Shouvik Mukhopadhyay Military Organization of The Cholas

Editorial Note
II.2.2. Military [In view of the sheer quantity of the Chola period
epigraphic sources, it is only to be expected that some
Organization of the details will be available on their army, military
organization and battles. This is a generally neglected
Cholas field, and from this point of view, the present essay is a
very welcome addition to the south Indian historical
literature. However, this does not have to depend on
the notion of any ëfrontierí, ësilentí or otherwise. The
postulated relationship between ëcavalryí and ëstate
formationí may turn out to be a completely nebulous
idea when examined in detail. If geography has to be
brought in, a clearly understandable approach may be
to examine the linkages between the different political
components .]
h
The historiography of the early medieval south
Indian society has made remarkable strides in
the past three decades. The works of Y.
Subbarayalu, Kesavan Veluthat, Burton Stein,
Noboru Karashima, James Heitzman, George
Spencer, among others, have elevated the
discourse on early south Indian history to a level
of sophistication unknown before. The main
endeavour of these scholars has been to
understand the contours of state and society,
particularly in early medieval south India. In this
effort, these scholars have focused mainly on
the agrarian communities and their role in the
contemporary state and society. Given the
enourmous number of the epigraphical data, this
bias on the agrarian history is understandable.
The early medieval south Indian society,
however, is characterized also by constant
warfare in which the major kingdoms as well as
the minor chieftains were deeply involved. Yet,
Military Organization of the Cholas
289
the role of the military organization and the ëFour Kingdomsí (Pandya, Hoysala, Kakatiya and
position of the martial communities in the Yadava) possibly over the control over the fertile
contemporary state and society is yet to receive Tungabhadra basin. During the early Christian
adequate historical attention. era, there was the conflict between the
The sources of the Chola military history are Satavahanas and the Sakas. After their eclipse,
scanty and have to be culled from a wide range the vacuum was filled by the sixth century AD
of literary texts and numerous inscriptions. Yet, when the Western Chalukyas established their
the task is important for a full and kingdom in Deccan with their capital at Vatapi
comprehensive understanding of the early while the Pallavas and Pandyas established
medieval south Indian state and society. The control over ëDeep Southí from Kanchipuram
present essay makes an effort to address the and Madurai respectively, emerging out from
issue. the ëlong historical nightí that had descended
on the Deep South with the ëKalabhra
Early medieval (between c. AD 600ñ1200) interregnumí after the Sangam phase. With their
constitutes a very significant period in the history emergence, the pattern of conflict between
of south India, as it witnessed vigorous attempts Deccan and the Deep South started. After the
in empire-building, their fruition and gradual Vatapi Chalukyas were vanquished by the
decline. This constitutes a very common theme middle of ninth century by the Rashtrakutas, the
in the Indian history, but while north India was Pallavas got a brief respite. However, they were
witnessing a gradual fragmentation of states, the soon replaced by the Imperial Cholas and the
region south of the Vindhyas found gradual struggle soon between Deccan and the Deep
expansion of the state systemsóthe area South resumed. The Cholas faced serious debacle
controlled by the successive states, Pallavas, in the battle of Takkolam when the Rashtrakuta
Cholas and Vijayanagara during their heydays king Krishna IIIís victorious army defeated the
increased continuously. In another aspect as Chola army led by crown prince Rajaditya. Then
well, south India stands out. In the sheer number there was another revolution in Deccan as the
of the epigraphs and other source materials, the Rashtrakutas were replaced by another branch
region saw much richer documentation of the ChalukyasóKalyani. With the emergence
compared to the other regions of India, which of the Kalyani Chalukyas, there was a two-
helps us reconstruct the history of that period cornered contest among the Kalyani Chalukyas
much better compared to north India. and the Cholas. A new dimension was added to
this pattern as the Cholas started cultivating close
I. EMERGENCE OF A PATTERN relations with the Eastern Chalukyas (it was in
The political history of early medieval south the 7th century when Vatapi Chalukya king
India reveals certain recurrent patterns, which Pulakesin II invaded this area that a collateral
pervade all through the period. One such feature branch was established in the Vengi region, who
was the constant rivalry between the Deccan were known as Vengi/Eastern Chalukyas). They
and Deep South, which was manifested in the continued ruling the coastal Andhra region until
struggle between ëThree Kingdomsí1 (Vatapi eleventh century from Rajaraja I onwards. In AD
Chalukya, Pallava and Pandya) or ëTwo 1070, even the two families and their kingdoms
empiresí2 (Cholas vs. Kalyani Chalukyas) or merged into one when Rajendra, an Eastern
Political History and Administration
290
Chalukya prince, ascended the throne of the players mentioned above, there were ëminor
Cholas. The Pandyas vanished from the political chieftainciesí like the Gangas of Talakad, or the
scene from the time of Rajaraja I for almost a Banas and Vaidumbas, to name a few, and their
century as the region was firmly integrated into complex interplay shaped the kingdoms as also
expanding the Chola empire but from the time the face of the south Indian battle. Their
of Kulottunga I (1070ñ1120), the resurgent involvement was crucial in the sense that they
Pandyas posed serious political challenges to the could make or mar the future of the major
ëTwo Kingdomsí pattern. After the Chola state dynasties. Generally characterized as ëFeudatory
withered in the later half of thirteenth century, powers,5 these minor players controlled areas
the resurgent Pandyas occupied the far south dominated by the non-agrarian people because
while the Hoysalas were supreme in Karnataka of the geographical features of the region and
and northern Tamil Nadu, extending their sway could very well fit with the concept of ëSilent
in the heartland of the Chola country. In Andhra, frontiersí6 to be explained later.
the centre of the political centre shifted from In this section, we shall discuss the major
the coastal region to arid inland where the political developments in south India between
Kakatiyas were ruling from Warangal in the seventh and thirteenth centuries focusing on
Telengana. In the north-western Deccan, the the major/climactic battles particularly during the
Yadavas of Devagiri were ruling. Thus, the time span of the Chola kingdom/empire.7 The
pattern of political conflict changed into ëFour period between sixth to tenth centuries in the
Kingdomsí pattern3 for a while. However, the Peninsular India was filled with fierce political
campaign of Malik Kafur during the reign of contests between the Western (Vatapi)
Sultan Alauddin Khilji aborted any new Chalukyas, Pallavas and the Pandyas. All the
possibilities. After the brief Sultanate period in powers rose to prominence almost
south India, the ëTwo Kingdomsí pattern simultaneously in the sixth century. The Western
emerged once again with the Vijayanagara Chalukyas quit the stage earlier than the two
empire occupying the lower Deccan including powers. Their place was filled by the
Deep South while the Bahmani kingdom (which Rashtrakutas of Manyakheta or Malkhed by the
got divided into five segments) occupied the midpoint of eighth century. Other than these three
upper Deccan. This continuous struggle between major powers. There was another collateral
the two geographical regions characterizes the branch of the Vatapi Chalukyas established in
history of south India particularly in the early Vengi known as Eastern Chalukyas (Vengi),
medieval period. which played a very important second fiddle in
the political orchestration of this period. Pulakesin
II. GEO-POLITICAL CONTEXT II was one of the most illustrious scions of the
It has been observed, ìThe demand for and Vatapi Chalukya dynasty. After defeating
employment of military labour in South Asia is Harshavardhanaís designs of Deccan expedition,
indeed very much a part, whether implicitly or Pulakesin went on an expeditionary tour for the
explicitly, of political history of the conquest of eastern Deccan. He wrested Vengi
subcontinent.4î Naturally, the history of military from the hands of Vishnukundins. Subsequently,
organization is intertwined with the political around AD 625, he led his expeditionary forces
development where along with the major into the Pallava country, which was then being
291
ruled by Pallava king Mahendravarman, another (AD 744-45), Pandyan king Maravarman Rajasimha
illustrious king of the Pallava dynasty. extended his rule up to Kaveri, which made his
Mahendravarman resisted the forces boundary coterminous with the Pallava kingdom.
successfully at Pullalur, about twenty kilometres Possibly, there were rival claimants to the Pallava
away from Kanchipuram. This can be throne and Vikramaditya II along with
considered the first move, which later became Maravarman Rajasimha espoused the cause of
one of the most persistent lines of conflict in Chitramaya. Nandivarman II was besieged at
south Indian history. Around AD 642, the next Nandigrama. Pallava general Udayachandra raised
Pallava king Narasimhavarman invaded the the siege. Vikramaditya annexed Kanchi possibly
Chalukyan kingdom, annexed the capital city three times. A Kannada inscription was inscribed
Vatapi, and took the title Vatapikonda. As no on one of the pillars of the Rajsimhesvara
further information regarding Pulakesin II is (Kailasanatha) temple, which wiped out the
found, it is surmised that possibly he died due disgrace of Narasimhavarmanís audacious
to this invasion. Narasimhavarman inscribed his inscription that was inscribed on the walls of
victory on the rock behind the temple of Mallikarjunadeva temple at Vatapi. In AD 752,
Mallikarjunadeva in Vatapi dated thirteenth Rashtrakuta Dantidurga, a military commander of
regnal year of his rule. The foreign occupation, the Chalukyas, overpowered his overlord
sudden demise of the ruling king, all resulted in Kirtivarman II and established a new dynasty.
disarray and the next king, Vikramaditya I, faced The major powers were situated on riverine
much difficulty in establishing his authority and deltas. Peninsular India also saw dry upland,
pushing the Pallava invading forces back. By AD regions dominated by the lesser chieftains
655, Vikramaditya retaliated by an invasion whose growth was stunted. They remained
inside the Pallava country. It seems that consigned within the old world of cattle raids
Vikramaditya struck a strategic alliance with the and hero-worship. In Sangam literature itself,
Pandyas, lying further south and also arch rivals there are many instances of constant rivalry
of the Pallavas. According to his Gadval plates, between the three crowned chiefs (muvandan)
he defeated Pallavesvara and captured Kanchi, situated in the riverine delta (marudam) and
the Pallava capital. Paramesvaravarman, who lesser chiefs (kurunilamannar). One of the most
succeeded Narasimhavarman after the latterís famous was the contest between the Velir
death, in his Kuram grant however claims that chieftain, Pari and the three crowned kings, or
ëhe, unaided, made Vikramaditya, whose army the famous battle of Vakaiparandalai where
consisted of several lakshas, take to flight Karikala was said to have defeated the
covered only by a ragí at Peruvalanallur. 8 confederacy of nine chiefs.9 It is significant to
During the reign of Vikramaditya II, the note that the locale of Vel Pari was close to
Chalukya-Pallava conflict was renewed with the place later occupied by Kodumbalur Velir
vigour, which subsequently led to the chieftains (presently in Pudukkottai).10 Even
annexation of Kanchi and the death of in the later period, we find areas like Chengam
Paramesvaravarman II. This resulted in taluk in North Arcot district, Chittoor and
considerable consternation in the Pallava Anantapur district, Andhra Pradesh, where the
kingdom, finally leading to the coronation of incidence of hero-stones were the highest,
Nandivarman II Pallavamalla. During this period saw the concentration of chieftaincies.
292
Subbarayalu points out that such areas were One of the important families in this area
distinguished by the designation ëPadií, such as was the Banas, who had an almost uninterrupted
Perumbanapadi, Irattapadi, etc. As one comes presence in south Indian history from the days
to the eighth and ninth century, the picture of Talagunta inscription to almost sixteenth
becomes clearer. Banas sporting the title century. During the period under discussion,
Perumbana Mahabali, Banarajan and other such they inhabited the place variously known as
chiefly families were ruling over Chittoor and Perumbanappadi or Vadugavalimerku or
northern portions of North Arcot and Andhrapathapaschimatahówest to the Andhra
Tirukkoyilur taluk; South Arcot, Vinnako country. 13, 14 The area comprised the north-
Araiyan (Gingee taluk; South Arcot district) western part of North Arcot district and western
Ganga Araiyar (Wandiwash and Vellore taluks; part of Chittoor district. The early Bana rulers
North Arcot district), Muttaraiyars (Kulattur taluk; accepted the Pallava suzerainty before Pulakesin
Tiruchirapalli district and Tanjavur district), II annexed this area. While the Brihat Banas
Adiyamans (Dharmapuri district), etc. According accepted the Western Chalukya suzerainty, the
to Y. Subbarayalu, Tondaimandalam never branch in Chittoor and North Arcot district
extended beyond 12 degree 15 minutes north continued with the Pallava overlordship.
latitude, about 40 miles north of Pennaiyar. The However, being a shatter zone, which frequently
intermediate zone between Tondainadu and changed hands between the Western Chalukyas
Cholanadu was populated by eight chieftaincies and the Pallavas, the Banas had to switch their
which included Vanakoppadi in Tiruvannamalai loyalty between one and the other according to
district, Singapuranadu in Gingee taluk and the political vicissitudes of the time. When
Oymanadu in Tindivanam taluk. Padi suffix, Nandivarman II Pallavamalla led a revival of the
which generally denote these kinds of territorial Pallava power, the Banas participated in favour
units, is found in this area. The gradual of the Pallavas and as a reward got Gangarusasira
incorporation of these territorial units during the (Ganga 6000) country, which is evidenced by
Chola period gave rise to the Naduvilnadu the Bowringpet inscription.
territorial division. 11 As the period under
consideration witnessed continuous conflict first Sometimes the minor chieftaincies, their
between the Pallava-Western Chalukyas and internecine struggle became the cause of larger
later Pallava-Rashtrakutas followed by Chola- conflagration, which slowly dragged in the larger
Rashtrakuta and later Chola-Kalyani Chalukya powers. When there was a revolution in the
struggle, all throughout this period the area Chalukya country, with the usurpation of power
became a veritable shatter zone. The continuous by the Rashtrakutas, Sripurusha, the Western
military engagements affected the political and Ganga king, refused to accept the interloper,
social life of this area, which in this period also which drew the ire of the Rashtrakuta king. But
had another name as Tirumunaippadi or simply when there was an internecine struggle within
Munaippadi. According to the noted epigraphist the Rashtrakuta house with Dhruva challenging
V. Venkkaya, the word munaippadi literally the reigning king Govinda II, to strengthen his
meant ëwar districtí and it was so named because position Govinda supported the cause of
most of the wars between the Pallavas and the Sivamara, who gained the throne superseding
Cholas of Deep South and the forces from the claims of his brother Ereyappa. However,
western Deccan were fought in these areas.12 with the defeat of Govinda, Dhruva imprisoned
293
Sivamara and the throne was usurped by his Thus, the battlelines were clearly drawn
brother Vijayaditya superseding the claims of when the two sides met each other at Soremati.
Sivamaraís son Prithvipati I. This led to a long- Even the major powers were dragged into this
standing struggle between the two branches of incipient struggle among the minor chieftains/
the Gangas, which had a cascading effect on the powers. Thus, Pallava king Nandivarman III and
geopolitics of the region. Prithvipati befriended his son Nripatunga were supporting Prithvipati,
the Banas by marrying his daughter Kundavai while Rashtrakuta king Amoghavarsha I gave
alias Vanamahadevi to Banavidyadhara. To his daughter in marriage to Butuga, grandson of
counterbalance this alliance, Rajamalla, son of Rajamalla. Though neither of the two major
Vijayaditya, gave his daughter Jayabbe to powers participated directly in the struggle in
Polalchora, the Nolamba king, in marriage. The all likelihood, the conflict within the Ganga
house was developing into general
Nolambas ruled over Nolambalige 1000
conflagration. An inscription from Pedda Tippa
identified with places in Anantapur, Chitaldroog
Samudram records a fight between Vaidumba
and Tumkur district with Henjeru on the banks
Gandatrinetra and the Nolamba ruler at Soremati
of Pennar as their capital. The Nolambas were
in which one Dochayya and Pravuchelvunru
subordinate rulers under the Rashtrakutas, as
distinguished themselves. Of the two, the latter
found from the Challakere inscription where
lost his life. Two more records from Mudivedu,
Charuponnera, the Nolamba chief, was stated Chittoor mention the death of the heroes on the
to be the subordinate ruler of Jagattunga Vaidumba side.15 The first records the death of
Pravutavarsha Akalavarsha identified with Srimeddi while the second talks of the death of
Govinda II. The Banas then ruling over Elulakalavilmere. Also, Vaidumba Gandatrinetra
Gangarusasira country were attacked by the is said to have lost his son named Dhanumedi,
Nolambas, who had a tie-up with the Gangas of who was ruling over Challakere.16
the collateral branch. On the other hand, the
The result of the battle was inconclusive. If
Banas were being assisted by the mainline the objective was to secure the Ganga throne
Gangas and the Vaidumbas, another minor for Prithvipati I, the objective was not achieved
chieftain/feudatory family who appear in the as Rajamallaís successors continued to rule
hero-stones from Dharmapuri and Cuddapah but uninterruptedly. However, the sidelight of the
mainly from the memorial stones found in the encounter was the slow rift between the
Madanapalle taluk of Chittoor district. They Nolambas and the Gangas of the collateral
were ruling over Renandu elu velum eluchu branch. The Gangas of the mainline were, in
(Renandu 7000), which naturally incurred the the meantime, strengthening their friendship
ire of the Renandu Cholas for having displaced with the Pallavas. After the battle of
them. Already the Banas had inimical relations Sripurambiyam, Prithvipati II, the successor of
with the Renandu Cholas, which made the Banas Marasimha, of the main branch, cultivated
and the Vaidumbas natural allies. Also, the friendly relation with the Chola ruler Aditya and
vigorous policy followed by the Vaidumba ruler this resulted in the beginning of a new phase of
Gandatrinetra Viramaharaja brought him in history in south India as Aditya with this new-
conflict with the Nolambas, the Gangas of the found friendship could establish the new
collateral branch and the Ranandu Cholas. kingship exterminating the Pallava dynasty.
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Around AD 850, Vijayalaya Chola established seated on a howdah.17 Krishna assumed the title
himself at Tanjavur. The year AD 885 saw the Kacchiyum Tanjayumkonda. This was a rude
battle of Sripurambiyam. Nripatunga, the Pallava shock to the Chola empire, which almost ceased
king, and the Pandyan king Varaguna II co- to exist as its vassals in the south took the
ordinated to suppress the resurgence of the advantage of the disaster in the north. The
Cholas. However, a fratricidal war broke out provenance of the inscriptions of Rashtrakuta
between Nripatunga and Aparijita after the death king Krishna III shows that they had a strong
of Nandivarman III (c. AD 869). Nripatunga had presence in the northern portions of the Chola
Varaguna on his side while Aparijita had Ganga country. The Rashtrakutas withdrew from the
Prithivipati I with him. Possibly, Aditya, the Chola country only after AD 965. Krishna III was
Chola successor of Vijayalaya, also assisted him. generous in distributing anugajivita and one of
In the battle of Sripurambiyam, the Ganga his feudatories, Ahavamalla Tailaparasha (more
chieftain Prithivipati died after securing victory commonly known as Taila) ultimately defeated
for his suzereign and the Pandyan ruler was the successor of Krishna and extinguished the
succeeded by his brother Viranarayana. By all Rashtrakuta power. After the removal of the
accounts, Aditya was the chief beneficiary of Rashtrakutas, the revival of the Cholas started.
the battle. From then onwards, the career of the In AD 985, Rajaraja I ascended the Chola throne.
Imperial Cholas started. By AD 907, Parantaka He started his military career by attacking the
succeeded Aditya. Parantakaís reign started with Pandyan country. He conquered the Chera
a brilliant campaign against the Pandyan king country and also Kandalurchchalai, which in all
Maravarman Rajasimha II. He then took the title probability was a port. This provided him with
Maduraikonda. However, the conquest of the a springboard from which he launched maritime
Pandyan country took a decade. The Pandyan campaigns first to the Maldives (AD 1010) and
king fled to Sri Lanka. He returned with Lankan later to Sri Lanka. By AD 999, Rajaraja intervened
reinforcement, which was possibly defeated by in the politics of Vengi where for the first time
Parantaka at Vellur in a hard fought battle (AD the Chola and the Kalyani Chalukya king
915). Parantaka later sent an expedition to Satyasraya came in conflict. Vengi king
Ceylon (AD 945) to recover the Pandyan regalia, Danarnava was killed by Telugu Chola king Jata
which the Pandyan king had earlier deposited Chola Bhima and the widowed queen along with
with the Lankan king. From c. AD 940 onwards, her two young children took refuge in the Chola
Parantaka I was facing difficulty on the northern court. Rajaraja got his daughter married to one of
front. By AD 939, the energetic Krishna III the sons. Satyasraya, the Chalukya king, unable
succeeded the docile Amoghavarsha on the to bear the new equation, attacked Vengi. Rajaraja
Rashtrakuta throne. Ganga ruler Prithvipati II, sent a counter expedition to the Chalukya country
the trusted lieutenant of Parantaka, was no more. under the crown prince Rajendra ( AD 1007)
Once again, rift in the Ganga family created forcing Satyasraya to withdraw from Vengi. In
problems for the Cholas. Ganga throne fell to AD 1014, Rajendra succeeded Rajaraja and in the
Butuga II, the brother-in-law of Krishna, and next year Jayasimha ascended the Chalukyan
their combined forces attacked the Chola throne. Jayasimha supported the cause of
country. In the climactic battle at Takkolam, Vijayaditya and made the situation worse for the
Butuga II killed the crown prince Rajaditya, Vengi ruler Rajaraja Narendra, the nephew of
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Rajendra. Initially, Rajendra sent operations entered the Chalukya country, set fire on
against Kerala and installed his son, with the title Kollipakkai (Kulpak). This released the pressure
of Maravarman Sundara Chola-Pandya, as the on Rajaraja (E. Chalukya) and allowed him to
viceroy of the Pandyan country, now firmly breathe freely for some time. This was followed
integrated into the Chola empire. Around 1021- up by an attack on the western part of the
22, Rajendra put two forces in the field territory. The Chalukya palace in the city of
simultaneously, one marching into the Raichur Kampili was demolished and the enemy forces
doab and another to relieve Rajaraja (Eastern were defeated in a pitched battle at Pundur. The
Chalukya king) from his beleaguered position. dwarapalaka of a temple at Kalyanapuram
In the west, Jayasimha was defeated in the battle (Kalyani) was brought to the Chola capital as a
of Maski. However, this did not lead to further trophy 18. Somesvara succeeded to repel the
movement. In Vengi, after defeating Vijayaditya, Chola expeditionary forces from Chalukyan
Chola forces went further into Kalinga and Odra- territories around AD 1050. Around this time,
visaya to chastise the Eastern Ganga king Rajadhiraja continued his operations in Sri Lanka
Madhukamarnava for supporting the cause of to thwart the attempts of the Sri Lankan king to
Vijayaditya. The victorious Chola army however evict the Cholas from that country. Chalukyan
did not stop there, but proceeded further north forces made a dash on Kanchi if the rhapsodies
and in a show of grand military spectacle, are to be believed. Rajadhiraja I, assisted by his
reached the shores of the Ganges in Bengal. In brother and Yuvaraja Rajendra II, attacked the
1025-26 took place the much celebrated but Kalyani Chalukya forces. In a hotly contested
little understood Rajendra Cholaís Kadaram battle at Koppam (c. AD 1053-54), Rajadhiraja
campaign (to be discussed later). Meanwhile, was killed in action. The day was saved by the
Somesvara I Ahavamalla succeeded Jayasimha timely intervention of Rajendra II, who was till
(c. AD 1042), who shifted the capital from then waiting in the wings. He rallied the Chola
Manyakheta to Kalyani. Somesvara invaded forces and led them into victory and, quite
Vengi and dislodged Rajaraja. However, unexpectedly, crowned himself in the battlefield
Rajendra succeeded in reinstating Rajaraja once itself when the battle wounds were still fresh.
again on the Vengi throne (AD 1035). As Rajendra Somesvara renewed his attack on the Cholas to
was too old himself and the crown prince wipe out the disgrace of Koppam. However,
Rajadhiraja was busy in the southern theatre, a the Chalukyan forces at Gangavadi were signally
Chola army was sent led by a brahmin general defeated at Kudalsangama (identified with
ably assisted by three lieutenants, who engaged Kudali at the junction of Tunga and Bhadra) (AD
Somesvara in a sanguinary yet indecisive battle 1062). Thus, the attempts to avenge Koppam
at Kalidindi. Meanwhile, Rajendra died and was ended in despair. Soon after Rajendra and the
succeeded by Rajadhiraja I (c. AD 1044). Early in Yuvaraja Rajamahendra died in quick succession
his reign, Rajadhiraja I led an expedition to the and was succeeded by Virarajendra. He inflicted
Andhra country himself. He defeated the Kalyani heavy defeat on the Chalukyas on the banks of
Chalukya forces in the battle of Dannada Tungabhadra. Later, Somesvara challenged
(Dhanyakataka) on the river of Krishna and Virarajendra at a pre-decided place at
compelled Vikramaditya, son of Somesvara and Kudalsangama but could not arrive himself.
Vijayaditya VII, to retreat in disorder. Then he Unable to bear the humiliation and the
296
debilitating illness, which prevented him from Chola empire broadly within the Tamil sub-
keeping the martial engagement, Somesvara region. During the same period, surprisingly, the
ended his life by drowning himself in the waters locality/feudatory chieftains who had either
of Tungabhadra in AD 1068. Soon, there was an vanished from the epigraphs or appear in the
almost diplomatic revolution when Somesvaraís inscriptions as the ëofficialsí far away from their
brother submitted to Virarajendra and was given ëlineage domainsí started coming back. They
the rulership of Vengi, thus superseding the once more gained predominance and came back
legitimate claims of Eastern Chalukya Rajendra. with vengeance from the twelfth century with
But with the death of Virarajendra (AD 1069), disastrous consequences for the Chola state. The
Rajendra (E. Chalukya) staked his claim on the reign of Vikrama Chola saw attempts for
Chola throne. Vikramaditya sent an expedition retrieving Vengi, which started from AD 1127. It
to install Adhirajendra, son of Virarajendra, but ended in a big battle fought on the banks of the
soon after his accession, he was killed by a ëmass Godavari with Somesvara III. Vikrama Chola also
upsurgeí. Even the partisan account of attempted to retrieve Gangavadi, which
Kalingattupparani accepts that there was however was not crowned with unqualified
widespread confusion before and after the success though Chola army succeeded in
accession of Rajendra, who ascended the throne conquering parts of Kolar. The subsequent
in AD 1070 with the name Kulottunga I. Later, in reigns of Kulottunga II and Rajaraja II saw a lull
his reign he tried to maintain control over Vengi in the struggle between the two powers.
against the machinations of Chalukya However, the Chola central administration
Vikramaditya VI, leading to the invasion of betrayed signs of weakness as the feudatories
Kalinga twice (celebrated in Kalingattupparani). were becoming more and more powerful
Meanwhile, there was the permanent loss of everywhere. Around AD 1120, the Pandyas were
Ceylon where Simhabahu, the Simhala king, resurrected. After the accession of Rajadhiraja II
ultimately succeeded in removing the yoke of (AD 1163), fierce succession struggle broke in the
Chola rule (AD 1073). Also, there was serious Pandyan country where Lankan king
revolt in the Pandyan and Kerala country. The Parakramabahu sent one of his able generals,
Chola forces won victory in hard fought battles Lankapura, who wrought havoc in support of one
at Semponmari, Kottaru, Vilinjam and Salai, of the contending parties. The Chola king sent
thereby again subjecting the country to the Chola his trusted lieutenant, Pallavarayar, in support of
domination. However, the Chola-Pandya the other party. Finally, Pallavarayar defeated the
viceroyship was silently dropped during this Lankan general after a seesaw struggle and set
period. Kulottunga established military colonies up the candidate favourable to the Cholas as the
(nilaippadai) along the important Pandyan king. Kulottunga III was anointed as
communication routes between the Chola and the yuvaraja in AD 1178. His reign saw vigorous
Pandyan countries. There was also the famous attempts to restore Chola authority in the
Velaikkara revolt in Ceylon when Vijayabahu Pandyan and Chera countries, which attained
planned an expedition to the Chola country. limited success. Possibly, there were three Chola
Gangavadi was annexed by Hoysala invasions to the Pandyan country in AD 1182,
Vishnuvardhana by the fag end of Kulottungaís 1189 and 1205, respectively. The coronation hall
reign (AD 1117). All these changes reduced the of the Pandyas was destroyed and the seed of
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future war was sown. Kulottunga III also and restored Rajaraja III to the Chola throne. After
undertook campaign to Kongu and forced the this incident, Hoysala influence in the Chola
Adiyaman chiefs to accept the Chola suzereignty. court and country grew. In 1246, Rajendra III
The Kongu campaign was part of the Chola succeeded to the Chola throne, who in alliance
attempt to circumvent the growing Hoysala with Choda Tikka of Nellore tried to revive the
influence in the region. However, the relation Chola fortune. However, Jatavarman Sundara
with Ballala II, the Hoysala king, improved by Pandya ascended Pandyan throne in AD 1251.
the end of Kulottungaís reign, as proved by the He finally extinguished the Chola power and
marriage of a Chola princess with Ballala II. In thus one of the most illustrious dynasties of the
Deccan, there were other important peninsular India came to an end after four
developments with the rise of not only the hundred years of rule.
Hoysalas but also the Kalachuris, Kakatiyas and In the periphery (situated on the interstices
Yadavas who were challenging the writ of the of the major powers) were minor chieftaincies
Chalukyas. Jatavarman Kulasekhara, who was who often played important role in the geo-
signally defeated and humiliated by Kulottunga politics of the region. As already noted, these
III, was succeeded by Maravarman Sundara I chieftains made a comeback when the Cholas
Pandya in AD 1216. He invaded the Chola were on the defensive. Bana chieftain
country soon after his accession to avenge the Magadaiperumal Ponparapinnan was an able
earlier humiliation. Kulottunga III failed to resist lieutenant of Kulottunga III. His own territory
the invasion and had to leave the country. Magadaimandalam comprised Attur in Salem
Maravarman Sundara Pandya performed district, Kallakurichchi and Vriddhachalam in
virabhisheka in the Chola coronation hall at South Arcot district. Later, the Banas collaborated
Ayirattali in Tanjore district. Meanwhile, with the Kadavas posing serious challenge to
Kulottunga III appealed to Hoysala king Ballala the imperial Cholas. The Kadavas, one of the
II for help. Rajaraja III Chola ascended the throne most important feudatories during the later
in AD 1218 and agreed to pay tribute to Pandyan Cholas, held their sway over Kudal and
king. Meanwhile, Kadava chief Sendamangalam while exercising authority over
Kopperunjingadeva was gathering strength and extensive areas in the modern districts of South
made alliance with Maravarman Sundara Pandya Arcot, North Arcot and Chengalpattu districts.
in Sendamangalam, northern parts of Tamil Nadu. The early Kadava chieftains sported the title Palli
When Rajaraja III made a feeble attempt on the and most probably were of Vanniya extraction.
Pandyan territory, Sundara Pandya had no The Malaiyamans were situated in Tirukkoyilur
difficulty in thwarting it. Next, it was the turn of region in the South Arcot district while the
the Pandyan king to attack the Chola dominion. Sambhuvarayas held sway over South Arcot,
Rajaraja, being defeated, appealed to Hoysala North Arcot and Chengalpattu districts. Their
king Vira Narasimha for help and set out with his power was basically founded upon their control
retinue but was intercepted by Kopperunjinga, over ëmilitary labourí (explained in the
who defeated and imprisoned the Chola king. subsequent portion). Slowly, there was a shift
The Hoysala king sent two of his generals, of the locus of state formation. Earlier, the major
Appana and Goppaya, who, after heavy state/dynastic systems came up in the riverine
fighting, succeeded in defeating Kopperunjinga delta zone, like the Cholas, Pandyas, etc. Now
298
not only these ëminor chieftainsí but also the different ecological zones: open drylands in the
major powers like the Hoysalas had their capital west and dense humid forest/marshes in the east.
at Dwarasamudra, established in the hill bounded Parts of India in the west, crossing the Vindhyan
by Halebid. The Kakatiya capital was situated divide share characteristics of ëArid Zoneí whose
in Warangal (Orugallu). The Hoysalas precarious ëmoisture regimeí broadly integrate
established their military credentials as the hill with Saharasia while the East share the
chieftains under the Kalyani Chalukyas. The monsoonal climatic regime with East and South
Kakatiyas also started their career as the military East Asia. This type of ecology saw the
lieutenants of the Chalukyas. Later, both turned development of pastoral activities in certain
against their mentors. From the strategic parts of the ëArid Zoneí including parts of south
viewpoint, we find that barring one instance India from a very early period.20 In fact, the
(Pallava Narasimhavarmanís invasion), the Western Ghats block the south-western
powers in the Deep South were on the monsoonal winds whose eastern slopes receive
defensive, resisting inroads made by the Deccan substantial precipitation creating the humid
powers till the battle of Takkolam. Only when coastal Kerala and Konkan regions enabling
Rajaraja extended direct control over Kongu and extensive vegetation and rice cultivation. The
Gangapadi that the soft underbelly of the Deccan lee side becomes the rain shadow region
powers was exposed and the Cholas could attack extending into the dry habitat of desh. With less
the Chalukyas in the north-eastern direction. Till than 500 mm of precipitation, it is the natural
the time the Cholas could control the region, their habitat for the pastoral groups.21 The moisture
north-western frontiers were secured before they regime led to the growth of nutritious grasslands
were relinquished to the Hoysalas, which once and became the ideal place for stock-breeding,
again exposed their north-western frontiers. The especially oxen and horses of local variety. The
ëmarch landsí lying between the Deccan and zoogeographical conditions of the region
Deep South, both on the borders of present favoured pastoral activities. The grass and forest
Karnataka-Tamil Nadu, Andhra Pradesh-Tamil scrub, the stalk and the leaf of dry millet, one of
Nadu and the internal borders between the major crops of the Arid Zone, served as the
Tondaimandalam and Cholamandalam within supplementary fodder. The excellent grazing
Tamil Nadu (present Pudukkottai district) had facilities not only favoured pastoral activities but
the typical features of ëArid regioní, dominated were also necessary for military campaigns and
by the non-agrarian people and martial trade. It is the contention of Gommans that from
communities presided over by the minor 12th century onwards, the ëArid Zoneí became
chieftaincies. Access to these regions, possibly more enlivened leading to the heightened
ëmilitary labourí accessible to the major powers/ pastoral activities and coinciding with a ëwhole
empires/kingdoms. range of technological, biological and
The history of warfare cannot do without climatological changes culminating in what has
geography. Jos Gommans argues that in India it been properly called a ëhorse-warrior revolutioní.
was the clash of ëSilent Frontiersí, a sort of west It saw a new phase of ëstate formationí. It was in
and east ecological divide, which regulated the thirteenth century with the withering away
among other things, military labour too.19 Indiaís of the Chola paramount power, there were rise
monsoon winds in fact create two entirely of a series of polities situated in the ëArid Zoneí
299
like the Yadavas in Maharashtra, the Kakatiyas to Valluvar, the king who possesses the
in Andhra and the Hoysalas in Mysore, which following six components/arms would be the
were situated in the interstitial political zones greatest among the kings. They are patai (army),
marking a very important shift in the peninsular kudi (people), kul (wealth), amaiccu (minister),
politics from the riverine tract based ëcoreí to nadpu (friend or ally) and aran (fort). 23
the pastoral ëperipheryí. Earlier, all paramount Compared to this categorization, Kautilyaís
political powers, the Cholas or the Pandyas, had position is significantly different. He divides the
their locus of power situated in the riverine delta state (rajya) into seven parts, viz. svamin,
but now the situation has changed considerably. amatya, janapada, durga, danda, kosa and
The new capitals might seem to the casual mitra. Where in Kautilyaís scheme the army
onlooker misfit yet they were ideally situated (danda) features much later, Tiruvalluvar puts
ëat the interface of unsettled marches and more paramount importance on the army and places
settled agrarian fields. This frontier delivered its it foremost. The difference between these two
rulers the best of both worlds: mobile power theoreticians of ancient statecraft emerges much
and sedentary investmentí.22 Thus, in his view, sharply when we find that though Tiruvalluvar
the clash within the internal frontier, particularly emphasizes on non-violence, yet he recommends
the agrarian zone and the pastoral zone, became getting things done through war and resorting to
the ëpolitical wombí for the peninsular India. other methods only when war fails to produce
Though his views broadly conform to the necessary/conclusive results.24 This stands in
historical facts and are pregnant with many sharp contrast to the recommendations of
possibilities for interpreting the process of state Kautilya, who recommends war only as the last
formation, yet the transition did not take place resort after other methods of getting things done,
within this particular temporal space but was i.e. sama, dand, bheda have failed (particularly
the culmination of a larger process for a longer so, as the outcomes of war are unpredictable).
duration. The pastoral world of south India and
the associated activities is well documented DIFFERENT SOURCES OF ARMY
through inscriptions, literary creation Arthasastra divides the armed forces into six
document, a rich panorama of south Indian ëlimbsí (sadangabalam) presumably based on
history which gives a glimpse of social and the nature of recruitment or their dependability.
political history with larger implications These were hereditary forces (maula),
(discussed in detail in a subsequent section on mercenaries (bhritaka), guild levies (srenibala),
ëMilitary Labour Marketí). soldiers of feudatories or allies (suhrid/mitra-
bala), renegade troops or ëprisoners of warí
MILITARY ORGANIZATION (dvisadbala), and forest people (atavibala),25
To get a proper perspective of the military which is echoed in the Aihole inscription of
organization, we intend to begin by attempting Pulakesin II.26 The ordering was done according
a comparative analysis of two of the most to the usefulness of the forces in warfare. Tamil
important texts on statecraft and polity, namely, synonym for army was padai. In Tamil texts too,
Arthasastra and Tirukkural. Tiruvalluvarís the army was divided into six divisions, i.e.
Tirukkural is one of the classical documents of mulappadai (also known as kodippadai or
the traditional south Indian wisdom. According munpadai), kulippadai (also called padaipadai),
300
nattuppadai, kattuppadai, tunaippadai and Some kings of India, when they ascend the throne,
pagaipadai. Besides, there was a division called have a quantity of rice cooked and served on banana
surrupadai, which was also called pudaipadai leaves. Attached to the kingís person are three or
and sulalpadai. Padipadai was the name for a four hundred companions who have joined him of
their own free will without compulsion. When the
hidden army.27 A small but well-trained army
king has eaten some of the rice, he gives it to his
was considered better than a large rabble.28
companions. Each in his turn approaches takes a
In the traditional division, the maula small quantity and eats it. All those who so eat the
(standing army/personal bodyguards) and the rice are obliged, when the king dies, or is slain, to
atavi (army drawn from the forest people burn themselves to the very last man on the very
(atavikas) stood at the two extreme poles based day of the kingís decease. This is duty which admits
of no delay, and not a vestige of these men ought to
on the scale of dependability.
be left.30
COMPANIONS OF HONOUR In another Arab document, it is observed that

as a token of acceptance of bondage, this select
Arthasastra prescribed a set of royal bodyguards
group offered their little finger as a token of the
designated asanna, dasavargika or
surrender of life.31 The practice of offering parts
maulapurusha.29 Further, it stated that people
of certain limbs of the body was particularly
should be recruited in such organizations from
popular in Karnataka, the practice known as sidi-
families of hereditary servants with time-tested
tale-godu, gandatale or kilgunte, etc.32 Again,
loyalty to the state/royalty. They were to
in the medieval Tamil text Periyapuranam, it is
accompany the king in all social functions. The
stated that when the Chera king Cheraman
asannas literally meant ëclose at handí or
Perumal Nayanar disappeared, several military
ëinseperable companionsí. They were the close
officers known as udan ninra padaivar
confidantes. The term maulapurusha signified
committed suicide saying that they had served
members from traditionally loyal families while him in this world and did not want to relinquish
dasavargika suggested the basic aspect of their the opportunity in the next world as well.33 It is
organization, i.e. divided in decimal pattern. interesting to find the similarity of the sentiment
Though the original idea was mooted in the pre- expressed in this work with the practice noticed
Christian era in north India, it was in south India by Marco Polo. He said that the king was
in the early medieval times that the institution attended by barons who used to be near him
matured into a regular arm of the state and wielded great authority over the kingdom.
machinery. The politico-military groups akin to They were called Trusty Leiges. When the king
asannas are confronted in south India under died, the Leiges cast themselves in the fire for
many names. However, a quasi-religious they said that as they had been his comrade-in-
character clearly distinguished it from its arms in this world, they ought to keep him
utilitarian prototype of the Mauryan period. Early company in the next world as well.34 Inscriptions
in the tenth century, Arab travellers like Abu from Kilppavur in the Tirunelveli district
Zaid, who visited many parts of the western mention a group called Munai-edir-mogar
Indian coast, noticed the existence of such an whose commanders were known as
institution which they termed as ëCompanions dandanayakam-ceyvar, and who made certain
of Honourí. He noted that: gifts to the two temples of the place.35 The term
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dandanayakam clearly suggests the military of establishment (discussed later)43. Names of

identity of the group. This is supported by an many other velaikkara regiments have been
inscription dated in the reign of Maravarman noticed till date. It seems that they also
Sundara Pandya in which the other name of the accompanied the Tamil merchants in their
group is given as Tennavan apattudavigal,36 sojourn to Sri Lanka. There they obtained jivitas
meaning ëthe helpers of the Pandyan king in and became very important in the military
distressí. Kulottunga I is stated to have occupied establishment of the island. When Vijayabahu
the country of Kottaru by decimating the Saver finally succeeded in repelling the Chola forces,
forces stationed there.37 In the later Cera period he was congratulated by the Chalukya king
records, one finds the reference of a group of Vikramaditya, the inveterate enemy of
soldiers Saver, i.e. forces ready to die for a Kulottunga I, the contemporary Chola king. The
cause.38 envoy of the Chalukya king was intercepted by
In the Chola army, another large the Chola army and assassinated. Vijayabahu
contingent(s) was the velaikkarar. This group planned an expedition to the Tamil country to
was first noticed in the Tanjavur inscriptions of take revenge of this diplomatic affront. Then the
famous velaikkara mutiny took place. The
Rajaraja I where there were names of 14
Lankan ruler first had to flee but later succeeded
velaikkara regiments of Valangai (right hand).39
in crushing the revolt. The velaikkara forces
The epigraphist Venkayya and on his authority
took oath to look after the famous Tooth Relic
K.S. Vaidyanathan held that they were
temple. In the famous Polonnaruva inscription,
mercenary forces whose help were enlisted as
it has been stated that they assembled together
and when (velai) required.40 But K.A. Nilakanta
bringing with them their leadersóValanjiyar and
Sastri considered that ìthe velaikkarar were the Nagarattar (the merchant communities)ó
most permanent and dependable troops in the and renamed the temple as Munrukkai-
royal service, and their designation implies that Tiruvelaikkaran-Daladayapperumpalli. 44 The
they were ever ready to defend the king and velaikkaras, who went to the island, were
his cause with their lives when occasion (velai) positively mercenaries employed by the
arose.î41 mercantile communities, as it was a practice
He observed on the authority of among them for protecting their merchandise.
Tiruvaymoli, a ninth-century composition, and By the fag end of the Chola rule, the velaikkara
the commentaries on the text dated from (velaikkari as well) once again appear on the
eleventh to fourteenth century, that epigraphs. From Arkandanallur temple at
Puvelaikkarar are those who are determined to Tirukkoyilur taluk, South Arcot district,45 the
die stabbing themselves whenever they noticed military retainers of Malaiyaman chief of Kiliyur-
the king without being bedecked in the flower Periya-Udaiyan Iraiyuran Sarrukkudadan
suited for the occasion.42 Recently, J. Sundaram Vanniyanayanóthe chief of the Vanniyas (a
argued that as velai means time/juncture, so they martial community)óappear. We come across
could either have been palace guards whose quite a number of epigraphs which record vows
duty changed as per different shifts in different of velaikkaras and velaikkaris, not to survive
times of the day. Another plausible source as their lord Sarrukkudadan or Vanniyanayan.
suggested by him was from the velamóa kind Certain among them contained imprecatory
302
verses as well for those who do not kill them if Another important constituent of the elite
found alive even after the death of their master. military coterie was the kaikkolars. They figure
ëVelaikkaras were personal bodyguards of in several contexts. Most of them figure during
a chieftain who banded to themselves to protect the initial stages of the Imperial Cholasófrom
their master both in the battlefield and outside Parantaka to Kulottunga I. Names of some of the
kaikkolar regiments are as follows:
it, and to die along with him in case of his death.
Singalantaka-terinda-kaikkolar, Danatonga-
Literary references can also be cited to illustrate
terinda-kaikkolar, Virachola-terinda-kaikkolar,
the existence of such a body of attendants in
Parantaka-terinda-kaikkolar, Muttaval-perra-
olden days, while inscriptions attest to the
kaikkolar, Adityapanma-terinda-kaikkolar, etc.48
prevalence of this peculiar kind of loyalty among
Many of these names were epithets adorned by
the henchmen of chiefs in the Tamil as well in Parantaka on different occasions. After defeating
the Kannada districts. That this chief Rajaraja- Rashtrakuta Krishna II, he took the title Vira-
Chediyaraja must have been living under critical Chola. Possibly, the kaikkolar regiment having
conditions is indicated not only by the vows of the same title was raised to commemorate the
fealty but also by certain defensive political victory at Vallala or accompanied him in the
compacts by this chieftain with his neighbouring same military campaign. Similarly, Parantaka
chieftainsí.46 assumed the epithet Singalantaka after
The last description corresponds with K.A. defeating the confederate forces of Pandyan and
Nilakanta Sastriís characterization of this segment Singhalese forces at Vellur and the particular
as the most trusted component of the early kaikkolar unit was raised/formed for the same
medieval south Indian army. Thus, the opinions reason. Muttaval-perra-kaikkolar meant the
widely vary regarding the nature of the veteran swordsmen. Possibly, they were
velaikkarar forces that appear prominently hereditary warrior-castes. 49 Daud Ali has
recently proposed another possible source of
among different regiments of the Chola army.
the kaikkolars.50 His main contention in this essay
It, however, seems that they constituted the
is that some of the kaikkolars, who appear in
nucleus of permanent troops.
the epigraphs, are linked/associated with
In the Tanjore inscriptions referred earlier, velams.51 Sometimes, they appear as donors
we are also informed that the velaikkara along with the velam women known as
regiments consisted of valangai, idangai, pendaddis, or identified themselves as children
sirudanam, pillaigaldanam, vadugar, of those women. 52 These women were
Malaiyalar, Parivarakondam and palakalanai.47 primarily war captives brought from different
These names indicate the different sources from countries. Two features of these women stand
where the forces of the velaikkarar were out. Their sexual attractiveness/features were
recruited. Vadukars were possibly the emigrants emphasized in literary representations. Their
of the Telugu or Kannada country. Malaiyalars male kinship bond is seldom referred, which
were the residents of the mountains/Malayala bears the fact that their offsprings were borne
country. Parivarattar seems to be similar to outside the normal marital relationships. These
Parivarakondam. led Daud Ali to deduce that velams were
ëreproductive poolsí and the kaikkolars rose
303
from these establishments and with special ëour soní (Nam makkal). All the references to
military training imparted in these establishments, such settlements come from the eleventh and
they became part of the royal retinue. Because twelfth centuries, which demonstrated the
of this, it has been presumed that there were heightened importance of such soldier groups.58
structural similarities among these people and the
ëmilitary slavesí who played a very important role MITRA-BALA
in the Islamicate army. Another important segment in the army was the
contingents supplied by the allies and the
SRENI-BALA feudatories. During the first part of the tenth
According to the traditional authorities, the next century, when the Chola ascendancy eclipsed
important arm of the sixfold army was the sreni- the Pallavas and the Pandyas, the Cheras of
bala. Generally, sreni-bala has been analysed Makotai developed friendly relations with the
as the guild levies or a sort of militia. It seems Cholas. The marriage between Parantaka I and
even from a cursory look at the sources that there the Chera princess Ko Kilan Adigal was
were two distinct types of srenis. One was a celebrated in Udayendiram plates. K.A. Nilakanta
sort of quasi-military corporation who placed Sastri has pointed out that due to Chola-Chera
their services at the disposal of the highest marriage, there was an influx of a large number
bidder. Panini had described some groups like of Kerala contingent in the Tamil country. When
Vahikas, Yaudheyas as ayudha-jivi-samgha, i.e. Chola crown princess was positioned in his
guilds dependent on armed profession.53 On the headquarters at Rajadityapuram to intercept any
other hand, there were others who attack from the northern quarters. Vellan
supplemented their income from different Kumaran was a general (perumpadai nayakan)
industrial professions with an occasional from the Chera country who built a temple at
dabbling with the armed profession.54 Gramam. However, he seems to be the most
One such group representing the first illustrious example of a large number of other
category was the soldiers associated with less known immigrants figuring as donors of
the merchant-guild known as Tisai- small charitable gifts in the inscriptions found
ayirattuannurruvar. 55 There was a particular from that region pertaining to that period.59
assembly/institution which attracts our attention Another illustrious example of the allied forces
in this context. It was the erivira-pattana. It has is the instance of western Ganga king
been differently interpreted. T.N. Subramanian Prithvipatiís help to the Chola king Parantaka.
considered it as ëmercantile towní while Also, there are ample evidences of the Simhala
Venkatarama Ayyar considered it as a ëfortified reinforcements at the distress call made by the
martí. K. Indrapala considered it to be a fortified Pandyan king time and again. Particularly relevant
mart protected by the erivirar (warriors).56 There are the steadfast attempts made by the Simhala
are some instances when the merchants of commander Parakramabahu at the time of
ainurruvar conferred the title erivira-pattana Pandyan succession struggle during the reign of
on the town where they lived together with the Kulottunga III. When the Chola king was cornered
virakkodiyar in recognition of the bravery of the by the Pandyan king Maravarman Sundara Pandya
soldiers and also granted some privileges.57 The supported by the samantas, he sent a special
merchants used to call them affectionately as appeal to the Hoysala king Narasimha II for
304
help.60 In the meantime, the Chola king being Chola emperor, went (with him) and let (him)
defeated by the Pandyan king started a journey enter his kingdom.61
to make a junction with Hoysala king. He was This long narration exemplifies the role of
intercepted by Kadava king Kopperunjinga the ëfriendly forcesí in re-establishing the Chola
whose forces comprised foresters, mlechchas rule in the thirteenth century.
and vaidesikas. He defeated Rajaraja III, the
Chola king at Tellaru, and imprisoned him at
THE IMPORTANCE OF ëMARGINAL MANí IN WARFARE
Jayantamangalam. The Tiruvendipuram record
dated in the 16th regnal year of Rajaraja III The mention of atavi-balam in Arthasastra points
records the following proceedings in great to the tradition of associating the predatory
detail: hordes in the army. In the Islamicate army, the
importance of such men drawn from the steppes,
In the sixteenth year of Rajaraja, Vira Narasimha deserts, mountains and forests has been
heard that the Kadava had captured the Chola observed. Living outside the ëareas of
emperor at Sendamangalam and that he
governanceí (within the limits of the state it is
destroyed the kingdom with his army, and that
responsibility to protect the life and property of
the temples of the God (Siva) and the places
(sacred to) Visnu were destroyed; he exclaimed: the citizens) naturally these people had to fend
ëThis trumpet shall not be blown unless (I shall) for themselves, which sharpened their military
have maintained my reputation of being the skills.62 Moreover, raiding for booty and fending
establisher of Chola country for honour was endemic for reasons of attack
(Cholarajyasthapanacharyya)í. He started from and defense. So each male practised arts from
Dorasamudra, uprooted the Magara kingdom, the very infancy, was trained as a soldier and
seized him, his women and treasures, and halted
remained in practice all the time.
at Paccur. Then the king was pleased to orderó
ëDestroy the country of Kopperunjinga and In peninsular India, some of the regions had
liberate the Chola emperorí. We the glorious all the features of ëmarginal areasí. In early Tamil
minister, the very confidential servant, literary convention (the Sangam corpus), the eco-
Dandinagopa Jagadobbaganda Appanna geographical conditions had been divided into
Dandanayaka and Samudra Goppaya took leave five milieus, namely, kurinji (mountainous
(from the king) and started. We destroyed the region), mullai (parkland/grassland), neydal
villages Elleri and Kalliyurmalai where
(littoral), marudam (riverine delta) and palai
Kopperunjinga was staying........ killed among the
(desertified land). The military activity suited
kingís officers Viraganganadalvan and
Chinattarayan and four officers including
mullai was known as vanji (cattle-raid). Because
Parakramabahu, the king of Ilam. Having of the geographical conditions, the mullai and
worshipped the God of Pannambalam, we started kurinji regions were inhabited by predominantly
again and......... destroyed the port towns on the non-agrarian people in the Sangam period,
sea to the east of Sendamangalam and seized and which did not change much in the early medieval
plundered the women. When we advanced period. With the domestication of cattle, there
against Sendamangalam and were going to was a strong impetus for the growth of private
encamp there, Kopperunjinga became afraid and property and the lesser endowed of them
submitted to the king that he would release the
naturally turned towards the more prosperous
305
settlements. This was the basis of organized raid summoned. Later, the Maravars and the Kallars
and war. Though marutam was increasingly (both the communities and their martial exploits
being brought under the plough, and the can be traced back to the Sangam texts)
landholding communities played an important established their dominance over the region
role there, these people had to contend with through their protection rightsópadikaval.
the non-agrarian people throughout history. We
have references of maravars in the palai regions DIVISIONS OF ARMY69
described as the highway robbers. 63 These According to the traditional ordering, there were
Maravars were infamous for their cruelty as in four wings/corps (chaturangabala) of the army:
kalittohai, there is a description of how they took
the chariot, elephant, cavalry and infantry.
the lives of the wayfarers just for fun.64 So it is
However, the efficacy of the war chariots in the
possible that during the hot season, at least some
rugged terrain was already suspect and became
of the people of the ëmarginal areasí took to
obsolete in the course of time, retained only for
highway robbery for livelihood.65 By the ninth
ceremonial purpose. The other three remained
century, some of these maravas started getting
operational. When describing the army of
integrated in the mainstream. One of the
Pulakesin II, Chinese pilgrim Xuanzang did not
Kodumbalur Velir chieftains, Vikramakesarin had
mention the use of chariot.70 In inscriptions,
the title Maravan Pudi, which may be taken to
there are oblique references to different
show that the Kodumbalur chiefs were probably
regiments and the wings of the army who appear
maravas by descent.66 Also, the Paluvettarayar
as the occasional donors in the different temples
chiefs often had Maravan as their title.67 These
people were providing contingents for the or presiding over temple activities. It is difficult
service of the major powers. Another example to form an impression of their actual activities
of Maravars, Kallars and Agambadiyars (together in war. However, there are some particular
they were known as the Mukkulatturóthree genres of creative literature in south Indian
castes who were and still are known for their languages dealing with themes of war and
martial prowess) playing an important role in martial ethos, which shed welcome light. For
providing protection to the local community and example, the epic poem Perungadai (a Tamil
thus gaining kingly/chiefly power is found from adaptation of Brihatkatha composed about the
Pudukkottai region68 itself lying between the end of the Pallava-Pandya period by a certain
Cholanadu and Pandinadu. Thus, it was a kind Konguvelir) imparts important information
of shatter zone particularly in the thirteenth regarding army organization as was emphasized
century when the resurgent Pandyas attacked by K.S. Vaidyanathan. The information culled
the beleagured Cholas a number of times. While from this sources can be supplemented by the
tracing the antecedents of the Pudukkottai depiction of the actual war scenes depicted in
Tondaiman Raj Dirks found that the dominance the temple friezes. Pioneering work in this regard
of these martial communities in Pudukkottai can has been done by Jean Deloche, who by
be traced back to the tenth century when on the painstaking efforts has demonstrated the
invitation of the Vellalar (the major agricultural important changes introduced in the horse-riding
community in Tamil Nadu) involved in a equipment in the Hoysala period, as depicted
fratricidal war the Maravars were first in the temple friezes.71
306
ELEPHANT CORPS anaiatkal was possibly occupying the upper

Elephants were abundantly available in south rung of the army establishment as the title shows.
India and they were used in warfare. They were Though maintenance of elephant corps was
placed in the front rank and used to bulldoze very costly affair and generally a royal preserve,
the enemy. They were also used as the mount there are some instances where even the
for the archers72 taking well-aimed shots from feudatories maintained a number of elephants,
the vantage point. Sometimes, the kings used which they provided to the paramount ruler
elephants as their mount in the battle. However, when needed.80
this also had the disadvantage of being exposed Adequate arrangements were made for
and becoming a soft target as demonstrated by maintenance of the elephants, as found in
the fate of Rajaditya at the battle of Takkolam.73 establishments known as anaichchalai, which
There are several regiments of elephant seems to be a kind of tax imposed for
maintenance of the elephant establishment.
corps mentioned in the epigraphsóAnai-atkal
There is reference to anaikudam, which was
(elephant corps) of perundaram,74 or Ilaiya
possibly another type of tax for maintenance of
Kunjara-mallar, who was commanded by
elephant corps.81 From the inscriptions of the
Cholamuendavelar during the time of Rajendra
Hoysalas, there are frequent references to
I,75 etc.
mavuta (trainer/driver of elephants). In Ballalaís
In this context, the term attikosattar period, there was a centre of training for mahouts
occurring in the early inscriptions appears to be at Koligunda in the present Arisekere district.82
very important.76 The earliest reference to this
group is found the in Pulangurichchi inscription. CAVALRY
From the extant information available of this
In the epigraphs, there are references to several
group, it seems that they were a group of
cavalry regiments. Nigarili-Chola-tterinda-
elephant corps who because of their importance
udanilai-kkudirai-chchevagar,83 Singalantaka-
in armed forces acted as anattis (Sanskrit tterinda-kudirai-chchevagar84 was raised during
ajnapatióthose who petitioned to the king for Rajaraja I, Kaikkolar-kudirai-chchevakar
a grant). The inscriptions and copperplates (cavalry), Mutta-val of Kudirai-
referring to attikosar are generally situated/ 85
chchevagappadai was raised during the reign
found near some trade routes. The term kunjara- of Vira Rajendra. This wing/corps was primarily
mallar (either wrestler/soldier transported on strong in the army of Deccan possibly because
elephant back or who can even wrestle with an of favourable weather conditions. On the basis
elephantói.e. a hyperbole) occurs in certain of epigraphical sources, J. Sundaram surmises
cases. There is reference to one Vira-Choda- that till Adhirajendra, cavalry did not play a major
Ilangovelan alias Pirantakan Kunjaramallan, who role in the Chola battle tactics.86 This changed
played a frontal role in Parantakaís expedition substantially after Kulottunga I when large
to Sri Lanka.77 Ilaiya kunjara mallar obviously numbers of cavalry and elephant regiments
was a regiment in Rajendra Cholaís army led by were fielded in the battlefields. This was
a Chola-Muvendavelar.78 A brahmin captain bore possibly because being originally from Deccan,
the title kunjara-mallan. 79 Perundanattu- Kulottunga I employed large numbers of cavalry
307
from earlier periods.87 Also, possibly by then, horses. Its shape, however, changed in the
the Chola kings started importing horses from middle of the thirteenth century. A high pommel
the Arab traders similarly as the Eastern and cantle appeared to give the rider much
Chalukyas and Western Gangas, who were better balance.92 New straps started appearing.
intimately connected with Deccani powers and The standing martingale, which passed between
seen to have been using horses extensively. the front legs of the horse and was fastened to
In the Kuram grant of Paramesvaravarman, the saddle girth and other to the head harness,
there is a reference to cavalry as well as a richly appears during this period. This kept the horse
caprisioned horse of choisest breedóAtisaya.88 from throwing the head back. Irfan Habib had
In a record of Rajaraja I, there is a reference to a argued that stirrup appeared in India only with
contingent Chola-tterinda-udanilai-kkudirai- the advent of the Muslims in the twelfth century.
chchevagar (well-trained cavalry horsemen of However, it seems that it appeared in bits and
the retinue of Nigarili Chola, i.e. Rajaraja I).89 A pieces and evolved in south India much earlier.
record of Rajendra Chola in his third regnal year Marco Polo in his observation noted that India
registers a gift made by a cavalry officer Vellalan lacked farrier ñ artisan-making horseshoes. This
Iravipatur of Sattankudi in Vandalai Velur- was necessary for prolonging the effectivity of
kurram, who was a Sirudanam (junior the chargers. In Somnathapura, however,
establishment).90 Deloche finds sculptural representation of four
horses with shoes. It is safe to surmise that this
The cavalry wing of the army gradually
knowledge of shoe-making started to be
became very important due to the innovations
employed during the second half of the
in the horse harness and riding equipment
thirteenth century. This is quite exceptional as
amounting to almost a ëmilitary revolutioní. This
before the Mughals, there is no documentary
has been amply demonstrated by J. Deloche.
evidence of horseshoe-making.
The head harness or bridle is meant to hold the bit The main weapon of the cavalry seemed to
in the animalís mouth. The different pieces be the lance, mostly light and one-handed but
constituting the modern bridle had already existed
heavy double-handed version was also in
in the Hoysala period: headpiece, headband,
vogue. As for the mounted archers, it seems that
cheekstrap, throatlatch, backstay and reins; however
the throatlatch and backstay are not always visible they were not much in use, as in all the
in the figures.91 monuments examined by J. Deloche he found
only five horsemen shooting arrows. They had
The nose band made its appearance in the
quivers fixed on their back and not with the
beginning of the thirteenth century, made of two
saddle, which would have given them much
transversal straps. The straps, either straight or
greater advantage. It is quite interesting to note
rounded, connected by the vertical strap starting
from the headband and going over the mouth that despite the mounted archers forming
formed a sort of muzzle. It was found at Beluru the mainstay of the Sultanate army, the
and Halebidu. Saddle was used by the armies. contemporary peninsular counterpart did not
In a eulogy of Virarajendradeva, it is found that adapt these tactics which, if adapted, would
in the army of Pottapi Potentate, a contraption have given them more mobility and
known as kusai (bridle) was used to rein the maneuverability.93
308
There were training centres maintained by there is a place called Sonakanavilai in

the state to teach and demonstrate horsemanship. Tiruchendur taluq of Tirunelveli district, Tamil
The cavalry instructor (turaga-vedanga) is Nadu and its surrounding places like
referred in the Ratta inscription.94 It is possible Kayalpattinam are densely populated by the
that the Hoysalas encouraged horse-breeding, Muslims. It is believed that they are the
local breeds crossed with thoroughbreds/ descendants of the Arab merchants possibly
imported ones. In fact, the horses represented engaged in the horse trade.
in the sculptures with their broad heads, dished Maintenance of cavalry unit was a very
face, thin ears, and huge open nostrils have the costly affair. The taxes on horses (kudureya sese)
features of Arab horses, but their thick legs show were much higher than on elephants (aneya
that they were not thoroughbreds.95 sese). 99 Tax terms like kudirai-ppandi, 100
India did not breed good quality horses. kudirai-vari,101 kudirai-ccharigai,102 etc. appear
Moreover, the inclement weather and incessant in the inscriptions.
wars resulted in high mortality of horses.96 As a
result, horses of good quality were imported INFANTRY
probably from Arabia by the Arab traders settled As noted earlier, the Chola army was organized
on the west coast. There are frequent references in regiments. Venkayya identified name of thirty-
to kudirai-chettisóhorse dealers.97 Wassaf, the one regiments out of which twenty-nine were
Arab traveller, mentioned the import of horses infantry units. There were many other units
from Arabia during the time of Maravarman identified till date. The name of the regiments
Sundara Pandya. 98 He also observes high generally comprised three segmentsóthe prefix
mortality of the horses and the heavy drain of gave the name/epithet of the king who raised
the Pandyan treasury due to horse trade. the unit, either for a particular expedition or to
According to him, horses were bought at the commemorate the victory in a particular battle.
price of 500 saggio (the value of one dinar of The middle portion gave the name of the unit
gold is equated to two saggis) equivalent to 220 while the suffix generally told us about the
dinars. They were brought from different specialization. For instance, there were regiments
places like Kis, Ormuz, Qatar and Aden to the like Parantaka-konga-val103 (raised during Rajaraja
port of Kayal, which became a big emporium I the suffix val denotes that they were swordsmen)
for horse trade on the Pandyan coast. According or Pandita-Chola-tterinda-villigal104 (raised during
to one source, as many as 16,000 horses came Rajendra I this archeróvilli regiment had an
to this port in one season. The importers had to additional attributeóterindaóproficient,
pay even for the horses which had died during possibly better trained). Sundara-Chola-pandya-
transshipment. As the horses were primarily tterinda-palaiyaval (udaiyar-padai)105 raised by
meant for military purposes, the Pandyan rulers Jatavarman Sundara-Chola-pandya comprised
tried to impose a sort of control over the trade of senior swordsmen. Raja-kunjara-tterinda-
this commodity and the Arab traders at Kayal villigal106 were raised during Rajendra I and were
received the patronage of the Pandyan rulers. In elephant-riding proficient archers. There were
Sangam, the Yavanas were referred to as Sonaka, other attributes like perundanam/sirudanam,
which in the medieval period came to mean which meant senior/junior establishments.107 The
Muslims. It may be noted in this connection that name of the regiments also indicated the source/
309
nature. Pandippadai108 was possibly raised in for thrust (daggers) and weapons for slashing
Pandya country, Konga-valar109 came from the (sword). For long distance, bows or other
Kongu country. Anukka-bhimar-padai110 and contrivances for throwing long distance
other anukkar regiments were bodyguards projectiles.
comprising the nucleus of army surrounding the
The mace was known as Tandu, Kaichendu,
kingís person. Tennavan apattudavigal111 were
and Kadai in Ula literature. In the temple
such personal bodyguards/helpers in time of
friezes of the Hoysala period, they are found to
distress from the Pandyan country and would
be carried by the foot soldiers. Swords of
lay down their lives in case of any approaching
different shapes and sizes were excellent
danger to the body of the king. Kaikkolars figure
in several contextsói) either they belonged to weapons for close combat. Swords were known
regimental formations or ii) sometimes co-opted as val, porval, korraval, etc. Sword-wielding
for service under members of the royal family soldiers or regiments were known as vatpadai
also. 112 Nilaippadai was the garrison(s) (val+padai), etc. In the Hoysala temple friezes,
established during Kulottunga I en route to the we find straight swords were brandished by the
Pandyan country in the locality of Kottaru, which foot soldiers and horse-riders. Curved swords
the Chola army secured after heavy fighting and with inner-cutting edges were represented in
decimating the fiercely loyal Pandyan contingent the memorial stones. Daggers were generally
of savers. It is possible that velam was meant carried by foot soldiers, mainly archers, as
for specialized training for military personnel. depicted in hero-stones or by horsemen carrying
There are few instances where the military lances. They were generally portrayed in their
personnel were members of velamsókodanda sheaths tucked under the girdle of the loincloth.
velam. 113 There was also another important Among the temple friezes, there were some
componentóvelaikkarar (already discussed in footmen who held some kind of pique obliquely
detail in the previous section). pointed upwards. Lances were known as vel. It
was also described as uraipadu vel or sheathed
ARMS AND ARMAMENT spear in the ula literature. Horsemen carried
Medieval warfare before the advent of fire-arms many kinds of lances obliquely downwards or
saw both offensive and defensive weapons. In upwards during the marches or at rest and
literature and epigraphs, we find names of horizontally during battles. The length of the
different arms and armour. If these information lances varied.
are corroborated with information culled from
In the inscriptions of Rajendra I while
the graphic portrayal in the contemporary temple
describing the Kerala expedition, there are
friezes, we get a realistic picture of the weapons
references to eri-padai, which was possibly
used by the soldiers.
referred to some mechanism to throw long range
Weapons can be categorised into offensive projectilesócatapults. Catapults were generally
weaponsóboth for the close quarters as well found among the Arabs and it is highly suggestive
as long distance. For the close quarter fighting, that this reference is found in connection with
the soldiers used mace (for smashing), weapons Kerala expedition. Bows were mentioned by
310
various terms such as vil, silai, sabam. Strings of how the Eastern Chalukya king Vira-Choda
seem to be made of some vegetable fibre or was bestowing honour on his senapati
plant products or animal entrails. Medamaraya alias Gunaratnabhushana, who
Protective armour seems to be limited to incidentally was a brahmin. 118 In Atakur
shields. Though metal armour is conspicuous by inscription, Rashtrakuta king Krishna III granted
its absence in sculptural representation, possibly Banavase 12000, Belvola 300, Purigere 300,
quilted jacket or some similar type of protective Kisukud 70 and Begenad 70 as a reward to
gear was used as referred in the termó Butuga, the Western Ganga king for his role in
kavacham. There were different types of killing Rajaditya, the Chola prince and winning
shields usedóboth round and oblong. The the battle of Takkolam.119 Manalera, feudatory
round shields were useful for protecting the body of Butuga who assisted Butuga in the act was
while oblong shields provided better protection gifted with Krishna IIIís favourite dog Kali.
from projectiles. Butuga on his own granted blocs of land to
In the medieval conditions, with the kind of Manalera as a reward (for his swordóbalge) for
simple types of weapons used, it was the his aid in killing Rajaditya.120
reckless courage which ultimately became the
deciding factor. The situation changed PAY AND EMOLUMENTS
considerably much later. Even then, the warrior Pay and emoluments were important aspects of
ethics prompted the respectable warriors to go military administration. We find there was a
for hand-to-hand fight. tradition of rewarding the close relatives of
fallen hero if he died in engagements. There
REWARDS AND HONOURS was also the tradition of payment of the military
The head of the army was known by different retainers.
names in Tamil literature, i.e. Munnon, An inscription from Budidapalle, Punganur
Senaivandan, Senaitalaivar, etc.114 The office taluk records grant by Bana king Mahavali
of Senapati was of extremely high position. In Banaraja of the village Minikki to one Periyavan
Tamil, he was called Enadi.115 He wore a fillet as valgalchu (sword-washing ceremony), who
made of glittering gold called Enadi- laid his life in a cattle raid.121 The grant made to
semporpattam116. In a fitting ceremony, the title Manalera (referred above) by Butuga was also
Senapati was bestowed on a warrior who was known as valgalchu. In Kalkattur inscription from
gifted with a signet ring made of gold called Punganur taluk, we find when the forces of the
enadi-modiram as well as enadi-pattamóa Nolamba king (probably Mahendra) attacked
headgear. On this occasion, the king also Talakad, Kaduvetti and Mriduva, the
bestowed on him great gifts comprising nadus commanders of Mahendra attacked Pulinadu.
and urs having annual income worth lakhs and They captured and burnt Permavi. On hearing
also horses, elephants, chariots, etc. Also, on that this, Virachudamani attacked the invading forces
occasion, he was given a lady born of high and and in the ensuing battle Tejamani, the servant
respectable family in marriage. It is interesting (anga), fell. In appreciation of the valour of the
to note that we find a striking corroborative fallen hero, Nolamba ruler gave the village
account in the Chellur copperplate Kalaelamandala as kalnadu.122 In the battle of
inscription.117 The inscription gives an account Vellur between the Chola king Parantaka I and
311
the confederate forces of Pandya and Ceylonese number of padai-pparu, particularly in the
forces, four soldiers (sevakar) died in frontal Pudukkottai region.130
attack. An endowment was made in their Subbarayalu has drawn attention to the fact
memory.123 An inscription of 1125 from Sivapuri, that the successful military leaders were
Ramnad states that Cundan Gangaikondan, a encouraged to take up the protection duties of
vassal of the king, promised to give as udira- certain localities and were granted considerable
ppatti five mas of good land and three mas of fiscal rights in the area under their jurisdiction.
poor land to the dependent to each of his This had the generic title padikaval. The term
swordsmen (valilar) who fell in battle.124 There kaval literally means protection and is also used
are other instances of udira-ppati land-grants.125 to denote the functionary who protected the
Other than these types of grants and temple, village or other administrative units. The
commemorative rewards, there were various earliest epigraphical reference to kaval system
types of service tenures. Two inscriptions from dated back to the ninth century AD in the time of
Tiruvadutturai dated 1117 and 1121 mention the Nandivarman III. 131 The term mentioned is
grant of considerable area of arable land, nadukaval. However, in subsequent periods of
constituted into separate units under the name Chola, Pandya and Vijayanagara period, the
Kulottungacholanallur, as virabhoga for the system proliferated as evidenced by the detailed
Kaikkolas of sirudanam rank, from Merkunadu references in the epigraphical sources. They
and served in the palace of Gangaikonda- give a clear picture of the different posts,
cholapuram.126 A Tamil inscription on a pillar method of their appointments, nature of their
set up in front of the Somesvara temple at work and remuneration. The epigraphs of the
Chola and Pandya periods refer to padikaval and
Gangavara, Mysore state, dated in the thirty-third
perumpadikaval. These terms denote both the
year of the reign of Udaiyar Rajadhirajadeva,
functionary, and the tax collected for the
mentions that Sennainadu at Tadigaivali alias
performance of the duties. Generally, the
Vikramacholamandala was the jivita conferred
padikavals were appointed by the village
on the general senapati Rajendrachola
people themselves. However, perumpadikaval
Brahmamarayar.127 Yet another inscription from
was granted solely by the king. During the period
Tanjavur, dated AD 1256, records the undertaking of Rajadhiraja, Attimallan Sokkaperumal alias
by Chola-Gangam of Paiyur in Tondi-mandalam Rajagambhira Chediyarayan and Periya Udaiyan
not to collect any dues over 600 kasus and two Rajaraja Chedirayan were working as
kalams of paddy on every ma from all lands perumpadikavals.132 Another illustrious example
held by him as padaipparu. 128 Padaipparu of such successful military leaders being
denoted landed rights accorded to local appointed as perumpadikaval was
chieftains for the maintenance of a specified Magadaiperumal Ponparapinnan, who acted as
number of troops or a sort of garrison point. A the perumpadikaval and padikaval, both of which
record in the thirty-second year of Kulottunga I were paid in kind and cash. They were also
(AD 1101ñ02) from Kalahasti registers a gift of provided with house sites and lands in the area
96 cows for a half lamp to the king in the under their jurisdiction. Sometimes, they donated
Malaiyaran padaividu in Gangaicholapuram.129 these remunerations to a particular temple (as,
This is also confirmed by the existence of a for example, Ponparapinnan). However, the rate
312
differed. In one instance from Kalahasti, Chittoor who held the land known as amaram from the
district, we find that it was 1/10 of the produce king. Amaram was given under the condition
of the wet lands.133 Padikaval appears 36 times of providing military forces as and when
in Tondaimandalam region, of which it appears required.138
mostly in the last phase of the Chola empire (8 in
3rd sub-period and 28 in the 4th sub-period).134 LOGISTICS
Another type of military tenure was the Early medieval warfare was an elaborate affair.
nayankara system, which in the subsequent The train included not only the soldiers but, as
Vijayanagara period became the hallmark of the list of captured item shows, provision stores
ëmilitary feudalismí. It was a military system for the army as well as the dependents; other
which was possibly introduced by the Kakatiya helpers also travelled along.139 The army was
potentates, later accepted and refined by the also sometimes accompanied by the courtesans
Vijayanagara kings. Some of the historians who along with satisfying the sexual needs of
attribute to the Kakatiya queen Rudrammadevi, the army also doubled as spies. Naturally,
the genesis of the system in which the Velama providing for such a large retinue required
chieftain Prasadiya played a very significant detailed planning and assistance from the
role.135 Rudrammadevi from the inception of her merchant community.
rule was surrounded by many problems. To start From the literature, we come to know about
with, the previous ruler, Ganapatideva, was a commissariat department in the army known
defeated by the Pandya ruler Vikrama Pandya as Senaivanigam.140 This department was also
in the battle of Muthukuru, which seriously known as Padaikkul, which signified the
impaired the authority of the Kakatiyas. Next, function of the department, providing food (kul)
their kingdom was attacked by the Gajapati ruler to the army (padai). From the inscriptional
of Orissa. Also, the control of the Kakatiyas over sources, we find that they were looked by the
Vengi was considerably weakened due to the merchant bodies like Kovilangadi, Saliyar, etc.
series of reverses faced by them. It may be Their commercial quarters were known as
inferred that the introduction of the nayankara Senaiangadi and Kongavala-angadi 141
system by her was the result of an attempt to (Kongavalas were military commanders of the
elicit the loyalty and the military support of the swordsmen from Kongu). It is interesting to find
feudatories and military generals. According to that a number of merchants were actually
an inscription, Rudrammadevi granted some engaged by the commissariat for attending the
places (name effaced) as nayankara to Bolli needs of the army even while on march. An
Nayaka, who was acting as her bodyguard inscription records the gift of Narasingarayan, a
(angaraksha) in AD 1279.136 The unpublished merchant of Malkhed, who had accompanied
Visunuru inscription datable to AD 1280 refers to Krishna III during his southern campaigns.142
a certain Bichinayaka, son of Rudranayaka who The generals were also having their own
was an amaranayaka.137 These two inscriptions merchants/agents. Two inscriptions dated in the
suggest that it was during the period 1279-80 forty-ninth year of Kulottunga I belonging to a
that the nayankara system came into existence. general of the Chola king have been found from
The next ruler Prataprudradeva possibly refined the Kalahastisvara at Kalahasti. One of the
the system. The term amaranayaka meant one inscriptions records a gift of 96 sheep to the God
313
Tirukkalatti Udaiyar by Kaliavvai, who got a lamp an elephant. He was killed by the Western
cast in the shape of her deceased brother Kettan Ganga king Butuga, who jumped on the
Adittan alias Mangalur Nadalvar, described as an elephant (alternative version stealthily climbed
agent of the above-mentioned general.143 the howdah) who pierced the weapon on the
No army can carry the full provisions along person of the prince. 145 Later, Chola king
with them and, thus, they had to procure from Rajadhiraja was killed in the battle of Koppam
the neighbourhood. Besides, foodstuff cannot and ëwent up into the sky and became a
be preserved beyond a few days. Firewood, sojourner in the country of Indra where he was
fodder and food put togetheróeven excluding accompanied by the celestial womení. 146
waterórepresented well over 90% of all Generally, this would have meant the end of
supplies. These were consumed by the army the battle, as generally the army gave up after
on a daily basis. Amount of the baggage drawn their leader was killed or became absent from
by an army was astonishing proving an obstacle the battlefield. However, at this point, the crown
for strategic movement. Moving armies, prince and the brother of Rajadhiraja, Rajendra
therefore, depended on the countryside for II, who was holding the reserve, urged the
provisions. To carry the provisions, one had to demoralized soldiers furiously and ultimately
use pack animals. This is another aspect which won the engagement. Later, he anointed himself
made the pastoral people important for military at the battlefield itself. The tradition of hand-to-
movements. Carrying fodder for those animals hand fight had been held in high esteem in south
would be counterproductive and thus the Indian military tradition. This can be proved even
ancient/medieval strategists evolved the policy in the later period as well. In the sixteenth and
of depending on the countryside for fodder. This seventeenth centuries, it has been recorded that
again meant putting pressure on the the noble born preferred hand-to-hand fight at
geographical areas in which the armies could close quarters. In an anonymously authored early
operate. What is more, food and fodder is eighteenth century text, Tanjavuri Andhra
available at a particular season, in abundance, rajula charitra, the fall of Tanjavur at the hands
and hence the necessity of seasonal warfare. In of Madurai nayakas has been described.147 Guns
Rome, the first month of the yearóMars, were used by the Madurai forces in impunity,
meaning warówas the one in which grass which reduced the Tanjavur fort into rubble. All
covered the fields and the campaigning season being lost, the Tanjavur Mahal was blown from
got under way.144 In India, similar consideration inside and then the king Vijayaraghava and his
made the months of autumn most suited for son Mannaradeva entered into the battlefield,
military campaign. bent on a sort of ritual suicide mission. After the
death of his son, Vijayaraghava appealed to the
FACE OF SOUTH INDIAN BATTLE assailants to stop firing from their guns and to
Normally, the princes and the kings personally fight only with their swords and spears because
participated in the battle. We find the evidence if one dies from a bullet fired from a distance,
of Aparajita Pallava being killed by the Chola one fails to attain heaven because he has not
ruler Aditya in the battlefield or the Chola crown died a warriorís death.
prince Rajaditya participated in the Takkolam Plundering the enemyís wealth was one of
personally directing his army while seated on the purposes of the ancient warfare. The Leiden
314
plates candidly state that Parantaka covered the chieftain Kopperunjinga, the latter not only
shrine of Chidambaram with gold brought from imprisoned the Chola monarch but also
all quarters, which was subdued by the prowess desecrated the temples including the
of the arm. The capture of elephants and horses Vishnusthanas, which finally instigated the
were considered as important booty. The Hoysala monarch, a devout Vaishnava himself,
Udayendiram plates state that Parantaka seized to launch a counter-offensive. The Hoysala
the elephants from his adversaries as a result of monarch gave express orders to his
his victory over the Pandya and Ceylon kings. dandanayakasóAppanna and Goppayaóto
An inscription from Kanchipuram ( AD 991) devastate the Kadava country. To fulfil the
referred to 900 sheeps captured by the Chola mission, these two generals first destroyed Elleri
commander Mummudi Cholakon on the capture and Kalliyurmalai, both the villages situated in
of Chippulinadu and Pakkainadu148. The treasure South Arcot district. Then they killed among the
captured after the defeat of the Cheras and kingís officers Viraganganadalvan and
Pandyas was deposited in the Rajarajesvara Cinnattarayan and four officers including
temple at Tanjavur by Rajaraja I.149 Precious Parakramabahu, the king of the Ilam (not clearly
stones, gold ornaments and other gold and silver identified). Then after offering tribute to the
vessels were donated to the temples. During the deity of Ponnambalam, the two generals
Malainadu campaign among other items, there continued with their destruction spree. They
was an emerald image (markata tevar).150 The destroyed the port towns on the sea to the east
Tiruvalangadu plates give a graphic account of of Sendamangalam. The towns of
what Rajendra captured during his Ganges and Tondamanallur, Tiruvadi and Tiruvakkarai were
Kadaram campaign. Rajendra I after his victory burnt and destroyed. Further, they struck terror
over Ahavamalla captured elephants, horses, in the people by destroying drinking channels,
camels and women along with other treasures. seizing and ravishing women. Kopperunjinga
In Kalingattupparani, one finds that these war finally relented under pressure and agreed to
captives were housed in the velams.151 release Rajaraja III, held in captivity.153
Though it is held by the Orientalists that Another aspect of warfare touching the
warfare in the Orient in general and India in civilian life was the temple/religious places
particular was confined within the combatants desecration. Though temple desecration is
and the civilian population continued with their generally attributed to the ëtheology of
life undisturbed/unscathed while war raged iconoclasmí, systematic destruction of temples/
nearby, evidences prove otherwise. The religious symbols became part of the political
victorious army committed different acts of strategy from the sixth century AD. There are
vandalism. An inscription of Satyasraya from many instances of temple destruction in early
Hottur152 states that Nurmadi Chola Rajendra medieval south India. Pallava king Nandivarman
Vidyadhara came up to Donur, in the Bijapur decamped from Vatapi with the image of
district with a huge army, plundered the whole Ganesha. When Rashtrakuta king Govinda III
country, killed women, children and Brahmans, invaded and occupied Kanchipuram, the
caught hold of girls and destroyed their caste. Singhala king was so intimidated that he sent
In course of the struggle between Imperial Govinda several images (probably Buddhist)
Chola monarch Rajaraja III and the Katava that had represented the Simhala state. These,
315
the Rashtrakuta king then installed in a Shaiva MILITARY LABOUR MARKET

temple in his capital. About the same time, the The geographical features of the peninsular India
Pandyan king, Srimara Srivallava, also invaded show that a large part covering the four statesó
Sri Lanka and took back to his capital the famous Maharashtra, Andhrapradesh, Karnataka and
golden image of Buddha from the royal palace northern parts of Tamil Naduófavoured
as a war trophy. In the eleventh century, Chola pastoral, non-agrarian mode of production and
king Rajendra I furnished his capital with images, according to our view, these regions were
which he seized from several prominent populated mainly by the ëmarginal peopleí/non-
neighbouring kings: Durga and Ganesha images agrarian people. In Maharashtra, part of Deccan,
from the Chalukyas; Bhairava, Bhairavi and Kali in contemporary society the pastoral cattle
images from Kalinga country. In the mid- herders are either gavlis or dhangars.156 The
eleventh century, Chola king Rajadhiraja region in Deccan, which reaches from Khandesh
defeated the Chalukyas and plundered the to the Tungabhadra River in Karnataka, has been
Chalukya capital of Kalyani. He took back with the preferred area for herdsmen-farmer and the
him a large black stone door guardian nomadic herdsmen from the earliest, indeed,
(dwarapalaka) from Kalyani to his capital at prehistoric times.157 In northern Karnataka, the
Tanjavur as a war trophy.154 transitional zone between Maharashtra and
The pastoral people were involved in Karnataka, the Kurubas are numerous in
constant conflict, as is evident from the earliest Belgaum and Hubli-Dharwad area, east of
stratum of Tamil literature known as Sangam Kolhapur. Karnataka has been renowned for
texts in whose memory the tradition of raising cattle raising. The breed known as Amritmahal
memorial stones started early in south India. The from Hosur has been used primarily as draft
extant memorial stones, some of them inscribed, animals and pack oxen and they contributed to
provide very important source of information the speed and mobility of Hyder Aliís military
to understand the different aspects of these leadership. On the other hand, in the south-
turbulent societies. In a competitive society eastern hills of Mysore, up to the forested hills
vying with each other, the heroes were fighting of Salem district in Tamil Nadu (Pennagaram),
for undying fame,155 and this was established is found the famous Alambadi breed of oxen
among other means, through raising of memorial preferred as pack animals.158 In Andhra Pradesh,
stones (viragal). The name of the fallen hero the region, essentially the Telengana plateau,
was inscribed/written/painted on the stone which stretches from Hyderabad to the
(elutu). The tradition of raising memorial stones Tungabhadra and Krishna rivers, and
for people dying in heroic situation does not end Rayalaseema region which includes the districts
with the Sangam Classics, which are poetic of Kurnool, Anantapur, Cuddappah and Chittoor,
compositions but the numerous extant lithic particularly favoured the pastoral life.159 There,
representations found in different parts of south in Andhra Pradesh, are numerous people known
India amply demonstrate that the process as Kurumas, whose traditional occupation is
continued in the subsequent period starting from herding sheeps and goats or weaving woolen
6th till the 13th-14th century and provides us blankets (kambli). Keeping in mind the
with enormous amount of data on social relevance of the ëmarginal mení in conventional
conditions of these people fallen in war. warfare and more so because these regions fell
316
in the interstices of the large kingdoms and relation between cattle raids and the raising of
became virtual shatter zones, they must have hero-stones have been brought forth in a poem
played an important role in the early medieval in AhananuruóëProminent hero-stones erected
south Indian warfare and polity. on the wayside are decorated with peacock
According to the Sangam/classical feathers; on them are inscribed the name and
poeticians, the people residing in hills and might of fallen warriors. These sharp shooters,
pastures were ascribed important role in imbued with honour, fought furiously with their
organized violence. Cattle being the chief source well filed arrows of fine edge to recover their
of wealth, cattle raids and fight for retrieval of kineí. 162 In another poem from the same
stolen cattle became one of the manifestations of collection, it is stated that hero-stones clustered
the pugnacious qualities of the people residing along the forest pathway so the salt merchant
in these places. The kings or the chiefs were also who had to take his cart through the pathways
involved in those cattle raids. The Malaiyaman in this area had his wheels constantly rubbing
chief of Mullur went out for cattle raids in the the stones, thus erasing the words inscribed
night. 160 The cattle so captured were then therein. 163 Though the different stages in
distributed among themselves. The cattle raids erection of the hero/memorial stones have been
and protection of the bovine wealth necessarily described in Tolkappiyum, no evidences of
meant loss of lives. The society depicted in the hero-stones from the Sangam Age have been
Classical Tamil literature, characterized as ëheroic found yet. However, the tradition of raising hero-
societyí, was fiercely competitive and ëin their stones/memorial stones did not stop with the
career of violent self-assertive individualism, the waning of the Classical period. The numerous
heroes staked even their lives to outdo one extant lithic representations found in different
anotherí.161 In a competitive society vying with parts of south India amply demonstrate that the
process of raising memorial stones for fallen
one another for fame, the heroes who died
heroes continued till 13th-14th century and even
fighting thus wanted undying fame and this was
beyond. They are mostly concentrated in the
established, among other means, through raising
non-agrarian zones with cattle raids being the
of memorial stones (virakal). In Sangam poetry,
chief reason of death. Thus, the continuity of
we find several stages in raising a memorial stone
the tradition proves not only the predominance
for a hero fallen in battle, namely,
of pastoral activities in the particular niche but
i. Katchi (search for a stone) also the continuity of the belief system.
ii. Kalkol (fixing for an auspicious time) In Tamil Nadu, out of the 317 inscribed hero-
iii. Nirpatai (ceremonial bathing of the stone) stones found till date, 215 come from the
iv. Natuthal (setting up) districts of Dharmapuri and Tiruvannamalai,164
mainly concentrated in the river basin of
v. Perumpatai (celebration, feasting, etc.)
Pennaiyar particularly in Chengam taluk in
vi. Vallthu (praise and worship) Tiruvannamalai and Harur and Uttangarai taluks
The name of the fallen hero was inscribed/ of Dharmapuri destrict. They are rare in the
written/painted on the stone (eluttu). Hero- lower reaches of the river system, the deltas and
stones were mentioned in Aurananuru, the coastal peneplain but occur on the other sides
Purananuru and Tolkappiyum. The close of the borders in the Mysore Plateau and Chittoor
317
district of Andhra Pradesh, which also enjoy the of Chengam, Harur, Uttangarai, Krishnagiri and
same kind of geo-physical realities. Kallalurichchi, which were the ëmarginal areasí
Out of total 317 hero-stones, 242 belong to outside the ëgovernment areaí. Traditionally,
the ëcattle-raidí and ëskirmishí category.165 In these regions were dominated by the ëkings of
Chengam district, most of the hero-stones were the small areasí. In the Pallava period, as stated
raised for the heroes who died in skirmishes earlier, the southern boundary of
(pusal) with the cattle-lifters, marauders or the Tondaimandalam stood about forty miles north
invading army, which happened to pass through of Pennai while the northern boundary of the
the area. We find the expressions like toru Cholanadu was the river Vellar. The intermediate
mittuvittu pattan (fell after winning back the zone was occupied by Vanakoppadi in the
cattle carried off). Some died in skirmish denoted present Tiruvannamalai, Singapuranadu in
by pusalil pattan while toru pusal meant Gingee and Oymanadu in Tindivanam taluk.
skirmish for cattle. The inscriptions also give a There were at least eight locality chieftaincies
clue to the nature of the cattle, which became in that region. However, during the time of
the bone of contention. They were mostly Rajaraja I, the region was included in
referred as erumai toru, meaning herds of Jayankondacholamandalam and later during the
buffalos. Sometimes herds of cows, an toru are time of Kulottunga I, the same region became
also referred.166 Some inscriptions state that the part of the Naduvil-nadu. So the expanding state
hero died protecting the lord and the land. Such was trying to come to terms with the
inscriptions are from Tinahalli dated in the exclusiveness of the ëmarginal areasí. Secondly,
twenty-seventh year of Simhavishnu or the as the hero-stones demonstrate, the state did not
Mavalivanarayar memorial inscription of the take full administrative control of the region and
eighth-ninth century.167 naturally the people of the region had to fend
Some of these inscriptions (180/317) refer for themselves. This forced them to hone their
to dynasties while the rest are silent in this martial capabilities. The adversities of life
aspect. Out of these inscriptions numerically, trained them as fighters and forced them to
the Pallavas stand first with 86 inscriptions remain in practice for all the time, which made
bearing the Pallava regnal year or the name of a them an attractive commodity in the time of
Pallava king. Next comes the Cholas with 41 fierce political conflicts. This region was also
inscriptions and other minor dynasties like the known as Tirumunaippadi (which lay on the
Gangas, Nolambas and the Banas, etc.168 southern banks of Pennai) or the war district.
Hero-stones give us some interesting Adjacent to the Dharmapuri and
insights regarding the actual import of the Tiruvannamalai districts of Tamil Nadu across
memorial stones and of the military organization the border were the districts of Chittoor,
and the state polity. First, we find that though, Anantapur, Cuddapah and Kurnool in Andhra
in most of the cases, the hero-stones (in Tamil Pradesh. We again find heavy concentration of
Nadu and particularly Changam taluk) refer to memorial stones. These districts were a part of
the Pallavas, we hardly come across a hero-stone the Rayalaseema region, which, as already
from the core of the Pallava territory, i.e. in and noted, also shared the same kind of non-
around Kanchipuram in Tondainadu. Rather, they agrarian, predominantly pastoral mode of
are found in a close concentration in the taluks production. Out of the total 476 inscribed
318
memorial stones found in Andhra Pradesh, 346 district, all belonging to the Vaidumbas, records
come from Rayalaseema region alone. Next the death of the heroes in battles.172 Moreover,
comes the Telengana region with 63 memorial this region also saw battles between the major
stones.169 The Vaidumba hero-stones are more powers. The vatapi Chalukyas expanded their
numerous in the Rayalaseema region and we power over this region and later delegated their
find 84 belonging to that dynasty of which 57 power to the Eastern Chalukyas. Then there was
come from Cuddapah region alone. 25 are from conflict between the Pallavas and the Chalukyas.
Chittoor and another 2 come from Anantapur When the Rashtrakutas ended the reign of the
district. Some of the inscriptions are found in Chalukyas, they had conflict with the Eastern
clusters like more than five inscriptions ascribable Chalukyas and the Pallavas. Later, there was
to the same dynasty come from Basinikonda, conflict between the Cholas and the
Madanapalle taluk in Chittoor district. Another Rashtrakutas. All these resulted in the erection
prominent minor power was the Banas, who of many memorial stones. Thus, unlike Tamil
figures prominently in the memorial stones of Nadu in Andhra Pradesh, particularly in Chittoor,
this region. There are 41 memorial stones related Cuddapah, Anantapur district battlefield category
to the Banas of which 37 come from Chittoor of memorial stones constituted a very important
district alone. In the Pallava period and the initial portion of the total collection. ëCattle-raidsí
stages of the Imperial Cholas, the Rayalaseema category was not however entirely absent in the
region was dominated by the Vaidumbas and region. Fifty-two ëcattle-raidí category memorial
the Nolambas. These two dynasties were stones have been recorded from Andhra
inveterate enemies of one other; continuously Pradesh, of which fifty-one came from
fought among each other; sometimes they were Rayalaseema alone. Out of these fifty-two,
joined by other contiguous powers. Such battles thirty-four come from Chittoor district alone. This
or skirmishes were sometimes represented in amply demonstrates the influence of the
the hero-stones. Three subjoined inscriptions ecological niche dominated by pastoral
recorded from different places of Madanapalle activities. 173 A record which belongs to
taluk in Chittoor district record the death of Gandatrinetra Vaidumba Maharaja states that
soldiers involved in the battle of Soremati, a Indireya, the younger brother of Rameya and a
sanguinary battle primarily between the Banas servant of Palladaya, the younger brother
and Vaidumbas in which slowly the other (priyanuja) of the king, died on hearing the
adjacent minor powers and later the major news of the death of Ajala in a cattle raid at
powers also got involved. 170 A Vaidumba Tumbevadi. Tumbevadi referred here may be
memorial from Bandapalle in the Rayachoti taluk one of the many skirmishes which culminated
of the Cuddappah district states that a person in the battle of Soremati.174
Vikrama Rediya died at Soremati after he Karnataka has the largest number of
secured victory for Gandatrinetra when the memorial stones reaching up to 2650 of which
Vaidumba king captured the fort of Soremati. 2200 are virakals. There also we find
The Vaidumba king raised this memorial stone concentration in one or two regions particularly
in the memory of the services of the deceased in Bangalore Kolar region, which is adjacent to
person.171 Another cluster of six inscriptions the concentration areas of Tamil Nadu and
recorded from Rayachoti taluk of Cuddapah Andhra Pradesh. The other region is Dharwar
319
zone in the north. Both these regions are known This ëmilitary labour marketí, however, was
for their pastoral economy. Among the different not the sole preserve of the kings/state but was
categories of memorial stones the most notable available to anybody ready to pay a good price.
were turugol (cattle-raid) as well as erevesa In fact, the south Indian traders maintained armed
(obeying masterís commands). retainers for their own protection and their
Inscriptions testify to the existence of large merchandise. In fact, there are references to
sheds in Karnataka where thousands of cows highway robbers in Sangam literature. The
were kept and protected. These were managed traders employed archers (villi) for their
by the cattle herdersí headmen known as protection from the depredations of the robbers.
mentis. Naturally, cattle raids were also a In the early medieval period, these people
prominent form of economic activity. A large were known by different names such as
number of virakals testify to the raids and munaivirar, peruniraviraviyar, kotivirar,
attempts for cattle retrieval. chettivirar or erivirar. Medieval inscriptions also
These evidences amply demonstrate the fact refer to ainnuruvar patai (the armed wing of
that the people from the ëmarginal areaí were the famous trade guild tisai aiyarattu
militarily active, as evidenced by the provenance ainnuruvar). In this context, the term atikiltalam
of the memorial stones. Naturally, the large-scale appears to be very interesting. It refers to a
military activities particularly during the eleventh garrison point or cantonment of such armed
century AD launched by the Chola kings provided persons employed by the merchant
a major opportunity to exploit the military communities. This term occurs exclusively in
brilliance of these ëperipheralí people and the Kongu region, which was criss-crossed by
actually, there are inscriptional evidences to important trade routes or trade highways
prove that the Chola kings tapped this ëmilitary (peruvali) like Rajakesari peruvali, etc. Six such
labour marketí for good results. Many regiments inscriptions have been located, all of which are
of bowmen (villi) were formed in these outlying situated on the modern Erode-Coimbatore
areas.175 We may here refer to an inscription thoroughfare. These cantonments were located
from Kalahasti in the thirty-second year of at particular places and the residents
Kulottunga I, i.e. 1102-03. It refers to a gift of accompanied the traders (for money) up to the
lamp made by Palli Angadi Ayyaran who next station lying on the route. In some cases,
belonged to...(name effaced) Chola terinda the traders left their merchandise in the garrison
villigal for the merit of his brother Sorudayan.176 point under the custody of these people and
There are also references to regiments known traded in the adjacent areas.178 Erivirapattanam
as Vatugak-kalvar 177(Vatuka literally means was another kind of garrison point of similar
northerners. It may mean both bandits from nature. A Tamil record from Basinikonda in
Kannada or Telugu countries). Another Madanapalle talluk in Chittoor district, dated in
reference reads about Kannadaka Kaduttalai, the thirty-second year of Rajakesari Rajadhiraja
meaning ëthe strong heads of Karnatakaí. I (i.e. AD 1049-50), records the merchant
Incidentally, strong-headedness, death-defying communities known as nanadesi Tisaiaiyarattu-
braveryóerumai maram or bull-headed ainnurruvar of all samayas convened a meeting
bravery was the quintessential quality of the at Siravalli in Jayankondacholamandalam and
classical soldiery in Sangam literature. passed a resolution declaring Siravalli as
320
nanadesiya-dasama[ti] erivirapattana and LOYALTY

conferred certain rights and privileges to the Military leadership and strict code of discipline
residents of the town. This was done to facilitate are required in the battle. Success in battlefield
smooth movement of the traders. The caravans requires the quality of unquestioned loyalty to
were accompanied by armed retainers known as the superior. The relation that exists even in
eri-viras, munai-viras, Ilanciviras, Kongavalas, modern armies between ëgentleman officerí and
and other similar groups.179 These instances show his ëbatmaní resembles some kind of a tie,
that these men served whosoever was in need which has its origin in the middle ages. The
for ëmilitary labourí in lieu of cash. Either, they ëmarginal mení who were recruited in the
had to be recruited as the watchmen/guards or Islamicate army were stitched into/firmly
there were chances that they themselves may embedded within the ëstate-societyí through the
waylay the caravans. They very well fit with the institution of ëmilitary slaveryí. Though such an
categorization of Panini as ayudha-jivi-samgha institution was absent in the south Indian army,
(and thus pertaining to the guild levies discusses there are many examples of unflinching loyalty
in an earlier section). Here, one can compare the of the military retainer/soldier to his superior.
experience of the Dutch travellers in the This had an ideological perspective as well.
seventeenth century. Peter Mundy, one such Dutch
In south India, particularly relevant in this
traveller/trader, found that the caravans were
context are the dual terms talaivan and al. The
accompanied by the men of Baluchi extraction.
concept of talaivan in Tamil literature had a long
They used to settle in the qasbas or district towns
trajectory. In Sangam poetics, the position of
and came to be known as the qasbatis.180
talaivan was bestowed on those who possessed
The above narration underscores the superhuman qualities. In the subsequent periods,
importance of the marginal areas as a potential the concept of god-king was imposed on certain
area or catchment zone for ëmilitary labourí. persons. On the other side of the relation stood
Unlike the peasant soldiery depicted by Dirk the al or sevakar. There are instances of hero-
Kolff who would supplement their precarious stones being raised in the memory of the fallen
income in the lean agricultural seasons, these al by the master.181 In the context of medieval
people of the Deccan and deep south India were south India, sevekar in most of the cases denoted
mainly non-agrarian pastoral people who military retainers. For instance, in the Koraiyaru
because of the vagaries of nature had to depend memorial stone, the Pallava hegemonic ruler is
on pastoral wealth and had to hone their military described as Singavinnaparumar whereas the
skills to survive in this competitive world. Some Bana feudatory was mentioned as Perumban
remained confined within the world of cattle araisaru; the retainer who actually laid down his
raids and remained locked in those eco- life was called sevakan.182
geographical niche but some of them crossed the Another manifestation of this sort of fierce
boundary and themselves became kingsóthe loyalty to the master is noticed both in literature
best example can be the Hoysalas but other not and inscriptions. An inscription records that the
so successful examples remind us the complex military subordinate of Uttamachola Marayan,
nature of relation between the sedentary nature Kuttan Ganapati, stabbed himself and died in an
of peasant life and highly mobile pastoral groups attempt to secure safety of his master. The
over the ëSilent frontiersí. master provided for the burning of the perpetual
321
lamp in the temple of Tiruvorriyur on behalf of who drew out (the weapon which caused his
his faithful servant Ganapati.183 The 1000-lenka death). B.L. Rice is of the opinion that kunte may
(lenka sasirvaru/ondu savira viraru), often be connected with kuni, a pit or grave. Kil
called garuda (drawing parallels with the obviously means below or under. The votary
mythical bird who laid its life while trying to was, therefore, cremated in the fire pit under
resist Ravana from abducting Sita), believed in the body of his master, or buried below him
total self-abnegation to their sovereign, to the whichever may be the mode of disposing the
point of offering themselves as a sacrifice. The body. But in the inscription found from
most remakable example of a mass suicide was Hemavati, all such speculation was put to rest
the case of Kuvara Lakshmana, Vira Vallalaís as in the sculptural representation the person
general, who on his masterís death committed who became kilgunte is lying down in the pire
suicide with his wife and 1000 companions.184 and supporting the body of the deceased from
There are other instance of lenkas (as well as below. Kilgunte was one among the many ways
lenkisówomen retainers quite similar to the of performing self-sacrifice practised also in
earlier references to the velaikkara/velaikkari) medieval Karnataka.188 Such a tradition may be
laying down their lives for Hoysala kings.185 compared with the custom of Velavali, which
Physical courage and dedication to the lord was prevalent in Karnataka from the ninth
occupied the highest position in the scale of century onwards. Velevalis were a sort of
virtues according to the ideals of the period. ëcompanions of honourí (discussed earlier) who
Naturally, this is considered by some of the like the sati following her husband in funeral
scholars as the evidence of knightly tradition.186 pyre, also followed their master in death. They
It is interesting that Kuvara, himself a lenka of followed all his dictates during his lifetime and
Hoysala king Vira Vallala, had a following of after his death, not necessarily under heroic
one thousand men. While Kuvara had personal circumstances, like the wife married to him
loyalty to the king, these 1000 men owed committed suicide in a manner befitting their
personal loyalty to their immediate ëlordí. Thus, code of honour. By the time of the Hoysalas,
a three-tier structure can be discerned with the the institution became known as garuda
Hoysala occupying the apex, Kuvara owing (referred above). In the medieval Kannada
loyalty to the king while enjoying direct loyalty literature, we find ample corroborative
from his soldiers. evidence of such kind of fierce loyalty extolled.
It seems that the custom of this kind of ëself- Such followers took a kind of binding oath
sacrificeí percolated into Andhra country from (vele). Jolavali, on the other hand, undertook
the Chola area. An inscription from Anantapur protection of the individual in lieu of
district of Andhra Pradesh records that when subsistence (jola- millet/grain). In vacana
Sadamalaguna Vidivarraganda died, one literature,189 jolavali was placed lower than the
Mayalamma became his kilgunte.187 The term velevadika. Reference to jolavali occurs in the
appears in other inscriptions as well. There are works of Pampa, Ponna, Ranna, Nagachandra
divergent views regarding the meaning of the and Mahabala, etc. The institution became
term. Fleet had interpreted the term popular from the tenth century onwards and
kilgunteyadam on the grounds of the sculpture reached its height in the thirteenth century. The
in the same stone slab as ëbecame the attendant greatest jolavali in view of the Kannada classical
322
poets was Karna. Drona and Bhisma too were I, there was some revamping of the army on
caught in similar obligations.190 regimental basis with Velaikkarar regiments
So from the ninth to thirteenth century, we becoming the mainstay of the army. Another
find that under the different terms like al, notable feature of the south Indian military
velevali, jolavali, tulilal or lenka, the same kind tradition was the role of the marginal people,
of bond between master and the servant was which was recognised by the states/dynastic
extolled and the servants were psychologically systems. Actually, the areas lying on the borders
prepared to make supreme sacrifice for the of Tamil Nadu, Andhra and Karnataka, which
master. This tradition of fierce one-to-one saw the largest incidence of memorial stones,
loyalty, as evidenced in the institutions like particularly the districts like North and South
velaikkara, when roped by the state could help Arcot in Tamil Nadu, Anantapur and Chittoor
them in building a large kingdom, but the same districts of Andhra Pradesh and Kolar, Tumkur
weapon could also be a threat to the integrity of in Karnataka which became the hub of feudatory
the empire as even the small chieftains like families, were the key to geo-strategic alliances.
Malaiyaman Sarukkudadan was receiving loyalty Generally speaking, the Deccan powers usually
from the velaikkara/velaikkaris. At the same used to attack the deep south in which the
breath, we can also draw parallel with the powers of deep south used to primarily defend
experiences of the Islamicate empires. There also (one such exception where the southern Pallava
the ëmarginal mení drawn from the steppes and power under the leadership Pallava
peripheral areas though militarily efficient Narasimhavarman). However, there was a role
required institutions like ëMilitary Slaveryí to stitch reversal from the time of Rajaraja I himself. He
them firmly to the state structure. Here also, we made some strategic moves in Kudagu, for
find the same type of structural development with instance, with the establishment of a pliant ruler
the ambiguity of such loyalty, which had as the Kongalvas. This made his efforts in
homonymy with ëSlaveryí because of the use of attacking the Chalukyan territory through the
metaphors of servitude in religious garb. south-west diversionary route a possibility. Till
the time this region, particularly Kongu or these
CONCLUSION border-marchlands, remained in the hands of
The south Indian army organization was not very imperial Cholas, their frontier remained secured,
different from its north Indian counterpart in its but with the weakening of their control again,
composition. Elephant corps, cavalry and the Deccan powers started entering through
infantry were the mainstay of the army. The these routes.
infantry was the largest component and possibly The pattern of armed conflict between
the strongest in the Chola army. Cavalry seems Deccan and deep south because of geo-strategic
to be stronger among the Deccan forces, reasons or purely on the basis of the control of
particularly among the Hoysalas, because of prosperous Raichur doab went on for a millennia.
some technological innovations. Before the This struggle was evenly balanced with
advent of Rajaraja, the Cholas depended on their Tungabhadra being tacitly accepted as the line
ëfeudatoriesí for military support from some of of control by both the major actors. However,
the prominent powers like the western Gangas from the time of the Hoysalas we find a definite
or Kodumbalur Velirs. During the time of Rajaraja shift, which became more pronounced during
323
the time of the Vijayanagara kings when the discussion, we find the establishment of
powers situated in Deccan ultimately began ëwarrior regimesí over a large swath of
dominating the deep south. territory in peninsular India. These warrior
Because of the continuous armed conflict regimes were composed primarily of non-
between the two regions, there was a deep peasant martial communities like Kallars,
impact on both state structure as well as Maravars, etc., who started to dominate the
society. By the end of the period under Tamil Nadu state and society in a big way.
NOTES AND REFERENCES

1. K.A.N. Sastri. 1966. History of South India: From 10. M. Arokiaswamy. 1954. The Early History of the
Prehistoric Times to the Fall of Vijayanagara. Vellar A Basin: Study in Vellala Origin and Early
Bombay: OUP. History. Madras.
2. Ibid. 11. Y. Subbarayalu. 1973. Political Geography of the
Chola Country. Madras: State Department of
3. Ibid.
Archaeology, Government of Tamil Nadu, p. 83.
4. Jos G.L. Gommans and Dirk Kolff (eds.). 2001.
12. Archaeological Society of India Annual Report
Warfare and Weaponry in South Asia1000-1800. 1905-06, p. 181.
New Delhi: OUP, p. 14.
13. The history of the ëminor chieftainsí or feudatory
5. Govindaswamy, M.S. 1978. The Role of Feudatories chiefs are mainly reconstructed from Balambal, V.
in Chola History. Annamalai; V. Balambal. 1973. Feudatories of South India: 800-1070 AD
Feudatories of South India AD 800-1070. Allahabad, 1978. & Govindaswamy, M.S., The Role
Allahabad. of Feudatories in Chola History. Annamalai: 1973.
6. J. Gommans. 1998. The Silent Frontier of South 14. T.V. Mahalingam. The Banas in South Indian
Asia, c. AD 1100 ñ 1800. In Journal of World History. Journal of Indian History.
History 9(1) Spring 1998, pp. 1-23. 15. Sampath. M.D. 1980. Chittoor Through Ages. New
7. The political history of the period has been Delhi.
discussed on the basis of Sastri, K.A.N., History of 16. Ibid.
South India; From Prehistoric times to 17. Sundaram, J. Pp. 251-52.
Vijayanagara. OUP, Yazdani, G., (ed.) History of
18. Richard H. Davis. 1999. Lives of Indian Images.
Deccan. OUP, 1960 & J. Sundaram, ëChola and
Delhi. Quoted in Richard M. Eaton, Temple
Other Armies ñ Organizationí. In S.N. Prasad (ed.),
Desecration in Pre-modern India. In Frontline. Dec.
Historical Perspectives of Warfare in India: Some
22, 2000.
Morale and Material Determinants. New Delhi,
19. Jos JL Gommans. ëSilent Frontierí. He contends
Centre for Studies in Civilizations, 2002.
that from the thirteenth century with the
8. EI XVII: 343-44. emergence of cavalry these regions became the
9. Purananuru 158: 1-4 describes the heroic struggle centre of state formation. However, we have tried
of Pari. The famous victory of Chola king Karikala to argue that the ëSilent Frontierí was much vocal
against nine kings and chieftains has been even before the thirteenth century.
eulogized in several places in Sangam corpus like 20. F.R. Allchin. Neolithic Cattle-Keepers of South
Ahananuru 125: 16-21; K. Kailasapathi. 1968. India (1963). His first independent project was
Tamil Heroic Poetry. Oxford: Clarendon Press. tackling the problem of the interpretation of the
324
ash mounds in Mysore and Andhra Pradesh, in nineteenth century. S. Settar, (ed.), Archaoelogical
southern India. Raymond selected one of the best- Survey of Mysore Annual Report 1910-11. Vol.
preserved sites, Utnur, and began to excavate. In a III, p. XXIV.
single season in 1957, he cut through metres of 32. Idem, Archaoelogical Survey of Mysore Annual
cinder and ash, and discovered that the mounds were Report. 1906-09. Vol. II. p. 103. The reference is
formed by series of superimposed burnt circular to a custom frequently alluded to in the inscriptions,
stockades. Disproving the medieval hypothesis, he according to which a devoted servant took a vow
dated them far earlier, to the neolithic of south India that he would not survive his patron and sacrificed
(c. 3000 BC), on account of the associated polished himself on the patronís death.
stone axes. He interpreted them as annual cattle
33. M.G.S. Narayanan, ëCompanions of Honour,
camps, whose accumulations of dung were burnt at
pp. 107-08.
the end of each grazing season, thus creating a
regular sequence of ash and cinder. This discovery 34. Ibid., p. 105.
allowed him to distinguish a distinct cultural 35. K.S. Vaidyanathan, ëMembers of Ancient South India
sequence for peninsular India from its neolithic to Army...í p. 143.
its iron-age megalithic cemeteries.
36. Ibid. Also K.A. Nilakanta Sastri. 1975. Cholas.
21. Gommans, ibid., p. 6. University of Madras, p. 455.
22. Ibid., p. 15 37. K.A. Nilakanta Sastri. Cholas, pp. 312-13.
23. P. Sensharma. 1981. Military Thoughts of 38. K.S. Vaidyanathan, ëMembers of Ancient South
Tiruvalluvar. Calcutta. Indian Senai...í pp. 109-11.
24. Ibid. Kural. 673. 39. South Indian Inscriptions (SII), vol. II. Intro.
25. Arthasastra Bk II. Ch. 2 p. 10.
26. EI VI:6, verse 29. 40. K.S. Vaidyanathan. Ibid., p. 141.
27. Perungadai III. 24. I. 39-40 as referred in K.S. 41. K.A. Nilakanta Sastri. Cholas, p. 454.
Vaidyanathan, ëThe Members of the Ancient South 42. K.A. Nilakanta Sastri. A Note on Velaikkarar. In
Indian Army (Senai): Their Assembly and its Journal of Royal Asiatic Society, Ceylon. Vol. IV,
Functionsí in Quarterly Journal of Mythic Society New Series. 1954. pp. 67-71.
XXXII (2): 129-30. 43. J. Sundaram. Chola and Other Armies ñ
28. Perungadai I. 32, I. 65. Referred in ibid. Organization. In S.N. Prasad (ed.), Historical
29. Referred in M.G.S., Narayanan, ëCompanions of Perspectives of Warfare in India: Some Morale
Honour in South Indiaí. In MGS Narayanan, and Material Determinants. New Delhi: Centre
Reinterpretations in South Indian History. for Studies in Civilizations, pp. 190-91.
Trivandrum: College Book House, 1977. pp. 99- 44. SII. Vol. IV, no. 1396.
112. The author has consulted different versions
45. Annual Report on Indian Epigraphy (ARE)1934/
of Arthasastra rather than the most common 122-26, 138-47, etc.
version edited by Shamasastry.
46. Ibid. Pt. II, para 15.
30. Sir H.M. Elliot and John Dowson, The History of
India as told by Its Historians. Vol. I, London, 47. ARE. 1913. Pt. II, para 27, p. 101.
1867. p. 8. 48. SII. Vol. XIX, no. 3, 7, 8, 13, 17, 18, 25.
31. Practice of offering their finger to the deity of 49. Though in the later period these people formed
Kalabhairava on the Sidi hills, Kolar district among the weaver community in the Chola period, they
the cultivators continued till the last quarter of the were exclusively related with the army, i.e.
325
kaikkolar-pperum-padai. Kaikkolar literally means 63. Ilampuranar in his commentary on Akattinai states
strong-arms. Sengunder was another synonym of that ëpalai has no separate region of its owní and
them, which was possibly derived from a weapon adds that ëduring the sunny periods all birds and
called kundam (lance or spear). The poem branches except those of the palai tree get dried
Ittiyelupattu attributed to Ottakuttar was upí referred in Sivathambi, K., ëEarly South Indian
composed to commemorate the role of the Society and Economy: The Tinai conceptí. In Social
Sengunder/kaikkolars. Scientist. Vol III, no. 5, December 1974. pp. 20-37.
50. Daud Ali. 2006. War, Servitude, and the Imperial 64. D. Shulman. 1980. On South Indian Bandits and
Household: A Study of Palace Women in the Chola Kings. In Indian Economic and Social History
Empire. In Indrani Chatterjee & Richard Eaton (ed.), Review. Vol XVII, no. 3, pp. 283-306.
Slavery and South Asian History. Indiana
65. This is a typical response of the population across
University Press, pp. 44-62.
the time. According to a Dutch observer writing in
51. There is one tenth-century record of a kaikkolar in
August 1636, plundering ceased on the roads of
the velam of Perumanadigal Madeviyan, SII IV. 536
Gujarat soon after the onset of monsoon that year.
in Daud Ali, passim f.n. 61. During the time of
This is quite understandable as the farmers got
Kulottunga I, we find one Kaikkolan of Ambana-
engaged in agriculture. Kolff, D. and Jos Gommans
velam. SII XXIII, 365. (in J. Sundaram, ëChola and
(eds.), Warfare and Weaponry in South Asia
other armiesí) App. I, p. 244.
1000-1800. OUP, 2001. p. 217.
52. Daud Ali, passim, p. 62, f.n. 60.
66. ARE. 1908. Pt. II, para 91.
53. P.C. Chakravarty.1989 (rep.). The Art of War in
67. K.A.N. Sastri. The Cholas, p. 398.
Ancient India. First pub. 1941. P. 5
54. Ibid., p. 6. 68. N. Dirks. The Hollow Crown; Ethnohistory of an
Indian Kingdom. CUP, 1987. Indian Ed. 1989.
55. Noboru, Karashima. 2010. South Indian Merchant
Guilds in the Indian Ocean and Southeast Asia. In 69. The following discussion is primarily based on
H. Kulke, K. Kesavapany & Vijay Sakhuja (eds.), Vaidyanathan, K.S., ëThe Members of the Ancient
Nagapattinam to Suvarnadwipa; Reflections on South Indian Army (Senai): Their Assembly and its
the Chola Naval Expedition to Southeast Asia. Functionsí in Quarterly Journal of Mythic Society,
Delhi, pp. 135-57. Vol. 32 (1941-42), pp. 127-45, 293-303, 399-407;
J. Sundaram, ëChola and Other Armies ñ
56. Ibid., p. 138.
Organizationí in (ed.) Historical Perspectives of
57. Ibid. Warfare in India: Some Morale and Material
58. Ibid., p. 139. Determinants. New Delhi: Centre for Studies in
59. K.A.N. Sastri. Cholas. p. 129; M.G.S. Narayanan. Civilizations. & unpublished Ph.D. Thesis of
Anatomy of Political Alliance from Temple Records Shouvik Mukhopadhyay, ëMilitary Organization and
of Tirunavalur and Tiruvorriyur. In Journal of Society in early Medieval South Indiaí. Visva-
Epigraphical Society of India. Vol. V, 1978, pp. Bharati, 2006.
26-31. 70. P.C. Chakraborty. The Art of War in Ancient India,
60. Gadyakarnamritam, ed. Dr. S.S. Janaki. Madras, pp. 25-26.
1981. 71. J. Deloche. 1989. Military Technology in Hoysala
61. E.I. Vol. VII, 160 ff. Sculpture (XII & XIII Centuries). New Delhi.
62. Daniel Pipes. 1981. Slave Soldiers and Islam: The 72. S.I.I. Vol. XIX. No. 6 referred in J. Sundaram, ëChola
Genesis of a Military System. Yale University Press, and Other Armiesí, p. 204 where there is a
pp. 77-78. reference of kunjara-vil-padai
326
73. E.I. Vol. II, p. 167f. 99. D. Derret. The Hoysalas, p. 199.
74. S.I.I. II: 54. 100. S.I.I. Vol. II, no. 27, text line 11.
75. A.R.E. 1911/211. 101. S.I.I. IV. No. 287
76. Y. Subbarayalu. Pulangurichi inscriptions. In 102. A.R.E. 1969-70. App. B no. 461.
Avanam. Vol. II, 1991, pp. 57-69. Repr. in Studies Mahamandelesvara Tribhuvanamalla Purvatarayar
in Chola History, Chennai, 2001. donated land and income from adimai-ccharigai
77. S.I.I. Vol. XII., no. 36. and kudirai-ccharigai was donated to the god
Tirumalai-isvaramudaiyanayinar at Alasadanapalle,
78. Same as f.n. no. 74. Dharmapuri district.
79. A.R.E. 1936-37. Pt. II, para 20. 103. S.I.I. Vol. II 66.
80. E.I. XXXII p. 270 where there is description of 104. S.I.I. Vol. II 12, 13.
Pallivelan Nakkan-Pullan, who led nineteen
105. S.I.I. XIV, 167.
elephants to assist his Pandyan suzerain in the ninth
century. 106. A.R.E. 1921/394.
81. S.I.I. Vol. II. Pt. I no. 22 referred in K.S. 107. Valangai-velaikkarapadai of niyamam-
Vaidyanathan, ë The Ancient South Indian Armyí, perundanam during the time of Rajendra I (S.I.I.
p. 296. II, 12, 13), Sirudaman Ilaiyaraja-uttama-Chola-
tterinda valangai-velaikkarar was raised during the
82. J. Deloche. Military Technology..... p. 27.
time of Rajendra I (S.I.I. XVII, 315).
83. S.I.I. II, 66.
108. A.R.E. 1911/255
84. S.I.I. V, 1411.
109. S.I.I. V, 723.
85. A.R.E. 1982-83. Kadattur.
110. S.I.I. II, 12
86. J. Sundaram, J. Cholas and other Armies ñ
111. K.A. Nilakanta Sastri. The Cholas, p. 455.
Organization, pp. 187-88.
112. S.I.I. XIX, 3, 21, 17, 18, 19; ibid., XIII 16, 45, 47,
87. Rashtrakuta kings are said to have used cavalry etc.
profusely in their war against north Indian powers.
113. S.I.I. XXIII, 356.
88. E.I. XVII p. 343-44.
114. K.S. Vaidyanathan. The Members of Ancient South
89. S.I.I. Vol. II (Pt III, IV, V), p. 298. Indian Senai. OJMS XXXII(2): 132. This description
90. 183/1983-84. is on the basis Perungadai, a Tamil adaptation of
91. J. Deloche. Military Technology.... p. 27. Brihatkatha.
92. Ibid. p. 30. 115. Ibid.
93. Ibid. p. 35. 116. Ibid.
94. E.I. Vol. XIII, p. 187. 117. S.I.I. Vol I, p. 56.
95. J. Deloche. Military Technology.... p. 36. 118. K.S. Vaidyanathan. Ibid., p. 135.
96. Marco Polo observed that due to poor feeding and 119. Epigraphia Carnatica (EC) (Old Series), III,
ignorance of veterinary sciences, the horses were Mandya Taluk, no. 41; E.I. II. P.167; E.I.VI p. 51.
emaciated and died quickly. 120. J. Sundaram. Chola and Other Armies. App. 3, p.
251.
97. K.A.N. Sastri. The Cholas. p. 607. These chettis are
often said to have come from Malainadu. 121. S.I.I. Vol. I. Pt. I X, no. 2.
98. A. Majeed. Fresh Light on Arab Trade with South 122. S.I.I. Vol. III. Pt i, no. 20.
India. In Damilica. Vol. II. Pt. III, pp. 69-72. 123. S.I.I. Vol. III, no. 99.
327
124. A.R.E. 47 of 1929. powerful in the fourth one when virtually under
125. A.R.E. 1934-35. Pt. II, para. 24 no. 197 records in their constant pressure the Chola state ultimately
Arakandanallur, Tirukkoyilur taluk, South Arcot vanishes. Many of the feudatories in the third and
district during the reign of Maravarman fourth sub-periods had padi-kaval, or perumpadi-
Tribhuvanachakravartin Sundara Pandya a certain kaval grants, which they used for their dynastic
Ilavenmadisudinan, a devaradiyal of the temple benefits.
cut his head and sacrificed his life. His descendants 135. R. Ganapathi. 2000. Subordinate Rulers in
were granted 1000 kuli (a measurement of land) Medieval Deccan. Delhi, p. 131.
of land as udirappati grant. 136. S.I.I. IV, no. 705.
126. A.R.E. 69, 72 of 1926; 137. R. Ganapathi. Ibid., p. 133.
127. E.C. Vol IX, Dv. 76. 138. Ibid., p. 138.
128. A.R.E 194/1926. Padai-pparu is also mentioned 139. Rajendra II, after the battle of Koppam, is stated to
along with jivita-pparu and vanniya-pparu in 556/ have captured elephants, horses, camels, royal
1919 referred in K.A. Nilakanta Sastri, The Cholas, insignia along with the retinue of the royal women.
pp. 574-75. Similarly, after the battle of Kudal Sangamam,
129. A.R.E. 130/1922. Rajendra II is said to have captured female folk of
130. N. Dirks. Hollow Crown. Chalukya Ahavamalla as well as the war booty.
131. N. Kasinathan. Kaval System in Tamil Nadu from 140. Perungatai III 26 line 96 as referred in K.S.
300 AD to 1600 AD. In Damilica. Vol. II. Pt. III, pp. Vaidyanathan, Ancient South Indian Senai, p. 297.
65-68. 141. Ibid.
132. Ibid. 142. A.R.E. 177/1912.
133. A.R.E. 189/1914. 143. A.R.E. 95/1922.
134. P. Shanmugam. 1987. The Revenue System of the 144. Crevald V. Martin. 1989. Technology and War:
Cholas 850-1279. Madras, p.18. In the recent From 2000 BC to the Present. New York: Free
period with the South Indian inscriptions being Press.
subjected to rigorous data analysis, the whole of 145. E.I. Vol. II, pp. 167 ff.
the Chola rule of roughly four hundred years has
146. This is a frequent theme in the graphic
been subdivided into 4 subperiods (roughly
representation of the dead hero being embraced
hundred years each). This first of all helps to by the celestial maidens in the hero-stone panels.
manage the data and has also become an analytical
tool. The sub-period one roughly pertains to c. 147. N.V. Rao, D. Shulman and S. Subrahmaniyam.
850-985; sub-period two (985-1070); sub-period Symbols of Substance. New Delhi: OUP, p. 234-
three (1070-1178); sub-period four (1178-1279). 36.
Each of these sub-periods witnessed different 148. S.I.I. XIII, no. 149.
structural changes at the state and society level. 149. A.R.E. 445/1918.
While during the first sub-period the Chola state
150. A.R.E. 1927-28. Pt. II, para 6.
was gaining strength, the feudatories were equally
strong. In the second sub-period with the Chola 151. Generally, the female war-captives were housed
imperial power reaching its meridian, the in the velams. It seems that the modern Tamil
feudatories almost vanish from at least the connotation of maid servant ñ vellatiówas derived
epigraphical scene. They begin to re-emerge from from velam (Aiyangar, R., Araichi Tohudi. Madras,
the third sub-period and become extremely 1938, pp. 412-14).
328
152. E.I. Vol. XVI, p. 74; K.A. Nilakanta Sastri. The Cholas, 172. Annual Report on Indian Epigraphy (ARE) 1962-
p. 176. 63. App. B. 137-41.
153. E.I. Vol. VII, p. 160ff; also Gadyakarnamritam 173. Reddy, ibid., p. 70-72.
edited by S.S. Janaki, Madras, 1981. In Sangam 174. EI XXX: 278-280.
literature, it is found that the advancing army
175. EI VII; SII XVII, no. 204.
devastated or disturbed the general amenities of
civilian life. In Purananuru, we find ëThe watering 176. ARE 1922 no. 150.
places are disturbed by (soldiers) washing their 177. SII II, no. 66.
weaponsí. (Purananuru v. 345). ëThe cool tank
178. Ti. Suprahmaniyam. 1983. Atikiltalam. In A,
is disturbed by fighting elephantsí. (Ibid. 341).
Rajendran (ed.), Tolliyal Karutturanku. Chennai,
154. R. Eaton. Temple Desecration in Pre-modern India. pp. 17-22.
In Frontline. Dec. 22, 2000, pp. 64-65.
179. M.D. Sampath. Chittoor Through Ages, p. 64.
155. K. Kailasapathy. Tamil Heroic Poetry.
180. D. Kolff and Jos Gommans. Warfare and
156. Ajay Dandekar. 1991. Landscapes in Conflict: Folks, Weaponry in South Asia, p. 206.
Hero-stones, and Cult in Early Medieval Maharashtra.
181. R. Nagaswamy. 1971. Chengam Nadukarkal.
In Studies in History. Vol. 7, pp. 301-324.
Madras: Tamil Nadu Department of Archaeology,
157. Gunther Dietz Sontheimer. 1993. Pastoral Deities no. 39.
in Western India. OUP, p. 8.
182. Idem, Seminar on Hero-stones. Madras, 1975, p.
158. Ibid., p. 10. 69.
159. Ibid., p. 8. 183. A.R.E. 1911-14. 1912 Pt. II, para 22, p. 97
160. Narrinai, 291. 184. E.C. V Belur no. 112. AD 1220.
161. K. Kailasapathy. 1968. Tamil Heroic Poetry. 185. K. Veluthat. 2009. Velevali in Karnataka. In Idem,
Clarendon Press, p. 234. The Early Medieval in South India. New Delhi:
162. AN 67: 1. 5-10. OUP, p. 319.
163. Ibid., 343. 186. Deloche. Ibid., p. 38.
164. K. Rajan. Memorial Stones in South India, p. 49. 187. M.S. Krishnaswamy. A Kilgunte Inscription from
165. Ibid., p. 53. Hemavati. In Journal of Epigraphical Society of
India (JESI) II: 76-80.
166. Vanamamalai. Herostone Worship in Ancient South
India. In Social Scientist. Vol. III, no. 10, May, 1975, 188. K. Veluthat. 2009. Velevali in Karnataka. In Idem,
pp. 40-46. The Early Medieval in South India. New Delhi:
OUP, pp. 315-24.
167. R. Nagaswamy. Seminar on Herostones, Madras.
1975. Insc. No. 1975 a:52. 189. The poetry is written by the Vira-Saiva saint poets,
which was known by the generic term ñ vacana
168. K. Rajan. Memorial Stones.... p. 54.
(sayings).
169. R. Reddy. 1994. Chandrasekhara. Heroes, Cults
190. R. Settar and Kalaburgi. 1982. The Hero CultóA
and Memorials in Andhrapradesh 300 AD-1600
Study of Kannada Literature from Ninth to
AD. Chennai: New Age Publishers, p. 76.
Thirteenth Century. In S. Settar and G.D.
170. Epigraphia Indica (EI) XXIV: 183-93. Sontheimer (eds.). Memorial Stones; A Study of
171. Cuddappah Inscriptions referred in R.C. Reddy. Their Origin, Significance and Variety. Dharwad,
Heroes.... p. 99. pp. 17-36.
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Editorial Note

COMPANIONS OF HONOUR In another Arab document, it is observed that

dandanayakam clearly suggests the military of establishment (discussed later)43. Names of

ELEPHANT CORPS anaiatkal was possibly occupying the upper

There were training centres maintained by there is a place called Sonakanavilai in

the Rashtrakuta king then installed in a Shaiva MILITARY LABOUR MARKET

nanadesiya-dasama[ti] erivirapattana and LOYALTY

NOTES AND REFERENCES

92. Ibid. p. 30. 115. Ibid.

93. Ibid. p. 35. 116. Ibid.

94. E.I. Vol. XIII, p. 187. 117. S.I.I. Vol I, p. 56.

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