Filon On Women

Chapter Title: TRADITIONAL VIEWS OF WOMEN
Book Title: Philo’s Perception of Women

Book Author(s): DOROTHY I. SLY
Published by: Brown Judaic Studies
Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctvzpv4w5.6
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide
range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and
facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at
https://about.jstor.org/terms
This content is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives
4.0 International License (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0). To view a copy of this license, visit
https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/.
Brown Judaic Studies is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to
Philo’s Perception of Women
This content downloaded from

31.60.32.154 on Sat, 21 Nov 2020 22:48:13 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
CHAPTER TWO
TRADITIONAL VIEWS OF WOMEN
Philo's depiction of women constitutes a major, though

unsystematized, topic in his corpus. Although he must be held
responsible for his own expressed opinions, it is obvious that they
will have been affected by a number of factors: literature, observa-
tion, and personal experience. As background to our present topic,
then, we need to consider the available information concerning each
of these. An important element in our subsequent study will be
awareness of where Philo echoes, emphasizes, or repudiates elements
in these milieux.1
1
In this survey I try to be comprehensive, within a limited space, and to
use primary sources wherever possible. Naturally I am drawn to material which
leads to a contrast or comparison with Philo.
For other surveys see Prudence Allen, The Concept of Woman (Montreal:
Eden Press, 1985); Vern Bullough, The Subordinate Sex (Urbana: University of
Illinois Press, 1973); Johannes Leipoldt, Die Frau in der antiken Welt und im
Urchristentum (Berlin: Union Verlag, 1953), Sarah Pomeroy, Goddesses, Whores,
Wives and Slaves (New York: Schocken Books, 1975), and Women in Hellenistic
Egypt (New York: Schocken Books, 1984).
A useful compendium of textual source material in translation is Mary R.
Lefkowitz and Maureen B. Fant, Women's Life in Greece and Rome (London:
Duckworth, 1982).
11

31.60.32.154 on Sat, 21 Nov 2020 22:48:13 UTC
12 Philo's Perception of Women
Perception of Women in Literature
Women in the Bible
The Pentateuch
Philo's primary source in literature is unquestionably the

Bible, specifically the Septuagint translation of the Pentateuch. He is
familiar with the Prophets and the Writings, again in the Septuagint
version, but his references to them are far fewer. The Pentateuch, on
the other hand, is deeply ingrained in his thought, and is the direct
basis of much of his commentary. Philo believes in the timeless
value of Moses' words; he never questions Scripture or intimates that
he is adapting it to his own period (although certain discrepancies
can be noted).2 He believes, too, that his picture of women as they
are and ought to be is drawn primarily from the Pentateuch.
In the Pentateuch we find the story of Israel's formative
years, beginning with the creation of the world. The text is generally
androcentric, stemming from a society which is thoroughly patriar-
chal. Man is the key figure, and woman is secondary. The following
are observations on the sections to which Philo most frequently
refers.
The two creation narratives in Genesis present woman in two
different ways.3 The first features the humanity she shares with man
(Gen. 1:27). The second casts her in a role derivative from and
possibly dangerous to man (2:22; 3:6). Like the temptation story
which follows, this creation narrative leads into an aetiological
2
Mos.2.14: "But Moses is alone in this, that his laws, firm, unshaken,
immovable, stamped, as it were, with the seals of nature herself, remain secure from
the day when they were first enacted to now, and we may hope that they will
remain for all future ages as though immortal, so long as the sun and moon and the
whole heaven and universe exist." Cf. Hyp.6.9.
3
"Judaism was a male-oriented religion with women clearly subordinate.
Nevertheless there was considerable ambiguity expressed towards women. The nature
of this ambiguity is shown in the conflicting versions of creation" (Bullough,
Subordinate, pp.40f.).

31.60.32.154 on Sat, 21 Nov 2020 22:48:13 UTC
Traditional Views of Women 13
statement that probably reflects the social reality of its source

(Gen.2:24; 3:16-19).
In the large section of Genesis devoted to the stories of the
patriarchs, wives are seen as part of the household entourage. The
stories centre around the family heads. Thus, we are told that when
Abraham left Haran he "took" Sarah (Gen. 12:5). Sometimes the
women are not even mentioned. For example, Ex. 12:37 records that
the Hebrews leaving Egypt numbered 600,000 marching men Tbad
mittaf (along with those unable to march),11 a vague tenn which in
the Septuagint is rendered plen tes aposkeues, "besides the baggage."4
The recital of faith in Deut.26:5-10 recounts the mighty deeds done
for the "fathers" of the race. Throughout the Pentateuch the chosen
people is repeatedly referred to as the "sons of Israel."
Women are valued for their ability to bear sons. The Biblical
text deplores the barrenness of Sarah, Rebecca, and Rachel. The
assumption that pregnancy bestows status leads to tales of rivalry
and conflict between pairs of women vying for the same man: Sarah
and Hagar, Leah and Rachel.5
Yet, almost paradoxically, certain women enter these stories
in roles that are crucial to God's plan for Israel. Within the limits I
have mentioned, they appear as strong and independent figures.
Sarah, for example, takes the initiative in the plan for Hagar to bear
Abraham's child in her place. Abraham follows her advice both at
this point, and again when she wishes to cast out Hagar and Ishmael
(Gen. 16:2, 6; 21:12). Rebecca's generosity and hospitality
encourage Isaac's servant to make himself known to Laban's
family (Genesis, chapter 24), and so to choose her as Isaac's bride.
When she is his wife, and pregnant with twin sons, she questions
God, and receives a direct message about the future of her children
(Gen.25:22f.). Subse-quently, she forwards the divine plan by
thwarting Isaac's intention
4
The RSV translates the noun aposkeue "women and children." Pomeroy
{Egypt, lOOf.) traces its use in Hellenistic Greek culture for "baggage," "family," and
even "wife."
5
Cf. Hannah and Peninnah in 1 Samuel, chapter 1.

31.60.32.154 on Sat, 21 Nov 2020 22:48:13 UTC
to give his blessing to Esau (Gen.27:5-40). Leah manipulates Jacob,

in order to become pregnant with a son (Gen.25:23). Even Hagar,
the Egyptian slave, receives heavenly visitations (Gen.l6:8; 21:17f.).6
Thus, almost paradoxically, we find embedded in the androcentric
text a sympathetic portrayal of strong women.7
In the account of the conflict between Israel and Moab,
recorded in Numbers, chapters 22-31, the Pentateuch provides yet
another portrait of woman. After all other plans have failed, Balak
resorts, at Balaam's instigation, to the weapon which almost succeeds
in turning the Israelites to apostasy. This is the seductiveness of the
Moabite women (31:16). Thus through this story woman takes on the
burden of being the potential enemy to God's people, because sexual
attraction is the one weapon that can penetrate their armour.
Biblical Wisdom Books
Philo used the other books of the Hebrew scriptures far less
frequently than the Pentateuch.8 I find no indication that he drew
material about women directly from the Psalms and later Prophets,
6
Cf. Hannah, who prays for a son and vows to dedicate him to God. She
does this independently. When her husband finds out, he acquiesces in her decision
(1 Sam., chapter 1).
7
For a full treatment of this theme see '"Mother in Israel': A Familiar
Figure Reconsidered," by J. Cheryl Exum, pp.73-85, Feminist Interpretation of the
Bible, ed. Letty M. Russell (Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1985), from which the
following passage is taken:
" . . . when the matriarchs appear as actors, they come to life as fully
developed personalities, whose struggles and determination are deftly
sketched and whose joys and sorrows become real for us. In such stories,
they are not appendages of the patriarchs but rather persons in their own
right-women participating in a patriarchal culture but sometimes pictured
as standing over against it. This is a paradox: though frequently ignored in
the larger story of Israel's journey toward the promise, die matriarchs act
at the strategic points that move the plot, and thus the promise, in the
proper direction towards its fulfillment" (75f.).
8
See the Scriptural index in PLCL, vol.X.

31.60.32.154 on Sat, 21 Nov 2020 22:48:13 UTC
and so I shall pass them over. Sometimes, however, Philo seems to

echo the tone of statements found in the Wisdom books. Further, the
expression ta alia in the following quotation may be a reference to
these books; if so, it would suggest that Philo considered Wisdom to
be suitable for devotional reading along with the Prophets and the
Psalms, which are explicitly named:
In each house there is a consecrated room which is called

the sanctuary or closet and closeted in this they [the Thera-
peutae] are initiated into the mysteries of the sanctified life.
They take nothing into it, either drink or food or any other
of the things necessary for the needs of the body, but laws
and oracles delivered through the mouth of prophets, and
psalms and anything {ta alia) which fosters and perfects
knowledge and piety (Cont.25; see the translator's note,
vol.IX, PLCL, p.520).
In the Wisdom literature several views of woman are found.

The Song of Solomon celebrates her as the object of desire. The
book of Ecclesiastes repeats the theme of woman as enemy: it links
avoidance of the seductive woman with service to God:
And I found more bitter than death the woman whose heart
is snares and nets, and whose hands are fetters; he who
pleases God escapes her, but the sinner is taken by her
(7:26).
Proverbs presents two contrasting pictures. On the one hand,

it warns against woman's sexual snares (2:16; 5:3-6, 20;
6:24-26; 11:22). On the other, it heaps praise on the dutiful wife who
tireless-ly devotes her energies to her husband's welfare (chapter
31). In chapters 7 to 9 the contrast between the good and bad
woman is made explicit: the young man is warned against the
lures of the seductive woman and advised to hearken to the words
of Wisdom. These chapters probably constitute one of the literary
precedents forPhilo's presentation of two women in Sac.21-45.

31.60.32.154 on Sat, 21 Nov 2020 22:48:13 UTC
In the Wisdom literature there is no trace of the strong and

independent woman of the Pentateuch. Its dominant reaction to
woman is anxiety.9
Women in Alexandrian Jewish Literature
Although some texts are hard to date, I shall comment on a

number which are thought to come from Egypt in the time of Philo,
or earlier, and which mention women. A continuation of the trend
noted above is apparent.
Ben Sira, written in Palestine around 180 B.C.E., was trans-
lated into Greek in Egypt around 130 B.C.E. The author expresses
strong opinions about women: they exist only in relation to males,
and are valued as they contribute to their husbands' pleasure and
well-being. Ben Sira's critical comments about women are both harsh
and, in one passage referring explicitly to daughters, lewd (26:12).
The book is the earliest extant piece of Jewish writing explicitly
ascribing the beginning of sin and the resulting death to Eve:
9
Referring to the reported freedom of the women at Elephantine as only an
aberration, Leipoldt says (Die Frau, p.53):
"Aber das ist, wenn man aufs Ganze sieht, eine Ausnahme. Schon im
Alten Testament wird sichtbar, dass die Frau hier und da in eine immer
grossere Unfreiheit gerat. Diese Richtung ist es, die im Leben der Jiidin
spaterer Zeit sich mehr und mehr durchsetzt."
Bullough (Subordinate, pp.41 f.), concurs:
". . . sex came to be more and more a problem in ancient Israel. In
general there seems to have been very little preaching on sex in the pre-
exilic period (before the sixth century B.C.). In fact there was little
consciousness of sex as a special problem in the pattern of social conduct.
After that, however, came a radical change which lasted through the
Second Commonwealth and the entry of Rome upon the scene. In this
period when much of the scripture was put into written form, there was
emphasis upon man as a weak, helpless creature heir to inborn evil
tendencies inherited from Adam, his original father. Man's greatest
weakness was the lure of sexual pleasures . . . . If a man felt his soul was
endangered by sex, women came to be feared and suspected since he was
so conscious of the impact they had on him. Asceticism, particularly in
sexual matters, became an ideal, and even legitimate sexual pleasures were
condemned as sinful."

31.60.32.154 on Sat, 21 Nov 2020 22:48:13 UTC
From a woman sin had its beginning,

and because of her we all die (25:24). 10
Another text from the second century B.C.E., The Third

Sibylline Oracle, praises the purity of marriage, and castigates sexual
aberrations, which the author sees as rampant throughout the Gentile
world:
[The Jews] are mindftil of holy wedlock, and they do not

engage in impious intercourse with male children, as do
Phoenicians, Egyptians, and Romans, spacious Greece and
many nations of others, Persians and Galatians and all
Asia . . . (594-599).
Along with the other sins of the Gentiles he mentions child

exposure:
Worship the Loving One. Avoid adultery and indiscriminate

intercourse with males. Rear your own offspring and do not
10
See Warren C. Trenchard, Ben Sira's View of Women: A Literary Analysis,
Brown Judaic Studies #38 (Chico, Calif.: Scholars Press, 1982), p.8. In this book
Trenchard concludes that Ben Sira's remarks about women "are among the most
obscene and negative in ancient literature," and demonstrate that Ben Sira was
motivated by a personal bias against women, and "not merely an environmental
phenomenon" (p. 172). Given the difficulty in determining the place of ancient
Jewish writers in relation to their environment, I find the second part of the
conclusion, in this otherwise excellent book, questionable.
The attribution of death to Eve recurs in the first century C.E. Greek text
of the Life of Adam and Eve (called Apocalypse of Moses), 14: "Adam said to Eve,
*Why have you wrought destruction among us and brought upon us great wrath,
which is death gaining rule over all our race?'" (The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha,
ed. James H. Charlesworth, New York: Doubleday, 1985, p.277, vol.2, trans. M. D.
Johnson). Some scholars have considered this text to be Alexandrian, although
Johnson himself believes it is Palestinian (p.252).
2 Enoch also attributes death to Eve: "And while he was sleeping, I took
from him a rib. And I created for him a wife, so that death might come to him by
his wife" (30:17, vol.1, Charlesworth, trans. F. I. Andersen). It is not certain that
this text came from Alexandria. "All attempts to locate the intellectual background
of 2 Enoch have failed. There must be something very peculiar about a work when
one scholar, Charles, concludes that it was written by a hellenized Jew in Alex-
andria in the first century B.C., while another, J.T. Milik, argues that it was written
by a Christian monk in Byzantium in the ninth century A.D." (ibid. p.95).

31.60.32.154 on Sat, 21 Nov 2020 22:48:13 UTC
kill it, for the Immortal is angry at whoever commits these

sins (763-766).11
The Testament of Job, a text dating from the first century

B.C.E. or C.E., can be interpreted as denigrating women. It presents
the Biblical verse, Job 42:15b, "And their father gave them inherit-
ance rights like their brothers," as meaning that Job's daughters did
not actually share in the inheritance but received protective amulets
instead (chapters 46-50). R. P. SpitUer comments that the passage
describing this peculiar gift to the daughters shows "the earlier
interest in patience . . . displaced by a concern for ecstatic and
perhaps magical participation in the upper world through glossolalia."
He also comments that in the author's interest in males shown in
15:4 and in 46:1, "it may be possible to detect . . . rudimentary
proto-gnostic interests, such as the process of 'becoming male' as an
expression for saving enlightenment."12 This is interesting for the
present study in view of the fact that Philo also equates salvation
with becoming male.13
The Wisdom of Solomon, a text of the first century B.C.E.,
links sex-related ills with idolatry: child sacrifice, impure marriages,
adultery and sex perversion (14:23ff.). It does not, however, make
derogatory statements about women. Rather, it personifies Wisdom as
a woman, calling her a desirable "bride, companion, kin and friend"
(8:16ff).
11
The quotations are from J. J. Collins' translation, in vol.1 of Charles-
worth, pp.375 and 379.
12
The quotations are taken from pp. 836 and 864 (n.46b), respectively, of
Charles worth, vol.1. The translator, R. P. Spittler, raises the possibility that The
Testament of Job may have come out of the community of the Therapeutae,
described by Philo (Charlesworth, vol.1, p.833).
John J. Collins, Between Athens and Jerusalem (New York: Crossroads,
1983), says that this work presents womankind as representative of the human state
of ignorance (p.222).
13
See my section on the contribution of Richard Baer to Philonic studies, in
chapter 3.

31.60.32.154 on Sat, 21 Nov 2020 22:48:13 UTC
Third Maccabees, another text of the first century B.C.E.,

gives a picture of the restricted lives of young women in Jewish
households. According to this text, daughters were expected to be
veiled and "enclosed in their chambers"; the author speaks of their
"proper modesty"(l:18f.). Brides were kept in the "marriage cham-
ber" away from public view (4:6).
We can detect throughout this Alexandrian Jewish literature a
belief that sexual irregularity is a threat to the survival of religion,
and that when it occurs woman is somehow at fault. As well,
woman is seen as inferior to man; he must control and protect her,
and she must serve him.
The virtual equating of virginity with maleness, which is a
feature of Philo's writing, can be found in the first century B.C.E.
novel Joseph and Asenath. It presents a situation in which a foreign
woman is rendered acceptable as a bride for the Israelite, Joseph.
The procedure involves her repenting, receiving assurance from an
angel, and dressing in "a new linen robe . . . and . . . the new twin
girdle of . . . virginity"(14:13). Her virginity is mentioned repeatedly
in the chapter describing the event (15:2, 4, 6, 7, 8, 10); in
the first instance it appears to be equated with maleness:
And she went to the man into her first chamber and stood
before him. And the man said to her, "Remove the veil from
your head, and for what purpose did you do this? For you
are a chaste virgin today, and your head is like that of a
young man"1*
C. Burchard comments that this verse "may signify that virginity

gives a certain equality to the sexes." He refers to 7:7, where Asen-
ath's parents vehemently deny that she is a "strange woman," assert-
ing that she is "our daughter, a virgin hating every man" (n.l5b).
Although this apparent denial of Asenath's sexuality does not deter
the author from proceeding to tell of her fruitful marriage to Joseph,
14
15: If., trans. C. Burchard, pp.225f. Charlesworth, vol.2, emphasis mine.

31.60.32.154 on Sat, 21 Nov 2020 22:48:13 UTC
we catch in the earlier part of the story a glimpse of the desirability

of virginity and maleness as opposed to womanhood.
Women in Greek Literature
Philosophy
Philo was proud of his Greek education. He appears to have

been well-read in the philosophy of the day. Stoic, Platonic, Pythag-
orean and Aristotelian elements are apparent in his writing.15 Some
philosophers may have been familiar to him through secondary
sources—collections, commentaries or popular wisdom. But it is
certain that Plato, at least, is one of his primary sources, for he both
quotes him and models passages upon readily identifiable sections of
the Dialogues. It is clear also that Philo worked directly from Xeno-
phon.16 Besides this, like all people in the later stages of a tradition,
he was heir to a conglomerate of attitudes passed on by way of
unquestioned assumptions.
In the following pages I shall scan the portrayals of women
in the Greek literature that Philo might have known through his own
reading or from secondary and tertiary sources.
The Pre-Socratics
With the exception of the noble portrayal of some women in

the Homeric poems, derogatory statements about womankind can be
culled from Greek writers from the earliest times. In both the Works
15
"Willy Theiler and, more recently, John Dillon have clearly demonstrated
that Philo's philosophical views are Middle Platonist, that is, a highly Stoicized
form of Platonism, streaked with Neopythagorean concerns" (Winston, Philo, p.3).
16
Philo was "fully acquainted with the texts at firsthand and in no way
restricted to handbooks and secondary digests" (loc. cit.). See my discussion of his
paraphrase of Xenophon, in chapter 10.

31.60.32.154 on Sat, 21 Nov 2020 22:48:13 UTC
and Days and the Theogony, Hesiod (8th or early 7th c. B.C.E.) tells
the story of Zeus's creation of Pandora in retaliation for Prometheus'
theft of fire: "I shall give them in payment of fire an evil which all
shall/ take to their hearts with delight, an evil to love and
embrace."17 All women descend from Pandora. They are a calamity
(772.592), liars and thieves (Op.78), and evil for men (77*.601,
Op.57). Life without a wife is unthinkable; yet the best of wives is a
mixed blessing, and the worst is incurable evil.
Even so Zeus the Thunderer on High created women

as an evil for men and conspirers in troublesome works.
And in exchange for a good he gave a balancing evil.
Whoever flees from marriage and women's mischievous
works,
being unwilling to wed, comes to baneful old age with
no one to care for his needs, and though he has plenty to
live on
while he is living, collateral heirs divide his possessions
when he is dead. As for the man who is fated to marry,
if he obtains a virtuous wife, one endowed with good sense,
throughout his life evil and good alternate endlessly.
But that man who obtains a wife who is thoroughly bad
lives having deep in his breast a pain which never subsides
fixed in his innocent heart, and this is an evil incurable.18
Writing a little later than Hesiod, Semonides (7th c. B.C.E.)

compares woman to a number of animals, most unfavourably, except
in the case of the bee.19
17
Works and Days 57f., taken from The Poems of Hesiod, translated with
introduction and comments by R. M. Frazer (Norman: University of Oklahoma
Press, 1983).
18
Ibid., Theogony, 600-612.
19
Hugh Lloyd-Jones, in Females of the Species: Semonides on Women
(London: Noyes, 1975), translates the 115 lines that are extant. He introduces the
material by saying in part:
"Woman's mind was made separately by the god, the poet begins; and he
goes on to describe nine disagreeable kinds of women, seven made from
animals and two others from earth and sea. Only the tenth kind, made

31.60.32.154 on Sat, 21 Nov 2020 22:48:13 UTC
Zeus has contrived that all these tribes of women are with
men and remain with them. Yes, this is the worst plague
Zeus has made-women; if they seem to be some use to him
who has them, it is to him especially that they prove a
plague (95ff.)
Phocylides (late 6th c. B.C.E.) does value a certain type of

woman. But it is only for her efficiency, and certainly not for her
sexual attractiveness (which is compared to the skittishness of a
horse):
The tribes of women originated from these four creatures:

one from a bitch, one from a bee, one from a bristled sow,
one from a mare with a long mane. The last is graceful,
speedy, a runabout, a beauty. The one from the bristled sow
is neither bad nor good. The one from the bitch is cross and
savage. The one from the bee is a good housekeeper and
knows how to work. Pray, dear friend, to get her in delight-
ful marriage.20
We observe a pattern established early in the Greek tradition

to the effect that woman is at best an efficient help, and at worst a
plague on mankind.21 The nobility of the earliest women in Greek
literature-Homer's Helen, Penelope, Andromache-is long forgotten.
from a bee, makes a good wife; all the others are portrayed satirically.
This occupies the first 93 lines of the poem; and the last 22 consist of
general reflections upon women in which they are condemned wholesale,
without even an exception in favour of the bee-woman" (p.24).
The quotation from Semonides is taken from this book.
See also E. F. M. Benecke, Antimachus of Colophon and the Position of
Women in Greek Poetry (Groningen: Bouma's Boekhuis, 1970), p. 19.
20
The quotation is from Lloyd-Jones, Females, p.98.
21
One can understand "mankind" either generically or sex-specifically.
Hesiod says that woman was made anthropoisi (Th.570 and 589) and andrasi
(Th.592). See my discussion of these two terms in chapter 4.

31.60.32.154 on Sat, 21 Nov 2020 22:48:13 UTC
The Pythagoreans
The figure of Pythagoras, who flourished in the late sixth

century B.C.E., is shadowy. His teachings have to be reconstructed
from the writings of others. As a result, there is some uncertainty
about their original nature. Pythagoras' influence, however, was long-
lasting. Certain doctrines which may have developed along the way
were called Pythagorean or, later on, Neopythagorean. The tradition
was kept alive and developed through communities in southern Italy
and Alexandria.22
According to the account written by Aristotle in Metaphysics
986a, 22-26, Pythagoras himself developed a table of ten pairs of
opposites or contrarieties in which the first item named was superior
to the second. It included the pair "male and female." But we need
not conclude from this that he completely undervalued women, or
viewed them as less human than men. Tempering such evidence of
subordination of women is the fact that he had women disciples in
his school, including Theano, his wife or daughter. She is known to
have actually addressed the question of woman's place.23 This
question also exercised later writers of the school, who wrote under
women's names in the period between the third century B.C.E. and
the second century C.E. M Two extant pieces of Neopythagorean
writing stress the domestic role and the support of husband as
woman's calling, along with modesty and chastity, and even toler-
ance of faults in the husband; but they also attribute to her the
traditional virtues of wisdom, temperance, justice, courage and good
22
For material on the Neopythagoreans see Pomeroy, Egypt, pp. 61 ff.,
Leipoldt, Die Frau, p.39, Bullough, Subordinate, pp.lO9ff., and Lefkowitz and Fant,
Women's Life, pp.lO4f.
23
Leipoldt, Die Frau, p.39.
24
Pomeroy, Egypt, p.61.

31.60.32.154 on Sat, 21 Nov 2020 22:48:13 UTC
sense.25 Asceticism in matters of sex, as of diet and dress, are

features of Neopythagoreanism. Bullough mentions a treatise of the
first century B.C.E. in which it is stated that "we have intercourse
not for pleasure but for the purpose of procreation."26 There is a
notable similarity between some of the Pythagorean and Philonic
materials on the matter of sexual restraint for the sake of higher
values.27 The difference is that the Pythagorean materials allow
women to discipline themselves, whereas Philo advocates control of
women by men.
Xenophon
Xenophon was a writer of the late fifth and early fourth

centuries, a contemporary of Plato. In his dialogue, Oeconomicus, we
find the argument that, quite apart from their reproductive functions,
men and women differ naturally from one another in character and
aptitude. Xenophon has his spokesman Ischomachus tell Socrates
how a household ought to be run. He explains that by nature the
wife is suited to indoor, and the husband to outdoor, work. Such
division of labour follows from the fact that God has given to the
wife a greater measure of fear (tou phobou), whereas he has given
the husband more daring (tou thrasous) (VII.22,25). Ischomachus'
wife is much younger than her husband (only fourteen years old at
25
Holger Thesleff, An Introduction to the Pythagorean Writings of the
Hellenistic Period (Abo, 1961), pp.142-145 = Stob.4.24.10, translated by Flora R.
Levin, quoted by Pomeroy, Egypt, pp.68-70; Holger Thesleff, ed., The Pythagorean
Texts of the Hellenistic Period (Abo, 1965) pp. 151-4, translated in Lefkowitz and
Fant, Women's Life, pp.lO4f.
26
Bullough, Subordinate, p.lO9f. Cf. Jos A3: "The end we seek in wedlock is
not pleasure but the begetting of lawful children."
27
Both Goodenough and Heinemann comment on the similarity in the
prescriptions for women's behaviour: E.R.Goodenough, The Jurisprudence of the
Jewish Courts in Egypt (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1929), p. 130; Isaak
Heinemann, Philons Griechische und Judische Bildung (Hildesheim, New York:
George Olms, 1973), pp.234f.

31.60.32.154 on Sat, 21 Nov 2020 22:48:13 UTC
the time of marriage), and he takes on the task of domesticating

her.28
Plato
The nature and amount of Plato's writing are such that it can
be read selectively to favour either of two positions: the equality of
men and women or the inferiority of women. By a series of ques-
tions in the Meno, Socrates leads Meno to the conclusion that the
virtues for men and women are the same (72c-73c). In the Timaeus,
however, female incarnation is viewed as inferior to male, and, on
the cosmic level, the male is identified with the active source and
the female with the passive recipient.29 In both the Republic and the
Laws we find advocacy of equal education for men and women.
28
In the introduction to his edition of the Greek text, Xenophontis Oeconom-
icus (London: Macmillan, 1885), H. Holden says that Xenophon "insists upon such
separation of functions as an ordinance of nature," and adds in a footnote: "Plato on
the other hand (Rep.v p.456C, p.466D) maintains that similarity of training and
function for both men and women is the real order of nature, and that the opposite
practice, which insists on a separation of life and functions between the sexes, is
unnatural. Aristotle disputes this reasoning altogether, declaring that Nature pre-
scribes a separation of life and functions between the two sexes . . ."(p.xvii).
Prudence Allen, in Concept (p.57), draws attention to this treatise of Xenophon,
making a similar observation: "Xenophon is the first philosopher [sic] to offer
detailed arguments for the separation of virtues for woman and man. Ironically, in
Plato's dialogues, Socrates reaches precisely the opposite conclusion, namely that
women and men have the same virtues."
Oeconomicus 7-10 is given in translation in Lefkowitz and Fant, Women s
Life, pp. 100-104.
29
91a: "According to the probable account, all those creatures generated as
men who proved themselves cowardly and spent their lives in wrong-doing were
transformed, at their second incarnation, into women." Loeb Classical Library
(Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press), hereafter cited as LCL.
50d: "Moreover, it is proper to liken the Recipient to the Mother, the
Source to the Father, and what is engendered between these two to the Offspring . .
." LCL.

31.60.32.154 on Sat, 21 Nov 2020 22:48:13 UTC
"We shall have to train the women also, then, in both kinds
of skill, and train them for war as well, and treat them in the
same way as the men."30
"Let me stress that this law of mine will apply just as much
to girls as to boys. The girls must be trained in precisely the
same way, and I'd like to make this proposal without any
reservations whatsoever."31
But in the Laws the need for equal opportunity is justified on the
grounds that womankind:
"is inclined to be secretive and crafty, because of its weak-

ness . . . . You see, leaving women to do what they like is
not just to lose half the battle (as it may seem): a woman's
natural potential for virtue is inferior to a man's, so she's
proportionately a greater danger, perhaps even twice as
great."32
On the subject of women, Plato, like Paul, can be read

selectively and thus made to say whatever the reader hopes to find.
It is likely that Philo found affirmation in Plato for opinions about
women that he had already formed.
In his attitude to bodily sex, Plato is less ambiguous. He
views the sexual appetite as the result of lower instincts, needing to
be dominated by mind. In Book I of Laws he condemns homosexual
practices as "unnatural crimes of the first rank," which "are com-
mitted because men and women cannot control their desire for
pleasure."33 Later, in Book VIII, he decries any sexual activity
which is not directed towards procreation:
30
Plato: the Republic, trans, by Desmond Lee, 2nd ed., revised (Penguin
Books, 1974), p.229, v 452a.
31
Plato: The Laws, trans, by Trevor J. Saunders (Penguin Books, 1970),
p.293, vii 804c. Cf. Timaeus 18c.
32
Ibid., p.263, 781a-c.
33
Ibid., p.61, 636c.

31.60.32.154 on Sat, 21 Nov 2020 22:48:13 UTC
"this law of ours . . . permits the sexual act only for its
natural purpose, procreation, and forbids not only homosexual
relations, in which the human race is deliberately murdered,
but also the growing of seeds on rocks and stone, where it
will never take root and mature into a new individual; and
we should also have to keep away from any female 'soil' in
which we'd be sorry to have the seed develop . . . . The
first point in its favour is that it is a natural law."34
Plato uses the language of human sexual attraction and reproduction

to express his thoughts on spiritual development Consistent with his
valuing of the mind over the body is his enthusiasm for spiritual,
rather than bodily, procreation, as expressed by the figure of Socrates
in the Theaetetus:
"All this, then, lies within the midwife's province, but her
performance falls short of mine . . . . My art of midwifery is
in general like theirs; the only difference is that my patients
are men, not women, and my concern is not with the
body but with the soul that is in travail of birth" (150a-b).35
Aristotle
Although Philo seldom calls Aristotle by name (only in De

Aeternitate Mundi and Questiones in Genesin, Book 3), I believe he
drew, indirectly at least, on Aristotle's teaching about women. The
presuppositions behind his basic allegory appear almost Aristotelian:
whereas Aristotle says that mind is to body as man is to woman,
Philo says that man allegorically means mind, and woman, sense.
Aristotle believed that although male and female are both
rational animals, they are contraries within the same species and
34
Ibid., p.337, viii 838e-839a, emphasis mine.
35
The full discussion extends from 150a to 151d. Cf. Symposium 208e~209d,
where Diotima develops the idea of pregnancy in the soul. I discuss Philo fs use of
the motif of soul-pregnancy in chapter 8.

31.60.32.154 on Sat, 21 Nov 2020 22:48:13 UTC
genus, the female being the privation of the male.36 He associated

soul with male and body with female.37 In Book 1 of Politics he
juxtaposed mind and body, male and female, as two pairs in which
the superior must always rule:
And it is clear that the rule of the soul over the body, and
of the mind and the rational element over the passionate, is
natural and expedient; whereas the equality of the two or the
rule of the inferior is always hurtful . . . . Again, the male is
by nature superior, and the female inferior; and the one rules,
and the other is ruled; this principle, of necessity, extends to
all mankind" (1254b, 5-15).38
He also attributed less effective rational powers to the woman than

to the man.39 Women are capable of true opinion, not of knowledge.
As Prudence Allen has noted,
[Aristotle] assumed a similarity between the association of

the male with soul and the female with body on the one
hand, and the association of the male with the higher reason-
ing capacities and the female with the lower on the other.
This marked the first time in western philosophy that the
concept of woman was directly linked with irrational thought.
36
Metaphysics 1055b 18f.: "For every contrariety involves, as one of its
terms, a privation." 1058a 29f.: "One might raise the question, why woman does not
differ from man in species, female and male being contrary, and their difference
being a contrariety" (The Complete Works of Aristotle, The Revised Oxford Transla-
tion, ed. Jonathan Barnes {Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1984}, hereafter
cited as CWA, vol.2, p. 1667).
37
Generation of Animals 738b 25f., CWA vol.1, p.1146: "While the body is
from the female, it is the soul that is from the male, for the soul is the substance of
a particular body."
38
CWA, vol.2, p.1990.
39
Politics 1260a, 13-15, CWA vol. 2, p.1999: "For the slave has no delibera-
tive faculty at all; the woman has, but it is without authority, and the child has, but
it is immature."

31.60.32.154 on Sat, 21 Nov 2020 22:48:13 UTC
Therefore, Aristotle's sex polarity brought about a clear shift

on the subject of woman's relation to wisdom.40
Since virtue depends on reason, and woman is irrational, she is

incapable of virtue in the usual sense. Her virtue lies in obeying
man.
Clearly, then, excellence of character belongs to all of them;

but the temperance of a man and of a woman, or the
courage and justice of a man and of a woman, are not, as
Socrates maintained, the same; the courage of a man is
shown in commanding, of a woman in obeying.41
Prudence Allen comments on the complete systematization of female

subordination in Aristotle:
. . . the foundation for the sex-polarity theory in ethics

followed from the sex polarity in epistemology, which in turn
followed from the sex polarity in natural philosophy and
metaphysics. Aristotle consistently justifies sex polarity in his
entire philosophical corpus.42
With Aristotle I end this brief overview of Greek philosophy.

It is apparent that from the earliest recorded times, philosophers
(with the exception of the Pythagorean women) viewed woman as an
anomaly. Gradually they built up a system of thought which rational-
ized her subordination to the control of man.
40
Allen, Concept, p. 104, emphasis mine.
41
Politics, 1260a 19-23, in CWA vol. 2, p. 1999.
42
Allen, Concept, p . l l l .

31.60.32.154 on Sat, 21 Nov 2020 22:48:13 UTC
Drama
Philo was primarily a philosopher, but he also was interested

in the theatre.43 In a survey of possible literary influences on his
perception of women, we ought not to neglect the playwrights, even
though the sheer bulk of the material requires that we rely on
secondary sources.
Early Greek literature had extolled the love of man for man,
or the sisterly love of woman for man. Love, the passion, had been
portrayed as a weakness, and an exclusively female one at that.44 A
change occurred, however, within the Alexandrian school which
developed in the Hellenistic period. According to Pomeroy, the
playwrights Apollonius and Theocritus presented women as pas-
sionate lovers without condemning them for their feelings.45 Giving
specific examples from Theocritus, Pomeroy remarks further that "the
employment of the woman's viewpoint is a remarkable and novel
feature of some Alexandrian literature."46 In this period also for the
first time drama told of the love of man for woman.
" . . . in the New Comedy [exemplified by Menander]

woman-the woman that can be loved as wife and mother-
steps into her true place as object of, and partner in, the
intensest and the purest passions of which humanity is
capable."47
43
Ebr.lll: " . . . I have often when I chanced to be in the theatre noticed
the effect produced by some single tune sung by the actors on the stage or played
by the musicians."
44
Benecke, Antimachus, passim.
45
Pomeroy, Egypt, p.79.
46
Ibid., p.77. See also the article on Greek Love by A. C. Pearson, s.v.
"Love" in The Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics, 1915.
47
Benecke, Antimachus, p. 163.

31.60.32.154 on Sat, 21 Nov 2020 22:48:13 UTC
On occasion Philo speaks most tenderly of conjugal love, as

for example in Spec. 1.138:
. . . marriages, the first produce of which is a fruit sacred to

His service, should be not only blameless but worthy of the
highest praise. And reflection on this should lead both
husbands and wives to cherish temperance and domesticity
and unanimity, and by mutual sympathy shewn in word and
deed to make the name of partnership a reality securely
founded on truth.
In this regard, he may have been influenced by the theatre of his

day.
Alexandrian mime employed the pimp as a stock character.
Walter Headlam comments on the pimp, Battaros, of Herodas' Mime
II, "The Pandar," that he is "a typical creation of the middle and
new comedy," and proceeds to mention nine other writers who
present such a person.48 Along with such characters the mimes
featured prostitution and promiscuity. In Herodas' Mime II an old
nurse is trying to convince a young woman that once her husband
has gone to Egypt he will not return to her:
"He has forgotten you, and drunk from a new cup. Egypt is
the House of Aphrodite. Everything that exists anywhere in
the world is in Egypt, money, gymnasia, power, tranquillity,
fame, sights, philosophers, gold, young men . . . women,
more of them, I swear by the Maiden who is Hades' wife,
than the stars which the heaven boasts that it holds, and their
looks-like the goddesses who once set out to be judged for
their beauty by Paris . . . "49
In the fact that prostitution was openly discussed in these produc-

tions Philo may have seen a symptom of the general decadence of
48
Walter Headlam, Herodas (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1966),
xxxviii.
49
Translated by Lefkowitz in Lefkowitz and Fant, Women's Life, p.106.

31.60.32.154 on Sat, 21 Nov 2020 22:48:13 UTC
contemporary society. This may have triggered some of his vitriolic

statements about prostitution.
Women in Society
Jewish women
From their arrival as settlers in Egypt in the mid-sixth

century, the Jews had been allowed to maintain their ancestral ways
by a degree of self-government. Under the Romans this pattern
continued, with Augustus confirming the privileges they had enjoyed
under the Ptolemies, to live under their traditional laws, and to elect
their own council of elders.50 This political independence allowed
for a certain amount of separation from the social trends of the
Gentile community, but there is too little evidence for a consensus as
to the degree of isolation experienced. The same lack of evidence
accounts for the largely speculative picture we have of the life of
Jewish women.
There may indeed be significance in the silence on some
matters. With the exception of life in an ascetic community such as
that of the Therapeutae, there appears to have been no respectable
position for the single woman within the Jewish community. And
statements about the position of married women are drawn from little
real evidence. Scholars who write about the equality of women in
the Jewish family take for granted the patriarchal system in which
every woman is married and the husband is primus inter pares.
Regarding the degree of assimilation to Greek ways in
Alexandria, Feldman takes a conservative position. He holds that the
masses were Hellenized only on the surface and maintained orthodox
practice. He finds little evidence for intermarriage, and cites an-
50
Lewis, Life in Egypt, p.29.

:ffff:ffff:ffff:ffff:ffff:ffff:ffff on Thu, 01 Jan 1976 12:34:56 UTC
tisemitism as a factor keeping the Jewish people separate from their

neighbours.51
In arguing for increased freedom, Baron appeals to evidence
of assimilation and to records of the experience of earlier Jewish
communities in Egypt. He mentions papyri which "reveal an increase
in the rights of Egyptian women which must have affected Jewish
practice."52 He notes also that in the time of Jeremiah women in
Egypt appear to have been leaders in the communities and to have
instituted worship of the "Queen of Heaven," in open defiance of the
prophet, but with the compliance of their husbands (Jeremiah, chapter
44). He considers too the freedom of divorce at Elephantine.
Tcherikover also uses papyrological evidence in arguing for
considerable assimilation:
. . . the family life of Alexandrian Jews, their marriages and

divorces, were regulated by Greek contracts in accordance
with the principles of Hellenistic law . . . . (W)e are faced
with the likelihood that Egyptian Jews lived not according to
the precepts of the Bible but according to the principles of
Hellenistic common law.53
This assimilation indicates to him, however, a loss of freedom. He

measures the lives of Alexandrian Jewish women against those of
their Palestinian sisters, who "enjoyed a considerable degree of
freedom." Tcherikover draws his picture of the latter from the
historian Krauss, who lists as maidenly activities the following: going
to the well and to the market, appearing before men, working in a
shop, engaging in certain businesses and being able to protect one-
51
Feldman, "Orthodoxy," pp.228 and 237.
52
Baron, History, vol.1, p. 112. He says,MBoth in full freedom of divorce
found in the Elephantine colony and in the rejection of divorce by Malachi, the
woman's position in Judaism became one of a peer" (ibid., p.114). But cf.
Leipoldt, quoted above, n.9.
53
Victor Tcherikover, Corpus Papyrorum Judaicarum (Cambridge, Mass.:
Harvard University Press, 1957), vol.1, p.34.

31.60.32.154 on Sat, 21 Nov 2020 22:48:13 UTC
self.54 Tcherikover's argument turns on the questionable premise,

"The Jewish woman . . . was never subordinate . . . ."55
Goodenough, on the other hand, defends the position that the
rising freedom of gentile women in Egypt rubbed off on their Jewish
sisters in the form of greater freedom and equality within the family:
Within the family the strictest discipline was maintained,

though the government of the family was, as in all Egyptian
rulership, rather the coordinate reign of the father and mother
than the autocracy of the father. Scripture is ignored to allow
the mother a place beside the father. . . ,56
But these judgements are based on scant evidence and have a

strongly subjective element. Practically all that can be firmly con-
cluded is that Jewish women had a secure life within the constraints
of the traditional family.
The situation of unmarried women is not so clear. It is
possible that single Jewish women were forced through economic
need to become prostitutes. That there was prostitution in Philo's day
is highly likely since it had been rampant in the previous, Hellenis-
tic, period.57 Heinemann suggests the impossibility of enforcing
severe laws against it in a harbour town such as Alexandria.58
Philo's strong condemnation of prostitution indicates that he saw it
as a threat, but we cannot tell from his writing whether it actually
existed in the Jewish community.
54
Tcherikover, Corpus, vol.1, p.35 and n.91.
55
Ibid., p.34.
56
Goodenough, Jurisprudence, p.217.
57
Pomeroy, Egypt, p.75: "Alexandria was a cosmopolitan city and there was
plenty of prostitution. Procurers and prostitutes appear in the works of Machon and
Herodas [3rd c. B.C.E. Alexandrians], and many are found as well in the epigrams."
See quotation from Herodas, above.
58
Heinemann, Bildung, p.225.

31.60.32.154 on Sat, 21 Nov 2020 22:48:13 UTC
Women in Gentile Society
Alexandria was a cosmopolitan city with two discernible

classes, quite apart from the Jews. The leading class claimed Greek
descent, and despised the lowest, the native Egyptians. Although
customs of one group were affected by those of the other, and social
climbing by the Hellenized Egyptians tended to blur distinctions,
some tendencies in the attitudes of men toward women can be traced
to one source or the other.59
Greek women
Since Hellenistic society can be seen as a continuation of

Hellenic society, albeit in a different place, it is natural to view the
position of Greek-speaking women in Alexandria in the light of the
position of earlier women in Athens. That position had been an
extremely limited one. Wives and mothers had been banned from
male society, while hetairae had endured only borderline respec-
tability. The wide differentiation between the sexes in Athens at its
height is summed up by Pomeroy: "Rarely has there been a wider
discrepancy between the cultural rewards a society had to offer and
women's participation in that culture." 60
Pomeroy's recent book, Women in Hellenistic Egypt, covers a
period which ended with the death of Cleopatra in 30 B.C.E. Since
there is no evidence to suggest a radical change in society in the
fifty-odd years that intervened before Philo wrote, we should be able
59
Pomeroy, in the introduction to Egypt, indicates that she cannot always
distinguish between the two, if they are using the same language, viz., Greek. She
says,"My training as a papyrologist has prepared me to work with the Greek papyri,
but with only those Demotic documents that have been translated into a modern
language. Therefore, this book focuses on Greek women and Hellenized Egyptians"
(p.xii).
60
Pomeroy, Goddesses, p.ix.

31.60.32.154 on Sat, 21 Nov 2020 22:48:13 UTC
to rely on Pomeroy's observations for a general understanding of

Greek Alexandrian society in Philo's day.
A gradual acceptance of women into society is discernible. In
Hellenistic Alexandria women had attained considerable freedom both
in the home and in the public sphere. Pomeroy cites a number of
factors that may have contributed to the change. Philip of Macedon's
marriages to women of foreign and freer ways may have been one.61
Another could have been the reduction in polarity between the sexes
in a non-democratic country where men could not aspire to govern-
ment.62 Again, there was the high profile of women rulers in
Egypt.63 Whatever the combination of causes, "respectable women
participated in the economy of Ptolemaic Egypt to a greater extent
than can be documented for any other Greek society and in ways
comparable to the activities of women in later Roman society."64
At the same time, there still prevailed certain Greek customs
which worked against the high status of women.
Greek law required that an adult woman act with a man as
kyrios or guardian, although Egyptian law did not. This law existed
in Alexandrian society, and there is evidence that it was adopted by
61
Pomeroy, Egypt, pp.10-11.
62
Pomeroy subscribes to the theory that "where there is the greatest
assymmetry between the sexes, the male sphere is most endowed with prestige and
the female sphere is most devalued" (Egypt, xvii). She believes this accounts for the
low esteem placed on women in classical Athens.
"The principal reason for the high status of women in Ptolemaic Egypt is
the reduction in the polarity between the sexes."(loc. cit.)
" . . . in the economic sphere, as in the political and social realms, there
was less distinction between the genders in Ptolemaic Egypt than there
was, for example, in Athens or in Greek society in general of an earlier
period" (op. cit., p. 173).
63
Ibid., pp.3-40.
64
Ibid., p.171.

31.60.32.154 on Sat, 21 Nov 2020 22:48:13 UTC
Jewish women, although they too were entitled to live by their own
law, which did not require a guardian after the age of twelve.65
The Greeks had long maintained the custom of exposing
infants, and in all likelihood the majority were female.66 This custom
continued under the Romans, with exposed children that were re-
covered being reared as slaves.
Egyptian women
The Egyptian culture favoured equality of the sexes. In-

timacy, rather than reproduction alone, was seen as the purpose of
marriage.67 The Egyptians, like the Jews, did not expose infants.68
According to Pomeroy, no archaeological evidence of separate
women's quarters in houses of Ptolemaic Egypt can be found.69 This
65
Spec.3.67 a s s u m e s the n e e d for a g u a r d i a n : " . . . g o t o h e r p a r e n t s , or, if
not, to her brothers or guardians or others who have charge of her . . . ."
66
Pomeroy attempts to prove the exposure of female babies by referring to
records of family members (Egypt, p.44): "It is unusual to find more than two
daughters in Greek families, or to find a sex ratio that favors daughters over sons."
She also quotes the comic poet Posidippus: "Everyone, even a poor man, raises a
son; everyone, even a rich man, exposes a daughter" (Egypt, p. 136). As more
evidence she refers to a city law of the Greek city of Ptolemais in Egypt, which
calls for a period of purification following certain acts and events, including child
exposure (loc. cit.). Another piece of evidence in favour of her conclusion is the
letter of Hilarion to his wife (P.Oxy.iv.144) which she quotes on p. 138: "If by
chance you give birth, if it is a boy, let it be; if it is a girl, get rid of it."
The bits of evidence given above do not really meet the criticisms that the
data are insufficient. In the article, "Demography and the Exposure of Girls at
Athens" (Phoenix 35, 316-31), however, Pomeroy attempts to meet such criticism
directly. She concedes that there are difficulties presented by the lack of census data
and the possibility that girl children were not always carefully counted. Neverthe-
less, she presents evidence which she believes is sufficient to demonstrate that there
was exposure of girl children.
67
Pomeroy, Egypt, p.xviii.
68
Ibid., p.135.
69
Ibid., p. 134.

31.60.32.154 on Sat, 21 Nov 2020 22:48:13 UTC
indicates, she believes, that women were not confined to certain

quarters or carefully guarded (although Philo speaks as though
Jewish women were). Indeed, women appear to have enjoyed con-
siderable freedom of movement in Egyptian society. Diodorus
Siculus wrote of Egypt that among the common folk the wife ruled
the husband, the husbands agreeing in the marriage contracts that in
all matters they would obey their wives.70
Roman women
The Hellenistic Age in Egypt had ended in 30 B.C.E., when

Egypt became part of the Roman Empire. Since by this time it was
the custom for wives of imperial officials to accompany their hus-
bands on overseas postings, Philo may have known or at least
noticed Roman women in Alexandria.71 Traditionally the Roman
woman had no legal rights, but passed from the power of her father
to that of her husband. In actuality, her position had changed over
the period of the Republic to one of considerable independence.
Balsdon says,
by the last fifty years [of the Republic] . . . her interests lie
outside the walls of her home. In politics she is a power in
her own right.72
The examples that he cites, however, suggest that her public life was
usually conducted in conjunction with the career of the men of her
family. Balsdon notes also that from the late Republic onward a
70
Cited by Pomeroy, Egypt, p.40.
71
J. P. V. D. Balsdon, Roman Women (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press,
1962), 59f.
72
Ibid., p.45.

31.60.32.154 on Sat, 21 Nov 2020 22:48:13 UTC
number of women were highly educated.73 Child exposure still

existed on a scale worthy of note, and, according to Balsdon, some
evidence points to the conclusion that baby girls were exposed more
often than boys.74 As in nearly all cultures of the ancient world,
sexual fidelity of a husband to his wife was not expected, at least
when he was away from home.75 Again, as in nearly all ancient
cultures, female slaves were considered the sexual property of free-
men.76
Pomeroy, taking a somewhat more conservative view than
Balsdon, sums up the position of Roman women as follows:
In comparison to Athenian women, some Roman women

appear to have been fairly liberated, but never did Roman
society encourage women to engage in the same activities as
men in the same social class.77
Pkilo's Experience of Women
Very little is known about Philo's personal life. It is assumed

that he was married, since he speaks approvingly of the married
73
Ibid., p.56.
74
Ibid., p. 196.
75
Ibid., p.96. Justinian comments on the Lex Julia of Augustus as follows
(quoted in Lefkowitz and Fant, Women s Life, p. 182): "The lex Julia declares that
wives have no right to bring criminal accusations for adultery against their hus-
bands, even though they may desire to complain of the violation of the marriage
vow, for while the law grants this privilege to men it does not concede it to women
76
Paulus, in a third century commentary on Augustus' Lex Julia, says:
"Fornication committed with female slaves unless they are deteriorated in value or
an attempt is made against their mistress through them, is not considered an injury"
(quoted in Lefkowitz and Fant, Women's Life, p. 182). Cf. the implication regarding
slaves in Spec.3.69: "If anyone . . . turns to rapine and ravishment and treats free
women as though they were servant-maids . . . he must be brought before the
judges" (emphasis mine).
77
Pomeroy, Goddesses, p.ix.

31.60.32.154 on Sat, 21 Nov 2020 22:48:13 UTC
state; in any case, all Jews were expected to take wives. Two factors
suggest that he had no children. The first is the complete absence of
any mention of his offspring in any source, despite the prominence
of his family, both in Alexandria and in Jerusalem.78 If there had
been children, some reference should have survived. The second is
his own statement about the man who finds himself wed to a barren
wife, a passage which has no Scriptural authority:
Those who marry maidens in ignorance at the time of their

capacity or incapacity for successful motherhood, and later
refuse to dismiss them, when prolonged childlessness shews
them to be barren, deserve our pardon. Familiarity, that most
constraining influence, is too strong for them, and they are
unable to rid themselves of the charm of old affection
imprinted on their souls by long companionship (Spec.3.35).
For knowledge of Philo's personal experience of women we have

only this type of implicit evidence.
Conclusion
As one of the leaders in the huge and disparate Jewish

community of Alexandria, Philo felt a heavy responsibility for that
community's survival. Combining both Hebrew and Greek culture in
himself, he was heir to a variety of traditions, most of which cast
women into a subordinate role. Yet the subordination was not uni-
form in nature: in the Pentateuch, for example, it did not always
entail inferiority. Nevertheless, it is notable that in each tradition
women constituted a "muted" group. They had almost no spokesper-
sons of their own, and tended to be reified by the men who did
speak of them.
78
According to Tessa Rajak, Josephus: The Historian and His Society
(Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1983), pp.53-5, Agrippa ITs sister Berenice married the
brother of Tiberius Julius Alexander, who was Philo's nephew.

31.60.32.154 on Sat, 21 Nov 2020 22:48:13 UTC
On the level of social reality, the apparent emancipation of

women in Gentile Alexandria coincided with Jewish observation of
sexual immorality run rampant. From the literature, we know that in
some Jewish men's minds there had existed for some time an as-
sociation of sexual immorality with apostasy. Since for Philo this
was reinforced by Greek teaching of the natural inferiority of
women, it is not surprising that the "sexual problem" should weigh
heavily on his mind, and that he should see it as a problem created
by women.

31.60.32.154 on Sat, 21 Nov 2020 22:48:13 UTC
31.60.32.154 on Sat, 21 Nov 2020 22:48:13 UTC

Filon On Women

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

Filon On Women

Uploaded by

Document Information

Original Title

Copyright

Available Formats

Share this document

Share or Embed Document

Sharing Options

Did you find this document useful?

Is this content inappropriate?

Copyright:

Available Formats

Filon On Women

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

Chapter Title: TRADITIONAL VIEWS OF WOMEN

Book Title: Philo’s Perception of Women

Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctvzpv4w5.6

This content downloaded from

TRADITIONAL VIEWS OF WOMEN

Philo's depiction of women constitutes a major, though

This content downloaded from

Perception of Women in Literature

Women in the Bible

Philo's primary source in literature is unquestionably the

This content downloaded from

statement that probably reflects the social reality of its source

This content downloaded from

to give his blessing to Esau (Gen.27:5-40). Leah manipulates Jacob,

Biblical Wisdom Books

This content downloaded from

and so I shall pass them over. Sometimes, however, Philo seems to

In each house there is a consecrated room which is called

In the Wisdom literature several views of woman are found.

Proverbs presents two contrasting pictures. On the one hand,

This content downloaded from

In the Wisdom literature there is no trace of the strong and

Women in Alexandrian Jewish Literature

Although some texts are hard to date, I shall comment on a

This content downloaded from

From a woman sin had its beginning,

Another text from the second century B.C.E., The Third

[The Jews] are mindftil of holy wedlock, and they do not

Along with the other sins of the Gentiles he mentions child

Worship the Loving One. Avoid adultery and indiscriminate

This content downloaded from

kill it, for the Immortal is angry at whoever commits these

The Testament of Job, a text dating from the first century

This content downloaded from

Third Maccabees, another text of the first century B.C.E.,

C. Burchard comments that this verse "may signify that virginity

This content downloaded from

we catch in the earlier part of the story a glimpse of the desirability

Women in Greek Literature

Philo was proud of his Greek education. He appears to have

With the exception of the noble portrayal of some women in

This content downloaded from

Even so Zeus the Thunderer on High created women

Writing a little later than Hesiod, Semonides (7th c. B.C.E.)

This content downloaded from

Phocylides (late 6th c. B.C.E.) does value a certain type of

The tribes of women originated from these four creatures:

We observe a pattern established early in the Greek tradition

This content downloaded from

The figure of Pythagoras, who flourished in the late sixth

This content downloaded from

sense.25 Asceticism in matters of sex, as of diet and dress, are

Xenophon was a writer of the late fifth and early fourth

This content downloaded from

the time of marriage), and he takes on the task of domesticating

This content downloaded from

"is inclined to be secretive and crafty, because of its weak-

On the subject of women, Plato, like Paul, can be read

This content downloaded from