozhikkanadaykal Eppeppu
Kochumeemballil Churnmar
Muthuparambil Lucka
T. Chacko
S1. No. Name of Head of the Families
Thayyil Thomman
Kandarappallil Chacko
Kaduthodil Ettikkunhu
Tharukakkunnel Kunheppu
Parambett Thomma
Nootyani Kunnel Thornrny
Puthanpwaikkal - Cherukuzhangil Mathai
KallanthoQl Thomman
Kollaneratt Cheriyan
Cherumanath Peeli
Kuzhikkattu Chacko
T. Mathai
Malloor Chacko
Padett Peeli
Rayachanattu Kuttan (Abraham)
Rayachanattu Mukalel Ulahannan
Mambudmkkal Chacko
Kuzhiykatt Ettyeppu
T. Chacko Kullil
Pandarasseril Chacko
Parambett Mathayi
Mulloor Chandy
Aakkakkunnel Thornmy
Melandasseril Kora
Pazhempillil Thornman
Kaniyaparambil Kora
Pulimbara Kunhappu
Thozhuthukara Esthappan
Therakathanadiyil Chacko
Payattukala Thadathil Thomman
Therakathanadiyil Onnam
Nedungadu Thommy
Kochuputhanpuraikkal Abraham
S1. No. Name of Head of the Families
91. Elaykkadu Kunheppu
92. Chlttett Kunheppu
93. Pappanakkara Ulahannan
94. Kanhiramkalayil Chandy
95. Chemanathara Pothan
96. Pulluvattath Kunheppu
97. Mamoolasseril Abraham
98. Poovathum Mootil Mathan
99. T. Mathayi
100. Erarnbil Onanpilla
101. Karimbil Peeli
102. Koorakkattil Anthony
103. Vattakkunnel Thomas
 APPENDIX - X

EARLY SETTLER FAMLLIES OF RANIPURAM COLONY

S1. No. Name of Heads of the Families

1. Kollalappara Ulahannan
2. Edayadiyil Kuttappan
3. Punarnachlra Mathayi
4. Thottiyil Onai
5. Karikkal Luckka
6. Moozhayil Joseph
7. Vengacheril Thomas
8. Vengacheril James
9. Chakkalaykkal Joseph
10. Nedumattathil Ulahannan
11. Pulinthottiyil Thomman
12. Mambuzhakkara Joseph
13. Thayikkakath Ettiyavara
14. Meledath Chacko
15. Kunnatholayil John
16. Aanimootil Thornman
17. Konduppallil Thomas
18. Nedumthottiyil Kurian
19. Kizhakkakoot Ulahannan
20. Pambinamkkal Thomas
21. Kalluvettankuzh~yilKutti
22. Araykka Parambil Lucka
23. Vettikkanayil Joseph
24. Puthottukuriakko
25. Unnaramkallel Kochuphilip
26. Unnaramkallel Philip
S1. No. Name of Heads of the Families
Kurinavelil Kuriako
Kattamala Eppukkutty
Mankudiyil Kutti
Nirappel Lucka
Karirnbanachalil Mathai
Kunnathuparambil Chacko
Vazhappallil Chacko
Mambuzhakkara Chacko
Kudiyiruppil Kuttappan
Puraikkatt Mathan
Karikkel Mathai
Kocheril Thomrni
Niruvath Uthuppan
Urumbananikkal Thomas
Mavelil Pothan
Mambuzhakkara Chacko
Palathinadiyil John
Kollapparambil Thomas
 APPENDIX XI

The Story of a Hindu Colony from Kidangoor (Travancore) to Vayathur (Malabar)

Due to conditions created by the war there was an abnormal rise in the year 1118,
in the cost of rice and other food grains and also of tapioca which was the main diet of the
people. With the introduction of controlled distribution the quantities available also
became quite insufficient. These conditions brought about untold sufferings to the peasant
folk of this thickly populated village. Unable to find a livelihood here, they were
compelled to emigrate to Malabar. The comparatively low price of paddy and lands and
the fertility of the soil in Malabar were also factors in tempting these people to emigrate
there. Many people requested me to accompany them to Malabar and find out a suitable
place for a settlement. Considering the better conditions prevailing in Malabar in regard to
food, lands and labour, I agreed that it was a good idea and consented to accompany them,
in spite of the fact that I had little time to spare, and my relatives were against my going
with them.
Myself and Mr. Kovur Sankara Pillai went round the whole of Malabar to find a
suitable place. At last we secured a place in Padiyur amsom, Chirakal Taluk, which we
fixed up with the Jenmi of Kalliyat. As I had no time to remain there, I sent Mr. Kovur
Sankara Pillai with another gentleman, Mr. Mekat Balakrishnan Nair to Vayathur. They
cleared some jungles there and constructed a shed whch could accommodate a fairly large
number of people. There were many people who desired to go to Malabar, but had no
money with them. These persons were taken by me to Malabar at my own expense. They
were Mekat Irukukutty, Iyalik Mathan, Panamundayil Raman, Mundakal Kochy
Pulikkalath Pachan, Nadukepuliyil Kunhuttan Pillai, Manakunnath Raman Pillai and some
others. Some jungly places were cleared for them at my expense and they settled there
for some time. But very soon all of them caught malaria and had to return back and I had
again to meet their expenses. Mr. Nadukepuliyil Kunhuttan Pillai succumbed to malaria
and his widow is even now leading a miserable life. The rest of them recovered, though a
lot of money was spent for their treatment.
Besides the above, there were some people who sold all their properties in
Travancore and emigrated to Vayathur with their families. some of them escaped the cruel
clutches of malaria, but all had to fight against poverty and diseases and having turned
labourers, they are leading a wretched life. I have done whatever I could do to help these
people also.
1. Mr. Nedungattil Raman Nair went to Vayathur with his wife and two
children, and cultivated some paddy. But due to malaria he could not even reap the
harvest and he lost about Rs.3001-. With the exception of his wife all &ed on account of
malaria.
2. Mr. Narayanan Nair, brother of No.1 went with his wife and five children
and cultivated some lands. But he had to return due to malaria. Two children died. Lost
about Rs.3001-
 3. Mr. Vadakedath Govindan Nair, went with three daughters and the husband
of the eldest daughter. Caught malaria and returned two daughters died. He lost
Rs.200;- and is even now in bed.
4. Mr. Nallammakuzhiyil Parameswara Marar went with his mother and h s
little brother and sister. Started cultivation. Caught malaria. All died except Mr. Marar
who lost about Rs. 125;-.
5. Mr. Krishna Pillai and his wife Madhavi Amma went with their four children.
They bought some lands and were running a small shop also. All the children died of
malaria and they had to return. Now they are living somewhere near Poongar.
6. Mr. Varikathikal Narayanan Nair reached Vayathur and cleared some places.
Returned with malaria. Spent about Rs.501-.
7. Mr. Pulichakunnel Kuttan Piliai went to Vayathur and cultivated some land,
but caught malaria and had to return. Spent about Rs. 1501-.
Messrs. Kovur Sankara Pillai, Kallari Gopala Pillai and Pannanparambil
Karunakara Pillai invested Rs.1000, Rs.200 and Rs.1000 respectively and began
cultivations along with me. The last two left immediately on account of fever. I had some
paddy to be harvested. But due to malaria, lack of labour, and the ravages of wild animals,
I could not even reap the harvest. Further, I had cultivated 2 % canhes ginger and %
candy turmeric which also I could not reap due to the same reason. I had also 2500 rubber
plants, 5000 arecanut plants, 20,000 tapioca, 500 plantains, and a few other vegetable
plants. About % of these was destroyed by wild boars. Altogether I lost about Rs.20,000/-
From the month of Dhanu M.E. 1112 the cost of rice and paddy became very high
in Malabar. As a result, the labourers could not maintain themselves and the works could
not be carried on. Most of the emigrants returned with fever. 50 others who promised to
emigrate and for whom lands have been purchased by me refused to do so, gaining by the
experience of the previous emigrants. The few who were staying with me were mostly on
the verge of death from malaria. I struggled for more than a year at Vayathur, in the hope
of malung something out of the land in whch investments have been made by me.
Finding I was only losing more I stopped my colony scheme and returned.
One Mr. Ayyappan Nair and five others have returned from another settlement at
Chirakkadavu after suffering much loss and ill-health. Details about them are not known.
T h s report is only about the Vayathur settlers.
There are many people who have emigrated to various places in Malabar from this
division and especially from this hamlet. We can know their present circumstances by a
detailed enquiry only. I conclude this report in the hope that we, who have been the
victims of such severe losses, debts and diseases, will get every possible help.
[Extracts from a Malayalam letter from the organizer of the colony to Mr. K.G.
Sivaswamy. Whole letter is reproduced from K.G. Sivaswamy et a/., The Exodus from
Travancore to Malabar Jungles (Coimbatore, 19491.
 APPENDIX - XI1

L List of Priests who worked among the settlers of Malabar in the early stages
of Migration

Fr. Edward Baretta. S.J.

Fr. Paul Fernandes
Fr. Siyaro, S.J., Kairony, S.J., Fr. Joseph Kuthur, Fr. Grigan ~hen~appuraykkal,
Msgr. Rodringous
Fr. Barnabas
Fr. John Thayyil. S.J., Joseph Peediyekkal, Joseph Chungath, Joseph Kizhakkebhagam.
Thomas Ayalloor
Fr. Varthese Thayyil
Fr. Romeyo Portha. S.J.
Fr. Kuryakose Kudakachira
Fr. Joseph, Fr. Abraham
Fr. Mathew, Fr. Kuryan
Fr. Kattur Thomas
Fr. Mukanur Abraham
Fr. Kuzhimullorath Abraham
Fr. Kizhakkarkat Augustin
Fr. Syriac Chemmazham
Fr. Joseph Mazhuvancherry
Fr. Abraham P o m o o l i l
Fr. Kaniyanthara Xaviour
Fr. Fransis Barbosa. S.J.
Fr. Deshyas
Fr. George Ka.zhukkachali1
Fr. George Fernandess
Fr. Rossariyo, S.J.
Fr. Kerubin C.M.I.
Fr. Athanasiyoos, C.M.I.
Fr. Bernardin C.M.I.
Fr. Dhosithevoos
Fr. Frederick
Fr. Jacob Kunnappally
Fr. Gerom Dissusa
Fr. Michael Pierera
Fr. Joseph Edamaram. S.J.
Bishop Leyo Proserpio
Bishop Aldro Mariya Pathroni
Fr. James Monthanary
Fr. Miran Da,
Fr. Lanjer Deeni, Fr. Seeyaro
Fr. Tafarel
Fr. John Secura, Fr. Michael Disusa, Fr. Gonsalvas
Fr. Thomas Ayalloor
Fr. Joseph Pannikkot
Fr. Francis Valayi
Fr. James Nasrath
Fr. Joseph Kattakayam
Fr. C.J. Varkey, Fr. George Pathiyil
Fr. Thomas Pallathukuzhi
Fr. Phillip Murinja Kallel
Fr. Raphel Nadayath
Fr. Athanesious
Fr. Yusthus Imrnathy
Fr. Formees
Fr. Shabor
Fr. Raymond
Fr. Fabiyus
Fr. Bernerdin
Fr. Berkumans
Fr. Fredrik
Fr. Wilfred
Fr. Thoyophin
Fr. Rodngas
Fr. Hendrisuso
Fr. Teeshyan
Fr. Foustin
Fr. Eppifaniyus
Fr. Sargees
Fr. Hadriyan
Fr. Sipriyanos
Fr. Dositherus
Fr. Barthuloomiyo
Fr. Anthoninoos
Fr. Leyonsius
Fr. Sabeenoos
Fr. Atxhyas
Fr. Liyander
Fr. Phillip Kaniyamkunnel
Fr. James Puthiyidam
Fr. Brockard
Fr. Clodius
Fr. Evaristuss
 APPENDIX - XIII
Lnstitutions and Organisations under Various Dioceses in Malabar

All Kerala Catholic Congress (A.K.C.C.)

Apostolic Union
Barrnariam Pastoral Centre
Bhaktha Sangatana Commission
Bible Apostolate
Bible Commission
Biblical Apostolate
C.M.I. Sabha
Catechetical Commission
Catechetical instruction
Catholic Mother's Association
Catholic Service Society
Catholic Womens' Council (CWC)
Catholic Youth Movement
Centre For Overall Development (C.0.D)
Charismatic Movement
Commission For Eccumenism & Dialogue
Communication MeQa
Corporate Educational Agency
Ecumenical Commission
Educational Commission
Family Appostalate Commission
Family Welfare Centre
Fellowship Of Sisters Of Thamarassery
Franciscan Association
Franciscan Third Order
Holy Childhood And Little Way Association
Holy Childhood Association
Jeevan T.V.
Jesus Youth
K.C.S.L
Karshaka Munnetta Samithi
Kerala Labour Movement
Knanaya Catholic Womens Association
Knanaya Catholic Youth League
Knanaya Catholica Congress
Knanaya Cultural Society
Kottayam Social Service Society
Legion of Mary
Litergical Commission
Malankara Catholic Association (MCA)
Malankara Catholic Youth Movement (MCYM)
Marian Pro-Life Movement
Marian Singles
Marian Sodality
Mariasainyam
Marthamariyam Vanitha Samajam
Mathabhothana Commission
Mathruvedi
Medical Aid Fund Committee
Mission League
Missionary Association of the Knanaya Laity
Pastoral Council
Pastoral and Missionary Orientation Centre (P.M.0.C)
People's Service Society, Palakkad
Pious Association Commission
Priests' Euch League
Propagation of Faith
Propagation Of Faith
Renewal programmes
Social Service Centre
Social Welfare Commission
Society of St. Peter Apostle
St. Joseph's Priests' Provident Fund Society
St. Vincent de Pad Society
Sunday School
Temperance Movement
Thirubala Sakhyam
Thiruhrudhaya Madam
Vocation Bureau
Vocation Commission
Vridha Sangatana
Youth Commission
 GLOSSARY

Adivasis - Aborigines
Anayelakal - Path formed with forest by dragging logs by elephant
Anna - A coin formerly used (sixteenth part of a rupee)
Benthinga - A thread with a small locket of jesus worn by Catholic
Christians

Chettan, Chedathi - Name given to Christian settlers by the natives of

Malabar as they call one another Chettan and Chettathi.
These words actually mean elder brother and elder sister.

Devaswom - Relating to temple and temple administration

Edajenmi - Intermediary in land relations

Erurnadam - A treetop hut as a shelter from wild animals
Jenrni - Land lord

Jenrnom - Free holdright over land

Kambondar - One who compound made for the patients according to

the doctors advice

Kanakkaran - Customary land right holder

Kanan - A customary land right
Kanji - rice gruel

Kannadi survey - A type of land survey

Kappa - Tapioca

Karayogam - Local unit of Nair Service Society

Karyasthan - Manager
Kisan - Peasant
Kombavalu Kolavau - A type of land survey instead of chain survey

Kudil - Hut

Kudiyan - lease holder

Maattal pani - Boiling and drying tapioca in sun light for preservation

Maruka - A cot like hrniture made out of Bamboo and wild ropes
used for sleeping
Palmpowder - Sago obtained from the stem of a particular variety of
palm tree.

Para - A measurement for grain 1 para means nearly 13 litters

Poola - Tapioca
Urul pottal - Avalanche type land slide due to heavy rain
Verumpattam - Share cropping without any legal rights over the land

Vilamurikkal - A type of money lending in Malabar - Advance sale of

Agricultural products for nearly '/4 of the market price.
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Kadhalikkattil Mathew, Calicut 5.1.2002
Kaniya Prambil Mrs. Mathayi Rajapuram, 5.10.2001
Kannamkari Narayanan, Nellikkampoyil, 17.10.1993
Kannan, T. AryaVaidyan Kooveri, 8.3.1985
Karunakaran Nambiar, BaIal28.9.2001
Kochu Kuppayathode, Pulloorampara, 10.11.2001
Kollamparambil Thomas, Vellade, 3.6.1988
Kottarathil Joseph, Chemperi, 14.3.1987
Kottarathil Oudha, Areekkamala, 27.3.1989.
Krishnan Nair C.R. Panathadi 26.9.200 1
Kudakkachira Philp K.M, Kaniyaram 2 1.11.2001
Kudunillamkuzhiyil Korakkutty, Rajapuram, 8.10.2001
Kudunillamkuzhiyil Mariyachi, Rajapuram, 8.10.2001
Kudunillamkuzhiyil, Joseph Rajapuram 9.10.200 1
Kurnaran, N.A. Ambalavayal, 10.10.1996
Kuravilangad Joseph, Koodaranhi, 12.11.2001
Lorrens, M., Meppadi 6.1 1.2001
M.J Chacko Master, Madampam, 3 1.10.01
M.P. Veeredra Kumar, Kalpetta 28.5.1990
Mathanath Peeli Rajapuram, 7.10.200 1
Mathayi Poovathum veettil, Madampam, 18.4.1986
Mathew .M. Chalil, Tellichemy, 1 1.10.2001
Mathew K.M. Former President, Naduvil Grama Panchayat, Taliparamba, 16.8.1984
Mathew Karanthallil and Augustine Perumpallippra, Aalattil 17.2.1984
Mathew Luke, Journalist, Kottayam, 23.10.200 1
Mathew, K.M., Chapparappadavu, 14.3.1998
Michael, M.J. Thiruvambadi, 2 1.7.1985
Mwingayil Pappachan, Pullurampara, 10.11.2001
Myladoor, Bro. Chandy, Malapparamba, 15.10.200 1
Narayanan Nair, Nellikkampoyil, 17.8.1990
Narikuzhi, Rev, Jocob, Kolavayal (Sultan's Battery) 23.1 1.2001
P.C. Lukose Master Panathadi, 5.10.01
P.J. John, Koorachandu, 20-7-1 986
P.J. Mathew Journalist, Malapparamba, 14.12.200 1
Padinhare Veetil Lakshmi, Asan Kavala, 3.6.1988
Palathanadi Mrs. Mani, Rajapurarn, 7.10.200 1
Pallikke Thazha Rosa, Maruthonkara, 14.5.1986.
Panoor, K., Tellicherry 25.3.2002
Parakkunnel Thomas, Thiruvambadi, 7.12.2000
Paulose, K.L. Trivambadi, 20.7.1985
Payyampally Joseph Poovan, Thariyodu, 2 1.11.2001
Punchakunnel Thomas, Cherupuza, 8.10.1987
Puthupparambil Annamma, Nadavayal, 7 . 11.2001
Ramavarma Raja P.R, Alakkode 23.3.1985
Rev. A.D. Mathew, Pallikunnu, 6.1 1.2001
Rev. Abraham, Meppadi 6.1 1.2001
Rev. Abraham, Moppanad, (Meppadi), 6.1 1.2001
Rev. Antonious C.M.1 Poolakadavu (Calicut) dt. 2 1.10.2001
Rev. Bartholomew C.W.1, Koodathayi, 23.10.2001
Rev. Dr. Norona Maxwell, Bishop of Calicut, Calicut, 8.7.'89
Rev. Evaristus C.M.1, Pali 15.9.2001
Rev. Fr. Joseph Kunnel, Amalapuri (Calicut), 24.1 1.2001
Rev. Fr. Mathew Kottukappilly, Karuvanchal, 2.2.2002
Rev. Fr. Francis Valayi, Mananthavady, 2.1 1.2001
Rev. Fr. Geo Payyappalli, Eranhipalam, Calicut, 15,2002
Rev. Fr. J. Kulangara, Chundael, (Kalpetta), 6.1 1.2001
Rev. Fr. Jacob Nedumpalli, Manathavady, 22.8.1996
Rev. James Pallivathukkal, C .M.I, Kanjirappally, dt 16.9.2001
Rev. Fr. Joseph Kanhiramattam, Kelakam, 6.9.200 1
Rev. Fr. Joseph Taffrael, Tellicherry, 7.4.1984
Rev. Fr. Nasrat James Pappinisseri, 17.3.1985
Rev. Fr. Mathayi, Nooranal, Sultan Bathery 22.1 1.2001
Rev. Fr. Thomas Pazhaparambil, Tellicherry, 24.6.1984.
Rev. Fr. Varkey C .J. Kulathuvayal, 26.13.I98
Rt. Rev. Dr. Sebastian Velloppily Fromer Bishop of Tellicherry 24.6.1984 and
24.8.2001
Rt. Rev. Fr. George Valiyamattam, Arch Bishop of Tellicherry, 1 1.10.2001
Sicily Teacher, Meppadi, 6.1 1.2001
Sunny Joseph, Manikkadave, 17.11.1984
T.V Jospeh, Thayyil, Cherupuzha, 9.10.1987
Tharakan, Dr. P.K. Michael, Trivandrum, 5.7.2002
Thekkekandathil Thressia, Nellikkampoyil, 17.10.1993
Thekkumkattil Chacko, Odayanchal, 13.2.1999
Thomas, M.D, Madathil, Pulpally, 26.2.1990
Ullalil Eli, Rajappan 6.10.2001
Urnrnerkoya, P.P. Calicut, 3. 10.1985.
Vadakkayil Devasia, Kodenchery 4.9.1986
Valiya Parambil Chacko, Rajapuram 10.10.2001
Varghese Malieckal Shalom, Marrikkunnu (Calicut) 17.10.2001
Varkey A.C., Nadavayal7.11.2001
Varkey Thirumala, Kodanchery, 3.9.1986
List of Souvenirs

1@ year Souvenir, Sacred Heart High School, Dwaraka, (Wayanad, 1992).

'25years of Caring,' Fathima Matha Mission Hospital, (Kalpetta, 1998).
Annual Report, 1999-2000, People 's Service Society, (Palakkad,2000).
Bishop Pathroni - Smarananjali (Calicut, 1 989).
Blessing and fmmigvation Silver Jubilee Souvenir, Holy Cross Forane Church,
(Malayalam)(Nadavayal, 1 976).
Blessing and Immigration Silver Jubilee Souvenir, St. Thomas Church, Marakme,
Pulpally, (Malayalam)(Pulpally, 1980).
Bridgettine Convent Golden Jubilee Souvenir, (Marikkunnu, 1987).
Carithas Golden Jubilee Special, St. Joseph's PontrJicial Seminary, (Alwaye,
1984).
Centinary Souvenir, St. George Forane Church (Vazhakkulam, 1985).
Chemperi Lourdes Forane Church Suvrna Jubilee Smaranika, (Malayalam)
(Chemperi, 1997).
Chemperi NirmaIa High School Rajatha Jubilee Souvenir, (Malayalam),
(Chemperi, 1982).
Consecration Souvenir, Fathima Matha Church, (Theneri, 1994).
Daivalaya Prathishta Smaranika St. Joseph's Church, Kottiyur (Malayalam)
(Kottiyur, 1993).
'Dasabdha Smaranika', Nirmala High School, Kabanigiri, (Malayalam) (Pulpally,
1 992).
De-Paul Bulletin (Mananthavady,2000).
De-Paul Bulletin (Mananthavady,200 1).
Devalaya Prathishta Rajatha Jubilee Souvenir, St. Thomas Church, (Malayalam)
(Manikkadavu, 1 983).
Devalaya Prathishta Smarakam St. Mary's Forane Church, Mullankolli Pulppally,
(MaIayalam)(Mananthavady, 1988).
Devalaya Prathishta Smaraniku, St. Thomas Church, Kolakkad, (Malayalam)
(Kolakkad, 1 996).
Discover Wayanad - "The Green Paradise" (DTPC Wayanad, 1995).
Edivanna St. Thomas Church Prathishta Smaranika (Malayalam) (Nilambur,
2000).
Edoor St. Mary's Forane Church Suvarna Jubilee Smaranika (Malayalam),(Edoor,
1 996).
Fragrance, Pazhassiraja College, (Pulpally,200 1 ).
Girijyothi - Development Project 1990-2001, "Souvenir"(Pulpally,200 1).
Golden Jubilee Souvenir Cherupushpam Mission League, (Malayalam).
Golden Jubilee Souvenir, Knamya Catholic Congress, (Kottayam, 1 988).
Golden Steps and Silver Lines, Triple Jubilee Souvenir, Diocese of Calicut, Calicut,
1973.
Gramolsava Souvenir, Edavaku Panchayat, (Malayalam),(Mananthavady, 1 983).
Holy Trinity Church Consecration Souvenir (Palaghat, 1974).
House Building Assistance Scheme gh Report Malankara Orthodox Church
(Kottayam, 200 1 ).
Jubilee Smrithi Kottayam Bishop Mar Kuryakose Kunnasseriyude Methrabhisheka
Rajatha Jubilee Smaranika, (Kottayam, 1993).
Jubilee Smaraniku Meenangadi St. Peter's Orthodox Church, (Malayalam)
(Meenangadi, 1999).
K.C.Y . M - 15' State Conference and Tellicherry Roopatha Anniversary 1994,
January 1 3, 14, 1 5, " Smaranika" (Malayalam)(Kannur, 1994).
K.C. Y.M. Parish Directory Magazine Mahajubilee Smaranika (Peratta,2000).
K. E. College Magazine, 1986 (Mannanam, 1 986).
K.S.T.A. Kasaragod District Office Inauguration "Smaranika",2000 (Malayalam)
(Kasaragod,2000).
'Kadirukal' - Rajatha Jubilee Smaranika St. Mary's A. U.P. School, (Kabanigiri,
200 1).
Karinthalam Kalariyal Bhagavathi Kshethra Punaprathishta Brahmakalasam,
Smaranika, 1993, (Malayalam),(Karinthalam, 1 993).
Kazhcha '99, Mary Matha Arts and Science College (Mananthavady,1 999).
Kerala C.U.C. Souvenir, (Trissur, 1980).
Kerala Educational Review, Kerala School Manager's Association Silver Jubilee -
Special Issue Souvenir, (Trivandrum, 1 975).
Kerala Labour Movement Souvenir, '79 (Thrissur, 1979).
Kerala School Manager's Association Silver Jubilee Sozcvenir, Kerala Educational
Review, Kothamangalam, (Moovattupuzha, 1975).
Kolayad Panchayath Gramotsavam 1985-'86, Roopa Regha, (Malayalam)
(Thondiyil, 1 986).
Konnakkadu - Charithrathiloode St. Mary's Church, Konnakkadu, (Malayalam)
(Konnakkad, 1999).
Koodaranhi Edavakuyude Suvama Jubilee Smaranika ( 1 949- 1 999), (Malayalam)
(Koodaranhi,2000).
Koodasa Smaranika, St. Antony 's Church, Paroppady (Kozhikode, 1 999).
Kozhikude Jilla Madjavarjana Committee Souvenir - 1978, (Kozhikode, 1978).
Kozhikode Roopathayude Vajra Jubilee Varshikathil 'Yyothis," (Malayalam)
(Kozhikode, 1984).
Kudiyetta Chrithravum, Thamara3seri MekhalayMm, S.H.Publications, (Calicut,
1998).
Kudiyetta Rajatha Jubilee Smaranika, Fathima Matha Devalayam, (Malayalam),
(Penunpunna, 1 983).
Kudiyetta Smaraniku, Kallodi Edavaka, (Malayalam)(Kallodi, 1 983).
Kudiyetta Suvarna Jubilee Smaranika (Malayalam),(Palavayal, 1 999).
Kudiyetta Suvarna Jubilee Smaranika, (Nadavayal, 1 998).
Little WayAssociation Dasavalsara Smarunika, (Malayalam).
Magazine, Nirmalagiri College, (Nirmalagiri, 1 98 1 ).
Malabar Jubilee - Mahajubilee Smaraniku, Malankara Marthoma Suriyani Sabha,
(Malayalam)(Thiruvalla,2000).
Malabar, Knanaya Kudiyetta Suvarna Jubilee Smaranika, (Kannur,1 993).
Mananthavady Roopatha Bulletin Visheshalpathippu Rajatha Jubilee Smaranika
(Malayalam)(Mananthavady, 1 979).
Mission League Rajatha Jubilee Smaranika (1959-'84), (Malayalam), (Thalasserri,
1985).
"Muthu" Karmaveedhi 1998-'99 Cherupushpa Mission League, (Malayalam)
(Mananthavadi, 1998).
Nadavayal Kudiyetta Suvarna Jubilee Smaranika, (Malayalam),(Kalpetta, 1998).
'Ninavu,' Pazhassi Raja College Magazine, (Malayalam)(Pulpally, 2000).
Palakkad Roopatha Bulletin (Malayalam)(Palakkad, 1985).
Panchayath Raj Magazine, Kerala Government Pmchayat Department,
(Malayalam),(Trivandrum, 1 984).
Platinum Jubilee Smaranika, Kottayarn Diocese, (Kottayam, 1986).
Prathishta Smaranikayum Kudiyetta Charithravum, St. George Church, Malom,
(Malayalam),(Malom, 1 99 1).
Rajatha Jubilee Smaraniku St. Mary's High School, Maruthonkara, (Malayalam)
(Kozhikode, 1982).
Rajatha Jubilee Smaranika Nasrath Sisters, (Malayalam)(Kunnoth,2000).
Rajatha Jubilee Smaranika St. Joseph Church, (Malayalam)(Mandapam, 1995).
Rajatha Jubilee Smaranika St. Joseph's Church, (Malayalam)(Edappuzha, 1 996).
Rajatha Jubilee Smaranika St. Peter's and St. Paul's Cathedral Meenangadi,
(Malayalam)(Meenangadi, 1999).
Rajatha Jubilee Smaranika, Holy Family High School, (Rajapuram, 1 986).
Rajatha Jubilee Smaranika, Palakkad Roopatha, (Malayalam)(Palakkad, 1 999).
Rajatha Jubilee Smaranika, St. George Church, (Malayalam)(Thalayad, 198 1 ).
Rajatha Jubilee Smaranika, St. Sebastian's Church Vellade, (Malayalam),(Vellade,
1984).
Rajatha Jubilee Smaranika, St. Sebastian's Church, (Malayalam), (Padichira,
1998).
Rajatha Jubilee Smaranika, St. Thomas High School, Thomapuram (Malayalam),
(Thomapuram, 1 985).
Rajatha Jubilee Souvenir, Sacred Heart High School, (Malayalam)(Thiruvambadi,
1980).
Rev. Father Thomas Thaithottam Pourohithya Rajatha Jubilee Smaranika 1989.
(Malayalam),(Tellichery,1 989).
Rev. Father: John Vadakkum Moolayil Yathrayayappu Souvenir, (Malayalam),
(Kannur, 1 995).
Sacerdotal Silver Jubilee Smaranika of Mar. Sebastian Vellopilly, (Emakulam,
1970).
Sambhavana list St. Joseph's Minor Seminary, Tellichewy, (Malayalam)
(Tellicherry, 1963).
Samooha Vivaha Padhathi Smaranika, Malankara Orthodox Sabha, (Malayalam),
(Kottayam, 200 1 ).
Sannesh Bhavan Smaranika, (Malayalam),(Tellicherry, 198 1).
Sasthra Sahithya Parishad Souvenir, (Malayalam),(Ernakulam, 1 986).
Sevanathinte Pathayil 25 Varsham, Father: Manikandathil Powohithya Rajatha
Jubilee Smaranika, (Tellicherry, 1984).
Silver Jubilee Smaranika, St. George's High School, (Kulathuvayal, 1980).
Silver Jubilee Souvenir Nirmala Giri College. (Nirmalagiri, 1989).
Silver Jubilee Souvenir Sandeepani College, (Pulpally,200 1).
Silver Jubilee Souvenir Sehiyon Marthoma Eduvaka, (Malayalam), (Anakkulam,
1978).
Silver Jubilee Souvenir Vijaya High School, Pulpally, (Malayalam) (Pulpally,
1 990).
Silver Jubilee Souvenir, Nirmala L. P. School, (Malayalam),(Alattil, 1998).
Silver Jubilee Souvenir, Society of St. Vincent de Paul, Palai Central Council,
(Palai, 1 978).
Silver Jubilee Souvenir, St. Paul's Ashram and Children's Home, Puthupady,
(Calicut, 1984).
'Smaraniku' 96, K. C.Y.M Mananthavady Roopatha, (Malayalam),(Mananthavady,
1 996).
Smaranika '99, Thiruhrudaya Devalaya Prathishta, (Malayalam)(Pulpalli, 1 999).
'Smaraniku' Kerala Vocational Service Centre "Sevanathinte Kalnootandu " ( 1 970-
1 995) (Malayalam)(Bharananganam,1995).
Smaranika Paisakkari Devalaya Prathishta, (Malayalam)(Paisakkari, 1979).
Smaraniku, 2000, Kalpra St. Mary's Church Prathishta (S. Bathery, 2000).
Smaranika, Assumption Forane Church, (Malayalam)(Sulthan Bathery, 1996).
Smaranika, Holy Spirit Church, (Malayalam)(Ennappara, 1 998).
Smaraniku, Koodasa karmam Holy Cross Church, (Malayalam)(Vembuva, 2000).
'Smaranika',St. Joseph's Church (Malayalam),(Pullurampara, 1 987).
Smaraniku, St. Sebastian's Church, (Malayalam)(Karthikapuram,2000).
'Smaraniku',St. Thomas High School, (Malayalam),(Kiliyinthara, 1990).
Smaranika, Sulthan Bathery Roopatha, (Malayalam)(Sulthan Bathery, 2000).
Smaraniku, Thiruhrudaya, Church, (Malayalam),(Poovarani, 1 980).
"Smaranika 2001," Mampoyil Thiruhrudaya Devalayam Prathishta (Malayalam)
(Koothuparamba,200 1 ).
"Smaraniku," St. Joseph's Church Vayattuparamba, (Vayattuparamba, 1 986).
Souvenir, St. Sebastian's Church, (Malayalam)(Palangara, 1995).
Souvenir of Holy Family Church (Mulluvila 1980).
Souvenir, All India Postal Cultural Meet (Calicut, 1998).
Souvenir, C.M I. St. Thomas Province (Calicut, 1 994).
Souvenir, St. George's Church (Jadkal, 1 999).
St. Mary's High School, Kallanode Silver Jubilee Smaranika (Malayalam),
(Calicut, 1989).
St. Thomas High School Koorachundu Smaranika, ((Malayalam),(Calicut, 1 982).
St. Thomas Parish Bulletin, (Bommanahally, 1 997).
Suvarna Jubilee Smaranika Manhalampuram U.P. School, (Kelakam, 2000).
Suvarna Jubilee Smaranika Kunnoth St. Thomas Church, (Malayalam), (Kunnoth,
1992).
Suvarna Jubilee Smaranika St. Joseph's U.P. School, Kallody, (Malayalam)(Sultan
Bathery, 1 998).
Suvarna Jubilee Smaranika St. Sebastian's Church. (Malayalam), (Nellikampoyil,
1998).
Suvarna Jubilee Smaranika,, Harijan Sevak Samgam, Kerala Branch (Malayalam)
(Calicut, 1984).
Suvarna Jubilee Smaranika, St. Joseph's Church, (Chembanoda, 1 999).
Suvarna Jubilee Smaranika, St. Sebastian's Church, NelliWcampoyil, (Malayalam),
(Nellikkampoyil, 1998).
Suvarna Jubilee Smaranika, St. Thomas L.P. School Nadavayal, (Malayalam)
(Nadavayal,2000).
Suvarna Jubilee Smaranika Sacred Heart U.P. School (Malayalam),
(Thiruvarnbadi, 1998).
Tempest 1984 July 3, Special, (Trissur, 1984).
Thrissur Roopatha Jubilee Smarakam, (Malayalam),(Thrissur, 1 963).
' Varshantha', Govt. College Magazine, (Malayalam),(Kodancherry, 1 98 1 ).
Vincential Sandesam (Palai, 1 982).
Visudha Thomaslihayude Palli, Koorachundu, Suvarna Jubilee Smaranika,
(Malayalam) (Perambra, 1997).
Yuvatharangam, C. Y. M. (Palai, 1990).

News Papers

Chandrika
Deepika
Deshabhimani
Express (Malayalam)
Janmabhoomi
Kerala Kaumudi
Madhyamam
Malayala Manorama
Mathrubhumi
Mathrubhurni (Three in week) 22.2.1930.
The Hindu
The New Indian Express
Veekshanam

Periodicals
C.M I, St. Thomas Province Bulletin 1994.
Deepika (Mal.)
Demography
Economic and Political weekly
Girideepam
Girideepam (Ma1.)
International Migration Review
Journal of Economic History
Journal of Interdisciplinary History.
Journal of Kerala Studies
Journal of Modern Asian Studies
Journal of Peasant Studies
Journal of the M.S. University of Baroda
Kalakaumudi (Mal.)
Karmala Kusumam (Mal.)
Madhyamam (Mal.)
Malayala Manorama (Mal.)
Manantavady Roopatha Bulletin (Mal.)
Mathrubhumi Weekly (Ma1.)
Past and Present
Samakalika Malayalam (Mal.)
Samskarika Keralam (Mal.)
Social Scientist
The Bengladesh Development Studies.
Vanitha (Mal.)
Yojana

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