Fayum Revisited
Fayum Revisited
Fayum Revisited
Quaternary International
journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/quaint
a r t i c l e i n f o a b s t r a c t
Article history: Discussion concerning the origins of the Egyptian Neolithic is often framed in terms of a Neolithic
Available online 21 December 2015 package or ‘Neolithisation’ that appears late in Egypt via diffusion from southwest Asia. Here we propose
an alternative approach using the results of new fieldwork in the Fayum north shore. We summarise a
Keywords: detailed study of the Fayum archaeological landscape interpretable at different temporal and spatial
Neolithic scales using an expanded version of low-level food production to organise observations concerning
Fayum
palaeoenvironment, socioeconomy, settlement, and mobility. While domestic plants and animals were
Domestication
introduced to the Fayum from elsewhere, when a number of aspects of the archaeological record are
Egypt
compared, a settlement system is suggested that has no obvious analogues with the Neolithic in
southwest Asia.
© 2015 Elsevier Ltd and INQUA. All rights reserved.
2. Background
* Corresponding author. Anthropology, School of Social Sciences, the University
of Auckland, Auckland, New Zealand. The origins and development of the Neolithic in Egypt inevitably
E-mail address: sj.holdaway@auckland.ac.nz (S. Holdaway). involves discussions of the so-called ‘Neolithic package’ and its late
http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.quaint.2015.11.072
1040-6182/© 2015 Elsevier Ltd and INQUA. All rights reserved.
174 S. Holdaway et al. / Quaternary International 410 (2016) 173e180
arrival in Egypt. Despite studies that question its utility (e.g. an understanding related to later developments. Models need to
Finlayson, 2013; Lucarini, 2013), attempts to identify inter-regional assess local as well as wider variation rather than simply aim for big
connections for aspects of the Neolithic package pervades research picture explanations and inadequately assessing the significance
in North Africa. The appearance of diagnostic stone tool types, and extent of variation. Our intent here is to explore such an
ceramic types, and particular domestic species, in addition to socio- approach by providing a detailed localized case study of the Fayum
economic structures are all considered in relation to other regions, north shore.
with the intent of documenting colonization or diffusion pathways It is certainly true that the transition between food procurement
into Egypt. In this way, the culture historical frameworks that and food production was related to the receipt of domesticates from
dominated much of the early 20th century continue to structure southwest Asia as opposed to their local development. Much like
contemporary research. Europe, Egypt received a fully developed suite of domestic species
Perceived stylistic similarities are used to define distinct cultural and perhaps some forms of material culture. However, this belies
entities in the Egyptian Neolithic. For example, a distinction is often the obvious complexity that this process entailed. While the arrival
made between the Neolithic of the eastern Sahara and the Nile of plant and animal species may have occurred in the context of
Valley based on material culture, economy, and settlement. While wider Mediterranean dispersals, there is little evidence to suggest
the cultural differences that make up these entities are partly that the ‘Neolithic’ arrived as a fully-fledged package (see Lucarini,
explained by adaptation to different environments, they are also 2013 for similar discussion). In this sense, the concept of a rapid
related to the movement of populations. Many environmental Neolithic transition in Egypt is just as problematic as it is in
models, for instance, suggest the Saharan Neolithic originated with southwest Asia, where temporal and geographic differences in the
immigrants from the Nile Valley who moved out into the Sahara timing of its constituents dissolve the notion of the Neolithic
during the Early Holocene, using cattle pastoralism to access areas package as a coherent whole (e.g. Zeder, 2009; Finlayson, 2013).
made economically useful by the northward movement of the Inter The role of wild resources in the Egyptian Neolithic for example
Tropical Convergence Zone (ITCZ) (e.g. Wendorf and Schild, 1976; is often understated. There is a tendency to assume that because
Marshall and Hildebrand, 2002; Wenke, 2009). The use of cattle domesticates were present, they must have represented the most
pastoralism combined with the exploitation of wild resources is important aspect of the subsistence economy, even when the evi-
contrasted with the Neolithic in the Nile Valley, Delta and Fayum, dence points to the contrary (e.g. Linseele et al., 2014). Because
where the economic system is considered to be based on the changes in subsistence strategy later in time resulted in the cereal
cultivation of cereals in addition to animal domesticates. The subsistence base of pharaonic Egypt, it is assumed these cereals
Neolithic of this region is explained as a result of the confluence of were equally important during the Mid-Holocene. However, the
influences from Sudan, the Sahara and southwest Asia (e.g. Bar- spatial and temporal contexts of domestic species use need to be
Yosef, 2002; Close, 2002; Wengrow, 2006; Shirai, 2010; Wengrow considered in their own terms, not from a future perspective, and
et al., 2014). more flexible models are therefore needed that allow alternatives
While such large scale regional models attempt to tackle the ‘big to an inevitable movement toward reliance on domestic species
questions’ of Neolithic origins in Egypt, they do so by subsuming following their arrival. As noted above, Smith (2001) suggests the
much local variability. There is always the risk with such an term ‘low-level food producers’ to describe the subsistence stra-
approach that the apparent uniformity portrayed by the ‘big tegies of groups that do not only practice food procurement or food
questions’ models may actually relate to the relatively small production, but rather practice aspects of both. In the discussion
numbers of regional case studies utilized combined with the below we make use of Smith's concept in considering the signifi-
limited range of data types considered. A small number of cases will cance of domesticates in the Fayum.
always have restricted variability and therefore appear to demon-
strate marked regional differences while in fact highlighting dif- 3. The Fayum archaeological record as a landscape
ferences that are local rather than regional. While there certainly
are environmental differences between the eastern Sahara and the The research summarised here focusses on applying a multi-
Nile Valley, there is also much small scale environmental variation scalar landscape approach to understanding human environment
within these regions, the impact of which is rarely assessed. In interrelationships during the Early to Mid-Holocene in the Fayum.
addition, the classic juxtapositions of desert and valley, Upper and In the early 20th century, Caton-Thompson and Gardner (1934)
Lower Egypt, Egypt and Sudan, concepts that are well developed in identified a number of locations across the Fayum north shore
later pharaonic iconography and in modern times, are frequently attributed to the Neolithic period but they mainly focused on
given prominence in discussions of the Neolithic. While such di- stratified deposits including the well-known sites of Kom K and
visions were of significance in later times, as Finlayson (2013:133) Kom W, both consisting of archaeological remains that they inter-
comments in the context of understanding the ‘Neolithic’ in preted as villages, and the K Pits, storage pits containing the re-
southwest Asia, mains of domesticated wheat and barley (Fig. 1; Holdaway Phillipps
et al. Google Earth.kmz in supplementary data). Surface deposits
‘ … by imposing our knowledge of the ultimate significance of
between these stratified sites were not a focus of their research,
the changes that occur onto what is long and diverse pattern of
however, when these deposits are included, understanding the
change occurring over a wide area, we create an overly simple
distribution, age and relationship among archaeological materials
single narrative through what is a complex history.’
across the Fayum north shore becomes both more informative and
more complex than suggested in the earlier syntheses. Despite the
How people locally adapted to the potential offered by new conclusions drawn from early studies, modern investigations
introduced species is of course important for understanding how indicate that the stratified sites like Kom K are not as easily trans-
the Egyptian agricultural regime, so critical to state formation, latable into functional categories like villages, hamlets or occupa-
developed. But this needs to be assessed in relation to the data sets tion sites as suggested in the older literature. Based on recent
from specific locations that are available (e.g. Brunton and Caton- reinvestigation, Kom K, for example, is composed of windblown
Thompson, 1928; Caton-Thompson and Gardner, 1934; Eiwanger, sand deposits mixed with portable artefacts, fauna and the rake out
1984, 1988, 1992; Debono and Mortensen, 1990; Wilson, 2006; from hearths. Beyond hearths, however, Kom K lacks examples of
Wilson et al., 2014) without as Finlayson (2013) suggests, imposing additional feature types that might indicate the presence of the
S. Holdaway et al. / Quaternary International 410 (2016) 173e180 175
types of structures that would indicate a village although it does make it likely that the basketry lining was sometimes removed.
include evidence that might indicate storage. Within the precision of the radiocarbon dates that we obtained, the
Reuse of hearths gives an indication that Kom K was occupied pits were constructed at approximately the same time as the
repeatedly, but the radiocarbon determinations obtained from hearths at Kom K (Wendrich et al., 2010). Our dates are more recent
charcoal in these hearths give only a general indication of the time than those originally obtained by Libby (1952).
span of occupation. The calibration curve for the period The stratified deposits of Kom K and the Lower and Upper K Pits
6500e6000 BP precludes a precise understanding of occupation are in fact only a small part of the Fayum north shore archaeological
duration at Kom K, as does the way different sets of hearths were record. The majority of this record consists of surface scatters of
cut into a common surface. The nature of the windblown sediment stone artefacts, ceramics, faunal material and the remains of heat
accumulation means that the hearths could have been created over retainer hearths, rather than stratified deposits. Surface deposits
a very short period of time perhaps measured in years or decades or are ubiquitous along the Fayum north shore but differ in density
alternatively one that spanned some centuries, or some combina- and composition. Fig. 2 provides an indication of the density of
tion of both. materials in the areas that we have surveyed. Artefact concentra-
In contrast, the Upper K Pits discovered and excavated by Caton- tions occur within a few hundred metres to the north of the lake
Thompson and Gardner represent an example of a distinct basins that Caton-Thompson and Gardner (1934) identified. How-
archaeological site now unfortunately destroyed through devel- ever, within this artefact rich zone, there is considerably more
opment and looting. Their rediscovery and the subsequent exca- spatial variability than that observed by many who worked in the
vation of a number of pits confirmed their use as storage devices for Fayum subsequent to Caton-Thompson and Gardner. For example,
grain. Preparation areas were found for mortar used to seal the pits. our intensive recording at and around the site identified as E29H1
Large ceramic vessels were found in the pits by Caton-Thompson by Wendorf and Schild (1976) demonstrated a more extensive
and Gardner and these were also likely used for storage (Emmitt, spatial record than was previously identified extending to eleva-
2011; Holdaway and Wendrich, submitted for publication). The tions well below those that were originally considered.
fill contents of the pits indicated that most were abandoned, with As in other parts of Egypt, coming to grips with the spatial
indications of the original fill of wheat (Triticum turgidum ssp. extent of the surface record has proved to be methodologically
dicoccon), barley (Hordeum vulgare ssp. vulgare), and seeds of challenging. However, in the Fayum, understanding the distribu-
Polygonum and Linum, mostly present as remains in the fabric of tion and preservation state of the record is important because in the
the basketry lining. Several of the pits were closed off with lids past studies have used dated archaeological deposits as an indica-
locally made from the mortar. Combined, these different sets of tion of past environments, particularly the proposed advances and
evidence suggests that the pits were re-used, probably multiple retreats in the heights of Lake Qarun. Detailed studies of the north
times. Hafted sickle blades and fine coiled basketry indicate that shore topography combined with analysis of the character of sed-
the pits were used for storage of implements as well as crops. The iments on which archaeological materials are found together with
Lower K Pits and several of the dilapidated ones identified by the state of preservation of archaeological features such as hearths
Caton-Thompson and Gardner (1934) in the Upper K Pit area also indicate that earlier chronostratigraphic associations and resulting
176 S. Holdaway et al. / Quaternary International 410 (2016) 173e180
changes in lake levels are in need of revision (e.g. Koopman et al., in and the early Mid-Holocene. Three hearth dates from E29H1 occur
press; Holdaway and Wendrich, submitted for publication). Finding in the period 8500e7500 cal BP. There are a number of hearths
archaeological materials at lower elevations than previously seen from K1 and L1 that have ages within the range 7600e6700 cal BP.
emphasises the significance of the lake basins that Caton-Thompson Hearths from Kom K and the Upper K pits have ages that range from
and Gardner (1934) identified. The different cross sections of these
basins suggest that they supported a range of microenvironments
dependent to some degree on the nature of their connection with
Lake Qarun and the degree to which lake levels shifted with changes
in the level of the Nile. Some of the basins may also have been filled
by local rainfall particularly during times when winter rain was
more prominent in the region (Phillipps et al., 2012).
6500 to 5700 cal BP. With this new evidence, the older division detail, they indicate movement in different ways throughout the
between an early Epipalaeolithic and a later Neolithic, separated by Early to Mid-Holocene.
a hiatus in occupation, can be seen as a product of the limited Flint is not found naturally in the Fayum Basin so raw material
number of dates obtained in earlier studies, most often related to for flaking was moved into the area from elsewhere during all
samples from stratified deposits (Fig. 3). periods of occupation. However, cobbles of flint were treated
Within the areas we surveyed, and the limits imposed by differently at different times and estimates of original cobble size
modern day cultivation and development, there is a general trend differ among the assemblages studied suggesting that different
for older hearth ages to occur in the western edge of our study area, sources were used. Flaked cores from all time periods frequently
associated with E29H1, and more recent ages to occur in the east, in retain some cortex and so could have been flaked further before
the K1 area, Kom K and the K Pits. This trend shows relatively they were abandoned. Quantification of the volume and surface
limited overprinting of later material onto earlier remains. That is, area of stone artefacts indicates that in some cases, once cobbles
the range in ages at any one location represents a relatively short were brought to the Fayum, significant numbers of flakes and
period of time with hearths spanning the Early to Mid-Holocene cores were moved to other locations (Phillipps and Holdaway,
distributed spatially according to their ages. Thus, not only is the 2015). At E29H1 for example, cobbles were often worked along
presumed hiatus in radiocarbon ages likely the product of sampling their longest axis leading to cores that produced long, relatively
rather than a real gap in occupation, but the older typological di- narrow flakes. In contrast, cobbles were worked across their
vision between Epipalaeolithic (Fayum B) and Neolithic (Fayum A) shortest axis in assemblages from the L1, K1 and Kom K areas,
is no longer useful for describing what is demonstrably a more leading to the production of relatively short, thick flakes. At
complex chronology of differential landscape use. E29H1, geometric analysis of remaining flake and core cortical
The dating of the appearance of domesticated species is also surface area indicates the removal of more flakes than cores and
made more complex by this revised picture of Fayum occupation this is reversed in the assemblages from the L1, K1 and Kom K
history. Past interpretations used the pre Mid-Holocene occupation areas (Phillipps and Holdaway, 2015). Differences in assemblage
hiatus as a time of transition from a socio-economy based on composition in different locations across the Fayum north shore
hunting and gathering to one based on the exploitation of do- therefore reflect changes in the way stone artefacts were moved
mesticates, both animal and plant. As noted above, the introduction around the Fayum. In the earlier E29H1 assemblages, stone was
of a ‘Neolithic package’ from southwest Asia was used to account moved as flakes, with these being removed permanently from the
for the reoccupation of a previously abandoned Fayum north shore. Basin. In the later L1 and XB11 sites, as well as those from Kom K,
However, with the disappearance of this hiatus, it becomes more stone was moved in the form of cores, with these being trans-
difficult to draw a line between the beginning of the use of do- ported within the Basin.
mesticates in the Fayum and the end of the exploitation of solely Movement therefore characterized all periods of occupation in
wild resources. Coupled with this is faunal evidence that shows the Fayum. E29H1, the oldest of the sampling areas studied, has the
how the entry of domestic species to the Fayum was one of addition densest artefact deposits but contains evidence for the most
to wild resource exploitation rather than a case of replacement of extensive two-way movement. Not only were stone cobbles
one set of species by another. In all periods, fish dominates the introduced to the location but substantial quantities of flakes were
faunal material and proportionally domestic species numbers removed. Moving east from E29H1, densities of archaeological de-
never dominate assemblages (Linseele et al., 2014). Kom K and the posits vary and flake removal is replaced by evidence for the
K Pits certainly contain evidence for domesticated plant and animal movement of cores. In addition, different sources of material were
species that originated from southwest Asia and there are some used compared to earlier times. Cores were moved rather than
domestic faunal remains from locations as far west as E29H1. flakes suggesting a different form of mobility. Cores were removed
However, while preservation in the form of stratified deposits is from the L1 area assemblage, the Kom K excavated and surface
favourable for botanical and faunal remains, it is less so in the assemblages, and from the K1 area. However, there is the possibility
majority of the surface archaeological record. Therefore it is not that these cores were not moved great distances.
possible to definitively date the appearance of domestic animals. Grindstones occur in a number of the locations studied. It is
However, as in none of the contexts investigated do domestic an- possible that they were in use throughout much of the history of
imals dominate the remains; the arrival of domestic species seems occupation in the Fayum since their presence need not relate solely
to form a rather unconvincing replacement package. The record to the presence of domestic grains. While the grindstones them-
instead suggests incorporation into an already existing system selves cannot be dated, their presence associated with deposits
rather than replacement. from E29H1 and L1 moving east to Kom K and north to K1 supports
the notion that they were potentially in use throughout much of the
Early to Mid-Holocene.
5. Settlement history Pottery today is found only as clusters of eroded sherds
distributed unequally across the north shore or as concentrations of
Other than the heat retainer hearths and the Lower and Upper K sherds across the surface and within the stratified deposits. The
Pits, there are very few features that relate to structures in the areas complete pots such as those Caton-Thompson and Gardner
investigated. Thus, we cannot comment on the presence or absence retrieved have not been rediscovered in the excavations we un-
of permanent housing. However, while the range and number of dertook. Nevertheless, from their publication and study of the
features is limited, the range and abundance of portable artefacts is extant museum materials, we know that complete pots in a variety
much wider. Stone artefacts form the bulk of the artefact record in of sizes were found Kom K and Kom W as well as associated with
both stratified and surface deposits. People reduced stone cobbles the K pits. Some of the larger pots were of a size too large to carry
to manufacture flaked stone artefacts in a variety of places in the suggesting that they acted as storage vessels. There is some indi-
Fayum north shore. Likewise, ceramics are found in surface scatters cation that these larger vessels were at times placed in small
associated with the Mid-Holocene in a number of locations. We also excavated depressions at Kom W (Emmitt, 2011). A single, unfired
recorded the locations of a large number of grindstones. Assem- pot was found in situ at Kom K, suggesting that it was deliberately
blages composed of these artefact types are associated spatially placed at the site quite possibly for storage. Thus the pottery evi-
with hearths of different ages. Where they have been studied in dence suggests that like the basketry lined K pits, places where
178 S. Holdaway et al. / Quaternary International 410 (2016) 173e180
materials were stored were created in a number of locations across the late summer months based on the predominance of adult/
the Fayum north shore. spawning fish (Linseele et al., 2014) in the shallow water micro-
From what can be reconstructed from the published sources, environments provided by the eastern lake basins discussed above.
and from our excavations, the smallest of the K Pits were not much Topographic variability likely influenced the impact of fluctua-
larger than some of the intact ceramic vessels that Caton- tions in lake level whether they occurred annually or over broader
Thompson and Gardner retrieved and some may have held clay time scales. Water depth, size, and energy (i.e. wind action) vari-
vessels like that excavated in Kom K or indeed fired vessels like ability between the basins identified by Caton-Thompson and
those Caton-Thompson and Gardner did retrieve intact from Kom Gardner likely affected the types of vegetation and fauna found
W (Emmitt, 2011; Holdaway and Wendrich, submitted for both around and within them. This may be significant in relation to
publication). If so, and assuming that the pits and vessels were the resources available to inhabitants of the northern shore, as
related to storage, then placing storage facilities at different points particular fish species have well documented habitats that differ
in the landscape was part of the Fayum settlement system during at including seasonal spawning. Vegetation may additionally have
least some periods of occupation of the region. facilitated or at times limited access to the lake and basin shores,
It is also true, however, that surface deposits of stone artefacts and this was also likely variable in different parts of the north shore.
are more ubiquitous than deposits that contain both stone artefacts As discussed, evidence for wheat and barley storage is present in
and ceramics. The ubiquity of the stone artefacts indicates spatially the Fayum minimally in the basket lined pits but also potentially in
extensive activity within the band of a few hundred meters north of ceramics. However, it is not known whether storage locations for
the basins Caton-Thompson and Gardner identified. Putting these grain were created for the storage of seed crop or surplus to be used
sets of evidence together, it can be suggested that people moved after the grains were harvested. Not all pits were constructed in the
into, out of, and across the Fayum north shore rather than settling same way nor were they the same size. Caton-Thompson and
within it. Early in the Holocene a concentrated, although tempo- Gardner (1934:53) suggested the basketry was removed from
rary, activity occurred at least at one location represented by some of the Lower K Pits, which suggests abandonment of those
E29H1. Later in time, spatially variable forms of movement and particular pits and potentially the reuse of the baskets derived from
settlement are indicated. There is no evidence for a village or even them elsewhere. Equally uncertain are the locations in which
hamlet based settlement. Instead, spatially extensive deposits people cultivated wheat and barley, if these crops were indeed
made up of relatively short-lived features are evidenced together grown in the Fayum at all. The use of wheat straw in the Upper K
with a material culture that indicates movement into, away from Pits basketry and the presence of sickles suggests local cultivation
and possibly within the region. Combined with this, we have evi- however we have not found direct evidence for where this
dence for dispersed locations with concentrated evidence for occurred. Older studies suggested the use of the lake margin to
storage. cultivate cereals, the annually receding flood waters providing
In the older literature, a change in settlement pattern was irrigated sediment (Caton-Thompson and Gardner, 1934; Wenke
equated with the transition from the Epipalaeolithic to Neolithic. et al., 1988). However, it is the shores of the lake basins, particu-
However, while we could argue that some aspects of the Fayum larly the largest and shallowest basins L, K, and X that potentially
record indicate changes in settlement pattern, for example changes provided a suitable environment for lake shore agriculture,
in the nature of mobility, there is equally evidence that indicates although as noted we lack direct evidence that this occurred.
continuity. The use of fish dominated socio-economic practice in all The influence of rainfall and the natural channels provided by
periods of occupation in the Fayum (Linseele et al., 2014). Given the wadis for soil irrigation also needs to be considered. The strongest
proximity to Lake Qarun, this is not surprising. However, even in support for this influence comes in the form of the abandonment of
the context where domesticated animals can be identified, for the region, which occurred around 6000 BP. If lake edge agriculture
instance at Kom K, their presence is not overwhelming whereas fish was viable and productive, why was it not maintained beyond
is predominate. Linseele et al. (2014:12, Table 4) report very low 6000 BP, when according to Wendorf and Schild (1976) and Hassan
numbers of sheep, goat, cattle, and pig but substantial numbers of (1986), the lake level was relatively high? Maybe as Williams
fish remains. This likely reflects the minor role played by domes- (2009) suggests, from this date the lake was too high and as a
ticated animals in the Fayum, which may be linked to the nature of consequence regions close to the lake were not conducive to
settlement. This is not inconsistent with other locations along the cultivation. This of course depends on both the relationship be-
Nile Valley during the Mid-Holocene where fish are common and tween Lake Qarun and the Nile and the relationship between crop
are represented in greater quantities than domesticated species growing and the lake basins discussed above. As an alternative
(Linseele et al., 2014:19). It is not clear why domesticated species hypothesis, it might not be the domestic crops at all that were the
play such a minor role, but this may relate to a number of envi- driver for abandonment. As noted, fish continued to be the pre-
ronmental and socio-economic processes (discussed below). dominant faunal remains throughout the period from the early to
Tilapia and clariid catfish are represented at Kom K by large, Mid-Holocene when the Fayum was occupied. Changes in lake
sexually mature specimens, and were therefore probably captured levels including any connection to the Nile that had an impact on
when spawning in shallow waters during periods when the lake fish abundance in the lake and the lake basins might also be
basins identified by Caton-Thompson and Gardner were flooded responsible for significant changes in human use of the Fayum
from AugusteSeptember (Linseele et al., 2014). There is topo- region. Where people moved to after they left the Fayum around
graphic evidence that the eastern basins were shallow and lacked 6000 BP is unknown, but it is possible they moved into the Nile
steep shorelines and may have received water from the lake only Valley proper. This has obvious implications for the development of
during periods when the Nile flooded. At other times, they may agricultural practice, since they likely encountered an environment
have been rain fed via wadi systems (Phillipps et al., 2012). Brewer that was somewhat different to that of the Fayum.
(1989) analysed growth rings on the pectoral spines of clariid cat-
fish and correlated growth phases in these with periods of high 6. Conclusion
temperatures. The conclusion from this study, that fishing was
mainly practiced in MayeJune (i.e. at times with temperatures As we noted at the start of this paper, debate concerning the
similar to those of modern Egypt's late spring or early summer), is origins of the Egyptian Neolithic continues to be framed in terms of
compatible with the hypothesis that fishing happened mainly in a Neolithic package or ‘Neolithisation’ that appears late in Egypt via
S. Holdaway et al. / Quaternary International 410 (2016) 173e180 179
diffusion from southwest Asia. Connected to the package concept is as an example in Lower Egypt of a southwest Asian village based
a tendency to assume that once domestic species were adopted Neolithic socio-economy, the first example of a Neolithic that
they were both successful and came to dominate the economy. In formed the basis for later complex society. By considering the wide
fact neither position finds support archaeologically. Use of do- range of evidence that the Fayum has to offer, such a reconstruction
mestic species was not always initially successful as evidenced by is no longer possible. The dispersed nature of the settlement
its adoption and then abandonment in Sweden (Rowley Conwy and pattern, the mix of storage for domestic grain and mobility and the
Layton, 2011), nor need either domestic animals or domestic crops use of predominantly wild, lacustrine resources with the addition
dominate the economy as shown in Smith's (2006) discussion of of a small proportion of domestic animals has no direct analogues
low-level food production from the Mississippi Basin. The Fayum with southwest Asia. It does, however, have similarities to other
reviewed above shows no evidence for the type of Neolithic colo- Northeast African archaeological records. But rather than attempt
nization the European evidence implies. Instead, there is evidence to reconstruct again one of the ‘big question’ models we suggest
for a pattern of movement, storage and domestic species exploi- that more attention should be given to understanding the vari-
tation in association with a continued use of fish resources. This ability that exists in other Egyptian Neolithic records. We can then
looks less like a ‘package’ and more like the variable association of gain a better understanding of how these varied socioeconomies
economic behaviours that Finlayson (2013) has suggested should changed after areas like the Fayum were abandoned.
characterize the ‘Neolithic’.
The answer to the question of why the Neolithic package arrived
Acknowledgements
so late may therefore be that it never arrived at all. Domestic spe-
cies were certainly sourced from elsewhere but they did not form
Work reported here was supported by the Royal Society of New
part of a uniform package of economic pursuits, ways of living and
Zealand through a Marsden grant, by the National Geographic So-
associated material culture, and so the result of a process of ‘Neo-
ciety and by the University of Auckland. Permission to work on the
lithisation’. Instead, as we have outlined in detail above, domestic
Fayum material was provided by the Egyptian Supreme Council of
species were combined into a variety of socioeconomic systems
Antiquities and the Ministry of State for Antiquities (MSA) to the
that involved considerable mobility as well as the exploitation of
UCLA, Groningen University, University of Auckland Fayum Project
seasonally abundant fish. Storage technologies were either adopted
(URU).
or invented but seem to have been incorporated into a mobile
lifeway. People reorganized themselves, seen in such things as the
different economic exploitation of stone raw material and the Appendix A. Supplementary data
implied changes in temporality involved in the use of domestic
species, both with animals and perhaps later plants. There were Supplementary data related to this article can be found at http://
also changes suggested by the appearance of new forms of material dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.quaint.2015.11.072.
culture. Ceramics appear in the record and there are hints that part
of their role was storage, suggesting a spatially extensive system
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