Approaches To Racial and Ethnic Classification
Approaches To Racial and Ethnic Classification
Approaches To Racial and Ethnic Classification
The author warmly thanks the following people and institutions for their contributions: Kevin
Deardorff (U.S. Census Bureau); United Nations Statistical Division (Department of Economic
and Social Affairs), Demographic and Social Statistics Branch (particularly Mary Chamie,
Jeremiah Banda, Yacob Zewoldi, Margaret Mbogoni, Lisa Morrison-Puckett and intern Julia
Alemany); International Programs Center, U.S. Census Bureau; Caroline Persell and Sylvia
Simson (New York University); Leslie Stone (Inter-American Development Bank); Gerald
Haberkorn (Secretariat of the Pacific Community); and Patrick Corr (Australian Bureau of
Statistics). I also wish to thank the attendees at the following presentations of this research: U.S.
Census Bureau Migration Speaker Series; Population Association of America; International
Union for the Scientific Study of Population; and the Demographic and Social Statistics Branch
(United Nations) Speaker Series. The initial version of this research was funded by the U.S.
Census Bureau Immigration Statistics Branch. However, the conclusions—and the
shortcomings—are solely those of the author.
ETHNIC CLASSIFICATION IN GLOBAL PERSPECTIVE:
Ann Morning
Department of Sociology
ABSTRACT
Academic interest in official systems of racial and ethnic classification has grown in recent
years, but most research on such census categories has been limited to small case studies or
regional surveys. In contrast, this article analyzes a uniquely global data set compiled by the
United Nations Statistical Division to survey the approaches to ethnic enumeration taken in 141
countries. The motives for this analysis combine theoretical, applied and policy objectives. I
find that 63 percent of the national censuses studied incorporate some form of ethnic
enumeration, but their question and answer formats vary along several dimensions that betray
these formats follow notably regional patterns. Nonetheless, the variety of approaches can be
commonality in worldwide manifestations of the ethnicity concept than some have recognized.
ETHNIC CLASSIFICATION IN GLOBAL PERSPECTIVE:
Ann Morning
Department of Sociology, New York University
I. INTRODUCTION
Many if not most countries around the world categorize their inhabitants by race,
ethnicity, and/or national origins when it comes time to conduct a census. In an unpublished
survey of the census questionnaires used in 147 countries, the United Nations found that 95, or
65 percent, enumerated their populations by national or ethnic group (United Nations Statistical
Division 2003). However, this statistic encompasses a wide diversity of approaches to ethnic
“nationality,” “ancestry” and “indigenous,” “tribal” or “aboriginal” group all serve to draw
distinctions within the national population. The picture is further complicated by the ambiguity
of the meanings of these terms: what is called “race” in one country might be labeled “ethnicity”
in another, while “nationality” means ancestry in some contexts and citizenship in others. Even
within the same country, one term can take on several connotations, or several terms may be
used interchangeably.
wealth of formats and approaches to consider when revisiting their own national census
schedules. This article’s principal objective is to survey the approaches to ethnic enumeration
taken in 141 countries, based on a unique data set compiled by the United Nations Statistical
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Division, and to identify several dimensions along which classification practices vary. The
purposes of this analysis are both academic and policy-oriented. On one hand, this large-scale
overview of enumeration conventions from the 1995-2004 census round begins by establishing a
comprehensive definition of ethnicity and goes on to build a basic typology of formats that can
aid in distinguishing between different classification regimes. It also suggests several factors—
historical, demographic and political—that merit scholarly attention when accounting for the
evolution of ethnic categorization practices. On the other hand, by providing demographers with
a wide range of information concerning other nations’ enumeration practices, this comparative
analysis offers a source of potential innovations that might inform national preparations for
future censuses. In this more pragmatic vein, I include a case study of the United States in order
to illustrate the ways in which international comparison highlights unusual national practices and
provides models for alternative approaches. Finally, I draw on the findings’ implications for
current policy debates concerning the utility, desirability, and feasibility of international
This report begins with a brief review of both theoretical and empirical literature on
ethnic classification before going on to describe the data on census ethnicity questions analyzed
here. I next present findings on the frequency of ethnic enumeration, both globally and by
region, and then examine the terminology and formats used both in questions about ethnicity and
their response options. In the last set of findings, I focus on the United States’ 2000 census items
on ancestry, ethnicity and race in order to illustrate the points of divergence that emerge when
one nation’s practices are compared both to the global array and to smaller subsets, such as
nations with similar demographic histories or those that are the primary senders of immigrants to
the country in question. After reviewing these results, the concluding section revisits the
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Any review of approaches to ethnic identification must tackle the question of what—if
anything—distinguishes the concepts of ethnicity, race, and nationality. The elision between the
three is a well-known and widely apparent phenomenon (Fenton 2003). In The New Oxford
American Dictionary (Jewell and Abate 2001), for example, ethnicity is defined as “the fact or
state of belonging to a social group that has a common national or cultural tradition” (p. 583),
and the definition for “race” also equates it with ethnicity (p. 1402):
characteristics…a group of people sharing the same culture, history, language, etc; an
ethnic group…a group or set of people or things with a common feature or features
This brief example suffices to illustrate the interconnections often drawn between ethnicity, race,
nationality and other concepts. Here the definition of ethnicity makes reference to “national
Academic research has however suggested various distinctions between the three
concepts. One of the most common is the association of ethnicity with cultural commonality—
i.e. shared beliefs, values, and practices—while race is seen as revolving around physical or
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biological commonality.1 As Weber (1978) described, ethnic groups are “those human groups
that entertain a subjective belief in their common descent…it does not matter whether or not an
objective blood relationship exists” (p. 389), whereas “race identity” stems from “common
inherited and inheritable traits that actually derive from common descent” (p. 385). This
essentialist notion of race has met with considerable challenge in recent years from those who
define it as a social construct—“a social invention that changes as political, economic, and
historical contexts change” (American Sociological Association 2002: 7). Yet the
in the United States today (Omi 2001). Regardless of the general state of belief today
concerning the nature of race, however, the origins of racial groupings lie in historical notions of
Another important line of distinction that has been drawn between racial and ethnic
identity turns on the degree to which they reflect voluntary choice and entail significant
consequences (Banton 1983; Jenkins 1997). In the United States in particular, ethnicity has
According to these views, individuals can choose the ethnic group(s) with which they most
identify, and signal their affiliation with the group(s) by means of superficial behavior (e.g.
choice of clothing or food) with the knowledge that such identification will have little if any
repercussion for major life outcomes such as employment or educational opportunities. In sharp
immutable, regardless of individual behavioral choices. Most important of all, this externally-
enforced affiliation has profound and far-reaching effects on life outcomes (Smelser, Wilson and
Mitchell 2001).
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Interestingly, the concept of nationality has been linked to both ethnicity and race, as well
as to citizenship. Eighteenth-century German Romantic ideas of the Volk laid the groundwork
for the view that political boundaries mirrored cultural, ethnic ones, and even that they contained
people of the same “blood” or physical stock (Hannaford 1996). Such ideas found expression in
the 19th and 20th centuries as well, leading to mass migrations and conflicts over state borders
(Brubaker 1996). In Eastern Europe in particular, nationality has come to designate something
other than political citizenship, something more like ancestry or national origins (Eberhardt
Despite the fluidity between the conceptual borders of ethnicity, race, and nationality, at
their cores they share a common connotation of ancestry or “community of descent” (Hollinger
1998). Each concept relies on a different type of proof or manifestation of those shared roots—
ethnicity discerns it in cultural practices or beliefs (e.g. dress, language, religion), race in
perceived physical traits, and nationality through geographic location—yet they all aim to
included all three of these terms—and others—as indicators of one underlying concept of
origins. For this umbrella concept I use the label “ethnicity” rather than “ancestry,” however, to
emphasize the immediacy that such categories can have when individuals identify themselves.
As Alba (1990: 38) points out, ancestry involves beliefs about one’s forebears, while ethnicity is
a matter of “beliefs directly about oneself.” He illustrates the difference as being one between
the statements, “My great-grandparents came from Poland" (ancestry) versus "I am Polish"
(ethnicity). Accordingly, this study uses a broad definition of “ethnic enumeration” that includes
census references to a heterogeneous collection of terms (e.g. “ethnic group,” “race,” “people,”
“tribe”) that indicate a contemporary yet somewhat inchoate sense of origin-based “groupness.”
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Identifying a basic core meaning in varied ethnicity-related terms makes possible a broad
enumeration have usually included only a few cases, as part of an intensive examination of the
social, historical, and political factors behind diverse classificatory regimes (e.g. Kertzer and
Arel 2002a; Nobles 2000). And the broader surveys available are generally either regional (e.g.
Almey, Pryor and White 1992), not based on systematic samples (e.g. Rallu, Piché and Simon
2001; Statistics Canada and U.S. Census Bureau 1993), or focused on informal conventions
rather than official categorization schemes (e.g. Wagley 1965; Washington 2005). As a result,
study. One of the fundamental contributions made here is thus an empirical one, in the form of a
major step forward for theory-building about the origins of different classificatory systems.
Collecting data on the dependent variable of classification type suggests important features to
measure and eventually to explain. Rallu, Piché and Simon (2001) exemplify the possibilities of
l’intégration nationale)
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Rallu et al. identify colonial census administration with the first category, as well as related
examples such as apartheid-era South Africa, the Soviet Union, and Rwanda. In these cases,
ethnic categories form the basis for exclusionary policies. In the second category, where ethnic
categories are rejected in order to promote national unity, western European nations such as
France, Germany, and Spain are prominent. The third category is largely associated with Latin
American countries, where governments take different decisions about whether to enumerate by
ethnicity, but a broader discourse praising interethnic mixture or hybridity is not uncommon.
The final category is illustrated with examples from Latin America (e.g. Brazil, Colombia) and
Asia (China), but the principal cases discussed here are those of England, Canada, and the United
States, where ethnic census data serve as tools in combating discrimination. Despite the number
of regions that Rallu et al. take into account, however, their conclusions are drawn from a limited
set of countries rather than the complete international pool. As a result, the four-part schema
they identify might be altered if a wider sample of national censuses were considered.
Another element that is missing from the existing literature on ethnic enumeration is
comparative content analysis of the language of census ethnicity items. The studies previously
described generally focus on the question of which political motives result in the presence or
absence of an ethnic question on a national census. They do not delve into the details of the
precise format of the question. But such nuances offer particular applied interest for
demographers and other census officials. Maintaining that such technical information is of use
for the architects of population censuses, this study investigates what terminology is used in
different countries (e.g., “race” or “nationality”?), how the request for information is framed, and
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what options are given to respondents in formulating their answer. In this way, the project may
suggest alternative approaches to implement when census forms are being redesigned, and offer
a basis for weighing the relative strengths and weaknesses of diverse formats.
existing research on ethnic classification, the findings here are relevant to debates about the
feasibility and desirability of international guidelines on census ethnic enumeration. In its 1998
Principles and Recommendations for Population and Housing Censuses (Revision 1), the United
Nations Statistical Division noted the difficulty of proposing a common, cross-national approach
The national and/or ethnic groups of the population about which information is needed in
different countries are dependent upon national circumstances. Some of the bases upon
which ethnic groups are identified are ethnic nationality (in other words country or area
characteristics. In addition, some of the terms used, such as “race”, “origin” and “tribe”,
have a number of different connotations. The definitions and criteria applied by each
determined by the groups that it desires to identify. By the very nature of the subject,
these groups will vary widely from country to country; thus, no internationally relevant
operationalization of ethnicity—that is, the concrete measures such as language or dress that are
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used to indicate the underlying concept of ethnicity. However, this article argues that the
not preclude recognizing and analyzing them as reflections of a shared fundamental concept.
Despite the different formulations used, such as “race” or “nationality,” their shared reference to
communities of descent justifies both academic and policy interpretation of them as comparable
categorization schemes. Furthermore, as this research suggests, it is precisely the variation in the
operationalization of the ethnicity concept that merits further analysis. Comparisons can be
fruitful, illuminating the bases upon which social groups are thought to be distinct in different
parts of the world, as well as the strategies that national governments employ with respect to
these groups. By the same token, ethnic enumeration can also be understood as a widespread
phenomenon that could potentially be the subject of a global policy approach, despite the
membership differently, we can recognize that their varied enumeration approaches target an
questionnaire forms and data results. For the 2000 round (i.e. censuses conducted from 1995
through 2004), UNSD drew up a list of 231 nations and territories from which to solicit census
materials. As of June 2005, this researcher located 141 national questionnaires in the UNSD
collection and elsewhere (i.e. from 61 percent of the countries listed), and calculated that 30
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nations (13 percent) had not scheduled a census in that round.2 Therefore questionnaires were
missing from 60 countries (26 percent of the original list, or 30 percent of the 201 countries
The gaps in the resultant database’s coverage of international census-taking were not
spread randomly across the globe, as Table 1 shows. The nations of Europe were best-
represented in the collection, as all of the 2000 census round questionnaires available have been
located. Next came Asia (including the Middle East), for which 80 percent of the available
questionnaires have been obtained, followed by South America and Oceania (79 percent each),
North America (at 51 percent, including Central America and the Caribbean), and Africa (42
percent). One effect of this uneven coverage is that African countries, which would make up 22
percent of the sample and the second-largest regional bloc after Asia if all its 1995-2004
censuses were included, contribute only 13 percent to the final sample of national census
questionnaires studied. More generally, the variation in coverage suggests that while the results
America and Oceania, this is not the case for discussion of North (and Central) America or of
Africa. Moreover, the country-level data below do not indicate what percentage of the world’s
population is covered by the census regimes studied here; findings are not weighted by national
Each census form available was checked for questions about respondents’ “race,”
in short, any terminology that indicated group membership based on descent. Although
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language, religion, and legal citizenship questions also appear frequently on national censuses
and may be interpreted as reflections of ethnic affiliation, I do not include such indirect
references to ancestry. (Consider for example how poor an indicator of ethnicity “Native
English Speaker” status would be in the United States.) When an ethnicity item as defined above
appeared on a census, both the question text and response categories or format were entered
verbatim into a database. Translations into English were provided by national census authorities,
IV. FINDINGS
employed some form of ethnic census classification. As Table 2 shows, North America, South
America, and Oceania were the regions with the greatest propensity to include ethnicity on their
censuses. While Asia’s tendency to enumerate by ethnicity was close to the sample average,
both Europe and Africa were much less likely to do so. However, as the next section
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In 49 of the 87 cases of ethnic enumeration (56 percent), the terms ethnicity or ethnic
were used.6 This terminology was found on censuses from every world region. Often the term
was combined with others for clarification, as in: “Caste/Ethnicity” (Nepal); “cultural and ethnic
Group” (Singapore); “Ethnic nationality” (Latvia); and “race or ethnic group” (Jamaica).
Overall, 9 different terms or concepts appeared in census ethnicity questions; Table 3 lists them
in descending order of frequency. The table also distinguishes between “primary” terms (i.e.
first to appear if more than one term is used in one or more questions) and “secondary,” or
following, terms. For example, in the Nepal example above, caste was recorded as the primary
As Table 3 shows, the second most frequent term after ethnicity was nationality, used by
20 nations (or 23 percent). Here nationality denoted origins rather than current legal citizenship
status. This distinction was made clear in most cases either by the presence on the census
questionnaire of a separate question for citizenship (e.g. Romania, Tajikistan) or by the use of the
adjective “ethnic” to create the term “ethnic nationality” (Estonia). However, I also include in
this category census items that combined ethnicity and nationality by using a single question to
identify either citizens’ ethnicity or non-citizens’ nationality. For example, the Senegalese
question ran, “Ethnie ou nationalité: Inscrivez l'ethnie pour les Sénégalais et la nationalité pour
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les étrangers” (Ethnicity or nationality: Write down ethnicity for Senegalese and nationality for
foreigners).
References to nationality as ethnic origin came largely from eastern European nations
(e.g. Poland, Romania) and Asian countries of the former Soviet Union such as Tajikistan,
Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan (see Table 4). This regional concentration reflects a number of
historical factors. First, 20th-century (and earlier) movements of both political borders and
people in Eastern Europe left groups with allegiances to past or neighboring governments
situated in new or different states (Eberhardt 2003). Second, this reinforced existing Romantic
notions of nations as corresponding to ethnic communities of descent (Kertzer and Arel 2002b).
Finally, the Soviet Union’s practice of identifying distinct nationalities within its borders
extended the equation of nationality with ethnic membership (Blum and Gousseff 1996).
Roughly 15 percent of the national censuses asked about respondents’ indigenous status.
These cases came from North America (e.g. Mexico: “¿[Name] pertenece a algún grupo
indígena?”; Does [name] belong to an indigenous group?), South America (e.g. Venezuela:
“¿Pertenece usted a algún grupo indígena?”; Do you belong to an indigenous group?), Oceania
(e.g. Nauru: “family’s local tribe”), and Africa (Kenya: “Write tribe code for Kenyan Africans”).
Indigeneity seems to serve as a marker largely in nations that experienced European colonialism,
where it distinguishes populations that ostensibly do not have European ancestry (separating
them from mestizos for example in Mexico) or who inhabited the territory prior to European
settlement. The indigenous status formulation was not found on any European or Asian
censuses.
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The same number of countries (13, or 15 percent of all censuses using some form of
ethnic enumeration) asked for respondents’ race, but this term was three times more likely to
appear as a secondary term than as a primary one. For example, the Brazilian question placed
race after color (“A sua cor o raça e:”), and Anguilla used race to modify ethnicity: “To what
ethnic/racial group does [the person] belong?”. Race usage was largely confined to North
America (including Central America and the Caribbean), as well as to United States territories in
Oceania (American Samoa, Federated States of Micronesia, Guam, Northern Mariana Islands).
More specifically, census usage of race is found almost entirely in the former slaveholding
societies of the Western Hemisphere and their territories. Of the 13 countries studied that
enumerate by race, 11 are either New World former slave societies (United States, Anguilla,
Bermuda, Brazil, Jamaica, Saint Lucia) and/or their territories (United States Virgin Islands,
Table 4 summarizes the geographic patterns in usage of the four most frequent ethnic
Oceania and least prevalent in South America, whereas nationality is found on more than half of
the European censuses but on none in the Americas. Conversely, references to indigenous status
or “tribe” reach their peak in South America, but are absent on European and Asian censuses.
Similarly, race is not found on European or Asian censuses, but appears on almost half of those
used in North America (which includes Central America and the Caribbean). Still, in all regions
ethnicity remains the most frequent term used, with the exception of South America, where
references to indigenous status appear twice as often as those to ethnicity. Together, the four
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Census ethnicity questions vary considerably not just in their terminology but also in the
language they use to elicit respondents’ identities. In particular, census questionnaires differ
objective fact. Twelve (or 14 percent) of the 87 countries that practice ethnic enumeration treat
otherwise believe themselves to be. Examples come from every world region. Saint Lucia’s
census asks, “To what ethnic group do you think [the person] belongs?” (emphasis added) rather
than simply, “To what ethnic, racial or national group does [the person] belong?” The same
explicitly subjective formulation is found on the census questionnaires of New Caledonia (“A
communities do you think you belong?) and Paraguay (“¿Se considera perteneciente a una étnia
indígena?”; Do you consider yourself as belonging to an indigenous ethnic group?), for example
(emphases mine).
respondents’ beliefs, these censuses achieve the same end by emphasizing the personal, self-
selected aspect of ethnicity; it is what the individual says it is, not the product of an objective
the Philippines’ question, “How does [the person] classify himself/herself?” or Bermuda’s “In
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your opinion, which of the following best describes your ancestry?” South Africa’s census asks,
“How would (the person) describe him/herself in terms of population group?” while Jamaica
asks, “To which race or ethnic group would you say you/… belong(s)?”, both questions
found in non-English formulations as well, such as Argentina’s “¿Existe en este hogar alguna
indigenous people?) or Suriname’s “Tot welke etnische groep rekent deze persoon zichzelf?”
(With which ethnic group does this person identify him/herself?). Peru’s census question even
lays out the basis on which individuals might construct their ethnic identity, asking “¿Por sus
antepasados y de acuerdo a sus costumbres Ud. se considera:…" (Given your ancestors and
Many of these examples also illustrate another strategy of recognizing the subjectivity of
identity, and that is the reference to ethnic groups as something with which one is affiliated, as
opposed to the more total ethnicity as something that one is. The difference between an essential
being ethnic and a constructed belonging to an ethnicity can be illustrated by juxtaposing the
question “What is your ethnic group?” (United Kingdom) against “To what ethnic group do you
belong?” (Guyana). The difference is subtle, yet it marks a distinction between a more
ethnicity as socially and thus subjectively developed. In addition to the 14 percent of the
national censuses studied that presented ethnicity as subjective in the ways previously described,
another 21 percent (18 countries) used the concept of belonging (appartenir in French,
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pertenecer in Spanish) in the formulation of their ethnicity question. Again, this approach was
It is clear however that in the majority of cases, census ethnicity questions were brief and
direct, simply treating ethnicity as an objective individual characteristic to be reported. Some did
not in fact include a question, merely a title (e.g. “Ethnic Group,” Bulgaria). However, it should
be noted that three national censuses from eastern Europe indicated that it was not obligatory to
respond to the ethnicity question, ostensibly due to its sensitive nature. Croatia’s census notes
“person is not obliged to commit himself/herself,” Slovenia’s reads, “You don't have to answer
this question if you don't wish to,” and Hungary adds, “Answering the following questions is not
compulsory!”
1. Response Formats
Turning now to the structuring of response options for ethnicity questions, the national
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The three approaches were used in nearly equal proportions among the 87 countries employing
ethnic enumeration: 32 (37 percent) used the entirely closed-ended approach, 28 (32 percent) the
mixed approach, and 27 (31 percent) permitted respondents to write in whatever ethnic identity
they chose.
The closed-ended approach generally took two forms: either a limited number of
checkbox category options, or the request to select a code from a list of ethnic groups assigned to
codes. The former strategy can be found, for example, on the Brazilian census, which gave
respondents five options to choose from to identify their “color or race”: (1) Branca; (2) Preta;
(3) Parda; (4) Amarela; (5) Indigena.7 This listing of five categories is a relatively brief one;
another such example is Romania’s series of “nationality” answers: (1) Romanian; (2)
Hungarian; (3) Gypsy/Roma; (4) German, and (5) Other. At the other end of the spectrum,
Guatemala offered a list of 22 indigenous groups plus Garifuna and Ladino, and Argentina and
Paraguay each presented a list of 17 indigenous groups for selection by the respondent.
However, the second type of closed-ended format—the linking of ethnic groups to code
numbers—permitted respondents to select from an even longer list of choices; Laos offered 48
such code options. Other countries to use the code-list strategy were Ghana, Kenya, Malaysia,
An even wider range of responses was possible on the censuses that featured the
combination of closed-ended categories with a fill-in blank for the “Other” option alone. After
Belorussian, and Latvian—the Estonian census requested that individuals choosing the seventh
“Other” box write in their specific “ethnic nationality.” In Mongolia, respondents either
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identified with the Khalkh option or wrote in their ethnicity. Singapore listed 13 possibilities for
In the last, entirely open-ended strategy, respondents were simply asked to “write in”
(Senegal) or “provide the name of” (China) their ethnic group. This approach may not offer the
respondent as much latitude as it appears, however, in nations where one’s ethnic affiliation to
Although the sample of censuses studied was fairly evenly divided across the three types
of ethnic response format, each world region generally favored one approach more than the
others. Table 5 shows that in South America and Africa, the closed-ended approach was taken
by about two thirds of the national censuses, whereas roughly the same share in Europe used the
mixed approach, and about two thirds of Asian censuses relied on the open-ended strategy.
race (see Table 6). In particular, questions on nationality are most likely to permit some kind of
write-in response, while those inquiring about indigenous status and race are the least likely to do
so. The first finding may reflect the expectation that fairly few national origins are likely to be
elicited and thus an open-ended approach is not likely to become unwieldy. The second finding
may reflect governmental tendencies to develop official lists of indigenous and racial groups that
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are formally recognized by the state, coupled with a sense of necessity to assign all respondents
identities may depict them as involving a limited number of categories (such as the traditional
Linnean “black,” “white,” “yellow” and “red” color groupings) or even simple dichotomies (e.g.
2. Response Options
Census response formats for ethnicity vary in other ways worth noting:
to identify with more than one ethnicity. This flexibility takes three forms. First, some censuses
allow the respondent to check off more than one category (e.g. Channel Islands – Jersey;
Canada; New Zealand; United States; U.S. Virgin Islands). Other census questionnaires offer a
generic mixed-ethnicity response option (e.g. “Mixed”: Channel Islands – Jersey, Saint Lucia,
Anguilla, Guyana, Zimbabwe, Trinidad and Tobago, Jamaica, Mozambique, Solomon Islands,
Suriname; “Mestizo”: Belize, Peru; “Coloured” in South Africa). Finally, some censuses specify
exact combinations of interest, for example: “White and Black Caribbean,” “White and Black
African,” etc. in the United Kingdom; “Black and White,” “Black and Other,” etc. in Bermuda;
“Part Cook Island Maori,” Cook Islands; “Eurasian,” Singapore; “Part Ni-Vanuatu,” Vanuatu;
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b. Overlap between ethnic, national, language and other response categories. The
conceptual proximity between such concepts as ethnicity and nationality is illustrated once again
by some censuses’ use of the same set of response categories to serve as answers to distinct
questions on ethnicity, nationality, or language. For example, the Bermudan census response
category “Asian” can be selected when responding either to the race or the “ancestry” question.
An even more striking example comes from Hungary, where the same detailed list of categories
serves as the response options to three separate questions (one each for nationality, culture and
language); the options are: Bulgarian; Gipsy (Roma); Beas; Romani; Greek; Croatian; Polish;
Hungarian, and “Do not wish to answer.” Moldova also uses the same responses for three
questions (one each on citizenship, nationality and language), while Estonia and Poland use the
same categories for their citizenship and ethnic nationality questions, and Latvia, Romania, and
Turkmenistan use the same response options for nationality and language questions.
It is also worth recalling that even when only one ethnicity question appears on a census
with one set of response options, the answer categories themselves may reference multiple
concepts such as race and nationality. The United States’ race question, which includes answers
like “white” and “black” alongside national or ethnic designations like “Korean” and “Japanese,”
provides a good example. Similarly, Saint Lucia and Guyana’s ethnicity options include races
like “black” and “white” alongside national designations like “Chinese” and “Portuguese.”
Nationality and ethnicity are also intertwined on censuses that use a single question to ask
respondents for ethnicity if they are citizens, but for something else if they are foreigners. For
example, Indonesia requests, “If the respondent is a foreigner, please specify his/her citizenship
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and if the respondent is an Indonesian, please specify his/her ethnicity.” Kenya’s ethnicity
question reads, “Write tribe code for Kenyan Africans and country of origin for other Kenyans
and non-Kenyans.” Zambia’s ethnicity question instructs, “If Zambian enter ethnic grouping, if
not mark major racial group.” And Iraq’s census asks only Iraqis to answer the ethnicity
question.
Perhaps the simplest cases of conceptual overlap occur, however, on censuses that
combine multiple terms in the same item, such as the conflation of ethnicity and race in the
Solomon Islands’ question: “Ethnicity. What race do you belong to? Melanesian, Polynesian,
c. Use of examples. National censuses vary considerably in the extent to which they
employ examples to facilitate response to their ethnicity questions. Given typical space
constraints, this strategy is not widespread; instead, the list of checkbox response options may
serve as the principal illustration of the objective of the question. For example, the Philippine
presentation of examples before its closed-ended code-list question is unusual: “How does [the
Ilocano or what?” Instead, examples are more likely to be employed when the answer format
calls for an open-ended write-in response; it is in this context, for example, that Fiji offers
respondents the examples “Chinese, European, Fijian, Indian, part European, Rotuman, Tongan,
etc.” The U.S. Pacific territories do the same for their “ethnic origin or race” write-in item.
In summary, both the amount of latitude that census respondents enjoy when answering
an ethnicity question and the amount of guidance or clarification they are given vary widely
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One of the primary motives for this comparative investigation of ethnic enumeration is to
identify widespread census practices and provide demographers with a basis for applied
evaluations of individual censuses. In this spirit I focus on the case of the United States in order
to furnish an example of how a given national census might be assessed in light of global ethnic
classification practices.
United States census of 2000 asked respondents to answer three questions about
ethnicity.
• Is this person Spanish / Hispanic / Latino? Mark X the “No” box if not Spanish / Hispanic /
Latino.
Yes, Cuban
• What is this person’s race? Mark X one or more races to indicate what this person considers
White
Chinese Guamanian
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Filipino or Chamorro
Japanese Samoan
Vietnamese
• “What is this person’s ancestry or ethnic origin? (For example: Italian, Jamaican, African
Am., Cambodian, Cape Verdean, Norwegian, Dominican, French Canadian, Haitian, Korean,
When compared to other national censuses from the 2000 round, it is clear that the
current United States census practice of enumerating Hispanic ethnicity, race, and ancestry is
unusual in several respects. For one thing, the United States is part of a small minority of nations
that use the term race for its primary ethnicity question. As Table 3 showed, only 15 percent of
the countries that use ethnic enumeration employed the language of race on their censuses. It
must be noted, however, that even when national censuses referred to ethnicity rather than race,
the response categories they offered often included the same groups as would be found among
the answer options to a race question, such as “Black,” “Caucasian,” or “Chinese.” The U.S.
response options also display a great deal of conceptual overlap: the category “Mexican,” for
example, figures on both the Hispanic ethnicity and the ancestry questions, and “African
The explicit permission to select more than one race or ancestry group is another
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U.S. ethnic enumeration diverges most strikingly from other countries’, however, in its
treatment of race as a concept distinct from ethnicity. This conceptual demarcation is evinced by
two aspects of the U.S. census: its use of an ethnicity question that is separate from its race
question, and its targeting of only one ethnic group: Hispanics. The inclusion of an ethnicity
question that identifies only one group (Hispanics) is unique; no other national census takes such
an asymmetrical approach to non-indigenous respondents, singling out only one group rather
than identifying a wider range of ethnic affiliations. The closest parallel can be found on some
countries’ dichotomous questions concerning indigenous status, although many of those in fact
seek to capture a wide range of indigenous affiliations, not just a generic aboriginal status. The
U.S. separation of race from its question on ethnicity that is dedicated to enumerating only one
group (Hispanics) conveys the idea that neither the race question nor the ancestry question can
adequately identify this group, leaving open the question of how ethnicity and race differ from
each other.
This question looms even larger when it becomes apparent through international
comparison that the United States is the only nation in this sample whose census treats race as a
measure separate from ethnicity.10 All the other censuses instead present the two concepts as
interchangeable, as in “To what ethnic/racial group does [the person] belong?” (Anguilla).
Interestingly, even the censuses administered in the United States’ Pacific territories treat race
and ethnicity as substitutes for each other: “What is this person's ethnic origin or race?” (used in
The United States’ unique conceptual distinction between race and ethnicity may
unwittingly support the longstanding belief that race reflects biological difference and ethnicity
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stems from cultural difference. In this scheme, ethnicity is socially-produced but race is an
immutable facet of nature. Consequently, walling off race from ethnicity on the census may
reinforce essentialist interpretations of race and preclude understanding of the ways in which
racial categories are also socially constructed. This conclusion is evident in the U.S. federal
racial classification standards’ explanation for why Hispanics are not enumerated as a race
(Office of Management and Budget 1997); they are instead an “ethnic group” that is demarcated
by culture (specifically, “Spanish culture or origin, regardless of race”). In this view, which is
extremely unusual in international perspective, ethnic groups are different from races because
they are rooted in sociohistorical contexts; races thus appear to be grounded in something other
In addition to contrasting the U.S. census broadly with all other countries that enumerate
by ethnicity, it is also instructive to compare the United States to the narrower range of nations
with similar demographic histories. The formation of states in the wake of European
that—like the U.S.—are numerically dominated by people of European descent is largely limited
to the Americas, Australia and New Zealand. And while all of these cases entailed European
encounters with indigenous peoples, not all experienced the influx as well of a significant
African population. Taking these fundamental features into account, perhaps the country most
demographically similar to the United States is Brazil, but as numerous authors have
demonstrated, the two countries have developed quite different forms of race relations and
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imagery (Marx 1998; Nobles 2000; Telles 2004). In short, the United States’ demographic
evolution and its cultural response are unique. Nonetheless, I sketch below a few points of
comparison between it and other societies outside Europe in which the descendants of European
settlers have remained a distinct majority—like Canada, Australia, and New Zealand—or have
Like the United States, Canada uses three questions to elicit ethnic information from its
respondents. First is an ancestry question, "To which ethnic or cultural group(s) did this person's
ancestors belong?” Answer examples are given, and individuals are permitted four open-ended
fill-in entries. Next Canadians are asked (without specifying the term “race”), “Is this person…”
and they are given the following response options: White; Chinese; South Asian; Black;
Arab/West Asian; Filipino; South East Asian; Latin American; Japanese; Korean; Other-specify.
Respondents may mark more than one group. Finally, Canadians are asked about their
indigenous affiliation.
Three differences from the U.S. procedure are particularly noteworthy. First is the list of
categories on the Canadian race question; as in the United States, they include categories such as
White, Black and several Asian categories (e.g. Chinese, Japanese). However, they also include
the category “Latin American” among these choices—unlike the American creation of a separate
Hispanic ethnicity question—and they include an “Arab/West Asian” option, thereby facilitating
the self-identification of people of Arab or Middle Eastern descent. Second, Canadians are
permitted to list up to four ancestry groups, compared to the two allowed on the U.S. census long
form. Finally, Statistics Canada has placed explanatory notes next to its census ethnicity
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ancestral origins has been collected since the 1901 Census to capture the changing
composition of Canada’s diverse population. Therefore, this question refers to the origins
Moreover, Canada’s race item (with categories beginning, “White,” “Chinese,” “South Asian,”
“Black,” etc.) is accompanied by the note, “This information is collected to support programs
that promote equal opportunity for everyone to share in the social, cultural and economic life of
Canada.” In other words, Statistics Canada attempts to provide its respondents with a rationale
Like Canada, both Australia and New Zealand distinguish general ethnicity questions
(“What is the person's ancestry?” and “Which ethnic group do you belong to?”, respectively)
from those that refer to indigenous status (“Is the person of Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander
origin?” on the Australian census; the New Zealand census asks, “Are you descended from a
Mäori (that is, did you have a Mäori birth parent, grandparent or great-grandparent, etc)?” and if
so, “Do you know the name(s) of your iwi (tribe or tribes)?”). Response options to the
Australian ancestry question include: English; Irish; Italian; German; Greek; Chinese;
Australian, and “Other—please specify.” The possible answers to New Zealand’s general
ethnicity question are: New Zealand European; Maori; Samoan; Cook Island Maori; Tongan;
(Multiple responses are permitted.) The response format to New Zealand’s general ethnicity
question is of particular interest because it explicitly names indigenous groups side-by-side with
other ethnic groups, unlike its Australian and Canadian counterparts, where indigenous groups
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are named only as part of a separate question (for example, as Australia and Canada do). In this
respect, it is similar to the U.S. race question, but unlike the U.S., it dedicates two additional
In contrast to the American, Canadian, Australian and New Zealand cases, the Brazilian
census’ ethnic enumeration is limited to one question. It asks for respondents’ “color or race”
(“A sua cor ou raça e:”) and the five response categories use color terms (Branca—white;
Amarela—yellow), imply a gradation of color (Preta, Parda—darker and lighter brown), and
identify Indigena status.11 Since Brazil is the only other country highlighted here to have been a
large-scale importer of African slaves, it is notable that both the U.S. and Brazil privilege the
whereas Canada, Australia and New Zealand evoke “ethnicity” and “ancestry.”
Brazil’s reliance on one question alone raises the important question of why more than
one ethnicity item might be necessary for a national census. In other words, do multiple
questions actually target different kinds of information, or could they plausibly be covered with
one question alone? The Canadian inclusion of “Latin Americans” among other racial groups
suggests that the U.S. could dispense with its separate Hispanic ethnicity question and instead
incorporate Hispanics alongside its categories of white, black, etc.12 And the Australian and
New Zealand censuses (in addition to Brazil’s) do not call for separate ancestry questions
distinct from ethnicity or race items. In short, censuses from the small group of countries that
are demographically comparable to the United States illustrate several ways in which ethnic
enumeration could be streamlined (or expanded). These myriad approaches highlight the
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importance of clear conceptual goals in designing ethnicity questions that obtain the desired
information yet do not burden respondents with unnecessary overlap that may cause confusion.
The final set of countries whose enumeration practices are of particular comparative
interest when assessing a national census are the largest contemporary senders of that country’s
immigrants. In the case of the United States, that group includes: Mexico, China (including
Hong Kong and Taiwan), the Philippines, India, Vietnam, Cuba, Korea (both South and North),
Canada, El Salvador, and Germany (see Table 7). Their importance lies in the fact that they are
likely to have shaped the understandings of ethnicity that immigrants draw on when confronted
with the nation classification schemes in force in their new home country.
Almost all of the major immigrant source countries for whom census questionnaires were
available13 used some form of census ethnic enumeration; South Korea is the sole exception.
Mexico is a particularly important case as it far surpasses any other nation as a source of
immigrants to the United States. But it also stands out in this group because it alone employs a
single, dichotomous yes/no question about indigenous status (“¿[Name] pertenece a algún grupo
indígena?”; Does [name] belong to an indigenous group? ). As a result, its ethnic enumeration
approach is perhaps most distinct from that of the United States, compared to those of other
major immigration source countries, and indeed, the disjuncture between the Mexican and U.S.
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U.S. census race question. Del Pinal and Ennis (2005) found that among the 2000 census
respondents who reported Mexico as their country of birth, nearly 11 percent refused to select a
race, and over 45 percent chose “Some other race” as their answer. In other words, over half of
the Mexico-born population in the United States opted not to identify themselves in the
customary U.S. racial terms. Respondents born in El Salvador, the 9th-largest country of birth for
the U.S. foreign-born, were even less likely to select one of the official racial categories used on
the U.S. census; only 38 percent did so (del Pinal and Ennis 2005). The divergence in the
Mexican and U.S. approaches to ethnic enumeration appear to be associated with the latter’s lack
United States’ major immigrant source countries offer broader and more open-ended formats for
reporting ethnicity. The censuses of China and Vietnam feature a write-in format for “ethnic
group, ” and India and the Philippines ask respondents to select a numerical code from a code list
to indicate caste and tribe (in the Indian case) or ethnicity (in the Filipino case, where the
question reads, “How does [the person] classify himself/herself? Is he/she an Ibaloi, Kankanaey,
Mangyan, Manobo, Chinese, Ilocano or what?”). India and the Philippines offer particularly
good examples of the ways in which immigrants are likely to have been accustomed to group
categories in their home countries that are entirely different from those encountered on the U.S.
census. Although Asian immigrants find their responses to the U.S. race question facilitated by
the inclusion of national categories (“Asian Indian,” “Chinese,” “Filipino,” “Korean,” and
“Vietnamese” all have their own checkboxes on the race question), this attempt at ethnic
enumeration is unlikely to elicit the group identities that were originally salient for them in their
countries of origin. And for immigrants from the Caribbean, Africa, Latin America, and the
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Middle East, who are not offered any national designators on the U.S. census race question, the
instruction to locate themselves in the categories of White, Black, Asian, or American Indian
must seem even more at odds with the ethnicity schemes to which they are accustomed
Review of the ethnic enumeration approaches found on the censuses of the largest source
countries of the U.S. foreign-born population suggests that immigrants may have difficulty
responding to national census ethnicity questions when the approach or categories of their
countries of origin are markedly different from those found in their country of destination.
Comparisons of a given census to those of its largest immigration source countries should thus
be taken into consideration when evaluating the efficacy of a national census ethnicity items.
One of the main objectives of the juxtaposition of U.S. census approaches to ethnicity
with those of other nations has been to illustrate how a comparative perspective reveals distinct
national practices that might merit review and redesign in future census rounds. In the U.S. case
In the sample analyzed here, only 15 percent of the census questionnaires referred to
race. However, many countries that used the term ethnicity in their census question included
traditional race labels (e.g. “black,” “Caucasian”) among their response options.
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2. The United States is virtually alone in treating “race” and “ethnicity” as different types of
identity.
The few other countries that mention both race and ethnicity on their census
question, “To what ethnic/racial group does [the person] belong?”), with the exception of
Zambia. And only the United States uses separate questions to measure its inhabitants’ race
versus their ethnicity. One unintended effect of this practice may be to reinforce essentialist,
socially-produced ethnicity.
3. The United States’ use of an “ethnicity” question to single out only one group (Hispanics)
is unique.
National ethnic enumeration is usually intended to permit all respondents to register the
group(s) with which they identify. In contrast, the United States’ ethnicity question only records
ethnic identity if it is Hispanic; all others are deemed simply non-Hispanic. The closest
precedent for this approach in the rest of the world is the measurement of indigenous status, but
even this inquiry usually permits respondents to identify with a number of groups (as is true of
the “American Indian or Alaska Native” fill-in blank on the U.S. race question). The delegation
of Hispanic ethnicity to a question other than the race or ancestry questions raises the question of
what it is about this particular group that precludes its measurement through either the race or
ancestry questions. Moreover, it results in the somewhat unusual practice of using three distinct
ethnicity questions.
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The ways in which U.S. ethnic enumeration differs from other countries’ practices
suggest possible areas for change (with the assumption that some form of ethnicity enumeration
is to be retained). Of course, the fact that one country has adopted a particular classificatory
scheme does not imply any requirement that it be more closely aligned with other national
conventions. Such departures from widespread norms, however, can prove fertile sites for
other words, identifying divergence from widespread practices offers demographers and
In the U.S. case, international comparisons suggest several avenues for future innovations
in ethnic enumeration. For example, placing the unusual American separation of race from
ethnicity questions in international context suggests two modifications. One might be to offer
some explanation or guidance concerning the difference between the two concepts (recall
Canada’s guide to ancestry). What do race and ethnicity each mean in this context? Such a step
would both clarify the rationale for the two questions and facilitate response.14 Another possible
modification might be to combine the race and ethnicity questions, if in fact there is little logical
rationale for treating Hispanics as a group apart. This approach could also have the positive
“black” and “white”—especially if the resultant combined question used the language of
“ethnicity” rather than “race.”15 Dropping the reference to race would also bring the United
The unique U.S. practice of using an ethnicity question to target only one type of group
affiliation (Hispanic) could also be modified by turning the current ethnicity question into one
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that resembles the type found most commonly abroad: a question that permits respondents to
register the full range of ethnic identities. This could happen in one of two ways (assuming no
change to the current race question). One possibility would be to expand the current Hispanic
ethnicity question into a more comprehensive ethnicity question, along the lines of “To what
ethnic group do you belong?”, with either closed- or open-ended responses. The other strategy
would be to adapt the current ancestry question in some way (if necessary) to ensure that it
adequately captures Hispanic ethnicity. Both approaches involve some kind of amalgamation of
the current ethnicity and ancestry questions into a single question. This might be preferable to
combining the Hispanic ethnicity question with the race question, as the Hispanic category—
especially with its subcategories like “Mexican,” “Cuban,” etc.—is perhaps conceptually closer
Finally, the example of Brazil and many other countries raises the question of why a
national census would require even two questions on ethnicity; would one be sufficient?
Considering that all the categories in question are socially-delineated groupings with some
reference to geographical origins, perhaps one question could be developed. This would not only
save space, but it would also assuage the suspicion that some groups receive more attention—
welcome or unwelcome—than others. Consider the United Kingdom’s example, which uses a
racial framework (white, Asian, black) to structure its request for more detailed national/ethnic
identifiers:
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What is your ethnic group? Choose ONE section from A to E, then check the appropriate box to
A. White
British
Irish
B. Mixed
Indian
Pakistani
Bangladeshi
Caribbean
African
Chinese
Here racial groups (white, Asian, and black) are used as the superstructure for a more
detailed breakdown of identities by national or regional origin. The same model could be used
without recourse to racial labels, substituting continental origins (African, European, Asian)
instead. In this way, the detailed ethnic identities currently sought by the U.S. ancestry and
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Hispanic ethnicity questions could be recorded, but the data could also be grouped into “racial”
categories as desired.
VI. CONCLUSIONS
A. Summary of Findings
63 percent of the censuses studied here included some type of ethnicity question. In nearly half
of these cases, “ethnicity” was the term used, but significant numbers of censuses inquired about
“nationality,” “indigenous status,” and “race.” Each of these terms tended to be associated with
a particular type of response format: questions about indigenous status were most likely to entail
a closed-ended response format (checkboxes or code lists), whereas nationality questions were
the most likely to permit open-ended responses (i.e. fill-in blanks). National census practices
also varied in terms of their allowance of multiple-group reporting and use of examples.
The large number of questionnaires studied here (138 in total, with 87 employing ethnic
enumeration) permits the exploration of geographic patterns in census practices. Based on this
sample, it appears that nations in the Americas and in Oceania are most likely to enumerate by
ethnicity, while those in Europe and Africa are the least likely. Among the countries that do
practice census ethnic classification, the term “nationality” is most likely to be used in eastern
Europe and the former Soviet Union, while “indigenous status” is most likely to be a concern in
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illustrates the ways in which global overviews can highlight unusual national procedures and
This collection of data on international census practices is limited in certain ways that
precluded inquiry into several issues that might well furnish the bases for future research. For
one thing, the statistical results of census-taking with respect to national ethnic makeup could
address the question of whether countries with particular social compositions are more likely to
undertake particular forms of ethnic enumeration (taking into account, of course, that our
knowledge of their makeup depends on the enumeration strategy). It might also offer insight into
which types of ethnic questions and answer formats are likely to garner the highest item response
ethnicity are not easily available in a central location. By the end of 2003, only 29 nations had
submitted 2000-round data on their ethnic composition to the United Nations’ Demographic
Yearbook (United Nations Statistical Division 2003). As a result, this report will not be able to
compare countries’ use or style of ethnic enumeration to their actual ethnic makeup or the item
concerning ethnicity would shed light on the geographic patterns observed in the recourse to
ethnic enumeration and the use of particular terminologies. Returning to Rallu, Piché and
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Simon’s typology of census ethnicity approaches, it seems likely that the relatively limited use of
ethnic enumeration in Europe and in Africa reflects the strategy of avoiding ethnic classification
in order to preserve or encourage national unity. This study, however, is not far-reaching enough
to validate such conclusions. Moreover, Rallu et al.’s framework raises a further question,
namely, what factors lead to national decisions to enumerate by ethnicity or not? And given the
degree of variation demonstrated here in the particular forms of ethnic questioning employed, a
similar question would seek out the factors behind the question and answer approaches used. For
example, the finding that it is almost exclusively states with a history of African slavery (and
their territories) that use the language of “race” today suggests that contemporary ethnic
enumeration practices cannot be fully accounted for without considering the historical evolution
censuses worldwide, the opportunity to place a national census in international perspective casts
new light on existing practices and suggests potential modifications for future approaches. Thus
bureaux—have much to offer. This is particularly true as a growing number of countries face
similar issues related to ethnic enumeration, such as immigrant inflows or calls for strengthened
antidiscrimination protections. At the same time, there is a growing body of academic literature
that explores the impact of governmental activities like census-taking on notions of identity and
group belonging (Goldberg 2002; Kertzer and Arel 2002a). The realization that official ethnic
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enumeration is not simply a scientific measurement of objective fact, but that it simultaneously
shapes the identities it seeks to capture, provides another reason for considering how and why
diverse nations grapple with the task. Attention to the strategies employed abroad to register
ethnic diversity can thus provide useful input for the review of any one national approach in
particular.
In the past, international comparisons of ethnic enumeration have been limited to small
Thanks to a large collection of census questionnaires at the United Nations, this study offers a
much more comprehensive and systematic survey of international ethnic enumeration practices.
In addition to permitting new insight into the patterns of variation in ethnic enumeration
worldwide, this study also provides an opportunity to consider the commonalities that undergird
varied national census approaches. In contrast to the U.N.’s (1998: 72) conclusion in Principles
and Recommendations for Population and Housing Censuses (Revision 1) that “no
variation in national practices, this study reveals a great deal of commonality. Moreover, it
suggests that despite variety in the groups recognized or the ethnicity terminology used, a broad
class of ethnicity questions targeting communities of descent can be identified. As a result, these
findings challenge the United Nations conclusion that international guidelines on ethnic
separate matter, however, from the question of what recommendations should be made,
including first and foremost any guidance about whether ethnicity should be a census item at all.
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The debate about the desirability of formal ethnic classification is an important and timely one.
In the United States, some public figures have called for the removal of racial categories from
official state-level records, believing that government policies should not be informed by data on
race (Morning and Sabbagh 2005). In some European countries, France in particular, the
potential introduction of official ethnic classification has been hotly debated (Blum 2002; Simon
and Stavo-Debauge 2004). While supporters believe such categories are necessary to identify
and combat discrimination, opponents fear that government adoption of such a classification
scheme would divide the nation, stigmatize some groups, and generally bolster concepts of
difference that have been closely associated with prejudice. Given such concerns, Zuberi’s
(2005) admonition that ethnic categories not be used on censuses without a clear objective, and
one that will not harm those groups traditionally stigmatized by such classifications, is essential.
But as the French case illustrates, it can be difficult to ascertain the pros and cons of ethnic
enumeration—its likely impact may be highly contested. While the presentation of results on
global classification practices cannot answer the normative questions posed here, empirical
findings on the reach and uses of such categorization schemes should nonetheless be a
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Missing
17 46 3 21 26 46 0 0 9 18 5 20 60 23
Questionnaire
No Census
2 5 0 0 11 20 12 24 4 8 1 4 30 13
Planned
Notes:
(1) See Appendix Table A for list of countries comprising each region.
(2) “No Census Planned” includes both countries that have foregone census enumeration in favor of
population registers (this is most often the case in Northern Europe) as well as those that have not
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Notes:
(1) The number of primary terms does not sum to the full number of countries that enumerated
by ethnicity (87) because some censuses either included an ethnicity term in a secondary
position only, preceded by terms referring to language or religion, or used no descriptive term
(2) The sum of term frequencies exceeds 100 percent because some censuses feature more
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Ethnicity 8 53 3 33 4 50 9 56 12 52 13 81 49 56
Nationality 0 0 0 0 2 25 9 56 8 35 1 6 20 23
Indigenous/Tribe 2 13 6 67 1 13 0 0 0 0 4 25 13 15
Race 7 47 1 11 1 13 0 0 0 0 4 25 13 15
Countries Covered
13 87 8 89 5 63 16 100 20 87 16 100 78 90
by 4 Terms
No. Countries Using
15 9 8 16 23 16 87
Some Ethnicity Term
Note: Percentages do not total to 100, because (a) not all ethnic terms are included; and (b) many
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Closed-Ended 7 47 6 67 5 63 2 13 6 26 6 38 32 37
Closed w/Write-in
6 40 3 33 1 13 11 69 2 9 5 31 28 32
“Other” option
Open-Ended 2 13 0 0 2 25 3 19 15 65 5 31 27 31
Note: Each country is represented only once here even if its census includes more than one question on
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Open-Ended 31 14 53 9 16 1 0 0
Note: Only 71 countries, rather than the full 87 that enumerate by ethnicity, are included in this table
because it is limited to census questionnaires whose primary ethnicity term is one of the four most
frequent terms: ethnicity, nationality, indigenous/tribe, or race. See Table 3 for the breakdown of ethnicity
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Source: This table adapted from Malone et al. (2003: Table 2).
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Organizing scheme borrowed from United Nations Statistical Division. Countries marked with
an asterisk * are those whose censuses from the 1995-2004 period were used for this study.
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1
Kertzer and Arel (2002b) note, however, that even culturalist interpretations of ethnicity can
physically inheritable, e.g. “in the blood.” For descriptions of contemporary forms of cultural
Demographic Yearbook, UNSD and this researcher located other census forms from various
sources. Some were available on the Internet, at the sites of the University of Minnesota’s
International Public Use Microdata Series (IPUMS), the University of Pennsylvania’s African
Census Analysis Project (ACAP), and at national census office sites. We also located census
forms in the library collections of Princeton University’s Office of Population Research and the
U.S. Census Bureau’s International Population Collection. In addition to the unique collection of
census questionnaires compiled by the United Nations Statistical Division, the author benefited
from productive discussions with the staff of the Demographic and Social Statistics Branch and
Page 53 of 57
Morning Ethnic Classification in International Perspective
5
Three of the 141 questionnaires located—those of Bangladesh, Morocco, and Slovakia—are
pending translation.
6
Including foreign-language cognates (e.g. “ethnicité,” “étnico”) and English translations.
7
These categories can be translated as “white,” “black” or “dark brown,” “(light) brown,”
Zambian enter ethnic grouping, if not mark major racial group.” But by combining the two
terms in one question, this formulation departs from the U.S. presumption that the same
somático/origem” and features response categories similar to Brazil’s (Negro; Misto; Branco;
Indiano; Outro).
12
Former U.S. Census Bureau director Kenneth Prewitt, among others, has made this suggestion
(Prewitt 2005).
13
The census questionnaire for El Salvador is missing, and Cuba and Germany did not conduct
Page 54 of 57
Morning Ethnic Classification in International Perspective
15
Note that the American Anthropological Association (1997) has also recommended that the
term “ethnicity” replace “race” in federal classification, for the same reason.
Page 55 of 57
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