Wiersma WomenSophocles 1984

Women in Sophocles
Author(s): S. Wiersma
Source: Mnemosyne , 1984, Fourth Series, Vol. 37, Fasc. 1/2 (1984), pp. 25-55
Published by: Brill
Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/4431297
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Mnemosyne, Vol. XXXVII, Fase. 1-2 (1984)
WOMEN IN SOPHOCLES
BY
S. WIERSMA
"When I compare Euripidean to Sophoclean heroines, I pref

Euripides' Medea and Hecuba, for they are successful. Deianira
Sophocles' Trachinian Women, naively mixes a potion intended
restore her husband's affection for her; instead, the potion tortu
and kills him. Antigone courageously and singlemindedly defe
her ideals, and is willing to die for them, but her last words dwe
not upon her achievements but lament that she dies unwed. Mede
and Hecuba are too strong to regret their decisions"1). Th
bellicose-sounding statement by Sarah Pomeroy is typical of
way she uses literary evidence to support the provocative argum
in her famous book. Subscribing to Pomeroy's views, J. Gou
discerns in Sophocles' Trachiniae the playwright's intention
present Deianira's suicide with the sword as a "horrifyin
masculine way to die" (my italics). Indeed "the shock of
reverberates through the play", but even the passages referred t
by Gould do not qualify this shock as having been provoked by a
offence against social standards2).
To my mind, such criticisms raise two important questions. Ca
the substance of a playwright's view on women be inferred from
social position of the females as they are presented in his plays? A
to what extent, if any, did a dramatist really intend to give his o
opinion on the question of women's rights? In this paper I shall fi
(I) shortly treat both problems with regard to Sophocles. Next (I
shall describe the way his female characters handle their spec
1) S. B. Pomeroy, Goddesses, Whores, Wives, and Slaves: Women in Clas

Antiquity (London 1976), 109.
2) J. Gould, Law, Custom and Myth: Aspects of the Social Position of Wome
Classical Athens, JUS 1980, 35-59 (esp. 57), a very useful anthropological study
by the same author PCPS 1978, 46 and 49-50.

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26 WOMEN IN SOPHOCLES
dramatic situation from their given social pos

(III) I shall bring together the results of this
Sophocles' texts, as we know them, do not lead us to believe that

the poet dealt with the difference man/woman as a separate, not to
say discriminatory, factor in characterization. Of course I do not
mean to say that Sophocles did not put recognizably male and
female characters upon the stage. What should rather be examined
systematically is whether and to what extent dissimilarities in
thought, feeling and behaviour tend to coincide with differences in
sex. In most studies about the function and position of male and
female heroes respectively in Attic tragedy, the opposite sex is com-
mented upon only at random3). However, any description of one of
both categories dramatis personae should allow the features of the one
to be checked against the characteristics of the other. In
investigating women in Sophocles one should ultimately not leave
aside his men.
In the structure of Sophocles' tragedies characterization and
dramatic action are dynamically put together4). This coherence
prohibits the critic from isolating theoretically a consistent
3) A. Jenzer, Wandlungen in der Auffassung der Frau im ionischen Epos und in der
attischen Trag?die bis auf Sophokles (Z?rich 1933); E. M. Blaiklock, The Male Characters
of Euripides (Wellington, ?. ?. 1952); G. J. M. J. te Riele, Les femmes chez Eschyle
(Groningen 1955); G. Meremans, Les femmes, le destin, le si?cle dans le th??tre
d'Euripide (Bruxelles 1972); D. M. Kolkey, Dionysus and Women's Emancipation, CB
1973-4, 1-5; S. J. Simon, Euripides' Defense of Women, CB 1973-4, 39-42; C. A. S.
Dreyfuss, Femina Sapiens in Drama: Aeschylus to Grillparzer (Ann Arbor 1975).
The rare instances of a confrontation of both sexes in tragedy (drama) show a
tendency to psycho-analytical speculation, e.g. M. Shaw, The Female Intruder:
Women in Fifth-Century Drama, CPh 70 (1975), 255-66, an analysis of the conflict
between "the pure male" and "the pure female" in Ajax, Medea and Lysistrata.
Some patterns for comparison are to be found in M. Gagarin, Aeschylean Drama
(Berkeley-London 1976), an interesting attempt to explain dramatic action as
resulting from conflict and concordance between political and sexual forces (cf. D.
Korzeniewski, Gymn. 1978, 455-7).
4) The best summary of this well-known view on Sophoclean tragedy now in R.
P. Winnington-Ingram, Sophocles: An Interpretation (Cambridge 1980), 5-8. Cf. also,
for instance, G. H. Gellie, Sophocles: A Reading (Melbourne 1972), 212 ?T.; J.-U.
Schmidt, Sophokles Philoktet: Eine Strukturanalyse (Heidelberg 1973), 194 ff.

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WOMEN IN SOPHOCLES 27
'recognizable' character5). The examinati

however, is not focused on individuals. Syst
one has, of course, to take into account not onl
ture: the author's view of life ought also to be
we may say that Sophocles confronted his her
destiny, and that he saw their actions being
made up by fate, the gods and individual desir
not, as Pomeroy does, call Deianira's activit
In short, we could only make significan
women in Sophocles if we knew whether and
with a female name are characterized by aspec
are not in the same way characteristic of peop
too, or cannot directly be deduced from Soph
of the world and human beings.
Moreover, extant Sophoclean tragedy does
clues which enable one to infer the poet's in
asides directly commenting on the action8), w
tions are conditioned by the dramatic situat
recognized by Pomeroy who, for instance, puts
order to demonstrate that Antigone may be s
the masculine woman as heroine"9). However,
5) Cf. J. de Romilly, Les h?ros tragiques et la conditio

(Athens 1979), 17: "... les personnages (se. in Sophocl
ment avec le sentiment ou la r?gle de conduite qu'ils
r?sonance universelle du drame se d?gage d'autant plus
given such a structure, is C. A. S. Dreyfuss' (cf. abo
Sophocles did not succeed in "presenting woman on sta
dimensional being, equal to man".
6) Cf. C. H. Whitman, Sophocles: A Study of Heroic
Mass., 1951), 245 ff.; G. M. Kirkwood, A Study of Soph
1958), 279 and 286-7; J. P. Poe, Heroism and Divine Jus
(Leiden 1974), 38-9 and 48-51; Winnington-Ingram
exposure to such forces, as in the individual moira, the
defies explanation".
7) Better Winnington-Ingram, op. cit., 329. There is n
of situational irony: "It is ironical that the faithful an
produce a result to be expected from the * pitiless wom
admirable monster-slayer should be destroyed by the
8) Cf. D. Bain, Actors and Audience: A Study of Asides and
Drama (London 1977), 5 and 70-86.
9) Pomeroy, op. cit., 99. In Ant. 61-2 Ismene points o
by their female nature not qualified to combat men

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interpret a passage in which one of the dra

somebody's action in the play as the direc
thoughts10).
The implicit evidence put forward by Pomeroy is not valid either.
Grammatically speaking, it is a mistake to explain, as she does, the
forms masculinigeneris, used in Ant. to refer to the heroine (by herself
and others), as "a device used by the playwright in characterizing
power. Her remark is not to be interpreted as a general statement by the poet about
women. Through such words he puts her in a dramatically very effective contrast
with her sister. With a similar utterance Chrysothemis is distinguished from
Electra: S. El. 997-8. See T. B. L. Webster, An Introduction to Sophocles (London
19692), 87-93, for a discussion of Sophocles' characteristic way of presenting his
characters in contrast.
10) But that is exactly what Pomeroy does with Creon's sexist attitudes,
referring to Ant. 484, 525, 740, 746, 756: she explains this not as indicative of the
person's character but of the poet's prejudices. She does the same with Creon's
condescension in OC 746-52 where he pretends solicitude for the maiden Antigone.
From a methodological point of view Gould's (see above, note 2) and Pomeroy's
interpretations should be considered a kind of 'documentary fallacy', pace W. B.
Stanford, Enemies of Poetry (London 1980), 142-6.
Already Plato, Lg. 719 c, points to divergencies between the personal views of a
poet and the statements uttered by his characters. G. J. M. J. te Riele, op. cit.,
8-10, deals with the fallacy of inferring from such statements the author's thoughts.
W. Schmid observes that most of the maxims occurring in Sophoclean tragedy
serve to mark its characters or to characterize its action (Geschichte der griechischen
Literatur, 1.2, M?nchen 1934, 482), but whenever maxims are inconsistent with the
speaking character or are expressed by several persons in different situations,
Schmid arbitrarily considers them as "Konfessionen des Dichters". Recently on
the relation between a speaker's text and the author's opinions: P. D. Juhl, Inter-
pretation: An Essay in the Philosophy of Literary Criticism (Princeton 1980), 100-5. To
quote from p. 105: "Since we cannot assume that the speaker represents the
author's beliefs (feelings, attitude, concerns, and so on), we cannot attribute the
speaker's beliefs to the author".
It is another question whether literary texts are to be used as primary sources for
historical studies on the position of women in antiquity. The positive position of,
for instance, Gomme, Ch. Seltman and D. C. Richter is rejected by Pomeroy
(93-5), rightly in my view, at any rate with respect to Homer and the tragedies (cf.
W. den Boer, Mnem. IV 29 [1976], 319-21). J. Gould rightly stresses that we con-
tinuously have to "remember that the words of a Lysistrata or a Medea, for
example, are the product of a man's imagination" (op. cit., 38). Even so, he seems
to accept works of literature as a category of evidence. But drawing on myth,
imaginative literature, classical orators and inscriptions, he could take from the
literary texts no more evidence than some trivial data (for instance p. 50 on the
proverb-like Aj. 293).
For the support of such statements as Gould's or Pomeroy's, Greek tragedy
seems only usable with respect to the implied myth(s) and apparent references to
historical facts, proverbs, lore, etc.

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the heroine who has become a masculine

Extensive quotation is needed: "..., Antigone
an adjective in the masculine gender
perceives her masculinity and refers to A
pronoun and participle (479, 496). He r
declaring, ? am not a man, she is the ma
success without penalty' (484-5). ... Cr
sentence upon the sisters, asserts that 'they
However, he continues to refer to them i
(579-80). ... We may note the male ori
language, in which general human truth
referring specifically to women, can be
gender. Perhaps this grammatical explanatio
change in gender is sporadic. However, th
to refer to a female in specific rather th
rare occurrence in Greek?occurs with si
Antigone".
To quote 484-5 (which does not contain a form mase. gen. in sup-
posed reference to Antigone) together with the other cases is highly
suggestive: the language of those cases, Pomeroy seems to imply,
would reflect the view expressed in 484-5. Besides, her interpreta-
tions of the * specific' statements, which would point to the poet's
bias, are questionable from a syntactic and stylistic point of view.
At 464 Antigone refers to herself at most indirectly. The masculine
form is in concord with dde, which is qualified in advance by ?st??
..., the beginning of Antigone's general statement. With subordinate
??? (463) she refers to herself:
dst?? ?a? ?? p?????s?? ?? ??? ?a????
??, p?? 88' ???? ?at?a??? ???d?? f??e?; (463-4)
From Pomeroy's texts only 484-5 itself expresses a clear prejudice,
characteristic of the speaking person Creon. All other utterances
quoted by Pomeroy as evidence for Antigone's masculine thinking
fit in with the usage to formulate a general assertion with
masculina"). A direct reference in the context to Antigone (or A.
11) Cf. E. Schwyzer, Griechische Grammatik, II, 31, for the use of masculina in
statements with a general reference including women. Pomeroy (op. cit., 100,
?. 11) unjustly mentions R. K?hner-B. Gerth, Ausf?hrliche Grammatik der griechischen

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and Ismene) is worded in forms feminini gene

by Pomeroy together with 479!) and 579 alo
by P., but with wrong conclusion):
(???) /???a??a? e??a? t?sde ??d' ??e????a?.
fe????s? ?a? t?? ??? ??ase??, dta? p??a?
?d? t?? "??d?? e?s???s? t?? ????. (579-
Lastly I call to mind that there are no rec
Sophocles' contemporaries (or other docume
sketch of his own characteristics to make pla
with Women's Lib12).
II
It seems reasonable to suppose that if there are any differences

between male and female characters in tragedy they bear especially
upon the way they handle their respective status. Accordingly, to
start the systematic examination referred to above, in the main part
Sprache, Satzlehre, I, 83. There a peculiarity of the use of number is dealt with:
female characters speaking about themselves use a plural masculini generis (striking
exception: Hipp. 1105-6 where the chorus speak about themselves in masculine
singular). V. Langholf, Hermes 105 (1977), 290-307, has examined this usage of
masculine singular and plural forms from classical times up to the Byzantine period
in a study covering a wider field than only tragedy. See esp. pp. 290-2. In all the
cases he collected no masculine form could be taken to express even an implicit
view on women. Pomeroy's position is also affected by Me. 314-5 where in front of
Creon Medea makes herself submissive, using masculina to describe this not
specifically male attitude.
12) See S. Radt, Tragicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, Vol. 4: Sophocles (G?ttingen
1977), 29-95: Testimonia vitae atque artis. Through ? 172 we are informed that "the
poet Philoxenus' ' related the high morality aimed at in Sophoclean tragedy to the
poet*s pedagogical intentions: F????e??? ? p???t?? e?p??t?? t????, d?at? S?f?????
???sta? pa?e?s??e? t?? ???a??a?, a?t?? de fa????, e?pe? 'dt? S?f????? ?e? ??a? de? e??a?
ta? ???a??a? ???e?, ??? d? ??a? e?s??' (cf. Webster, op. cit., 18). If authentic, these
words would still tell us more about Phil, than about Soph. Probably they are a
derivation from Arist. Po 1460 b 32 ( = Radt ? 53) where Sophocles and Euripides
are compared with regard to their portraying of people in general. Concerning
Euripides there are indeed some explicit reports: in the G???? ????p?d?? as well as
the Suda the works of this dramatist are partly understood as the expression of a
(negative) view of women, the outcome of a special interaction between his
character and personal experiences (see the edition of the scholia by E. Schwartz,
pp. 5,4 ?T., 6,1 ff., 8,7 ff.). However, we have to subscribe to M. R. Lefkowitz'
scepticism about the reliability of Greek literary biography (Lefkowitz, The Lifes of
the Greek Poets, Baltimore 1981; see esp. 97 and 100 on Euripides and women).

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of this article I shall describe the behaviour of characters in

Sophocles from a social point of view, confining myself to one of
both categories.
The 9 women in the 7 preserved tragedies are all confronted with
conditions that menace their existence and are related to their social
positions. Jocasta, Tecmessa and Eurydice are in danger because of
their position being dependent on their men's. Deianira and
Clytemnestra find themselves, though in morally different contexts,
threatened with regard to their own position. Antigone and Electra
risk their position for the cause of right, whereas Ismene and
Chrysothemis are just in this respect their contrasts. Starting from
these sketches of their situations I want to follow the behaviour of
the female characters in Sophocles, and to find out whether a
position of social dependence goes with dependent behaviour or
compliance13), and, on the other hand, independent behaviour is
represented by the poet as presumptuous or symptomatic of a
reprehensible, subversive attitude.
In other words, do women in Sophocles accept, resist or
disregard their place in society? In a recent paper Winnington-
Ingram has pointed out convincingly that all Sophoclean female
characters are "placed firmly within the context of their
femininity,\ However, the poet's portrayal of their behaviour
displays no elements of conflict or compliance with the limitations
of their status: as for a point of view towards women as such
Sophocles "retreats behind the barrier of his plays". But
Winnington-Ingram's survey of Sophoclean female characters,
'Sophocles and Women', is full of insights into the situations and
reactions of * women in Sophocles'. My own survey, which was
finished when I first saw his paper, at once corroborates and sup-
plements his views14).
13) Cf. C. A. S. Dreyfuss, I.e. "Sophocles' drama, which I call 'normative',
stressed the desirability of public conformity to an idealized Periclean society".
14) R. P. Winnington-Ingram, Entretiens sur l'antiquit? classique (Fondation
Hardt), 29 (Gen?ve 1983), 233-57. The author kindly enabled me to compare his
text before its publication with my own. So I could improve my argument at some
points and leave out some passages which now appear to have become redundant.
In qualifying a 'context of femininity' one should be careful not to take too
easily, as W.-I. occasionally seems to do, a general social assumption of fifth-
century Athens to represent the poet's view. Even if one studies 'Sophocles and
Women' and not 'Women in Sophocles' I doubt for instance whether we may
count Antigone's indifference to politics as "characteristically feminine" (114).

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The Phrygian princess Tecmessa, being

herself in an absolutely dependent position.
female character conform to her given posit
defiance of her social limits? The beginni
question is outlined already at her first ent
way the sailors urge her to explain her lame
explicitly defining her official status (forme
cubine at present: Aj. 211) they implicitly
position (the hero's beloved and esteemed in
their request for information. Apparently
is not introduced as a submissive person i
We seem to get a first glimpse of Ajax
Tecmessa describes how Ajax tried to steal a
his sword in hand, and she informs the chorus that at her
reproachful appeal for explanation she was instructed to be silent
(Ajax: ???a?, ???a??? ??s??? ? s??? f??e?). It would seem that Ajax*
words are meant to reduce a rebel to submission. "As a corollary,
critics usually treat Tecmessa with the same ofihandedness as Ajax
does"17), reducing this female character to a subordinate position.
However, 293 should be viewed from a different angle. Most likely
Ajax wants at this very moment to get her out of the way by an
utterance, perhaps a commonplace18), which escapes him at that
moment full of tension and irritation (Tecmessa should not have
noticed him!). The depreciatory tone of his words need not reflect
15) This position is described by the chorus: 210, 331, 894-5, and by Tecmessa
herself: 485-90, 514-9.
16) Her position is indicated unmistakably in 212-213: st???e?? connotes mutual
regard (W. B. Stanford ad loc), ????e? may imply respect (J. C. Kamerbeek ad
loc), while a state of being informed points to intimacy.
17) Kirkwood, op. cit., 104. Cf. Stanford ad loc.
18) Cf. S. Fr. 64.4 Radt: a?? ??s??? ? s??? te ?a? ta pa??* ep?, and Pearson ad loc.
and ad 81, J. C. Kamerbeek ad Aj. 293. Cf. also Od. 1.358 and A. Th. 232.
Directly at her first entrance in E. Heracl. Macaria apologizes for the mere fact of
appearing:
???a??? ?a? s??? te ?a? t? s?f???e??
?????st??, e?s? ?' ?s???? ???e?? d???? (476-7),
words apparently pointing to the submissiveness of a woman who shortly after-
wards, when hearing that to save her family a girl was to die, offers her life.
Lysistrata mocks women's patience with their obligation to keep silence,
referring to their acceptance of being excluded from conversation at home about
politics (Ar. Lys. 514-5).

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his personal feelings, as we may infer from

on, expresses her grief at being kept ignora
real intention. At 807-8 she feels miserab
position of intimacy she once enjoyed (t??
Already before the proper action starts w
stands in society from the attitude of othe
the chorus as Ajax' well-informed part
tormented hero for the very reason that sh
This is touchingly proved as she opens th
miserable beloved to stop him disparaging h
bluntly (368-9)21). Against Tecmessa's
dialogue22) the contours of a woman in d
who wisely cadis on Ajax' men to render in
carrying out her strategy and tactics23). In
(293, 368-9), Tecmessa joins the chorus in
partner's slanderous language several
Moreover, her much-discussed monolo
sound reasoning against Ajax' vindicatio
commit suicide. In this harangue she does m
at Ajax' mercy24). To interpret her speec
would require the disregard of Ajax' f
unwarranted emphasis on her argument
19) See about ????? Stanford ad 522. In 318 Tecm

abnormal aspects of Ajax' behaviour at a later stag
20) The speaking parts Tecmessa is confronted wit
(792 if.) and Teucer (985 ff. and 1168 ff.), who in
primarily addresses the child.
21) Too rationalistic Stanford's explanation: Ajax' h
should result from "his refusal to take her wise advic
prevented his humiliation".
22) In her confrontation with Teucer who has to u
child, Tecmessa, paralysed with horror at seein
(985 ff.).
23) In 329-30 she asks them to enter the tent, suggesting that men like Ajax
could be pacified and restrained by the arguments of friends, and immediately
after Ajax' snubbing words the chorus grants Tecmessa's wishes 371. Afterwards
she calls them in to look for Teucer (803 ff.).
24) Cf. Kirkwood, op. cit., 104 ff., and P. E. Easterling who regards Tecmessa's
monologue "not as a pathetically misdirected plea for pity, but as a well designed
argument to deter Ajax from suicide, based on a sensitive understanding of the
values he respects'' (from a lecture summary, Proc. Cl. Ass. 1980, 22-3).

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(496-9)25). Resolutely Tecmessa deals w

thought.
The subject of their speeches is the ethic of a noble man26). As
e??e??? Ajax shrinks from coming face to face with his father and
having to account for his double defeat (in the contest for the arms
and in the effort to take revenge). To him the father is the embodi-
ment of the family's code of honour27). His partner sets the only
real alternative against his argument, appealing to another part of
the heroic code28): being e??e??? Ajax should obey the rules of a?d??
and consider both his parents' situation (506-9). She points, of
course, to her own future and the interests of their child. Strikingly,
however, she does not mention her vulnerable status; she uses the
terms and arguments used by Andromache to keep Hector from
going towards his death (510-22)29). To destroy the rights of his
woman, she argues, would bring more shame upon his house than
the wrong that plagues his sense of honour now (505). That Ajax is
not able or willing to share her views (594-5) does not annihilate the
fact that Tecmessa acts on equal terms.
25) With a future d????a? t??f?? (499) Tecmessa indirectly qualifies her present
status. The purport and tone of her speech indicate that Tecmessa's action to stop
Ajax is not merely an attempt to keep off actual slavery. Winnington-Ingram, art.
cit., 109, points to the subtle play with ???????? (491) and s?????????? (493) in
preparation for her " final eloquent and touching appeal to the memory of
pleasure".
26) At the end of both monologues e??e??? is used in a terse recapitulation. Cf.
Kirkwood, op. cit., 106.
27) Three times Ajax explicitly mentions his father: as a paragon of valour once
covered with glory (434-6), as a terror at a possible return of the dishonoured hero
(463-6), and as a courageous man whose moral standard would compel his son to
choose an hounourable death (470-2).
28) Cf. Stanford ad 506-22. Tecmessa makes *'appeals to which a hero might
respond" (Winnington-Ingram, op. cit., 19, cf. pp. 29-30. Cf. the same, art. cit.,
111. Otherwise Kirkwood, op. cit., 106.
29) Also Ajax' sailors' future depends on the fortunes of their master, as appears
from their lamentations at his death: 901-3.
Tecmessa realizes that her social status is an extra complication. She even begins
her monologue by expressing this thought. There, however, it illustrates the futility
of a noble birth. Here (514 f?.) this notion is not prominent. Cf. Kirkwood, op. cit.,
105.
Tecmessa's pointing to the social vulnerability of a (bond-)woman is inconsistent
with Pomeroy's "apparent discrepancy between women in the actual society and
the heroines on the stage" (op. cit., 93). Cf. 944-5 where slavery looms as the cer-
tain consequence of Ajax' death.

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In his monologue 646-92 Ajax implicitly ackn

to equivalence. Whether one takes his words t
ful, describing the revulsion of his feelings A
tenderness in a necessarily positive way. After
by dipping,,3?), he says, his "speech is woman
sake" (????????? st??a p??? t?sde t?? ???a
words cannot, of course, be meant in a depre
if spoken honestly nor if for tactical reaso
suggest the existence of a tender feeling32).
Tecmessa's real position is matched by her actions and
behaviour. Having heard that Ajax' life could be saved if on this
day he were only protected against himself (and Athena), she does
not fall into panic or inertia, but immediately starts a searching
campaign: 803 ff. Nor is she paralysed at seeing his stabbed body:
amidst her lamentations (partly echoing Ajax' words!33) she is the
first to take care of the corpse, and not the chorus (915 ff.). With
this display of initiative Tecmessa's active part ends. She has come
to impersonate convincingly the sorrows caused by Ajax' suicide.
But not only Tecmessa's active part ends here. Her last words also
mark the end of a train of events in which she participated on a level
with her partner. Her finad speech (961-73) contains a personali
retrospection but at the same time it coincides with a caesura in the
dramatic structure; it ends where the second part of this 'diptych'
tragedy begins34).
30) Cf. Stanford ad 651.

31) Free translation, giving the purport of the Greek, by J. Moore.
32) One need not choose between both alternatives if one accepts a suggestion
by O. Taplin, Greek Tragedy in Action, London 1978, 127-31. In his view 646-92 has
been written (and placed in its position) to raise hopes (in Tecmessa, the chorus
and the audience) which are afterwards painfully dashed. The monologue
anticipates events to come and especially the hero*s last farewell (815-65). To
Taplin's examples one may be added. In 657-60 Ajax remarks that he is going to
hide his sword in the ground. That "??d?? in 660 is ominous, one fully realizes at
hearing 815-22 and in 865 "??d??. W. B. Stanford deals with the ambiguity of
st??a (651): it indicates a possible difference between words and deed but may also
suggest the point of Ajax' sword. The adjunct st??a needs not imply moral
(negative) estimation of the feelings meant by ?????????.
33) Cf. Jebb ad loc.
34) S. Aj., Tr. and Ant. are all, though in different ways, divisible into two more
or less independent parts. Some critics therefore have compared these tragedies to
a diptych. Cf. for instance Kirkwood, op. cit., 42 ff.

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In this way the dramatic structure emphas

important opponent has fulfilled her drama. A
position to stand aloof from the subsequ
suggesting subordination. The poet has no reas
into participating in the coming rhetorical tilt
Nor could she plausibly take part in Teucer's an
dealings with the dead father and hero (1170 f
parallel scene 545 ff.35) was exclusively a matt
his little son.
Consequently it does not enter her mind that their child, which in
809 she hesitatingly36) left behind in her search for Ajax and, as
appears from 944, had not forgotten, could be kidnapped by his
father's enemies. Teucer has to point out the danger (985-9). Her
silent exit to fetch the boy suggests no failure. The very silence
indicates that she only acts to correct the outcome of her previous
activities37). Her real place in this drama has become apparent
from the eloquent and courageous way she summed up the conse-
quence to all of Ajax' death. The views expressed, also dealing with
other people's interests, and especially her challenge directed
towards the Greeks in general and Odysseus in particular, are not
to be expected from a subordinate character (966-8). It is simply not
true to say that Tecmessa is characterized by want of firmness;
some critics assumed this to be the effect of her given social position
and read it into the text38). She does not confine herself to her own
social security nor does she rely on any appeal for pity. Tecmessa's
action covers more than the mere defence of her subsistence.
Actual matrimony presents the risks Jocasta has to dead with.
Unlike Tecmessa she is the queen and legal wife whom her husband
35) Cf. J. C. Kamerbeek ad loc.

36) Cf. R. C. Jebb and W. B. Stanford ad loc.
37) Teucer's words are addressed to Tecmessa, not to the coryphaeus. As
appears from 1169, she is the person sent away to save Eurysaces. Other views
seem far-fetched. For the adopted view see Taplin, op. cit., 149, and A. Dain,
Sophocle II, Paris 19652, 44, n. 1. Eurysaces' presence on the stage is needed
especially to protect the corpse by virtue of suppliants' rights (cf. J. C. Kamerbeek
ad 1171-2). It marks the dramatic poet that he made great play with this
dramaturgical element by making Tecmessa go and fetch the child.
38) Pomeroy, op. cit., 98, ranks Tecmessa with Ismene and Chrysothemis, and
qualifies these women (as well as Deianira) as "modest" and "submissive".

171.7.133.12 on Sun, 27 Oct 2024 19:10:32 UTC
holds in high esteem and confidence39). Her s

like Tecmessa's, depends on the fortunes of h
moment she turns out to be herself involved
comparable with Tecmessa. That Oedipu
caused the pestilence, is threatening Joca
behaviour threatens Tecmessa. At first Joc
aware of any danger. The stealthy nature o
well as her official status contribute, of co
without precaution. Her subsequent way of ac
clear that the initial rashness and indiscreet
are primarily features of her character. Her
clination to reckless argument, being element
catastrophe40), take shape as the characteri
from her very first entrance (07" 634). Con
altercation between the king (her husband)
(her brother) she at once takes control of the
men to go inside. Neither of them responds t
immediately, but Creon starts explaining the
Oedipus follows, notwithstanding his state of
The oath Creon swears that he is not to b
the moment to refrain from further question
band (646-8). She seems to act intuitively, bu
religious inconsistency some critics, pointing
regard to oracles, thought they had found. T
that she has no doubts about the gods and the
but only questions the veracity of priests an
action in response to danger43) displays a kin
on a conventional religiosity and a tendenc
39) OT 577-80, 700, 772-3.

40) Cf. Winnington-Ingram, op. cit., 183-4.
41) It marks his frame of mind that Oedipus, after h
(377), takes Teiresias' declaration concerning Laius' d
evidence of a plot arranged by Creon (572-3), whom
42) Cf. Jebb XXVIII about Jocasta's significant, thou
oracle concerning Laius, which appeared to be '*false",
himself but "from his servants" (712).
43) She has not yet been informed of Oedipus' motiv
charge brought against him by Teiresias. But her husb
his life, and that points to danger.

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but possibly fatal, turns as mere coincid

hastily.
Jocasta is, however, characterized by another, striking tendency.
Now that Creon gets off scot-free after the chorus* intervention
(669-70), the present situation would have given comfort to a queen
standing solely on the defence. A tricky problem appears to be
settled, while her request to go inside has been partly acceded to
with Creon's exit (676-7). As it seems, she has only to make
Oedipus leave the stage. Surprised, the chorus ask why she delays
(678-9). At this moment Jocasta shows a trait of character that
makes her action somewhat ambivalent: an inclination to recon-
sider matters, expressing itself in utterances of curiosity, in the
course of time changing into suspicion and, ultimately, anguish.
First she asks for background information (680). The chorus eschew
the question, but from Oedipus' answer (703, 705-6) Jocasta con-
cludes that his suspicion with regard to Creon is due to a remark of
the old blind prophet. Delusive though the insights of a mortal seer
may be, his words might point to political danger. Such a con-
sideration, however, does not occur to Jocasta. Hearing the
prophet's name the queen is brought to a hasty argument: since the
oracle concerning Laius' death proved to be false, one should in
general disregard that kind of prophecies (723-5).
Since her entrance some hundred-odd lines ago the features of
this fatal character have been roughly drawn. Inclined to deal with
problems (in this case the quarrel Oedipus-Creon) off-handedly, on
second thoughts she shows some curiosity to go into the matter, but
as soon as she discovers a complication (the possibility that her
husband is compromised44) she falls back into rashness. At this
moment we also discern the way Jocasta's attitude affects her
husband's dramatic situation. The argument in support of her
opinion about prophecies arouses Oedipus' first misgivings (726-7).
Jocasta's scope for alternating between wantonness and curiosity
gradually decreases. Everything she does adds to the emergence of
the truth which at last nobody is able to ignore any longer. At the
end of the second part of her first episode (728-862), however,
Jocasta makes a desperate attempt to brush all risks aside. She has
44) In Oedipus' own words which reveal awareness of the danger: 701 and 703.

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informed Oedipus of some details with rega

reactions have evoked her first expression
Nevertheless she agrees to send for the only s
and informed her. Characteristically she do
Oedipus' motives, but the reasons for his
after his confession (774-833), which is ano
disclosure of the truth, does she ask why the
And to the answer that all depends on whe
murdered Laius, Jocasta reacts in a way revea
ly the trait of defence mechanism in her atti
Her dramatic situation at that moment being
possibility that Oedipus himself is Laius' m
tries in advance to make sure no information would be in-
criminating. She argues that even in case the servant should ta
back his former words and now mention only one person who com
mitted the murder, the oracle concerning Laius would still b
unfulfilled, a fact discrediting the words of prophets (851-8)45
However, to throw doubt upon Teiresias' words now (unlik
708 ff.) does not meet the case. Jocasta takes the line that her and
Laius' son is dead. But the truth of this premise should at least be
doubted, since Oedipus informed her about the oracle he receive
at Delphi (793). Her behaviour unmistakably reveals a trait of
escapism, whether she unwittingly drives this complication out of
her mind46) or, more probably, in full knowledge suppresses i
tactically47).
On the hypothesis that, at this point, she knows the truth the
remainder of her part is perfectly understandable. In that case she is
45) Jocasta's scepticism, as expressed in 857-8, of course relates to Teiresias.

Strictly speaking, in 853 she deals not with Apollo's priests and prophets (as in 712)
but with the god himself. The epithet ????a?, however, points to the enigmatic way
his servants word the god's intentions. Cf. Kamerbeek ad 853-4, and Jebb adi M
and 853.
Jebb (a?852) states, confusing the issue of this epeisodion (Teiresias' accusation)
and the issue of the next (the oracle given Oedipus at Delphi), that Jocasta at this
point tries to reassure her husband by reminding him that he did not kill his father'
Poly bus.
46) Cf. Kamerbeek's clarifying comments at 853-4.
47) We cannot assume that the obvious thought of this difficulty would stay
away without some psychic mechanism. Also in case of repression, however, her
actions would still give evidence of a precipitate approach.

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driven by a motive which would also be the

attitude: fear of reality. Then her prayer to A
alarming fear that the Laius oracle might be a
himself and not his prophets' fabrication (cf.
Jocasta is prompted by something more than
about48)). Her reaction to the news that Polyb
dramatically more effective if taken as a way
than as the expression of a real feeling. And
inform Oedipus would be caused by her desir
wrong track.
Nevertheless, up to this moment, it is sti
that Jocasta has no suspicion of reality at all.
to admit a rather strange trait of na?vet?. Her
Oedipus, however, to my mind definitely ma
touch with what really happens. Having thro
(964-72), Oedipus realizes that the predi
marriage with his mother is still to be falsifie
part, of course assenting to his scepticism (97
new sign of faith not in the usual way, but, in
unreliability of divine messages, she has
husband that one should not concern oneself too much about the
future (977-9). And instead of asking for further information, which
was to be expected, she tries to reassure him by comparing the
contents of a prophecy to the imaginary world of dreams (980-3).
The way Jocasta waves aside his last objections indicates that at the
moment she fully recognizes a reality she may have been surmising
since 790 ff. Her retreat after the last disclosures (1016 ff.) does not
result from an instantaneous discovery. Having lost all oppor-
tunities for concealing the truth, she has no other escape.
The character Jocasta is a determinant of the dramatic action
and structure. Her attempts to eliminate complications attain the
reverse of what she has in view. With her argument to prove that
48) Jebb takes her words in the literal sense: "The state of Oidipus frightens
her" (cf. 914-7), and he presupposes an improbable frivolity: "It is not that she
herself has much fear for the future". To Kamerbeek Jocasta's offering is there to
demonstrate that her distrust of oracles does not mean a disbelief in the gods. But
711-2 and 724 already preclude the possibility of such a disbelief. At this moment of
distress she turns to the god for help.

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the prophet's accusation is invalid she cau

innocence: 715 ff. Even her frantic pers
stances change (851 ff.), seems to be inser
search for the truth. And her impulsive
provokes information (793) that hastens the
action: having been informed that Oedipu
his father, and after getting the announc
she immediately lets her husband know, wh
the fatal confrontation between Oedip
messenger (1014 ff.). Jocasta's behaviour dis
sistency. Her initial carelessness in face of d
rashness as does finally her desperate rea
truth. Jocasta's suicide is part and parcel of
should not be severed from its context a
Pomeroy does who, referring to Jocasta
females, calls suicide "a feminine and somew
death"49). The dramatic impact of Joc
dicates?even more than Tecmessa's?tha
given position of social dependence ne
individual freedom50).
Having tried to sketch the individual wa
act under existing conditions, we now at
what extent Antigone and Electra, who h
social isolation, are characterized as impro
the first two are behaving far from subservi
the way Electra and Antigone take matters i
acceptable to Sophocles? Or does he disapp
49) Op. cit., 101. Besides, Pomeroy unjustly ran

Haemon's mother whose short appearance (Ant. 11
her inner motives. The dramatic function of her sui
not infer from her text and action any view of
Winnington-Ingram, art. cit., 109, the way Jocasta c
non-intellectual character of her scepticism qua
feminine'\ I hope to have made plausible that Jocasta,
clusion from a consistent argument, in the last par
displays the (intellectual) power of cold strategy.
50) Despite her official status Jocasta, no less
dependent on her husband's fortunes.

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behaviour by rendering these women inso

subversive51)?
The answer to the question, whether or
women's actions do not accord with their fem
in their last episodes. Whereas Tecmes
sequence of ever more dramatic repetitions of
are shown to keep their state of mind, Electra
concluding scenes present some new characte
picture of their personality as it has appeare
The dialogue beginning Ant. is domina
between passion and prudence. Yet in som
appears to resemble her sister. In the intim
Ismene52) she shows a remarkable sign of mo
after, under the stress of circumstances, t
again (1-99). Ismene's reasonable appeal to A
51) Pomeroy, op. cit., 99-103, discerns in Antigone th

woman and she takes this character to express indirect
that such a person could not be female nor a female such
Antigone to be a woman but she regrets that Sophocle
einer Auffassung der Frau wie Antigone lagen, nicht we
93, see my note 3).
The most lucid treatment of Antigone and Electra from
is Christina E. Sorum's important essay The Family in
'Electra ', CW 1982, 201-11. She deals with the contradict
century Athenian female "is compelled to defend th
these heroines find themselves confronted. In the cou
argument, however, she emphasizes the generic and see
features through which the poet, as we hope to show
achievement of individual heroic women. Antigone's e
to the public order but she is not seeking to subvert
apparently presumes: "the private, non-political c
developed by Antigone is subversive" (205). "If she act
birth and blood", Sorum argues (206), "she cannot
would add, actually she does. Electra's decision to
avenger is dealt with in the same way: "By acting Electr
the action" (209). But in this woman's dramatic situatio
to make clear, that in the end she need not carry out
In a plausible interpretation of Antigone's behaviour
specific and generic: "In die Klage (se. in the fourth e
die T?terin sich zuzog, mischt sich ... das Bewusst
ordentlichkeit, die gesellschaftlich Relevantes vollbrachte
Theorie des sophokleischen Helden, Heidelberg 1980, 186).
52) Cf. Kirkwood, op. cit., 119-20, on the confrontat

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refrain from extending the chain of calamit

their family by their own ruin (49-68), she
denied of any possible help from others (69
cation goes to show that Antigone dislikes h
She did not try, however, to refute Ismene
"two are women, so not to fight with m
Ismene remarks that she "craves what can
that her strength is limited (90-1)55). Antig
and opposite her sister: they know, both of
is vulnerable, but Antigone reaches anoth
So far this woman displays no sign of rebe
be considered as a possible exception to the
Being socially at a disadvantage she acts all t
The audience has been informed of the ambitious aims of a female
protagonist. This portrait seems to be affected by a reaction from
Creon. Hearing that his order has been disobeyed and that the
corpse has been buried, he asks in anger, what man has dared to do
53) Cf. Ant. 538 ff. where she does not allow Ismene to be a party to the crime
and, in the presence of Creon, denies her the right to pay the penalty of death.
54) Cf. V. Citt?, Strutture e tensioni sociali nell'Antigone di Sofocle, Atti dell'Istituto
Veneto di Scienze, Lettere ed Arti, CXXXIV, Venezia 1976, 483: "?
significativo che Antigone non replica agli argomenti della sorella ... Antigone non
contesta (non pu? contestare, vedremo), G affermazione della debolezza e dell'in-
feriorit? della donna". Citt? studied a wide range of (Attic) social divisions
(man/woman, e??e???/?a???, Greek/barbarian, etc.) as they are revealed in Greek
tragedy. In particular Sophoclean drama Citt? takes to be a *'veicolo dell'ideologia
della classe dominante" (I.e. 499), but (with regard to Ant.) he remarks: "appunto
nella misura in cui l'eroina rifiuta il ruolo che la societ? del suo tempo le
proponeva, l'umanit? eccede i condizionamenti storici e si ripropone come testimo-
nianza" (I.e. 482). We do not venture to discuss Citti's position in so far as he con-
siders Sophoclean tragedy as a "strumento della lotta di classe" (I.e. 499). Suffice it
to note that an Antigone involved in class struggle activities by no means needs to
be seen as 'masculine'. See also V. Citt?, Sofocle e le strutture di potere nell'Atene del V
secolo, BIFG (Padova) 1976, 84-120, and Tragedia e lotta di classe in Grecia, Napoli
1978 (good short review by R. G. A. Buxton, JHS 1981, 172).
55) ??????, ?ta? 8? ?? s????, pepa?s??a? (91). G. M?ller, Sophokles Antigone,
Heidelberg 1967, 39, rightly argues that Ismene's a???a??? (90) may be taken in a
moral or a practical sense. But I doubt whether he is right in adding this observa-
tion: "Antigone, der es auf das Sittliche ankommt, meint mit s???? das
Technische, mit pepa?s??a? den Tod (daraus erkl?rt sich auch das Tempus, das f?r
das Aufgeben einer aussichtslosen Sache nicht gew?hlt worden w?re)", s????,
however, points to individual strength, and in S. Tr. 587 pepa?s??a? refers to the
stopping of rash action.

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that (248)56). As he really does not know th

Creon's words do not merely voice an i
audience must have been brought at lea
Antigone should have disqualified herself
The suggestion of transgressing conventio
attitude Creon assumes when Antigone h
way he deals with this girl, who is a dange
marks the man. Nevertheless, through him
some spectators must have had their
femininity57). He appears to be more vexed
than by the discovery that she is the offe
he makes the punishment of this youn
manliness and the only answer to her pret
man, but she is the man, if she may hav
harm'*), some of those present in the theatr
criticism, have recognized their own bias
lowed it without a second thought. Thr
audience is confronted with the discriminat
times, once even with an appeal to their
(677-8)58). Besides, Antigone's dramatic situ
in opposition to the power) leaves no room
expressed before. Face to face with Isme
capable of being affectionate. She refuse
participate in blame and punishment (538-9
rejects her with pain (551).
Certain suggestions, having come from h
on. The audience may have been wondering
56) t?? a?d??? ?? ? t????sa? t?de; The possibility of

not even thought of. Strictly speaking, t?? a?d??? n
masculine sense (M?ller, Kamerbeek). Later on,
unequivocal t?? a?t??e??a (306). But cf. V. Citt?, Stru
note 54), 484-5.
57) Apparently in the end Creon realizes the unte
the kommos that represents his ruin (1261-1346) and
(1269) there is no word about the fact that his opp
58) While 484-5 and 677-8 contain suggestive rem
a man" and "her actions interfere with discipli
exclusively to his claim to masculine superiority (52
and still more vehemently 740, 746 and 756, w
"trample on the gods' honours", is rejected as "y

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whether the heroine is driven by a social m

tions might also have been provoked by the w
father's attention to sneaking sympathies w
(692-5) and discusses the question whether
rumours (732-9). Judging from her own te
seem to tamper with her given state of b
lament and monologue concluding her appe
past all doubt60). Announcing the heroine's la
touch a motif, which is developed in a spec
words. On her way to "the bridal chamber
(804-5, chorus)61) she sings of her single state
defect. For her there was no hymenaios (813-
by friends escorting bride and bridegroom
Before her bedchamber no chorus sang
(814-16)62). And after mentioning these c
songs she ends her first strophe with a lamen
mind the misery of this female in her spe
herself the future bride of Acheron (816) she
Creon's former suggestion that Antigone shou
than to "marry somebody in Hades" (654)6
This final turn of her action accords with the trait of character
Antigone showed in the beginning, where she, no more than
59) As Winnington-Ingram, art. cit. 114, puts it, "she is not in revolt against the
limitations of her sex, which she chooses to disregard in her determination to carry
out a duty that her feminine instincts dictate".
60) Cf. I. M. Linforth, Antigone and Creon, CPCPh 15,5,1961, 251: "As she is
led away to the tomb, she reveals the other aspect of her woman's nature". H.
Rohdich, op. cit. (see my note 51), 11-25, discusses the many ways critics dealt with
the (also by Rohdich maintained) 'difference' between the Antigone of the fourth
episode and the courageous heroine scorning death before. It marks this masterly
drawn passionate young female character that she is never lacking in human
feelings (e.g. Ant. 91, 551). About the dramatic function of ????: S. de Lannoy, Le
r?le du ch?ur dans la trag?die grecque. Eros et pudeur d'Oreste et d'Antigone, Cahiers th??tre
Louvain 1978, 15-23.
61) Cf. for ???a??? in epitaphs on the (not only female!) unmarried: R.
Lattimore, Themes in Greek and Latin Epitaphs, Urbana 1962, 192. In 806 ff. the
traditional motif of a marriage with Death is suited to the woman in Antigone, who
not merely talks of dying. The emotional tenor of this "imagery of marriage" is
dealt with by R. F. Goheen, The Imagery of Sophocles' Antigone, Princeton 1951,
37-41.
62) She means the ?p??a?????? ?????, known e.g. from Theoc. 18.
63) Cf. for the implied irony R. F. Goheen, op. cit., 40.

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Ismene, could be called a "masculine w

Pomeroy describes her. In her concluding sc
"revert to a traditional female role". Not
ever thought of any social inversion. Cer
part of Creon are definitely refuted with he
the king himself. Addressing her grave as m
towards the end she speaks about her dying
an individual tribulation (915-20). The wa
Antigone in her dramatic situation does
negative statement about the mental and m
in generad.
Both women, Ismene and Antigone, behave in line with their
parts in OC that on first acquaintance are already undeniably
female. This is not altered, of course, by the appreciative remarks
of their aged father, who in the presence of Polyneices, and while
comparing his daughters with his sons, prefers his daughters
and?this is in itself quite revealing?calls them 'men': OC 1367-9.
"The normal sex-roles are indeed up to a point reversed, and yet
there is nothing essentially unfeminine in the behaviour of the
daughters' ' (Winnington-Ingram65)). Resemblances between
Antigone's behaviour in OC and Ant. support the interpretation of
the latter play's great heroine as a characterfeminini generis. In OCy
at an earlier stage in her life, she is presented, unlike her sister but
like her role in Ant., as a confident woman. In OC 1181 ff. she is the
64) Op. cit., 99-103. Winnington-Ingram, op. cit., 137-46, argues convincingly
that the Antigone of 801-943 and the person who before is measuring her strength
with Creon are the very same woman. The question whether 904-20 are spurious,
is thoroughly discussed in T. A. Szlez?k, Bemerkungen zur Diskussion um Sophokles,
Antigone 904-920, RhM 124 (1981), 108-42.
65) Art. cit., 114-5. At 337-45 Oedipus had made a similar comparison. These
words do not point to social discrimination. Cf. W. Sch?tz, ?ST?????
F?S?OS, diss. Heidelberg 1964, 111: "Immerhin wird gerade darin, dass sich
die M?dchen ihrer Aufgabe gewachsen zeigen, offenbar, dass sich die Frau bei
Sophokles im Grunde nicht anders bew?hrt als der Mann", 112: "Wenn somit bei
Sophokles die Frau Antigone nicht anders als ein '???? a?a???' kraftvoll den Weg
der Bew?hrung zu Ende geht, so besagt das, dass der Dichter gerade hierin keinen
Unterschied zwischen der m?nnlichen und der weiblichen f?s?? anerkennen will;
letztere wird ja auch in den erhaltenen Dramen ebensowenig wie bei Aischulos als
'schwach' bezeichnet. Damit erscheint die grunds?tzliche Einheit der mensch-
lichen f?s?? ... bei Sophokles ... als der sichere Besitz menschlicher Vorstellung".

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one who applies to their father, and she is s

failed. With an argument, already showin
marks her statement before Creon in Ant.
persuading Oedipus to listen to Polyn
1280 ff. Antigone breaks the deadlock
Polyneices. When later on Polyneices asks th
dies, Antigone begins to speak and urges hi
(OC 1414 ff.). The girls' kommos (OC 1670
trast between self-centred Ismene (1689-
her noble sister (1704-14), which we find
Ant. Lastly, Antigone's decision to in
1768-72) matches her subsequent vigour.
For some time the action of El. seems to force its heroine to
repress her inner self. Near the beginning of the dramatic crisis we
expect Electra to give a turn to her activities that would have given
this character a trait of social inconsistency. Being informed of
Orestes' 'death' Electra expresses her embitterment at first through
a total inertia: 674, 677, 808-12, 857-9. Information from
Chrysothemis, of equal reliability and indicative of the opposite
(892-919), is not even pondered. The confrontation with her sister
causes the inner change that makes Electra propose that they wait
no longer and start taking vengeance on their own (947-57).
Pointing to the difference of physical strength between men and
women, Chrysothemis rejects her sister's suggestion (995-8).
Though she expected that answer (1017-8) Electra does not deny
the suggestion of being arrogant. Besides, her previous taunt at
Aegisthus who "only fights with women" (302) indicates that she
takes the difference in vigour between males and females for
granted. If Electra had actually carried out her plan or taken up the
running, such a final stage of her activities would have seemed to
have been forced upon her. The surprising way she would have
acted might have been interpreted as a negative statement by the
poet about the capability of women.
The heroine, however, does not exhibit any inconsistency. In the
course of her recognition-dialogue with Orestes she gets into a state
of euphoria, which in a way is the reverse of her initial paralysis and
makes her forget her resolve to take the initiative. It seems
unwarranted to question "ob Sophokles je im Ernst an die Aus-

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f?hrung dieses Planes durch Elektra geda

indication that we should hold Electra's decision to be unattainable
in advance. If her situation had not changed, she would have been
able to perform the action required. That she does not execute her
plan, may not be taken as a sign of any inability67).
Electra should not be placed "innerhalb der Schranken leiden-
den Frauentums"68) on the score of her passiveness. In part El. is a
piece of character study, though still, as Kirkwood put it, of
"character in situation"69). Her frantic joy ensuing from the
reunion and her submissiveness to the brother who came back are
dictated by the same mental condition that underlies her initial way
of acting. From the very beginning she is prompted by her desire
for vengeance (245-50), imagining Orestes to be the agent. Already
in lines 11-14 (cf. 296-7) the old paedagogus called attention to the
fact that he had received the newborn brother from Electra and
reared him until he reached manhood to be his father's avenger. In
117-20 we hear the sister pray for Orestes' return, while in 164-72
she gives voice to her unwearied longing. On some other occasions,
too, in different contexts, Electra's opinion on the part Orestes has
to play is put forward unmistakably: 303, 317-23, 455-6, 604-5.
The audience is faced with a woman whose life hangs on to
vengeance but who does not hold herself to be the most likely
avenger. That is why Orestes' 'death' means to her the end of all
existence: 674, 677, 808-12, 854-9. She does not even notice that
Chrysothemis' observations (see above), pointing to the presence of
a living Orestes, are in themselves no less credible than the message
of his death.
The stress of circumstances drives this, until now, grimly waiting
character to a venture that temporarily evokes the possibility of
another Electra. Independent action is foreshadowed. In the depths
of despair no danger counts. But naturally the heroine retreats
66) Jenzer, op. cit., 91 (see my note 3).

67) Winnington-Ingram, art. cit., 112, points to the fact that in Electra's great
speech to Chrysothemis personal grievances are emphasized instead of vengeance
for the father, and he concludes that "we can be sure she would have made the
attempt".
68) Jenzer, 91.
69) Kirkwood, op. cit., 135.

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when her brother has come back to take the l

been waiting for. Under the pressure of necess
act on her own70). Now that conditions have c
tion turns to an equally raging and unruly re
again she has to be urged to be aware of the d
tion, and to keep silence: 1236-44, 1251-2,
1322, 1364-6. Her conduct, however, is n
characteristic of women specifically. For all t
of joy no reference is made to femininity or
To sum up, although Electra's action and
decisive turn it is not correct to take this char
of inconsistency72). Both Electra and Antig
to) take the consequences of their own choice
their personal attitude of resistance is give
characters are apparently no longer need
portraiture is definitely finished.
I have kept as finid subject the two Sophocle
themselves directly menaced with regard to t
Clytemnestra her legal status, for Deianira th
love. Deianira has provoked indignation
studies. To A. Jenzer she is the very pictu
helplessness, derived from social condition
where wives often had to suffer the presence
Pomeroy considers Deianira a simple woman w
her husband's passion with a potion75).
Is Sophocles' Deianira a woman who fends
helpless na?vet? that results from habituad p
scene, the prologue, her behaviour is marked
70) It is characteristic of her feelings that, shortly aft

speaking to the urn, she mentions Orestes' promise to
(1154-6).
71) In 188, 240-1 and 961-2 the need for love and protection of a husband is put
forward to mark both women's dramatic situation.
72) Cf. Winnington-Ingram, op. cit., 239.
73) Ismene disappears (Ant. 581) at a moment Antigone still has to act her
kommos (806 ff.) and monologue (891 ff.). Chrysothemis, in opposition to Electra,
is on the stage for the last time when her sister, disappointed at her waiting for
revenge, has decided on her desperate deed (El. 1057).
74) Op. cit., 89-90.
75) Op. cit., 109.

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and a lack of quick-wittedness. She relates t

tune, to have been captured from a monstr
who ever since, and now especially, has m
and fearful than happy. It is left to the old
one of the sons to inquire for her hus
returned (Tr. 54-5). Apparently Sophocle
Deianira as an irresolute and vacillatin
acknowledges her own dependence on her
while the parodos and her own subsequent
anguish for the future. Being informed of
manifests yet another trait of her characte
she appears at once to be able to put herself
captured women who have in the meantim
she addresses one of them in particular, viz
our view of her personality. From the wa
about the girl's origins, with intuition and
herself a woman of experience, capable of in
Up to the end of her appearance she exhibit
between discernment and mental confusion. When the woman she
took pity on actually turns out to be her rival, she at first asks the
chorus for advice: 385-8. And when on their suggestion her
husband's herald is examined, most of the questions (402-33) are
asked by the messenger who at her request had stayed (391-2). This
man, however, does not manage to detect the truth and Deianira
has perforce to make a plea herself. Her speech (436-69) displays an
acquaintance with love's * pathology', which is immediately
acknowledged by the herald (472-3), who feels prompted to tell her
what he knows. Appealing to the sentiments of Lichas (and the
audience!) she refers to Zeus, her status, the inconstancy of
happiness, the power of love's passion, the herald's honour; to the
circumstance that she will hear the truth from others and that not
knowing at any rate hurts more than knowing, her forbearance
towards Heracles' many other women, and finally to her sympathy
for Iole. At this moment it seems she has the situation well in hand.
The way she has qualified Heracles' sexual desires in her
monologue is the clue to understanding her subsequent action.
Calling love a power that even rules the gods she describes his
disposition as a disease. It would be mad, she argues, to blame her

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husband for his sickness (438-46)76). Twice t

491-2, when apparently she has alread
'medicine', she declares that if she resisted
to the afflictions. And as appears from 543
evident to her that Heracles' illness is chro
a potion intended to restore her husband
not only incompatible with the mythical ch
conflicts with Deianira's conviction. The in
by magic at least attests to consistency. Ne
the drug away from sun and fire (685-6
yet: that prescription might have been giv
beneficiad drug. After all, she once got tha
a suitor.
This portrait of an easily perplexed but in the end purposive
personality is mirrored in Deianira's last monologue, which is com-
posed of three parts: the description of an alarming fact (672-704:
the crumbling of the shred of wool smeared with the poison), an
exposition of the consequences for her situation (705-18) and her
own person (719-22). The second part at first displays her well-
known feelings of impotence (705-11). Directly, however, she
proceeds to a sound reasoning and faces its conclusion: her gift will
cause the death of Heracles. And consequently she decides to die
with him (719-20). This resolution, announced in advance, makes
Deianira's suicide the final event of a consistent sequence of
76) In Fr. 680 (Radt) from the Phaedra ??s??? ?e???t??? probably refers to the
same phenomenon. Mental confusion in consequence of a superior powef is meant
also in Aj. 59 (?a???s?? ??s???, used by Athena for Ajax* state of mind she herself has
brought about) and 185 (?e?a ??s??, of Ajax' condition, spoken by the chorus). Cf.
R. P. Winnington-Ingram, op. cit., 25-6.
For ??s?? in Ant. expressing individual or collective moral and mental disorder
cf. R. F. Goheen, op. cit. 41-4: *'... imagery of disease ... relates the human action
to the 'action' of the gods, which, though not visible on stage, is shown to be the
final determinant in human welfare". Generally on ??s??-metaphors H. Ruess,
Gesundheit ? Krankheit ? Arzt bei Plato, diss. T?bingen 1957. On medical language
in Sophocles: Winnington-Ingram, op. cit., 20, n. 28. Sophocles has made
sufficiently clear that Deianira's own motive force was also sexuality. Cf.
Winnington-Ingram, art. cit., 110. That Deianira is not trying to deceive her
hearers in lines 436-69, is rightly argued by D. A. Hester, Deianeira's 'deception
speech', Antichthon 14 (1980), 1-8.
77) Pomeroy, op. cit., 109.

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events78). Her actual reaction to Hyllus'

speech (734 ff.) should be seen in this per
fatal effect of her initiatives and her h
remarks the audience still has to listen
represents a female person capable of
unsuccessful, resistance.
Strictly speaking, the murder of Agame
story of El. and may be taken into account
have to analyse the behaviour of a queen fa
challenges the legitimacy of her mother's position79).
Clytemnestra's first utterances (516 ff.) are defensive and in the
course of the action of this secondary antagonist next to Orestes and
Chrysothemis, no essentially other motive becomes apparent. A
disquieting dream, of which we have been informed already by
Chrysothemis (410 ff.), makes her self-defence dramatically
probable80) and points to the real character of her motives.
Clytemnestra turns out to be prompted by a desire to continue her
present position of power and prosperity. She has only one rational
argument, and she makes it effectively. It runs as follows: when a
woman kills her husband on the ground that he has sacrificed one of
their children to the interests of a brother, who has got children of
his own, then she is in the right (528, 531-2, 537-41). This train of
thought is preceded by a captano benevolentiae81): Aegisthus being
absent, she is at the mercy of her daughter's imputations (516-22).
The following speech is larded with canvassing elements. For
instance, she attempts sometimes to excite in the chorus (and
Electra) feelings of womanly togetherness, pointing to her throes
78) On the other hand, Jocasta's suicide, as I tried to show above, results from
that woman's characteristic rashness.
79) In Clytemnestra's own text the murder is once mentioned shortly as a given
fact: 525-7. According to Pomeroy, op. cit., 95, all three dramatists depicted this
heroine as a murderess; in Ag. alone the killing is a main constituent of the
dramatic action, while in the other tragedies she is portrayed in confrontation with
her children (Ch.: Orestes, S.?7. and E.El. : Electra). Apparently Winnington-
Ingram, art. cit. 114, takes the same stand as my own: "her notorious crime is
(apart from its effect on Electra) left largely exo tou dramatos".
80) Cf. Kirkwood, op. cit., 140.
81) On the employment of rhetorical techniques in the theatre see P. T.
Stevens, Euripides Andromache, Oxford 1971, 118.

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(532-3), Iphigenia's supposed opinion (548),

played by that other female Helen (541).
Having been refuted by her daughter, Clyte
reproach Electra with slander, the one way le
own. And this encounter, though at the outse
gradually merges into an escalation of e
Clytemnestra dissociates herself by the perfor
to Apollo (634 ff.). Apart from the implied s
has under the circumstances saved her face
Clytemnestra does not try to continue ke
Even her opportunism she conceals no more.
her dreams come true as far as they are go
enemies if ill (644-7). In the presence of Ele
chorus she asks for the maintenance of her w
tion (648-51). And her reaction to the news t
dictated by a concern about her self-interest.
second announcement of her son's death (673,
a gesture of annoyance with Electra's sorr
details. In this situation and at this moment
every sign of grief for Orestes as a token of h
Not until the end of the circumstantial narrative does she wonder
whether her son's death should be considered good luck or a misfor-
tune. But she hastens to assure the narrator, who is afraid of having
come in vain (772), that "this one day" she is "freed from fear"
(783).
Finally this self-assured queen disposes of her daughter. In their
decisive dialogue (788-96) the poet seems to have stripped this
woman of her last maternal instincts. She compliments the
messenger on having stopped her daughter's "never ceasing
clamour" (797-8), coaxing him to go inside. Clytemnestra has suc-
ceeded in holding out against Electra, not only thanks to the
message of Orestes' death. Tactically switching from argument to
insinuation she contrived to appeal to the bystanders who have
82) In 556-7 Clytemnestra acknowledges Electra's first words to be suitable

while at 631 she reminds that on her own part she permitted Electra to finish her
speech.
83) Clytemnestra prays the god for help who, as appears from 35 ff., 70 and
1425, has charged Orestes with her death.

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apparently become suspicious of her

Clytemnestra's actions all point to reso
woman realizes that her very existence dep
of her position.
Ill
The results of my survey may be summarized in the following

terms. In all cases the poet has related the social position of the
female characters to their specific dramatic situation. We have been
able to infer their status from their own and other persons' texts in
order to compare their actual behaviour with what one should
expect. Did Sophocles make them act in accordance with their place
in society? Do their social positions turn out to be final deter-
minants of their activities?
Tecmessa and Jocasta, who are socially dependent and run risks
because of their men's honour and position being menaced and
harmed, display activities not merely to safeguard their own
interests. The concubine, no less than the legal wife, participates in
the dramatic action on her own right. Tecmessa succeeds in
bringing out the significance of Ajax' tribulations, not only to
herself but to him and others, while Jocasta's rashness, her curiosi-
ty and the way she tries to manipulate her husband direct his
actions. There is no sign of submissiveness pointing to their
position of social dependence.
On the other hand, the audience would have thought Antigone's
and Electra's self-reliance to be a separate and distinct dramatic
factor if these females had been furnished with social pretensions.
Their texts, however, do not indicate any disposition to transgress
conventions or to reverse men's and women's roles or conditions.
84) I agree with Kamerbeek that ????? p????sa? and et ... (f???t??) refer to the
same. However, p????sa?, directly following Electra's words, is not likely to refer
exclusively to Clytemnestra, whereas Clytemnestra's reaction (612) strongly
suggests that preceding ti ... (f???t(?) refers to her. So, pace Kamerbeek, Kaibel
and others, I would take these lines to be meant as an amphiboly. Otherwise, one
should agree with A. K. Frangoulis, Sophocles, Electra 610-11, LCM 8 (1983), 98,
who argues that "it is more natural for the lines to be taken by the audience as
referring to the attitude of Electra" (my italics), the subject of ???est? being the
outrageous attitude of Electra "as implied by ????? p????sa?".

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Some suggestions and insinuations of such a

been taken into consideration up to the s
appearances. Antigone's farewell lament in
the frenzied way Electra reacts to Oreste
unmistakably these women's portraits.
Neither the references to sex and gende
patterns of behaviour (II) may be taken to
while depicting characters in action, wo
between males and females. In each case t
with their sex, does not affect the drift of
and Electra, in their resistance, do not d
rebelliousness, Tecmessa's and Jocasta's at
a position of dependence. In the case of a
status itself is the main factor. To stand
points to independence. The way Clytemn
to their dramatic situation corroborates our former observations.
Sophocles' female characters show themselves as adult persons,
acting in society on their own terms, and not pre-determined by
their inferior place in society85).
3583 SB Utrecht, Gerard Doustraat 11
85) I express my thanks to Dr. J. Den Boeft, Dr. J. N. Bremmer, Prof. A. H.

M. Kessels and Prof. W. J. Verdenius for reading and criticizing a draft of this
article.

171.7.133.12 on Sun, 27 Oct 2024 19:10:32 UTC

Wiersma WomenSophocles 1984

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Women in Sophocles

Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/4431297

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"When I compare Euripidean to Sophoclean heroines, I pref

1) S. B. Pomeroy, Goddesses, Whores, Wives, and Slaves: Women in Clas

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dramatic situation from their given social pos

Sophocles' texts, as we know them, do not lead us to believe that

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'recognizable' character5). The examinati

5) Cf. J. de Romilly, Les h?ros tragiques et la conditio

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interpret a passage in which one of the dra

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the heroine who has become a masculine

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and Ismene) is worded in forms feminini gene

It seems reasonable to suppose that if there are any differences

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of this article I shall describe the behaviour of characters in

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The Phrygian princess Tecmessa, being

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his personal feelings, as we may infer from

19) See about ????? Stanford ad 522. In 318 Tecm

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(496-9)25). Resolutely Tecmessa deals w

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In his monologue 646-92 Ajax implicitly ackn

30) Cf. Stanford ad 651.

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In this way the dramatic structure emphas

35) Cf. J. C. Kamerbeek ad loc.

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holds in high esteem and confidence39). Her s

39) OT 577-80, 700, 772-3.

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but possibly fatal, turns as mere coincid

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informed Oedipus of some details with rega

45) Jocasta's scepticism, as expressed in 857-8, of course relates to Teiresias.

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driven by a motive which would also be the

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the prophet's accusation is invalid she cau

49) Op. cit., 101. Besides, Pomeroy unjustly ran

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behaviour by rendering these women inso

51) Pomeroy, op. cit., 99-103, discerns in Antigone th

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refrain from extending the chain of calamit

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that (248)56). As he really does not know th

56) t?? a?d??? ?? ? t????sa? t?de; The possibility of

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whether the heroine is driven by a social m

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Ismene, could be called a "masculine w

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