29

THE EPISTLES OF PR INCESS JELENA BA LŠIĆ:

A N E X A MPLE OF FEM A LE CULTUR A L PATRONAGE
IN THE L ATE MEDIEVA L BA LK A NS
Alexandra Vukovich

A cts of female cultural and religious patron-

age became prominent , gaining visibil-
ity and recognition , in the medieval Balkans in
a church dedicated to the Holy Mother on Lake
Skadar in Zeta. Zeta had been a possession of
her first husband Djuradj II Stracimirović Balšić
the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. There are and later of her son , Balsa III who died in 1421 ,
many examples of female patrons such as Jelena at which point the territory was integrated into
of Serres and princess Milica who wrote liturgi- the Kingdom of Serbia.1 During her reclusion at
cal poetry , commissioned works of art , and built a convent on the Isle of Gorica , Jelena Balšić be-
churches and convents. Princess Jelena Balšić , a gan a correspondence with the well-travelled and
Serbian lady of Nemanjid lineage and daughter erudite monk , Nikon of Jerusalem , who would
of prince Lazar , is an example of women who later become hieromonk of the monastery of St
were related to or in direct contact with the Nicholas on Lake Skadar. Three epistles still ex-
Nemanjid princely family and played a role in ist from their correspondence , of which two can
the production of literary works and religious pa- be attributed directly to princess Jelena Balšić ( the
tronage in late medieval Zeta. third epistle is a paraphrase composed by Nikon
After the death of her second husband , San- of Jerusalem ).2 The epistles are consistent with
dalj Hranić , in 1411 , Jelena Balšić consecrated her- Byzantine epistolary form 3 and are representative
self to a life of piety and to the construction of of the literary production of the Serbian despot-

1 Zeta mostly remained under the suzerainty of the Kingdom of Serbia , but was a contested territory throughout the
1430s and 1440s until 1443 /  4 when it was resituated to Djuradj Branković of Serbia. A full bibliography of articles
and works on the Goricki Zbornik is provided in : Hieromonk J. Ćulibrk , Nikon Jerusalimac : Vrijeme–ličnost–dje-
lo. Zbornik radova sa medjunarodnog simposiona na Skadarskom jezeru , 7–9 septembra , 2000 , Cetinje : Svetigora
2004 , and in : B. Bojović , L’idéologie monarchique dans les hagio-biographies dynastiques du Moyen Age serbe ,
Rome 1995 , pp. 177–216.
2 The epistles are contained in a single manuscript located in the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts in Belgrade :
MS 446. Two of the epistles were reproduced in an article by Djordje Trifunović : D. Trifunović , Dve poslanice Je-
lene Balšić i Nikonova – Povest o jerusalimskim crkvama i pustinjskim mestima , in : Knjizevna Istorija , 18 , 1972 , pp.
289–315. In this article we find a transcription of two epistles in Old Serbian and a translation into Modern Serbian.
3 The letters exchanged between Basil of Caesarea and Gregory of Nazianzos set the “rules” for good letter-writing
practices ; in Letters 51–52 by Gregory of Nazianzos the characteristics of a good letter are described emphasizing bre-
vity , clarity , and elegance , ed. and tr. P. Gallay , Saint Grégoire de Nazianze Lettres , I , Paris 1964–1967, pp. 66–69.
On the conventions of letter-writing in the Byzantine world , particularly , on letter genres and rhetoric in letter-
writing see M. Mullett , Epistolography , in : E. Jeffreys /  J. Haldon /  R. Cormack ( ed. ), The Oxford Handbook
of Byzantine Studies , Oxford 2008 , ch. III. 18.6 , pp. 882–893. See also M. Grünbart , Byzantinische Briefkultur , in :
Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae , 47, 2007, pp. 117–138 ; S. Papaioannou , Letter-Writing , in : P.
Stephenson ( ed. ), The Byzantine World , London /  New York 2009 , pp. 188–199.

Unauthenticated
Download Date | 4/13/18 8:45 PM
400 Alexandra Vukovich

ate in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. The отьчьcтво ( patrimony ) belonging to the saint-
level of literary expression and the content of the ly Nemanjid lineage that must not be divided.
epistles demonstrate princess Jelena Balšić’s capac- The concept of отьчьcтво is elaborated in the
ity to engage in theological conversation and her hagiographies dedicated to Simeon Nemanja. In
interest and queries regarding monasticism. The the Life of Simeon Nemanja by archbishop Sava
three epistles of Jelena Balšić are integrated into I , the monk Simeon is referred to as the отьць
the corpus entitled Goricki Zbornik ( The Corpus ( father ) of his people and хтитор ( founder ) of
of Gorica )4 and were inserted by princess Jelena’s his realm.8 The portrayal of women as patrons is
“spiritual father”, Nikon of Jerusalem in 1441 /  2 very rare in the dynastic literature of the Neman-
as framing devices for the articles he wrote for jids , which generally outlines the role of Neman-
the volume based on Jelena’s queries.5 Examples jid princes in securing their dynastic legitimacy
of medieval Serbian epistolography are few ,6 and through acts of cultural patronage that further
the epistles of princess Jelena Balšić are a relatively elucidate the cooperation of the Church in sup-
unknown source describing the literary and book- porting the legitimacy of one Nemanjid prince
culture of her monastic community on Lake Ska- over another.
dar.7 The authority of the princess in contributing Within the framework of dynastic compe-
to , commissioning , and directing a literary work tition , the role of female patrons such as Jelena
derives from the legitimacy conferred to her by Balšić is presented as instrumental in secur-
kinship with the Nemanjid princely family. Con- ing the legitimacy of a prince born of either a
sequently , her literary oeuvre is a demonstration Nemanjid mother or of a Nemanjid consort
of princess Jelena’s authority as a patron of litera- during a period of dynastic upheaval. The earli-
ture and of a monastic community. est example of female patronage can be found in
In the first compendium of princely hagi- the second half of the thirteenth century in Zeta
ographies in the Nemanjid kingdom , Vitae and Trebinje , the appanage of queen Jelena , con-
regum et archiepiscoporum Serbiae ( 1223–1375 ), sort of Stefan Uroš I.9 In the Life of queen Jelena
archbishop Danilo II stresses the ideal of heav- written by archbishop Danilo II ,10 there is men-
enly and earthly harmony , represented by the tion of her correspondence with the monks of

4 Bojović , L’idéologie monarchique ( cit. n. 1 ), pp. 221–238 , provides an overview of the corpus and reproduces the
table of contents of the corpus.
5 On the date of the Corpus of Gorica : D. Bogdanović /  R. Mihajlić , Istorija Srpskog Naroda , II ( 1371–1537 ), Belgra-
de 1994 , pp. 372–373.
6 The latest evaluation of medieval Serbian epistolography can be found in : T. Subotin-Golubović , Srednjovekovna
Srpska epistolografija , in : Pismo , Belgrade 2007, pp. 9–16.
7 The epistles of Jelena Balšić have only been published in an article by Djordje Trifunović and , to this day , no edition
of the Goricki Zbornik has been published. Thanks to the help and support of Professor Trifunović , I was able to un-
dertake the examination of the Goricki Zbornik in April , 2009. The excerpts from the text that I have produced here
are based on an independent palaeographic and philological study of the manuscript in facsimile form. Therefore ,
any mistakes or omissions in the transcription and translation of the epistles are purely my own.
8 P. J. Safarik , Zivot sv. Symeona od sv. Savu , in : Památky dřevního písmnictví Jihoslovanů , 2 , 1873 , section 8,30.
9 The identity of queen Jelena has been subject of scholarly debate ; on the most recent analysis of the question see G.
McDaniel , On Hungarian-Serbian Relations in the 13th Century : John Angelos and Queen Jelena , in : Ungarn-
Jahrbuch , 12 , 1983 , pp. 1–12 , see especially no. 1. For the historical context of the period see J. V. A. Fine , The Late
Medieval Balkans : A Critical Study from the Late Twelfth Century to the Ottoman Conquest , Ann Arbor 1994 , pp.
137–142.
10 Danilo II , Životi kraljeva i arhiepiskopa srpskih , ed. D. Daničić , an introd. by D. Trifunović , London repr. 1972 ,
pp. 43–76.

Unauthenticated
Download Date | 4/13/18 8:45 PM
 29 The Epistles of Princess Jelena Balšić 401

the monasteries of Jerusalem and Sinai.11 These Later , in the fourteenth and fifteenth cen-
monks are represented in the vitae as her spir- turies , the women of princess Jelena Balšić’s
itual fathers ;12 they served as confessors , counsel- immediate family , notably her mother , prin-
lors and general correspondents , answering her cess Milica , were also involved in acts of pa-
questions regarding various theological topics.13 tronage.18 The princess founded Ljubostinja
It must also be mentioned that queen Jelena where she is represented as ktitor.19 This church
was a prolific founder of churches. Danilo II de- experienced a cultural effervescence at the time
scribes her as the founder of several churches and of the Battle of Kosovo ; particularly after the
a convent in her appanage Zeta and Trebinje.14 translation of St Lazar’s relics to Ravanica. 20
Furthermore , queen Jelena’s personal piety and Princess Milica , like the celebrated poetess the
her pious acts served in the legitimisation of her nun Jefimija ,21 produced literary works and
sons as rulers15 and demonstrated the political received praise in the works of both Constan-
implication of her pious activities.16 Queen Je- tine of Kostenec 22 and Grigorij Camblak 23 who
lena’s role as the ruler of Zeta and Trebinje and mention her political talent as a regent and her
as a cultural patron is subsumed by her role as piety. Princess Milica is known to have written
the mother of two Nemanjid kings. Danilo II the prooimion to the charter of the monastery
describes her reputation as that of a God-fear- of Dečani in Metochija for her son , the despot
ing and Christ-loving woman and a serene ruler Stefan Lazarević  24 and she is believed to have
who ( unlike her husband Uroš I )17 creates bal- written a Panegyric to prince Lazar.25
ance and harmony between her sons ; these char- Acts of patronage and an abundant dynas-
acteristics are the main considerations in the cre- tic literature ( dynastic hagio-biographies ) were
ation of a saintly Nemanjid queen. components of the legitimacy of the reigning dy-

11 Danilo II , Životi kraljeva ( cit. n. 10 ), pp. 61–65.

12 Danilo II , Životi kraljeva ( cit. n. 10 ), p. 65.
13 Danilo II , Životi kraljeva ( cit. n. 10 ), p. 65.
14 Danilo II , Životi kraljeva ( cit. n. 10 ), pp. 65–72.
15 Danilo II , Životi kraljeva ( cit. n. 10 ), pp. 71–72.
16 B. Krekić , La Serbie entre Byzance et l’Occident au XIVe siècle , in : Proceedings of the XIIIth International Con-
gress of Byzantine Studies , Oxford 1967, pp. 62–65. In 1242 and 1247, Uroš I had a strong following amongst his
Catholic subjects in Zeta and Primorje since he supported their claim to an autonomous archbishopric against the
political initiative of Pope Innocent IV who attempted to integrate the Catholic Church of Bosnia under the Ar-
chbishop of Hungary as a strategic step in the Hungarian Dominicans’ battle against the Bogomils. This balanced
political structure was later upheld by queen Jelena when she became the sole administrator of these regions.
17 See the Life of Uroš I , in : Danilo II , Životi kraljeva ( cit. n. 10 ), pp. 42–45.
18 Z. Gavrilović , Women in Serbian Politics , Diplomacy and Art , in : E. Jeffreys ( ed. ), Byzantine Style , Religion
and Civilization. In Honour of Sir Steven Runciman , Cambridge 2006 , pp. 72–90.
19 N. Antić-Komnenović , Zidno slikarstvo manastira Ljubostinje , in : Zbornik Narodnog Muzeja , 11 , Belgrade 1982 ,
pp. 17–53.
20 Bogdanović /  Mihajlić , Istorija ( cit. n. 5 ), pp. 208–210.
21 The definitive work on the subject of Jelena of Serres and her oeuvre remains : L. Mirković , Monahinja Jefimija
( Hrišćanski život , 5 ), Sremski Karlovci 1922 , pp. 3–35.
22 Konstantin Filozof , Povest o Slovima : Žitije Stefana Lazarevića , ed. D. Bogdanović , Stara srpska književnost , XI ,
Belgrade 1989.
23 Grigorije Camblak , Književni rad u Srbiji , ed. D. Bogdanović , Stara srpska književnost , XI , Belgrade 1989.
24 P. Ivić /  M. Grković , Dečanske hrisobulje , Novi Sad 1976 , pp. 280–282.
25 D. S. Radojičić , Antologija stare srpske književnosti ( XI–XVIII veka ) : izbor , prevodi i objašnjenja , Belgrade 1960 ,
p. 128.

Unauthenticated
Download Date | 4/13/18 8:45 PM
402 Alexandra Vukovich

nasty and had contributed to the recognition and adj II Stracimirović Balšić. The inscription above
even to the sanctification of a Nemanjid king the main entrance indicates the names of the
or queen.26 In the third section of the Corpus of founder and church , and identifies princess Je-
Gorica , Nikon of Jerusalem elaborates an article lena Balšić as the daughter of prince Lazar , who
on the “Ancestors of princess Jelena”,27 insisting died beatifically , and the wife ( подрогжïе ) of Lord
on her Saintly Lineage.28 Nikon cites the vita of Djordje Starcimirović.33
the founder of the Nemanjid dynasty , St Simeon This survey demonstrates a pattern of cul-
by Stefan Prvovenčani 29 and the Life of St Sava tural and religious female patronage practiced
by the monk Theodosios 30 and draws a histori- through a network of kinship structures that
cal genealogy ( родословїе )31 of princess Jelena’s conferred wealth and reputation on the female
saintly ancestors. This section of the Corpus of descendants and consorts of the Nemanjid dy-
Gorica presents the first Nemanjid “great zoupan” nasty. No explicit matrilineal preference34 can be
Stefan Nemanja as the founder of the monastery distinguished in any of the acts of patronage in
of Hilandar on Mount Athos where he retired in the late medieval Balkans. It can be interpreted
his old age and as the first ktitor of the Nemanjid that in the cases presented above , female patrons
dynasty by which he set the precedent for future initially undertook their acts of patronage as an
acts of religious patronage which were almost ex- exceptional complement to their feminine du-
clusively undertaken by his descendants. Princess ties – to honour a dead male relative , to protect
Jelena Balšić was a descendant of this saintly fam- the rights of their children or to enhance the
ily through her mother and while her estate was prestige of the family.35 As in the late thirteenth
neither a kingdom nor a vast demesne , she acted and early fourteenth centuries , when queen Je-
with liberality towards the religious institutions lena ( consort to Uroš I ) was viewed as the holy
in Zeta and founded a small church dedicated to protagonist safeguarding the dynastic legitimacy
the Holy Mother , intended as her burial place , of the Nemanjid kingdom , the political and ,
on Lake Skadar near the convent where she had by extension , dynastic situation of the fifteenth
retired in 1435.32 The church was constructed century demanded the revivification of family
ca. 1439 near the church of St George that was ( Nemanjid ) sentiment to recast the legitimacy of
founded by princess Jelena’s first husband , Djur- the new rulers ( of Lazar Hrebeljanović and of the

26 Z. Gavrilović , Wisdom and Philanthropy of the Ruler in the Person of Stefan Nemanja. Examples of the Trad­ition
in Serbian Medieval Art , in : Colloques scientifiques de l’Académie serbe des sciences et des arts , 94 , ed. Serbian Aca-
demy of Sciences and Arts , Belgrade 2000 , p. 24.
27 Bojović , L’idéologie monarchique ( cit. n. 1 ), p. 229 , wherein this section of the corpus is described.
28 Ms 446 : fols. 110v–152r , wherein the author insists on the “saintliness” of the descendants of Stefan Nemanja.
29 Boško Bojović edited the section relating the life of Stefan Nemanja ( Ms 446 : fols. 110v–134v ) with commentary :
Bojović , L’idéologie monarchique ( cit. n. 1 ), pp. 240–300.
30 Bogdanović /  Mihajlić , Istorija ( cit. n. 5 ), pp. 375–376.
31 Ms 446 : fols. 107–110v , in which the ancestors of princess Jelena are described.
32 Radojičić , Antologija ( cit. n. 24 ), pp. 184–189 , 341–343. He also provides a translation of the second epistle of Jele-
na Balšić.
33 For the inscription : D. Radojičić , Izbor patrijarha Danila III , Belgrade 1952 , pp. 58–62.
34 S. Kettering , Patronage and Kinship in Early Modern France , in : French Historical Studies , 16 , 1989 , pp. 408–435 ,
esp. p. 409.
35 M. Shadis , Piety , Politics , and Power : The Patronage of Leonor of England and Her Daughters Berenguela of Leon
and Blanche of Castile , in : J. Hall-McCash ( ed. ), The Cultural Patronage of Medieval Women , Athens , GA 1996 ,
pp. 202–227.

Unauthenticated
Download Date | 4/13/18 8:45 PM
 29 The Epistles of Princess Jelena Balšić 403

Branković clan ) and maintain the integrity of the and religious pursuits are described in the corpus
отьчьcтво ( patrimony ).36 that she commissioned for her religious founda-
Jelena Balšić’s role as a literary patron is de- tion. Two of the three epistles attributed to Jelena
rived from two documents : her testament , are believed to have been written by her hand be-
written between 1405 and 1442 by Nikon of Je- cause of their stylistic and linguistic distinction
rusalem and conserved with the Archives of Du- from the text written by Nikon of Jerusalem. The
brovnik in the second document , the Corpus of style shows great aesthetic balance and has a high
Gorica.37 The testament lists Jelena Balšić’s pos- literary quality ; Trifunović noted that the lan-
sessions and her fortune ; it shows her to be a guage and sentence structure reflect the “artistic
great benefactor and piously inclined. In her will , literary style” of Old Serbian as it was practised
princess Jelena bequeaths part of her personal li- in courtly circles in the later medieval period.39
brary to her pious institution , the church of the The difference between Nikon of Jerusalem’s
Holy Mother , and another part to that of her contribution to the Corpus of Gorica and his pa-
first husband , the church of St George.38 Unfor- tron’s becomes evident once we remark the vari-
tunately , we do not have a list of the contents ous hellenisms40 that he employs , probably due
of princess Jelena’s library ; we do however know to his long sojourn at the monastery of the Holy
that she commissioned a large volume on a vari- Archangels in Palestine.41 The epistles follow the
ety of subjects , the Corpus of Gorica , to which she general conventions of Byzantine epistologra-
contributed the three aforementioned epistles. phy , specifically the “question-answer” form of
The Corpus of Gorica is unique in that it contains ἐρωτοαποκρίσεις 42 ( вьпрос( ь  )и от( ь  )вть ),43 a
original pieces penned by this female literary pa- common patristic mode.44
tron. In this case of literary patronage , the patron The three epistles introduce the three sec-
is established as an individual and her intellectual tions of the corpus , each longer than its prede-

36 See the conclusions of A. Vukovich , Le mécénat princier et la rhétorique du pouvoir princier féminin dans le ro-
yaume némanide du XIIIe au XVe siècle , Paris 2007 ( unpublished Master’s thesis , EHESS ).
37 For a transcription of the testament of Jelena Balšić see F. von Miklosich , Monumenta Serbica Spectantia Histo-
riam Serbiae , Bosnae , Ragusii , Vienna 1858 , pp. 415–417. For a commentary on the testament see Ćulibrk , Nikon
Jerusalimac ( cit. n. 1 ), pp. 151–165.
38 Gavrilović , Women in Serbian Politics ( cit. n. 18 ), pp. 82–83.
39 Trifunović , Dve poslanice ( cit. n. 2 ), p. 297.
40 Djordje Trifunović lists the hellenisms apparent in the description of Nikon’s travels in Sinai and the Holy Land :
Trifunović , Dve poslanice ( cit. n. 2 ), pp. 305–308. See also fols. 49r–50r. Note the difference evident in the para-
phrased epistle ( епистолïа третïа ) wherein several hellenisms are employed , for example , the adjective περιβόητον
( перивоïтон ) to describe a church : fol. 49v , line 11.
41 Trifunović , Dve poslanice ( cit. n. 2 ), p. 297.
42 For this commonly used form see G. Dagron , Le saint , le savant , l’astrologue : Étude de thèmes hagiographiques
à travers quelques recueils de “Questions et réponses” des Ve au VIIe siècles , in : Hagiographie , Cultures et Sociétés
IVe–XIIe siècles. Actes du colloque organisé à Nanterre et à Paris ( 2–5 mai 1979 ), Paris 1981 , pp. 140–157. On the
modes of spiritual discourse and methods of its articulations see J. Munitiz , Writing for the Heart. The Spiritual
Literature of Byzantium , in : P. Stephenson ( ed. ), The Byzantine World , London /  New York 2009 , pp. 248–259 ,
253–254. See also Trifunović , Dve poslanice ( cit. n. 2 ), p. 290.
43 Ms 446 : fol. 16r and fol. 18v. The question-answer format is clearly demonstrated by the delineation of these two
sections.
44 See tr. J. Chryssavgis , Barsanuphius and John. Letters , I , Washington , DC 2006. The series of letters of Barsa-
nouphios and John exchanged with various lay and ecclesiastical figures , offering counsel and delving into spiritual
problems are exemplars of the question-answer style in Byzantine epistolography.

Unauthenticated
Download Date | 4/13/18 8:45 PM
404 Alexandra Vukovich

cessor. The sections are thematic and are medi- joy have become known to me. And since we were
ated by Jelena Balšić’s open-ended queries. The able to meet only for a short time , it was , as it is
first epistle is damaged ; we can only read the said , like a sudden apparition traced by the sun’s
introduction ( the first seven lines ), but we can glare or as if I had been awoken from a dream.
infer its contents from Nikon of Jerusalem’s re- And due to the rapidity [ of that meeting ] my need
sponse : an introduction including a rather ex- was left unsatisfied. But what we heard from your
tensive exchange of salutations and biblical teachings , your spiritual words , and what we
citations regarding spiritual life.45 The second were able to comprehend [ from them ] immersed
epistle entitled Correspondence on the Love of God my soul with loving kindness and filled my heart.
( ΩТПИСАНïЕ БОГОЛЮВНО )46 starts off And , what is more , we received [ your words ] with
with an account of princess Jelena’s relationship great faith. Thus , with those heavenly words that
with Nikon of Jerusalem and the value of his we listened to then , we have been satiated until
presence and conversation : today. And remembering your soulful and heavenly
Да вѣсть твоа с( ве )тинïа· ωтнелиже спод[ о ] demeanour and beatitude , [ we are reminded ] that
бих’ се сь б( о  ) гомь поѕнати те , порадовах’ you are at a great distance from us forever.
се вес( е  ) лïемь д( о у ) ховныим нь вьмалѣ и
вькратцѣ быис( ть ) нам’видѣнïе , ïакож( е ) би As in other medieval male-female epistolary re-
кто рекьль вь зрьцалѣ ωбраз оузрѣхомь , или lationships ,48 Nikon of Jerusalem assumes the
вь нѣкыи сьнь тьнкь сьнѣсеноу ми бывшоу. role of “spiritual father”, “teacher” and “guide”
И скорости дѣлïа не полоучи мое окаан’ство in matters of religion and monastic life.49 Fur-
желаема миѣ. Нь оваче еже тогда слышахом thermore , the beginning of the letter serves as a
ωт твоего прѣпод[ о ]вïа словеса д( оу )ховнаа и panegyric to Nikon of Jerusalem – who appears
еже вьзмогохωм постигноути , и ωт срѣд моее to have recently visited princess Jelena at her con-
д(  о у  ) ше любезно и вьсеср[  ь   ] д[  ь   ] чно  , паче vent , to her great pleasure – coupled with an ad-
же и вѣрнѣише вьспрïехомь и тѣми б( о )ж( ь ) monition to her spiritual guide to visit her again.
ст’виыми словеси еже слышахом тогдашнïєе According to the forty-sixth canon of the Synod
врѣм(  е   ) , окрьмленïе д(  о у  ) ховно имѣхомь in Trullo , members of religious communities
даж( дь ) и д( ь )и( ь )сь и слышах твоее д( о у ) were allowed to leave the community in extraor-
ше б( о  ) голюбныи н’равь , и невещестьвное dinary circumstances ( such as to visit an ill rela-
агг( е )льское прѣбыванïе и еще ж[ е ] ωт нас( ь ) tive ) ; however , it appears that princess Jelena did
коньчное оудаленïе.47 not leave her convent to visit her spiritual guide
Your Saintliness must know that from the time at his monastery.50
you spoke [ to me ] of God , spiritual happiness and

45 Ms 446 : fols. 1r–16r. For analysis see Trifunović , Dve poslanice ( cit. n. 2 ), p. 291.
46 Ms 446 : fols. 16r–18v. For the modern version of the text see Trifunović , Dve poslanice ( cit. n. 2 ), pp. 303–304.
47 Ms 446 : fols. 16r–16v.
48 A Byzantine example of a male-female epistolary relationship is the correspondence of princess Irene-Eulogia
Choumnaina Palaiologina with a monk Theoleptos of Philadelphia , tr. A. Constantinides Hero , Irene Eulogia
Choumnaina Palaiologina : A Woman’s Quest for Spiritual Guidance. The Correspondence of Princess Irene Eulo-
gia Choumnaina Palaiologina , Brookline , MA 1986. Letters 2 and 3 contain the same topoi of the female recipient’s
ignorance and ineptitude and her entreaties and gratitude for her spiritual guide’s attention and visits.
49 Ms 446 : fol. 16v.
50 We do not have a typikon for princess Jelena’s religious community , and constraints on the circulation of its mem-
bers are not mentioned in the digest in the third letter. However , it appears that it may have been a convention to
have a spiritual guide call upon his pupil , see Constantinides Hero , Irene ( cit. n. 48 ), pp. 131–132.

Unauthenticated
Download Date | 4/13/18 8:45 PM
 29 The Epistles of Princess Jelena Balšić 405

Jelena Balšić is a secular figure , a noble wid- · и просимь оувѣд[ ѣ  ] ти иѕвѣстнѣишее и

ow ; in her relations with Nikon of Jerusalem мльвоу прѣрѣканïа ωт на( ь  ) ωтгнати · и кь
she is a student , showing her interest in theol- свѣтоу разоума наставити · и еще молимь твое
ogy by posing numerous questions , stating бл( а )гон’равïе и троудолюбное ти ср[ ь ]д[ ь ]
Бсеч(  ь   ) стномоу ω[  т ь  ] цоу оучителю с(  в е  ) це , и еже кь б( ог ) оу и намь нелицемѣрные
т( а )го ïев( аг )гелïа , нам’же о г( о спод )и д( оу ) любы.54
ховномоу наставникоу ( To the Glorious father , And still others say that Saint Basil the Great
teacher of the Holy Gospels , our guide to the Holy praises communal life and that one ought to live
Spirit ).51 Jelena Balšić played a productive part in life among the many. And yet others believe that
the spiritual life of her religious foundation since solitude and silence are essential to a godly life along
many of her questions relate to the settling of with attending to the self. Thus we beg to know
debates that had arisen in her convent regarding the most correct [ way of living ] to settle this heated
the nature of monastic life. She begins by ask- debate and to dispel our ignorance and lead us
ing Nikon of Jerusalem to clarify the notion of towards the light of understanding. And we beg the
humility and charity towards the afflicted and graciousness and industriousness of your heart and
poor and how these concepts relate to monastic to God we dedicate our unlimited love , to enlighten
solitude.52 It appears that the main debate at the our minds. Furthermore , may your saintliness
convent revolved around whether coenobitic or know that we should [ thus ] be awakened from our
eremitic life was the appropriate model to follow , laziness and our ignorance become [ knowledge ].
therefore princess Jelena asks како нѣцïи хвалет
м(  и   ) л(  о   ) стиню кь трѣбоующим  , м(  и   ) л(  о   ) She begs him to и кь свѣтоу разоума наставити
ст паце инѣх добродѣтѣлïєи вьсѣх. или же ( guide [ her ] towards Holy Wisdom ) 55 and to
истин’ное иноцьское житïе и цинь бл( а )жеть просвѣти се мыслию , и ина елика вѣсть твоа
множае ( How do some praise charity towards the свѣтость , еже нашоу лѣность вьзбоудити , и
indigent , since charity is above all other virtues ; yet гроубости прѣмѣнити ( enlighten [ her ] with
others praise genuine monastic life and divine status [ his ] thoughts , since [ his ] holiness is very great , and
above all else ).53 Following the theme of monastic it can rouse [ her ] from her sloth and dispel her ig-
solitude , she asks Nikon of Jerusalem’s opinion norance )  56 on these matters. Although princess
regarding St Basil the Great and his guidelines re- Jelena asks a general question regarding how
garding monastic community life : monastic communities are commonly organized
и пакы дроузи г( л аго )лют( ь ), како с( в е ) based on the various monastic models , her mode
тыи Великыи Василïе , похвалïает оп’щаа of expression is augmented by the rhetoric of
житïа и сь мнозѣми прѣвыванïе имѣти · овы friendship ,57 within the accepted conventions of
же ошьл’ство и безмльвиïе вьмѣнише б( о  ) address : to address one’s correspondent as a supe-
гооугодно житïе , и самомоу ω себе вьнимати rior and to make allowances for one’s shortcom-

51 Ms 446 : fol. 17v.

52 Ms 446 : fol. 18v.
53 Ms 446 : fol. 17v.
54 Ms 446 : fol. 17v.
55 Ms 446 : fol. 18v.
56 Ms 446 : fol. 18v.
57 On the rhetoric of friendship in Byzantine epistolography , see the section entitled “Power , Relations and Networks
in Medieval Europe”, in : Revue Belge de philologie et d’histoire , 83.2 , 2005 , pp. 255–313. Michael Grünbart provides
a summary of types of relationships in Byzantine epistolographic networks and notes the varying forms of address

Unauthenticated
Download Date | 4/13/18 8:45 PM
406 Alexandra Vukovich

ings.58 Indeed , the depiction of one’s correspond- correspond to a specific question ( вьпрось )66
ent as superior involves their virtue as a friend posed by the princess. The various subjects in-
and , in this case , as a spiritual guide. Since , it is corporated into the corpus provide an “univer-
out of charity and commitment to the ameliora- sal knowledge” composed of instructional and
tion of princess Jelena’s “ignorance” of these and religious texts meant to educate the reading
other matters that Nikon of Jerusalem’s advice is public. The concluding sections of the corpus
requested and deserved. include a short letter by Jelena Balšić dedicating
In the third epistle ( епистолïа третïа ),59 the Corpus of Gorica to her church , followed by
Nikon of Jerusalem paraphrases the content of a prayer.67
princess Jelena’s letters , referencing the comple- As an author , princess Jelena displays a fluid
tion of the church of the Holy Mother ( which and elegant style with an interrogative macro-
dates this correspondence to 1439 at the earliest ), structure and rhetorical amplifications and fig-
and outlines the rules to be followed at the con- ures of speech such as hypokatastasis , parache-
vent where Jelena Balšić resided.60 The third sec- sis and zeugmas. As in other preserved volumes
tion of the corpus provides insight into a great containing letter collections , princess Jelena’s let-
variety of questions and preoccupations of the ters contain only one side of her correspondence
princess. This section includes articles or answers with Nikon of Jerusalem.68 His responses are
( отьвть ) regarding : universal history ,61 monastic compiled as a series of erudite articles , however
life ,62 natural history ,63 geography64 and pilgrim- the question-answer – containing more answers
age sites in the Holy Land ;65 most of the articles than questions – exchange provides the structure

based on the type of relationship and rank of the correspondents , see M. Grünbart , ‘Tis love that has warm’d us.
Reconstructing Networks in 12th Century Byzantium , in : Revue belge de philologie et d’histoire , 83.2 , 2005 , pp.
301–313. On p. 309 , Grünbart notes the discrepancy between the rhetorical uses of official terminology and epi-
deictic and the actual contents of a friendly exchange. Grünbart alights upon the uses of “wisdom” and praising a
correspondent’s erudition as a formal aspect of the epistolographic genre. See also M. Mullett , Theophylact of
Ochrid. Reading the Letters of a Byzantine Archbishop ( Birmingham Byzantine and Ottoman Monographs , 2 ),
Aldershot 1997, pp. 111–123.
58 For the topoi , cf. Letter I of Irene-Eulogia Palaiologina to the Correspondence on the Love of God , Constantinides
Hero , Irene ( cit. n. 48 ), letter I. Discussions of epistolographic topoi can be found in : M. Grünbart , Formen der
Anrede im byzantinischen Brief vom 6. bis zum 12. Jahrhundert ( Wiener byzantinistische Studien , 25 ), Vienna
2005 , pp. 131–136. Grünbart discusses the use of humility in letters ; his examples demonstrate that humility before a
correspondent was a common trope amongst clerics who referred to their humility , simplicity and servitude before
their correspondent. See also Mullett , Theophylact of Ochrid ( cit. n. 57 ), pp. 133–134.
59 Ms 446 : fols. 49r–50r.
60 Ćulibrk , Nikon Jerusalimac ( cit. n. 1 ), pp. 151–165.
61 See the “Table of Contents” of the Goricki Zbornik transcribed by Boško Bojović , in : Bojović , L’idéologie monar-
chique ( cit. n. 1 ), pp. 233–238 , 228–229. In the corpus : fols. 55r–83v.
62 Ms 446 : fol. 165r and fol. 185v.
63 Ms 446 : fols. 258r–259r.
64 Ms 446 : fol. 264r.
65 Ms 446 : fols. 266r–271v. Djordje Trifunović transcribed and translated the Old Serbian text from the Corpus of Go-
rica and pointed out the various examples of hellenisms in Nikon of Jerusalem’s article on the churches and monas-
teries of Sinai and the Holy Land , see Trifunović , Dve poslanice ( cit. n. 2 ), pp. 305–310 ( Old Serbian version ) and
pp. 312–314 ( modern version ).
66 See “Table of Contents” in : Bojović , L’idéologie monarchique ( cit. n. 1 ), p. 238.
67 Ms 446 : fols. 272v–273r.
68 See : Mullett , Epistolography ( cit. n. 3 ), p. 883.

Unauthenticated
Download Date | 4/13/18 8:45 PM
 29 The Epistles of Princess Jelena Balšić 407

of the volume. In the correspondence of Jelena Owing to its polyvalence , the Corpus of
Balšić and Nikon of Jerusalem , the role of stu- Gorica is a unique volume in the canon of the
dent and teacher or of holy man and lay figure dynastic literature of the Nemanjids. Although
at first overshadows the relationship of patron unique in this period , the Corpus of Gorica was
and client , which is the basis for the entire cor- the product of a literary milieu composed of
respondence : princess Jelena is directing Nikon’s women – and animated by her mother , the prin-
work through her queries. Princess Jelena refers cess ( knjegina ) Milica , and her companion , the
to her personal relationship with Nikon of Jeru- nun Jefimija – that had formed during a time of
salem frequently , elaborating on the emotions foreign conquest and internal strife and was spe-
involved in their spiritual friendship. The topoi cific to the cultural environment of the fifteenth-
of ignorance and humility before a holy man are century Balkan peninsula. Princess Jelena Balšić
found in other letter collections ,69 but it is Jele- was an important and strategically useful figure
na’s rhetorical flourishes as well as her references as a consort and as a political agent in her own
to her meetings and reception of Nikon of Jeru- right within this context , as the incarnation of
salem’s teachings that are central to identifying the double legitimacy of the saintly Nemanjid
the relationship ( one of spiritual kinship ) and kings and of St Lazar the megalomartyr. Further-
pedagogic network ( Nikon’s teachings benefit more , as a widow , Jelena was allowed to retire to
the entire monastic community ) outlined in this her intellectual pursuits and continue the oeuvre
correspondence. The connection between epis- of church foundation and literary patronage that
tolography and patronage in this letter collec- had been the loci of power of her forebears. These
tion further demonstrates an inherited tradition two practices provided tangible evidence that Je-
of aristocratic female patronage or matronage in lena was not only wealthy and powerful , but also
the late medieval Balkans since , as in other times had a double charismatic legitimacy to commis-
of dynastic upheaval , women ( mainly consorts of sion the production of literary works related to
rulers ) gain visibility in the domain of cultural the hagio-biographies of the Nemanjids and be-
patronage.70 come a ktitorissa in her own right.

69 Grünbart , Formen der Anrede ( cit. n. 58 ), pp. 128–136.

70 L. Brubaker , Memories of Helena : Patterns in Imperial Female Matronage in the Fourth and Fifth Centuries , in :
L. James ( ed. ), Women , Men and Eunuchs : Gender in Byzantium , London 2007, pp. 52–75.

Unauthenticated
Download Date | 4/13/18 8:45 PM
 Unauthenticated
Download Date | 4/13/18 8:45 PM