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<DOCINFO AUTHOR ""TITLE "Filipino English and Taglish: Language switching from multiple perspectives"SUBJECT "VEAW, Volume g31"KEYWORDS ""SIZE HEIGHT "220"WIDTH "150"VOFFSET "4">
Filipino English and Taglish

Varieties of English Around the World
General Editor
Edgar W. Schneider
Department of English & American Studies
University of Regensburg
D-93040 REGENSBURG
Germany
edgar.schneider@sprachlit.uni-regensburg.de
Editorial Board
Laurie Bauer (Wellington); Manfred Görlach (Cologne);
Rajend Mesthrie (Cape Town); Peter Trudgill (Fribourg);
Walt Wolfram (Raleigh, NC)
General Series
Volume G31
Filipino English and Taglish: Language switching from multiple perspectives
by Roger M. Thompson
Filipino English and Taglish
Language switching from multiple perspectives
Roger M. Thompson
University of Florida
John Benjamins Publishing Company

Amsterdam/Philadelphia
TM The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements
8
of American National Standard for Information Sciences – Permanence

of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ansi z39.48-1984.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Thompson, Roger M.
Filipino English and Taglish : language switching from multiple
perspectives / Roger M. Thompson.
p. cm. (Varieties of English Around the World, issn 0172–7362 ; v.
G31)
Includes bibliographical references (p.) and index.
1. English language--Philippines. 2. English language--Foreign
elements--Tagalog. 3. Tagalog language--Inﬂuence on English. 4. Bilingualism--
Phlilippines. 5. Phlilippines--Languages. I. Title. II. Series.
PE3502.P5T47 2003
306.44’6’09599-dc22 2003057797
isbn 90 272 4891 5 (Eur.) / 1 58811 407 4 (US) (Hb; alk. paper)
© 2003 – John Benjamins B.V.

No part of this book may be reproduced in any form, by print, photoprint, microﬁlm, or
any other means, without written permission from the publisher.
John Benjamins Publishing Co. · P.O. Box 36224 · 1020 me Amsterdam · The Netherlands
John Benjamins North America · P.O. Box 27519 · Philadelphia pa 19118-0519 · usa
Contents
Acknowledgments xi
Map 1. The Philippines xiii
Chapter 1
Introduction: Language switching from multiple perspectives 1
1.1 The situation 1
1.2 Rationale for this study 2
1.3 Overview of the chapters 5
Part A.
Taglish in the life cycle of English in the Philippines 9
Chapter 2
English comes to the Philippines, 1898–1935 13
2.1 The United States takes control, 1898–1902 13
2.1.1 Humanitarian imperialism 13
2.1.2 The Philippine insurrection 15
2.1.3 Winning the hearts of Filipinos 17
2.2 Social engineering and the rise of English, 1902–1935 19
2.2.1 Schools for the masses 19
2.2.2 Materials and teachers 20
2.2.3 The Filipino reaction 22
2.2.4 A day at school 23
2.2.5 The effectiveness 24
2.2.6 English: The great equalizer 26
Chapter 3
Nationalism and the rise of Tagalog, 1936–1973 27
3.1 Finding a national language 27
3.2 The changing school environment 29
3.3 War destroys the schools 30
vi Filipino English and Taglish
3.4 Rebuilding the school system 31

3.5 Controversy over Tagalog 32
3.6 The golden age for English 34
3.7 Changing attitudes 35
Chapter 4
Bilingual education and the rise of Taglish, 1974–1998 37
4.1 Intellectualizing Tagalog for the schools 37
4.2 Taglish fills the gap 40
4.3 English fails in the schools 41
4.4 Cries for school reform 44
4.5 A personal look at the schools 47
4.6 Ongoing efforts to improve English instruction 50
4.7 Setting local standards for English 52
4.7.1 Pronunciation 52
4.7.2 Grammar 53
4.7.3 Vocabulary 53
4.8 Filipino English in the taxonomy of world English: ESL or EFL? 54
Chapter 5
The Spanish overlay 59
5.1 The life cycle of Spanish in the Philippines 59
5.2 Spanish infiltrates the vernaculars 60
5.3 Spanish withstands English 61
5.4 The end of Spanish 63
5.5 The current relationship of English, Tagalog, and Spanish 65
Map 2. The regions, 1990 67
Part B.
Social support for English after 100 years: Comparing usage in Metro
Manila and the provinces 69
B.1 English proficiency in the Philippines today 72
B.2 English teachers in Metro Manila and the Visayas 74
B.2.1 The participants 75
Chapter 6
English teachers and the media in Metro Manila and the Visayas 77
Contents vii
6.1 Listening to English 77

6.1.1 Radio 77
6.1.2 Music 79
6.1.3 Television 80
6.1.4 News 83
6.1.5 Movies 86
6.2 Reading English 87
6.2.1 Newspapers 90
6.2.2 Magazines and journals 91
6.2.3 Books 91
6.3 The media and the future of English 92
Chapter 7
English teachers and interpersonal relations in Metro Manila
and the Visayas 95
7.1 English at work 97
7.2 English in public places 99
7.3 English at church 101
7.4 Interpersonal relations and the future of English 104
Chapter 8
English in northern Luzon and Mindanao 107
8.1 Interacting with English media 109
8.1.1 Northern Luzon: Media profile 110
8.1.1.1 Radio 111
8.1.1.2 Television 111
8.1.1.3 Movies and videos 112
8.1.1.4 Print 112
8.1.2 Mindanao: Media profile 113
8.1.2.1 Radio 114
8.1.2.2 Television 114
8.1.2.3 Movies and videos 115
8.1.2.4 Print 115
8.2 Interacting with English in interpersonal relations 116
8.2.1 Northern Luzon 117
8.2.2 Mindanao 118
8.3 The status of English after 100 years: Some tentative conclusions 120
viii Filipino English and Taglish
Part C
Modeling English to the masses: A look at the media 123
Chapter 9
The linguistics of language switching in basketball commentary 127
9.1 A model for language mixing 128
9.2 A grammatical sketch of Tagalog and its focus system 131
9.3 Alternation 136
9.4 Insertion 140
9.4.1 English into Tagalog 141
9.4.2 Tagalog into English 144
9.5 Congruent lexicalization: Evidence of converging systems 146
9.6 Conclusions 152
Chapter 10
Commercials as language teachers 155
10.1 Developing communicative competence 156
10.1.1 Comprehension strategies 157
10.1.2 Grammar 165
10.1.3 Discourse 169
10.1.4 Pragmatics 174
10.2 Conclusions 176
Chapter 11
Marketing messages through language switching in television
commercials 177
11.1 Languages and products 178
11.2 Languages and social messages 182
11.2.1 English as promoter of good character 182
11.2.2 English as promoter of good fortune 184
11.2.3 English as bad boy 185
11.3 The growing Tagalog backlash 188
Chapter 12
Putting on a public face in TV interviews 191
12.1 The case studies 192
12.1.1 Case study 1: Striking it rich with roasted chicken 194
12.1.2 Case study 2: Businessmen in trouble in Mindanao 198
Contents ix
12.1.3 Case study 3: A stock market scandal 201

12.1.4 Case study 4: Good luck in the noodle business 203
12.1.5 Case study 5: Basketball English at courtside 205
Chapter 13
The language of social resistance in movies and sitcoms 211
13.1 Two case studies 211
13.1.1 Case study 1: Palibhasa Lalake 212
13.1.2 Case study 2: M&M: The Incredible Twins 221
13.2 The other shows: Kaya ni Mister, Kaya ni Missis and Mixed Nuts 227
Chapter 14
The language face off in the newspapers 231
14.1 English broadsheets 233
14.1.1 The news 234
14.1.2 Editorials 238
14.1.3 Sports 239
14.1.4 Entertainment and leisure 241
14.1.5 Advertisements 242
14.2 Tagalog tabloids 246
14.2.2 The news, sports, and opinion 247
14.2.3 Entertainment 249
14.2.4 Advertisements 250
14.3 English tabloids 252
Chapter 15
Afterword: The future of English 257
15.1 Putting down the language rebellion of 1998 260
15.2 Conclusion 265
References 267
Index 279
Index of commercials 285
Acknowledgments
This study would not have been possible without the help of many people. Of
course major thanks must go to the Fulbright commission for inviting me to
spend the 1996–1997 academic year in the Philippines. Alex Calata and his
wonderful staŸ at the Philippine American Educational Foundation, the local
arm of the Fulbright Commission, made all the arrangements for my stay,
including the arrangements for teacher training workshops with more than
4,000 teachers throughout the country. It was through the workshops in the
provinces that I became aware that language switching is not just a Manila
phenomenon.
Thanks too go to the Bureau of Secondary Education at the Philippine
Department of Education, Culture, and Sports (DECS) under the direction of
Dr. Albert Mendoza and Dr. Ramy Taguba. They provided me with an o¹ce, a
daily newspaper, and access to several years of government studies. Of course,
special thanks go to Owen Milambiling, who went the extra mile to see that my
needs were fulªlled. He made sure that previous Fulbright scholars and I felt
welcome working at DECS.
Thanks go to Anne West of the Summer Institute of Linguistics and Gale
Metcalf and April Herbert of the Peace Corps for their help in collecting
language usage data from isolated sections of the country. Carmelo and
Camille Guerrero kindly taped the television shows. Guillermo Catral, Carol
Mendoza, Janina Perez, Joemer Ta-ala, and Camilla Yandoc, students at the
University of Florida, produced the transcriptions and translations. Thanks too
to Michael KorŸ-Rodrigues, Cultural Attaché to the American Embassy, and
Brother Andrew Gonzales, FSC, a guiding light for sociolinguistics in the
Philippines, for their encouragement.
Teachers attending workshops at Asia Paciªc College, Ateneo University,
De La Salle University, the IT&T Information Congress, Mapa High School,
and Philippine Normal University in Metro Manila; at the University of St. La
Salle in Bacolod; at the University of the Philippines-Visayas in Iloilo; at the
Philippine Association of Language Teachers meeting in Baguio; at the
Marinduque National High School in Boac; and at the Leyte Normal Univer-
sity in Tacloban graciously ªlled out language usage surveys.
xii Acknowledgments
Teachers and administrators in the above locations and at Xavier Univer-

sity in Cagayan de Oro; SEAMEO Innotech and the University of the Philip-
pines-Diliman in Manila; St. Louis University in Baguio; and the Region I
College English Teachers Association in San Fernando, La Union, are to be
thanked for so graciously hosting me and allowing me to observe language
switching in action.
Additional ªnancial support came from special grants from Metro Bank of
the Philippines and a summer research grant from the English Department of
the University of Florida. Of course, nothing would have been possible without
the support and understanding of my sweet wife Caroly and my children
Christina, Wendy, and Deborah who shared my Philippine adventure with me.
My daughter Kim proofed the ªnal draft.
Preliminary versions of the following chapters were presented as papers at
professional meetings. Chapter 9 was presented as “Basketball Taglish: The
informalization of Filipino English” at the 12th World Congress of Applied
Linguistics (AILA ’99), August 1–6, 1999, in Tokyo, Japan. Chapters 10 and 11
were presented as “Commercials as English teachers: Language socialization
through Philippine television” at the 4th Paciªc Second Language Research
Forum (PacSLRF2001), October 4–7, 2001, at the University of Hawaii at
Manoa in Honolulu, Hawaii. Chapter 13 was presented as “The social dynam-
ics of English/Filipino language switching on Philippine television” at When
Languages Collide: Sociocultural and Geopolitical Implications of Language
Con¶ict and Language Coexistence, an interdisciplinary conference, Novem-
ber 13–15, 1998, at Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio.
Mabuhay
Gainesville, Florida
Vigan 䊏
Baguio䊏
Luzon
Manila䊏
Visayas
䊏Tacloban
Iloilo 䊏䊏 Bacolod
䊏Cebu
Mindanao
Cotabato䊏
Zamboanga䊏䊏Davao
Malaysia
Map 1. The Philippines

Chapter 1
Introduction
Language switching from multiple perspectives
1.1 The situation
You wake up on Monday morning in your apartment in Metro Manila. After a

shower and a shave and a quick bite of breakfast, you leave for work nearby at
the Department of Education, Culture and Sports (DECS). As you leave the
apartment complex, the receptionist and the guard stop their conversation,
greet you with a “Good morning, sir,” then return to their conversation in
Tagalog. As you wait for the light to change so you can cross the street, you
glance at the newspapers displayed at the corner news stand. The serious
broadsheets announce “Congress resumes its session today,” “N. Korea hope-
less, says top defector,” “7 inmates bolt Valenzuela jail.” The tabloids over to
the side note “Solido leader Joel Arnan natodas sa shootout” and “Judge
Diokno binira sa sex tapes.”
Since this is a Monday, everyone at work has gathered out front for the ¶ag
raising ceremony. The Department of Elementary Education is in charge today.
English love songs play in the background as last minute arrangements are made.
The mistress of ceremonies calls the assemblage of secretaries and government
o¹cials to order in English. The invocation is a modern dance routine set to a
musical rendition of the Lord’s Prayer in English. As the ¶ag rises, everyone sings
the national anthem in Tagalog. Following the pledge of allegiance in Tagalog
the mistress of ceremonies announces in English a short cultural program
featuring folk dancers from a high school in the provinces. The guest of honor,
an in¶uential senator, addresses the gathering in English with humorous asides
in Tagalog. At the close of the ¶ag ceremony, the Secretary of Education reports
in English his travels and accomplishments of the past week. The ceremony ends
with a round of applause and all return to their o¹ces.
As you read the English language morning paper in your o¹ce, you over-
hear the secretaries answering the phone. “Hello, BSE” (Bureau of Secondary
Education). The conversation continues in Tagalog with stretches in English.
You leave to do some errands before you give a workshop at a university across
2 Filipino English and Taglish
town. At the copy center, all signs are in English. The orders are taken in a
combination of English and Tagalog. You enter an o¹ce building across the
street and take an elevator to the penthouse suite of your Internet service
provider to pay your bill. At a stop on the way up a handsome young man steps
in. The elevator operator obviously knows him. She serenades him with an
English love song until he gets oŸ on the 10th ¶oor.
After paying your bill in English, you decide to take the bus across town to
the university. You state your destination and pay your fare in a combination
of English and Tagalog. The guards at the university entryway check your pass
in English. The signs reminding students and visitors of the university dress
standards are written in English. The students rushing around you speak a
mixture of English and Tagalog. Your presentation is in English. At the ªrst
break you eat lunch with the president of the university in his private dining
room. Every one speaks English during the lunch except when ordering some-
thing special from the waiters.
On the way home after your afternoon session, you stop by Mega Mall to
check the times for the movies and to pick up a surprise cake for the family. The
security personnel guarding the entrance to the mall greet you in English before
frisking you for weapons. Six theaters are showing the latest ªlms from the
United States, six the latest from the Philippines. You stop at an automated teller
to withdraw some money with your bankcard. The instructions ask whether you
want “English” or “Taglish” — a mixture of English and Tagalog. You select
English, complete your transaction, and enter the bakery. All the signs are in
English, the customers are served in a mixture of English and Tagalog. The buko
pie `coconut cream’ looks perfect, so you buy one to take home.
At home, the guard and the receptionist greet you with “Good evening, sir.”
The family decides not to go to the movies. After dinner you settle in to watch
the ªnals for the Philippine Basketball Association on television and enjoy
another piece of pie. The announcers switch between English and Tagalog. The
commercials do the same. At ten you are ready for bed. You have just spent a day
with Taglish, the mixture of English and Tagalog used in the Philippines.
1.2 Rationale for this study
I became fascinated with Taglish as a Fulbright scholar during the 1996–1997

academic year. With a population of over 70,000,000 the Philippines prides
itself in being one of the largest English speaking countries in the world. As a
Introduction 3
legacy of nearly 50 years of American colonial rule, English is the language of

business and higher education. Yet business leaders and university administra-
tors note a decline in English proªciency in the rising generation. They feel the
blame lies with the teachers in primary and secondary schools. Surely if the
teachers knew better teaching techniques, the problem would resolve itself.
That is why I had been invited to spend the year providing inservice training
throughout the country under the direction of the Department of Education,
Culture, and Sports.
I traveled around the Philippines giving workshops on context-embedded
teaching to more than 4,000 high school and university English and science
teachers. Everywhere I went, I found dedicated teachers and teacher trainers
who prided themselves in knowing the latest teaching techniques. I was simply
giving refresher courses. They did not need more teacher training, they needed
smaller classes (50 the norm), more books (one textbook per three students the
norm), and better facilities. I also found college students everywhere whose
English compared favorably with students in community colleges and univer-
sities in the United States.
As a sociolinguist interested in language contact, I looked for other reasons
for the perceived decline in English proªciency. What is the social support for
being ¶uent in English? Are there times and occasions when English is used
exclusively? Are these times and occasions available to all learners of English?
Are there informal ways to learn English or does English depend solely on the
classroom for its acquisition? What are the social or emotional values assigned
to English? As I observed Filipinos using English in churches, on television, at
schools, in businesses, in sports, on the streets, on buses, in taxis, on planes, on
ferries, at conventions, at government functions, in family gatherings, and in
their reading, I noticed that although English predominates in certain domains
and Tagalog in others, Filipinos continually shift between English and Tagalog
when communicating with each other. Perhaps the perceived decline in En-
glish is simply a reaction to the rise of Taglish, this blend of the two languages.
The purpose of this study is to investigate the dynamics of this language
switching from various perspectives in order to ªnd clues as to the future of
English in the Philippines.
This is not the ªrst study of the interrelationship of English and Tagalog in
the Philippines. The language situation in this former American colony has been
studied extensively over the years, primarily by Filipino linguists. (See Gonzalez
1991c for an overview.) In fact Sibayan, one of the most prominent of these
linguists, comments that the language situation in the Philippines is probably
the most studied in the world. These studies have focused on such things as
language planning (Bauzon 1991, E. Constantino 1981, Gonzalez and Bautista
1981), English language maintenance (Gonzalez 1988c, 1996, 1998a, Prator
1950, Sibayan and Gonzalez 1996), language usage surveys (Gonzalez 1985b),
new varieties of English (Bautista 1996a, Garcia-Aranas 1990, Gonzalez 1991b,
1992, 1997a, Llamzon 1969), and the spread of Taglish (Alberca 1998, Barrios
1977, Marasigan 1983, 1986). There is even a sociolinguistic reader devoted to
the language situation in the Philippines (Bautista 1996c). However, other than
Bautista’s (1998a) look at Taglish in email, Marasigan’s (1983) look at Taglish in
newspaper clippings, and Pascasio’s (1978, 1984) look at Taglish in business
transactions, there has been little attention paid to the linguistics of Taglish and
the social dynamics that underlie this language switching.
As I read these studies from the viewpoint of an English-speaking outsider,
I see bits and pieces of a puzzle, but I do not see the rich and complex dynamics
of language switching that strike the monolingual English-speaking expatriate
residing in the country. Three questions immediately come to mind when
English speakers arrive in Manila. Why are Filipinos so attached to English? If
they like English so much, why do they sometimes speak English, sometimes
Tagalog, and sometimes mix the two? Why does the mass media switch be-
tween English and Tagalog? These are the research questions which underlie
the rest of this book.
As Fairclough (1995) suggests, to understand how Filipino language switch-
ing works in discourse, we need to look beyond an analysis of the language itself.
We must not only look at when Taglish is used but we must look at the social
eŸect of Taglish in the promotion of certain ideologies. Thus we will follow the
lead of Fairclough as we seek answers to our three questions. In Part A we will
look at the question of why Filipinos are so attached to English by reviewing one
hundred years of Philippine language planning promoting ªrst English as a
replacement for Spanish then Tagalog as a replacement or supplement for
English. In Part B we will look for the answer to the second question by
examining the social support for English outside the classroom. First, we will
compare when English teachers in Metro Manila and the Visayas who took part
in my workshops reported that they use English and Taglish in their everyday
lives. We will then look to see if this social support extends into the remote
provinces. To ªnd the answer to the third question of why the media uses Taglish,
we look in Part C at the language of television and newspapers from various
sociolinguistic and sociocultural perspectives to identify the ideologies that
underlie this language switching.
Introduction 5
The data for this study come from a variety of sources. In Part A I synthe-
size one hundred years of scholarly research into the social foundations of
English in the Philippines. This is supplemented by my own observations from
my travels throughout the country giving workshops. The data for Part B come
from a questionnaire that I used as part of a language awareness activity in my
teacher training workshops. The Peace Corps and the Summer Institute of
Linguistics provided supplemental information about language usage in less
accessible parts of the Philippines. I collected the data for Part C towards the
end of my stay. I bought all of the Manila newspapers, both broadsheets and
tabloids, that I found sold on the streets on April 21, 1997, as I was on my way
to give a presentation at a university. Some friends taped Monday evening
television May 26, 1997, on ABS-CBN 2, the most popular television network.
To complement the data from the Monday broadcast, they recorded on Tues-
day a Tagalog movie and a comedy show from GMA 7, the second most
popular network, and on Wednesday a basketball game from IBC 13, the third
most popular network, primarily a sports channel.
1.3 Overview of the chapters
The chapters in Part A answer the question of why Filipinos are so attached to
English by looking the social and political forces that have escorted English
through its life cycle in the Philippines from the time that Admiral George
Dewey entered Manila Bay in 1898 to the presidential election of Joseph
Estrada in 1998. The ªrst chapter looks at the arrival of the English language
and its use as a tool for social engineering during the American period of 1898
to 1935. During this time the language was indiginized and claimed by the
Filipinos as one of their own. The next chapter looks at the golden age of
English from 1936 and 1973 after the Philippines ªrst became a commonwealth
and then an independent country. During this period Tagalog began its rise as
a rival to English. The following chapter looks at the rise of Taglish, a mixture
of English and Tagalog, and its acceptance as the language of the educated
classes with the institution of bilingual education in the period from 1974 to
1998. As English undergoes restriction in public domains, the elite complain of
the decline in English proªciency in the upcoming generation. The closing
chapter looks at the Spanish overlay in Taglish that is usually overlooked or
even dismissed by scholars but is readily apparent to English speaking visitors
who know Spanish.
Part B looks at the social support for English in Metro Manila and the
provinces after 100 years in the Philippines. For English to maintain itself as a
second rather than a foreign language, there must be informal ways to learn
and practice the language outside the classroom. A look at language usage in
various social settings or domains helps to answer the question of why Filipinos
can be heard switching between English and Tagalog. Chapter 6 looks at when
the English teachers who participated in my workshops reported that they
interact with English and Tagalog in the media in Metro Manila, a Tagalog
speaking area, and in urban settings in the Visayas, a non-Tagalog speaking
area that traditionally has resisted the spread of Tagalog. Chapter 7 examines
when these same English teachers reported that they use English and Tagalog
in interpersonal relations at work, in public places, and at church. As a coun-
terbalance to this usage data from urban settings, Chapter 8 looks at the
penetration of English and Tagalog into remote areas of the Philippines based
on information from Peace Corps volunteers and linguists working for the
Summer Institute of Linguistics in northern Luzon and in Mindanao. In
particular, Part B underscores the important role that the media plays in
promoting English and Tagalog in the Philippines.
Since the media plays such an important role in modeling language usage
to the masses and provides informal means to develop language proªciency,
Part C looks at language switching on television and in newspapers from
various linguistic and sociocultural perspectives. It shows that competing ide-
ologies, not just linguistics, underlie language switching. Chapter 9 looks at the
linguistics of language switching by examining the play-by-play commentary
of two sports commentators at a basketball game. What evidence is there that
Taglish represents a new style of English that results from a convergence of
English and Tagalog? Chapter 10 looks at the role that commercials play as
informal language teachers, promoting the acquisition of English outside the
classroom. Are the commercials structured in such a way as to make them
accessible to English speakers of various proªciency levels and to help these
language learners build their language proªciency? What type of English is
being promoted? Chapter 11 continues the look at television commercials by
examining the social messages signaled by Taglish as it is used to promote
various products. How do advertisers target the Filipino consumers by the way
they use language? Chapter 12 looks at the role Taglish plays when several
successful Filipinos present themselves to the public in televised interviews in a
business magazine show and in courtside interviews after a basketball game. In
Chapter 13 we look at two Tagalog sitcoms, a comedy sketch show, and a
Introduction 7
televised Tagalog movie to see the role that language switching plays in the
language of social resistance. How do the social messages that advertisers
promote by using English in commercials con¶ict with the messages that
English portrays in shows aimed at the masses? Chapter 14 looks at Philippine
newspapers. How does the Taglish used in English and Tagalog newspapers
diŸer? What are the social messages in this language switching? Is Taglish
simply a part of the informalization of written English that is taking place
worldwide? What does the use of Taglish in the press imply for the future of
English in the Philippines?
Chapter 15 is an afterword that takes at brief look at political events after I
returned home as they relate to the life cycle of English in the Philippines.
What does the spectacular rise and the precipitous fall of President Joseph
Estrada reveal of the cultural battle inherent in the development of Taglish?
Will Taglish become the new Filipino language of national unity as some have
suggested? Or will English disappear from the Philippines as French did in
fourteenth-century England, leaving only a gigantic vocabulary footprint?
Part A
Taglish in the life cycle of English

in the Philippines
When England defeated the Spanish Armada in 1588 during the reign of
Queen Elizabeth I, no one could have predicted that some 310 years later,
English from America would take root in one of the last colonial outposts of
the once great Spanish empire and quickly replace Spanish as the local lingua
franca. At the time the English language was a minor player on both the
European and the world stage. Crystal (1997:25) in his monograph on the
historical and cultural contexts for English becoming a global language notes
that in Elizabethan England there were 5 million English speakers. The lan-
guage was emerging from a centuries-long battle with Danish, French, and
Latin for dominance in the island nation. In many parts of what would become
the United Kingdom, English was still a foreign language. In world aŸairs
French, Spanish, Portuguese, Dutch, and even Swedish played more important
roles and had wider distribution. Some 400 years later, English has become the
world’s lingua franca with one third of the world population routinely inter-
acting with each other through the English language (Crystal 1997:60).
Of course not everyone speaks English as a native language. Moag (1982a),
extending the terminology in common use, proposed the following taxonomy
for describing English-using societies. A wide variety of countries, such as
Australia, Belize, Canada, Jamaica, the United Kingdom, and the United States,
speak English as a native language (ENL). ENL countries are established when
large numbers of English speakers migrate from other English speaking coun-
tries, displacing other languages, both local and immigrant. Other countries,
such as Fiji, Ghana, India, Singapore, and Zimbabwe use English as a second
language (ESL). In ESL countries the language is imported during a colonial
period and promoted through education, but there is not a massive migration
of native English speakers. Although the local languages continue to be used, the
residents use English with each other in various public spheres, such as govern-
ment, business, education, and the media. In other countries, such as Egypt,
Indonesia, Israel, Japan, Paraguay, and Tonga, English has the status of a foreign
language (EFL). The language is studied in school and may have some academic
uses, but it is used mostly for international communication. Moag suggests a
fourth category of nations, including Argentina, Honduras, Nicaragua, and
Mexico, where English is spoken in communities of immigrants as a minority
language. He termed this English as a basal language (EBL).
English in these various contexts has received much scholarly attention in
recent years. For example, the edited collections in Bailey and Görlach (1982),
Cheshire (1991), and the two volumes of Schneider (1997) look at English as a
world language in various ENL and ESL contexts. The Fishman, Conrad, and
Rubal-Lopez (1996) collection of essays depicts how the status of English has
changed in former British and American colonies since the Second World
War. Kachru’s (1982) collection looks at English world wide mostly in the ESL
context. A collection by Viereck and Bald (1986) describes the eŸect of English
on various languages mostly in the EFL context. Fishman, Cooper, and Conrad
(1977) focus mostly on English in the EFL context of Israel. Kachru (1990)
looks at English as a magical power, much as an Aladdin’s lamp, that trans-
forms the nations that it touches. Many case studies focus on one particular
aspect of English in a world context, such as Gupta’s (1994) study of children’s
English in Singapore. Of course, the present study of Filipino English is part of
the Varieties of English Around the World series published by John Benjamins.
There are also two international journals dedicated to the study of world
English, English World-Wide: A Journal of Varieties of English, established by
Manfred Görlach and now edited by Edgar Schneider, and World Englishes,
edited by Braj Kachru, leading scholars in the ªeld.
How does English in the Philippines ªt into this taxonomy of world
Englishes? Why are Filipinos so emotionally attached to English even though
few learn it at home as their native language? What does the development of
Taglish, the mixture of English and Tagalog, signify? Moag (1982b) suggests
that we can ªnd the answers by looking at his model for the life cycle of English
in the world context. This life cycle has four possible stages, transportation,
expansion, nativization or institutionalization, and restriction. In other words
how was the English language brought to the Philippines? How did its
in¶uence spread among the people? When did the people claim it as their own
for various purposes? Finally, is the language maintaining itself, or is it retreat-
ing from public use as another language gains prominence?
Moag’s theoretical construct is based on the British colonial experience.
How does this model apply to the Philippines, which was an idealistic Ameri-
can experiment with language planning and nation building? The four chap-
Taglish in the life cycle of English in the Philippines 11
ters in Part A look for the answers to these questions by reviewing the many
articles that have been written about the social and political history of English
during its ªrst one hundred years in the Philippines as it replaced Spanish and
now looks at being replaced by the language switching known as Taglish.
Chapter 2
English comes to the Philippines, 1898–1935
2.1 The United States takes control, 1898–1902
2.1.1 Humanitarian imperialism
The year 1898 was a pivotal time in American history. Up until then the United
States had been an isolationist country that assiduously avoided international
con¶icts as the major European powers sought to divide Europe, Africa, and
Asia amongst themselves. America focused on ªlling empty spaces with refu-
gees from other countries. The recently erected Statue of Liberty symbolized
America’s self-proclaimed role as a haven for the economically and socially
oppressed. Upwards of a million immigrants a year took to heart the words of
poet Emma Lazarus which are written at base of the statue:
Give me your tired, your poor,
Your huddled masses yearning to breathe free,
The wretched refuse of your teeming shore.
Send these, the homeless, tempest-tost to me,
I lift my lamp beside the golden door!
Although US soldiers had intervened from time to time in the aŸairs of nearby
Mexico, for the most part, Americans stayed clear of political troubles abroad.
However, they did follow with interest the independence struggles of fellow
countries in the Americas. For some ªfty years attention had been drawn to the
oppressive rule of Spaniards in Cuba, a scarce ninety miles from Florida. From
1848–1851 some Cubans sought to have the island annexed to the United States,
but the leaders of the movement were captured and executed by the Spanish.
American oŸers to purchase the island were repeatedly rejected. Revolutions
continued to break out as the populace struggled against the Spanish. American
newspapers widely publicized accounts of the brutal ways the Spanish treated
the Cubans. In spite of growing public demand that the United States intervene,
presidents Grover Cleveland and William McKinley ªrmly opposed US involve-
ment. McKinley unsuccessfully tried to settle the con¶ict through mediation. In
December 1897 the US battleship Maine was sent to Havana harbor to protect
US citizens and property. On the night of February 15, 1898, a tremendous

explosion sunk the ship with the loss of 266 lives. The Spanish were blamed. On
April 24 the US Congress declared war with the expressed intention to procure
only Cuban independence and not an empire. However, within three months
the United States became a reluctant world power with colonies stretching from
the Caribbean to the western Paciªc.
The events moved so rapidly that everyone was caught oŸ guard. Scarcely
one week after the start of the Spanish-American War, telegrams from Manila
announced that Admiral George Dewey had destroyed the Spanish ¶eet in
Manila Bay on May 1. The papers had for months been ªlled with news about
Cuba. But where were the Philippines? Most Americans had never heard of
them. One soldier who started his military carrier in the Philippines reported
later in his autobiography that most Americans who responded to the call to
battle wondered if they would be ªghting the Philistines of the Old Testament
or the Philippians of the New (Lininger 1964: 76). In late May, US volunteers
sailed from San Francisco to solidify control over the Philippines. In June, US
troops sailed from Tampa for Cuba. By mid July the United States controlled
Cuba, Puerto Rico, and the Philippines. The Spanish government requested a
settlement. Mixed in with this rapid creation of an American empire was the
annexation of Hawaii on July 6.
President McKinley faced a dilemma during negotiations with the Spanish.
Congress had declared that the war would be fought to secure Cuban indepen-
dence, not to create an empire. What should be done with the Philippines
located some 8,000 miles from Washington, DC? The Democrats insisted that
they should either be returned to the Spaniards or granted independence.
Some Republicans agreed, but many saw an economic opportunity. Manila
would provide a good base for trade with China. Returning the islands to Spain
seemed out of the question since the Philippines, like Cuba, had also been
demanding independence.
Although President McKinley agreed that Cuba should be set free, in the
case of the Philippines, independence appeared to be premature. The Filipinos
seemed unprepared for self-government. The reports he received indicated
that the populace was uneducated, divided by several diŸerent local languages,
and susceptible to the tyranny of the Spanish-speaking elite. The president and
his advisors also felt a new government in the Philippines would not be
powerful enough to defend itself from other colonial powers. The Germans,
for example, were trying to take control of Samoa and were looking for other
colonies. Admiral Dewey had chased German warships from Manila Bay not
long after he defeated the Spanish. Japan had recently taken over nearby
Taiwan and was looking to expand its empire southward. The Spanish might
even retake the islands if the American forces left. The British encouraged the
Americans to remain in control of the Philippines to keep it out of rival hands.
McKinley reluctantly decided to insist that Spain cede the Philippines
along with Cuba, Puerto Rico, Midway, and Guam in exchange for
$20,000,000. The Treaty of Paris, signed on December 10, 1898, had a mixed
reception in the United States and seemed destined for rejection by the US
Senate. In January, magazines in Great Britain and the United States printed a
new poem by the popular British author Rudyard Kipling which encouraged
the United States to take on “the white man’s burden.” It was this appeal to
idealism, so in tune with the social Darwinism of the time, that assured
congressional approval.
The Philippines would become a great American experiment in social
engineering. The United States would show other colonial powers how to
transform the world by infusing the American spirit into Filipinos of all social
classes as they were being prepared for democracy. In the minds of Americans,
true JeŸersonian democracy rested on the backs of a hard working, educated
citizenry not in the hands of an elite few. After all, if this American spirit could
be infused into the millions of economic and social refugees being welcomed to
America, why should it not be possible to do the same abroad among our “little
brown brothers”? The United States sensed a humanitarian mission that tran-
scended nationalism and imperialism.
2.1.2 The Philippine insurrection
The Filipinos felt betrayed when word came that they would become a colony
of the United States whereas Cuba would be granted independence. When
Admiral Dewey entered Manila Bay nearly a year earlier, it was during a lull in
a war for independence. Unlike the Cubans, the Filipinos were rebelling not so
much against Spanish repression as against Spanish neglect. The Philippines
had for years been in the backwaters of the Spanish Empire. Up until Mexico
declared independence from Spain in 1821, it had been ruled through Mexico
and had been kept in economic and social isolation. Phelan (1959: 14) notes
that the Philippines had always been an economic burden for Spain and had
been kept only for “spiritual value” as an outpost for Christianizing nearby
China and Japan. Commerce had been limited to one galleon a year making the
four to six month voyage with goods and passengers from Manila to Acapulco.
There were no metallic riches that seemed attractive to Spaniards so Spanish

immigration had been small.
After three hundred years of Spanish rule, the census indicated that less
than three percent of the population spoke Spanish. The few soldiers, mer-
chants, and civil bureaucrats who came to the Philippines tended to remain in
the walled city of Manila or in other garrison towns. In those areas a Spanish-
based creole called Chabacano (Lipski 1988, Quilis 1992a, b, Whinnom 1956)
had developed but most of the countryside heard little Spanish. The Spanish
had divided the country among the various religious orders and had given
them charge over everyone living outside Manila. Early on, the Catholic friars
noted that knowledge of the Spanish language “almost always caused restless-
ness among the people” and made them more di¹cult to control (Frei 1959.17).
In response, the friars learned the local languages and did little to promote the
use of Spanish other than to introduce Spanish words into the local languages
for new concepts.
Things began to change with the advent of steam navigation, transoceanic
telegraph messages, and the opening of the Suez Canal in 1869. The Philippines
were no longer an isolated outpost. Increased trade created a new wealthy class
of Chinese mestizos who controlled commerce throughout the islands. They
eagerly learned Spanish and spread it throughout the Philippines along with
their business interests (Gates 1973: 11, Stanley 1974: 34). The Spanish govern-
ment in Madrid also encouraged the spread of Spanish. In 1863 Madrid
ordered that primary schools using the Spanish language be expanded
throughout the islands. Spain also opened its universities to the children of
these wealthy business families. As a result, many Chinese mestizos studied in
Spain, returning as ilustrados or enlightened ones ªlled with the liberal ideas
popular in Europe (R. Constantino 1978: 50). They began the Propaganda
Movement, which demanded political, religious, and educational reform.
For three hundred years the religious orders had controlled life outside
Manila by using the local languages. To counteract the liberal assault that
accompanied the spread of Spanish by these Chinese mestizo business families
and by the government eŸorts to promote schooling in Spanish, the friars for
the most part refused to teach the language in their provincial schools. They
felt that if the local population did not learn Spanish, they could keep the
ilustrado propagandists with their calls for reform under control (Frei 1959).
Even though the government continued to insist that schools switch to Span-
ish, there was little money to hire Spanish-speaking teachers to replace the
friars. As a result, Spanish remained the language of the rich with the poor
speaking local languages. Only in Manila and other garrison towns did the
poor speak the Spanish-based creole Chabacano.
However, the Chinese mestizos were spreading Spanish and dreaded lib-
eral ideas through the countryside as they established residences and con-
ducted business throughout the islands. They refused to be dominated by the
religious orders. By the time the Americans arrived, the Chinese mestizos far
outnumbered the friars and other Spaniards. In the mid-nineteenth century,
there were 240,000 Chinese mestizos but only 20,000 Spanish mestizos and
5,000 pure Spaniards (Steinberg 1967: 9). Thus as Sibayan (1994) reminds us,
although less than three percent of the population spoke Spanish when the
Americans arrived, this three percent was a powerful force since the Spanish
language controlled the domains of government administration, the judiciary,
legislation, higher education, business, and “a special sub-domain of protest”
demanding independence.
The propaganda campaign conducted by the ilustrados ªnally erupted into
armed rebellion in August of 1896. Though it was successful at ªrst, with the
arrival of reinforcements from Spain, the Spanish soon resumed control. The
most famous propagandist among the ilustrados, novelist and medical doctor
Jose Rizal, was executed in December. The military leader Emilio Aguinaldo
was sent into exile in Hong Kong and Singapore the following August. After
Admiral Dewey sunk the Spanish ¶eet in Manila Bay in early May 1898, he sent
a ship to bring Aguinaldo to the Philippines to help the Americans defeat the
Spanish forces in the rest of the islands. With Aguinaldo’s return, the rebels
quickly established control over most of the Philippines with the Americans
remaining in Manila. When word came that the United States Congress had
approved the Treaty of Paris, the rebels turned their arms against the Ameri-
cans in a Philippine insurrection that lasted three years.
2.1.3 Winning the hearts of Filipinos
There are two accountings of how the American soldiers reacted to the Philip-
pine insurrection. One is of war atrocities, the other of benevolence and good
will. The Filipinos conducted a guerrilla war unlike any the Americans had
experienced either in the Civil War or in ªghting Indians. Hit and run tactics
from an enemy sometimes hidden in the jungle and sometimes hidden in the
local populous terriªed the soldiers. As was the case in nearby Vietnam more
than half a century later, many commanders and soldiers used extreme mea-
sures as they fought the hidden enemy in a hot humid country ªlled with alien
faces and an alien culture so unlike their own. For a long time closely censored
reports kept from the American public news of massacred villages and of the
infamous water cure where buckets of water were forced down enemy throats.
Also, as in Vietnam, when news of these atrocities ªnally broke in the United
States, the public demanded that the war be ended and that certain command-
ers be punished (Gatewood 1975, S. Miller 1982, Van Ells 1995, Welch 1979).
On the other hand, most soldiers sought to win the hearts of Filipinos
through a program of benevolent assimilation. From the beginning, President
McKinley reminded the military that their earnest and paramount aim should
be “to win the conªdence, respect, and aŸection of the inhabitants of the
Philippines by assuring them in every possible way that full measure of indi-
vidual rights and liberties which is the heritage of free people, and by proving to
them that the mission of the United States is one of benevolent assimilation,
substituting the mild sway of justice for arbitrary rule” (Van Ells 1995: 615).
In accordance with these instructions, as soldiers moved into an area, they
established schools, built roads, and improved sanitation. Less than one month
after Dewey destroyed the Spanish ¶eet, soldiers opened the ªrst school
(Forbes 1928, 1:410). In September after occupying Manila, the army opened
39 schools with Chaplain Father McKinnon in charge with soldiers as teachers
(Gates 1973: 60). By 1900 there were 100,000 students in these army schools.
Osmena, the ªrst leader of the Philippine legislature, wrote, “the Filipinos will
never forget the inspiring spectacle of American soldiers leaving their guns
and, as emissaries of peace and goodwill, with book in hand, repairing to the
public schools to teach Filipino children the principles of free citizenship”
(quoted in Karnow 1990: 234).
It was easy to ªnd teachers in the ranks. Although some soldiers were
scalawags and adventurers, many were idealists responding to the call to
promote social justice and to uplift the world (Gates 1973: 64–66). The
Schurman Commission, which arrived in 1899 to gather information about
the new possession, noted the success of these schools and recommended
their expansion into a system of free public education which would unify the
people, teach them the duties of citizenship, and create the desired Philippine
nation (Frei 1959: 32).
In spite of these gestures of good will, the battles continued, embarrassing
McKinley in his reelection campaign of 1900. His program of benevolence did
not seem to be working. The Democrats used it as proof that William Jennings
Bryan should be elected President. With Bryan as president, the United States
would withdraw from its overseas empire and the Philippines would be
granted independence. To counter the bad election-year press, President

McKinley sent William Howard Taft and a new Philippine Commission to
Manila to establish a civilian government. Beginning in August, Taft moved
rapidly to win the loyalty of the ilustrados and the masses by promoting a policy
of “the Philippines for the Filipino.” Ilustrados who pledged allegiance to the
United States were appointed as provincial governors, members of his com-
mission, and delegate-observers to the U. S. Congress and were given access to
municipal o¹ce.
News of the political problems back in the United States emboldened the
rebels. They hoped that renewed hostilities in September and October would
swing the election to the Democrats. However, heavy press censorship pre-
vented the news of increased ªghting from reaching the American electorate.
Instead, the American voters were hearing that the war was coming to an end and
that a new government was being established (Stanley 1974, Steinberg 1967).
Theodore Roosevelt, the heroic leader of the Rough Riders in the Battle of
Juan Hill in Cuba, was McKinley’s new running mate. His ªery defense of
American overseas expansion and his glowing reports of Taft’s work in setting
up a civilian administration helped win the election. Following the reelection
of McKinley, the Philippine Insurrection lost steam. In 1901 Taft established a
Philippine constabulary and set in motion plans to create an elected assembly.
Protestant missionaries arrived to serve as a conscience to the military and to
other Americans who were coming to develop the country (Clymer 1986).
Ever more ilustrados collaborated with Taft in exchange for political o¹ces. In
March 1901, the rebel leader Aguinaldo was captured. After he swore alle-
giance to the United States, most other Filipino military leaders followed his
lead. A year later in July 1902, Theodore Roosevelt, now President of the
United States following the assassination of McKinley the previous September,
declared that the Philippine insurrection was over.
2.2 Social engineering and the rise of English, 1902–1935
2.2.1 Schools for the masses
When the Philippine Commission headed by Governor William Howard Taft

took over from General Arthur McArthur and the military in July of 1901, the
insurrection was not yet over. Yet the Commission expanded its plan to create
a showplace for democracy as it prepared Filipinos for eventual independence.
Good will and conciliation would be the by-words. The three-pronged plan
focused on improving transportation, sanitation, and education. However, in
the words of Governor Taft, the cornerstone was “widespread common educa-
tion as protection for the masses” (Devins 1905: 204). The desired result would
be a new intelligentsia of lower class origins (R. Constantino 1978: 125).
Originally, the plan was to use Spanish or the local languages as the
language of instruction. However, the country was divided into anywhere from
75 to 250 languages (McFarland 1994), though most spoke one of eight re-
gional lingua francas either as a ªrst or second language. Not only was the
number of languages overwhelming, the Americans found that few children
spoke Spanish and the local languages did not have a literacy tradition. The
earlier Schurman Commission had found that there were no permanent
school buildings, no school furniture, and no textbooks. The few schools that
existed held classes in rented buildings or in private homes (Devins 1905: 190).
Gonzalez (1998a.496) notes that the Spanish had established some 2000 pri-
mary schools, but these were literacy schools, which charged a fee and taught
only the catechism, penmanship and basic mathematics. For the most part
there were no regular schools leading to higher degrees since the Spanish
considered the masses uneducable. Even the University of Santo Tomas, the
only university, had limited itself to law, religion, and grammar until 1870
(Stanley 1974: 33).
The new Philippine Commission decided that they would start from scratch
establishing free public elementary schools in every barrio and a high school in
every province, even in the most isolated areas. English would be the language
of instruction since local languages would not open doors to the world of
knowledge. The English language would be the tool to enrich, ennoble, and
empower Filipinos from every walk of life. A Bureau of Education was estab-
lished in Manila to manage the system. In accord with the educational policy in
the United States, which addressed the task of uniting millions of immigrants
and teaching them American ideals, the Bureau of Education set out to establish
elementary schools as “universities for the masses,” intermediate schools for the
middle classes, and secondary schools and universities for the future leaders.
2.2.2 Materials and teachers
The Philippine Commission solved the problem of no teachers and no books

by importing them from the United States. In 1901, nearly 1,000 teachers were
recruited in what might be considered a precursor of the Peace Corps. The ªrst
shipload of 500 arrived August 21, 1901, on the US Army Transport Thomas,
hence the name Thomasites, which the Filipinos lovingly applied to all Ameri-
can teachers. By 1902 there were 1,074, including discharged soldiers and wives
or relatives of soldiers or businessmen (Goulet 1971: 8). By 1903 21 percent of
teachers were Americans (Monroe 1925: 17). The qualiªcations for these
teachers were quite high, generally higher than for those teaching in the United
States at the time. All had college degrees and most had two years teaching
experience (Sibayan and Gonzalez 1990: 273). John Devins, an American cler-
gyman who spent two months in 1904 investigating conditions in the Philip-
pines, reported on his return that the American schoolteachers were “splendid
people” (Devins 1905: 80). Typically they taught children ªve hours a day,
trained teachers one hour, taught adults in evening classes, and supervised
barrio schools (Sibayan and Gonzalez 1990: 278). Forbes (1928, 1:429) in his
report on his governorship noted, “The American teacher brought with him
the American Spirit. He was the Apostle of progress. He gave the children a
healthy outlook toward life. He explained to them the principles of hygiene and
sanitation. He brought with him the spirit of service. He inculcated into them a
realization of the dignity of labor. And the children carried this spirit back into
the homes where it made its impress upon the parents.”
Although the Thomasites arrived before the war was o¹cially over, they
were loved and protected by the people. Alberca (1996) in her review of the
activities of the Thomasites notes that their memoirs reveal the expected
problems with culture shock but that most adjusted well. However, in the ªrst
three years, twenty died of various diseases, one blew his brains out, and six
were killed by bandits (Karnow 1990: 204). Devins enthused in 1905 that more
Filipinos spoke English after three years with American teachers than spoke
Spanish after 300 years with Spaniards (Devins 1905: 188).
Through the years the curriculum changed to follow the educational
theories popular in the United States, vacillating between academic and indus-
trial education. It seemed appropriate to use American textbooks since these
were the same being used in the US to inculcate into the millions of European
immigrants the American Spirit that educators felt was the foundation of
democracy. No matter the educational approach, the focus was on promoting
morals and the work ethic in order to get rid of what they considered the
Spanish distaste for labor.
Initially, the textbooks had cultural mismatches such as “A is for apple, C is
for cow,” and blond children named Mary and John playing in the snow.
Children committed to memory short recitations of patriotic character,
memorized rules of conduct, and recited monthly mottoes. They read stories
of the “Little Red Hen” to learn the rewards of hard work and the “City Mouse
and the Country Mouse” to learn the drawbacks of easy wealth (May
1980: 102). School bands were organized to play Souza marches and patriotic
anthems. In civics clubs and debating societies students practiced parliamen-
tary procedure and learned about voting and other civil duties. Baseball and
other sports were emphasized for both sexes to “counteract immorality”
(Clymer 1986: 84–85). Eventually the school books appeared in special Philip-
pine editions with “A is for avocado, C is for carabao,” and Juan and Maria
playing in a rice ªeld. Some later textbooks were written by Filipino authors
(Sibayan and Gonzalez 1990: 271–272).
To prepare teachers and leaders locally, the Americans established in 1901
the Philippine Normal School, the ªrst, largest, and most famous teacher
education institution in the Philippines, and in 1908 the University of the
Philippines. Thomasites also conducted summer camps, correspondence
classes, night schools, and teacher institutes. Beginning in 1903, hundreds of
bright Filipinos aged 16 to 21 were send to the United States to continue their
education at the university level. These pensionados were expected to staŸ the
universities and head government o¹ces on their return (Sibayan 1985). At ªrst
Thomasites held many of the administrative positions in the educational sys-
tem, but after 1914 they were replaced by pensionados.
2.2.3 The Filipino reaction
Filipinos from all social classes accepted these educational opportunities with
enthusiasm. Outside of Manila 72 percent of secondary school enrollment was
comprised of children of farmers, ªshermen, artisans, laborers and other wage
earners, re¶ecting the charge to protect the masses by creating an educated
citizenry. Although school attendance was never compulsory, enrollment in
high school far surpassed that found in Europe (Forbes 1928, 1:436). The new
Philippine Assembly would reduce spending for road building or other infra-
structure projects before cutting appropriations for education (May 1980).
Even the former rebel leader Aguinaldo, a member of the Spanish speaking
elite, insisted that his daughter be trained in these English language public
schools. She later continued her education in the United States.
Gonzalez (1987) notes that the Filipinos were embarrassingly eager to
learn English. Starting with a population that spoke no English in 1898, by the
time of the 1918 census 28 percent of the literate population listed themselves
as being able to read English. Philippine literature in English was appearing in

the form of poetry and literary magazines (Fernando-Reyes 1986). By the
1920s novels and short stories were appearing, beginning a writing tradition
that continues today.
Resistance to the English language public schools came only from the elite
and the priests. With few exceptions the elite continued to send their children
to private schools which taught in Spanish. In rural areas where English
language public schools were usually the only ones available, the priests ac-
tively discouraged children from enrolling since the Americans forbade the
teaching of religion as they promoted the separation of church and state. This
block to the spread of the American Spirit among the elite and the rural poor
was resolved when Taft negotiated with the Vatican to replace the Spanish
clerics with English speaking priests primarily from North America. Since all
but 150 of the 746 regular parishes were administered by Spanish monks of the
Dominican, Augustinian, or Franciscan orders, this made a big diŸerence in
rural areas (Devins 1905: 239). By 1923, even the exclusive private schools in
Manila had switched to English.
2.2.4 A day at school
The Filipino linguist Sibayan (1991a) describes what it was like to learn English
in an absolutely non-English environment in the 1920s. At age seven he
entered a one-room thatch-roofed schoolhouse on stilts in a remote mountain
town. Only three people in the town of some 100 families spoke English — the
male Filipino schoolteacher, the sanitary inspector, and the postmaster. The
provincial capital was ten days away on foot over mountain trails. Although he
would not hear English from Americans until he reached secondary school, he
was immersed in English when he was in school. The punishment for speaking
the local language was to carry stones from the river to build a fence around the
schoolyard.
Every school morning started with the “Star Spangled Banner” and the
Philippine National Anthem followed by recitations of poems, maxims, and
proverbs. By seventh grade he could recite dozens of poems and literary pieces
by heart including The Charge of the Light Brigade and Lincoln’s Gettysburg
Address. One popular way to learn the language was to dramatize children’s
stories such as The Three Pigs, The Three Bears, and The Three Billy Goats GruŸ,
a method closely resembling the modern Total Physical Response approach.
Music was another favorite way to learn English. He remembers that there was
always singing to start and end school, singing before recess and before other
breaks. Each song became an English lesson as the pupils not only memorized
and recited the words but looked them up in their special Philippine edition of
Webster’s Dictionary, which was imported from the United States. Since
building vocabulary through reading was very important for academic success,
the dictionary was the most important book in the class. It taught them not
only the meaning of unknown words but also how to pronounce them. Stu-
dents especially loved to use the big words. Although Sibayan fondly recalled
his school experience in his isolated rural school, he noted that most of the
students failed. Since most parents were illiterate and there was no literacy
tradition, creating an educated rural citizenry was a formidable task. Those few
who completed grade seven usually did not continue in high school because it
was too far away in the provincial capital.
2.2.5 The eŸectiveness
In the 1920s the Philippine legislature commissioned an in-depth study of the

eŸectiveness of the educational program. Paul Monroe, Director of the Inter-
national Institute of Teacher’s College, Columbia University directed a team of
twenty-three educators and educational researchers from the United States
and the Philippines. They visited schools throughout the islands interviewing
teachers, observing conditions and giving educational achievement tests com-
monly used in the United States to 32,000 pupils and 1,077 teachers.
Most of the problems that they found they attributed to trying to create a
school system from scratch within one generation. People were so eager for
education the schools were overcrowded. Thus most students were required to
wait until they were nine years old to start school. The result was a mature
student body. High schools were overcrowded with many students over
twenty-ªve years of age. However, most students completed only two to three
years in elementary school. Ninety-ªve percent of all students were at the
elementary level and half of these were aged eleven to thirteen (Monroe
1925: 45). Some 82 percent did not go beyond grade 4 (Monroe 1925: 32) and
it took ªve years to reach that level.
This dropout problem was of special concern since the schools had been
commissioned to prepare an educated citizenry for self-government. When the
Monroe Commission tested twenty-ªve year olds who had been out of school
at least ªve years, those with three years of school or less had retained almost
nothing. Those with ªve years could still read well (Monroe 1925: 43). How-
ever, in spite of this extraordinary dropout rate, they found that during the
twenty-four years that public schools had been established, 530,000 Filipinos
had completed elementary school, 160,000 intermediate and 15,500 high
school. As of 1924 there were 899,759 enrolled in primary school, 178,420 in
intermediate, and 51,210 in secondary schools with 3,535 at the University of
the Philippines and an additional 73,246 in private schools (Monroe 1925: 13).
When they looked at the eŸectiveness of the teaching, they found some
interesting surprises. English music programs were well developed and were
well received (Monroe 1925: 244). The Filipino children were ahead of Ameri-
can children in mathematics “establishing clearly that Filipino children have
su¹cient intellectual capacity.” They were equal to American children in dicta-
tion and spelling and editing skills but were a year and a half behind in
paragraph development. In reading, fourth graders tested at the second grade
level (Monroe 1925.45). They attributed this low reading score to the paucity
of reading material, especially reading that is appropriate for the mature Fili-
pino student. They suggested that the schools buy more science books and
subscribe to magazines. One researcher on the evaluation team found that all
the reading in the ªrst four grades could be read aloud within twelve hours.
They also found that the schools with the best readers were those that encour-
aged silent rather than oral reading.
When the Monroe Commission looked at the teachers, they found that 95
percent at the elementary school level had little professional training. Teachers
and principals had good vocabularies but could not speak or write smoothly or
correctly. They suggested that the normal schools be staŸed with Americans so
the teachers would have more contact with native speakers during their train-
ing. Their suggestions for improving teaching resemble the same instructions
we give English as a Second Language teachers today: use pictures, drama, and
story telling, and teach the language through subject matter so the children
have more interesting things to talk about (Monroe 1925: 254). They found
too much focus on memorization and recitation and wondered why the chil-
dren needed to memorize such things as Longfellow’s narrative poem
Hiawatha. They also questioned the English only policy and suggested that
citizenship, hygiene and good manners lessons be taught in the local language
rather than use them as the content for English lessons (Monroe 1925: 237).
When the Monroe Commission report appeared, most critics ignored the
successes which had been identiªed and noted the low reading scores as evi-
dence that the educational system was not working. However, the successes
were remarkable considering the limited resources available for creating from
scratch an English-speaking school system with English-speaking teachers in a

country with neither a tradition of education nor a tradition of speaking
English. The results probably compare favorably with those that could be
found today in schools in the United States which have large immigrant
populations. As with so many government studies, this one was shelved and
the recommendations were largely ignored for the remainder of the period.
2.2.6 English: The great equalizer
Sibayan (1994: 223) in evaluating this period of using English as a tool for
social engineering notes that English truly was a great equalizer. Rich and poor
had equal opportunities to learn English and gain social mobility. Both rich
and poor had equal access to English medium public schools and the quality of
education was the same whether in urban or rural areas since American
teachers were distributed equally throughout the provinces. Within thirty-ªve
years English have been imported to the Philippines, had replaced Spanish in
education and government, and was being accepted by the people as a second
language. Of course, all this English language education to prepare the masses
for self-government earned nothing but scorn from Europeans who controlled
nearby colonies. Their policy was to train only an elite few who would help
them to control the masses.
Chapter 3
Nationalism and the rise of Tagalog,

1936–1973
3.1 Finding a national language
Although the Filipinos embraced English education, they grew impatient about
the promised independence. National hero Manuel Quezon commented that he
preferred hell controlled by Filipinos to heaven controlled by Americans. As
long as Republicans were in power in the United States, the time for indepen-
dence kept being delayed. During the administration of Democrat Woodrow
Wilson, the Jones Act was adopted in 1916 promising eventual independence.
When the Republicans resumed control with the election of Warren G. Harding
in 1920, these promises were set aside. Finally with the election of Democrat
Franklin D. Roosevelt the Philippines were reorganized as a commonwealth
with independence promised by 1946. On November 15, 1935, the common-
wealth of the Philippines was established with Quezon as the president.
The constitution for the new commonwealth named English and Spanish
as the o¹cial languages with the provision for an indigenous national language.
Spanish was recognized for historical reasons and for its importance as a
language of law, though English had o¹cially replaced it in the courts. After
thirty-ªve years of English education, English had become the language of
national unity. Filipinos who spoke diŸerent local languages used English to
communicate with each other. However, as re¶ected in the high dropout rate
in elementary schools which was mentioned in the last chapter, English was a
di¹cult language for Filipinos to learn. It had not become the language of the
home so few children entered school knowing it. Still, those who did well in
school made the English language their own. Filipino literature in English
¶ourished with many poems, essays, and short stories coming to press (Sibayan
1985: 582). The 1939 Census indicated that 26.3 percent of the population of
16,000,000 claimed to speak it, making it the most common and the most
widespread language.
Quezon wanted a local language that would be easier to learn and would be
the symbol of nationalism. The Americans had recognized a need for such a
national language, but with as many as 156 local languages (McKaughan

1971), they decided to use English until a national language could be selected.
Even the pensionados who returned from studying in the United Stated la-
mented the lack of a common local language to promote Filipino mores and
ideas in schools (Bauzon 1991: 108).
Zorc (1984) points out that the Philippines is divided into not only 156
languages but into as many as 500 community dialects. However, this diversity
is more a matter of language attitudes than linguistic incompatibility. All the
local languages are closely related members of the Western Indonesian branch
of the Malayo-Polynesian family. The American linguist Prator (1950: 2–4)
noted after spending some time working in the Philippines to improve lan-
guage teaching in the schools that the indigenous languages are more closely
related than the Romance languages, perhaps more like the Scandinavian
languages or like diŸerent dialects of French or Italian in their similarity to
each other. He found that individuals who move from one linguistic area to
another, whether educated or not, could speak the language of the new loca-
tion within a few weeks or months. For example, Mercado (1981) noted that
when Waray speakers visit Manila for a week or so, they come back speaking
Tagalog. Prator found that non-Tagalog audiences throughout the country
understood Tagalog ªlms well enough “to weep and laugh in the right places.”
Not only are the various Philippine languages similar to each other, even
before the Spanish arrived in 1521 three regional lingua francas had developed:
Ilocano in the north of Luzon, Tagalog in the south of Luzon, and Cebuano in
the Visayan Islands in the middle of the country and in Mindanao in the south
(Gonzalez 1985a: 132). Since most Filipinos spoke one of these lingua francas
at least as a second language, one of them would be the logical selection for the
indiginized national language.
Quezon gave the new Institute of National Language the task to decide
which language it should be. In 1937 the institute recommended Tagalog. After
the publication of a dictionary and a grammar, the new national language
began to be taught in the schools starting in 1940. Tagalog seemed an appropri-
ate choice since it was in an intermediate position linguistically and geographi-
cally. It also had patriotic and historical backing since it was one of the
languages of the original rebellion against the Spanish. Aguinaldo had selected
it as the national language in his original constitution of 1897. It also had the
largest literary production of all the indigenous languages. As the language of
Manila with its collection of prestigious universities, it would also have a
natural support for the development of vocabulary for academic purposes. It
was second only to English in the number of speakers, with 4,068,565 speakers
or 25 percent of the population. However, if the total number of speakers of
closely related dialects of Cebuano in Central and Southern Philippines had
been considered, Cebuano would have outnumbered Tagalog speakers with
6,491,699 speakers or 40 percent of the population (Frei 1959: 87). This ma-
nipulation of population ªgures to favor Tagalog in the decision-making pro-
cess would lead to decades of resistance to the spread of Tagalog in the Visayas
and Mindanao.
3.2 The changing school environment
Although English was no longer the only language allowed on the school
premises, at ªrst, the promotion of a new national language had little eŸect on the
place of English in the schools. Dagot (1998) reminisced on his school experi-
ences on an isolated island during this period when Quezon was encouraging the
spread of Tagalog. Except for a class in Tagalog, school remained much the same
as reported by Sibayan (1991a) during the American period. Dagot noted that
since he lived in a bilingual society where everyone was expected to learn
languages in order to talk to neighboring villagers or to the family helpers (the
preferred word for servants or hired hands in Filipino English), he did not feel
that English was a sign of colonial oppression. It was simply a part of education
and a key to government employment. Filipinos claimed English as one of their
own languages since they learned it ªrst from fellow Filipinos. He recounts the
many mottoes, standards, word games, songs, and poems he recited from
memory. Spanish had disappeared. Traditional Spanish songs had been trans-
lated into English. He remembers his mother lovingly reciting Longfellow from
her school days. In addition to English, he quickly learned Tagalog, but not so
much from school as from comics, radio, and movies.
Since English was not the language of the home, it depended on the schools
for its promotion. Two events in the 1940s reduced the quality of this English
instruction. The ªrst was an attempt to make schools more accessible to large
numbers of children desiring education. Already in 1939 the English total
immersion program had ended in the public schools. Native languages could
now be mixed with English in grades one and two if the child did not under-
stand. Thus began a period of language mixing in a domain previously reserved
for English. The following year the amount of English instruction in primary
schools was further reduced when the National Assembly passed the Education
Act of 1940. Rather than build more schools to accommodate more students,
they shortened the elementary curriculum from seven to six years and placed
the public schools on double shift with the same teacher teaching two classes a
day. Although Tagalog was only taught as a subject, the rivalry between English
and Tagalog began. Eventually, Tagalog became a required subject in all grade
levels from grade one through the university. By the end of the 1950s six units
of Tagalog, renamed Pilipino in 1959, were required for a bachelors degree.
Later that was increased to twelve.
With a shorter school day and more time devoted to teaching Tagalog,
Filipino students who wanted to enter high school had half as much English
instruction as before. The rich shifted their children to private schools where
admission depended on English proªciency and the ability to pay high tuition.
As a result, the best English speakers now came from private schools. Since
professional licensing exams and college entrance exams continued to be given
only in English, English began to become a social stratiªer rather than a social
equalizer during this period.
3.3 War destroys the schools
The Second World War had little eŸect on the amount of English spoken in the
Philippines. When the Japanese took over, they tried to use the language issue
to gain favor with the Filipinos. They banned Spanish and tried to eliminate
English by declaring Tagalog the national language. Tagalog theater ¶ourished
as English authors switched to Tagalog. However, they switched to Tagalog
merely to get around the censors. The Japanese soon found that they had to
conduct their business in English. The language was becoming indiginized.
Filipinos were proud of their ability to speak English and used it as a sign of
resistance. In fact, after the war, more claimed the ability to speak English than
before the war (J. Miller 1978: 38). In many families, English had become one
of the languages the children learned at home. This was particularly true in the
homes of teachers. The Japanese even had to produce propaganda movies in
English for local consumption. Unlike the Indonesians or Vietnamese, Filipi-
nos did not view the Japanese as liberators from colonial oppressors. The
American program of winning Filipino loyalty by improving health, education,
and welfare had had its desired eŸects. Whereas the Indonesians and the
Vietnamese welcomed the Japanese as liberators from the Dutch and the
French, Filipinos for the most part hated the Japanese and actively fought them
throughout the war (Steinberg 1967). Schools continued in English with

heavily censored textbooks. Some children were home schooled using books
from home libraries to avoid appearances of collaboration with the Japanese
(Goulet 1971: 16).
However, when the war ended, what remained of the educational system
had been devastated. School libraries had been destroyed; stocks of textbooks
had disappeared. Nearly all school buildings had been burned down or blown up
and there was a tremendous backlog of children who had never attended school.
Having sixty pupils in a classroom with an untrained teacher who had inad-
equate command of English became common. It is estimated that half of the
public school teachers in 1946 had no professional training (Prator 1950: 29).
Before the war almost all Filipino teachers had learned English at least
partially from Americans. In addition, there had been Americans to talk to in
all parts of the country. During the war all Americans had been conªned to
Japanese prisoner of war camps. Even after the war there were no American
teachers in the schools. As a result the few new teachers who received their
training during the war or shortly thereafter had limited English proªciency
(Prator 1950: 40). High school graduates in the ªrst few years after the war read
at a ªfth grade level. It was not until students ªnished college that they felt
comfortable in English (Prator 1950: 16–17). This was true in spite of the fact
that before 1957 it was not uncommon to have a “Speak English” policy in
schools, even during recess (Bautista 1986: 493).
3.4 Rebuilding the school system
After the war the two main language questions were how best to learn English
for academic success and how to learn Tagalog for national unity. There was
extensive American help to rebuild the school system. Linguists such as
CliŸord Prator and J. Donald Bowen arrived to study the situation and recom-
mend better ways to teach English. They encouraged experimental programs
that used local languages to introduce literacy skills. At the suggestion of
American linguists, from 1958 to 1974 the ªrst two grades in public schools
were conducted in the vernacular. The Rockefeller Foundation, with later
support from the Ford Foundation, funded the new Language Study Center at
Philippine Normal College to train teachers and to prepare materials to teach
English and Tagalog (renamed Pilipino). By 1974 over 30 percent of all English
and Pilipino language supervisors in the Philippines had been trained through
this center (Fox 1975, Sibayan 1973). Filipino scholars were also sent to various
universities in the United States, but primarily the University of Michigan and
the University of California, Los Angeles, to study linguistics and the teaching
of English as a second language (Gonzalez 1986). They returned to create
language centers with MA degrees in language teaching at leading universities.
In the 1960s the new Thomasites, the Peace Corps, arrived to supply native
speakers of English to teach students and train teachers in provincial schools.
There was also increased attention to describing and comparing the vari-
ous Philippine languages (E. Constantino 1965, 1971, 1981, Lopez 1965,
Newell 1991). The Summer Institute of Linguistics was invited in 1953 to study
minority languages in isolated rural areas and produce literacy materials. The
Linguistic Society of the Philippines was founded in 1969 to encourage the
scholarly study of the language situation and to help ªnd solutions to the
language problems.
3.5 Controversy over Tagalog
Government eŸorts to promote Tagalog as the new national language were

mired in controversy. Not only did the language need to be standardized, it
needed to be elaborated to deal with intellectual topics in the sciences and
social sciences which were once reserved for Spanish or English. Since linguis-
tic studies indicate that the Philippine languages are closely related and that
they share a good portion of their vocabulary, many favored promoting a
fusion of Philippine languages based on Tagalog (E. Constantino 1981, Frei
1959: 11). However, the Institute of National Language was dominated by
Tagalog purists who insisted on promoting a rural dialect without the assimi-
lated Spanish and English borrowings common in urban speech (Prator
1950: 5). For example, during the 1950s and 1960s the Institute tried to replace
commonly accepted borrowings from Spanish such as aeroplano ‘airplane’,
libro ‘book’, and maestro ‘teacher’ with Tagalog salipawpaw, aklat, and guro for
fear that there would be nothing left in intellectualized Tagalog than ang, a
focus marker usually translated as ‘the,’ and mga, the marker for plural
(Sibayan 1971b: 1048). However, since more than a third of the roots in
Tagalog vocabulary come from Spanish (Llamzon and Thorpe 1972), this
suggestion was met with general derision and was ridiculed in the press. This
puriªed Tagalog with its strange vocabulary made teachers even in Tagalog
speaking areas unwilling to use the language in the classroom since they were
unsure of whether or not they could use familiar vocabulary. Even if foreign
words were maintained, the Institute argued over how they should be spelled.
The purists wanted the spelling to re¶ect the Tagalog abakada or alphabet. The
antipurists felt the spelling should re¶ect the original language. In addition,
since the various Philippine languages share so much vocabulary, Tagalog
words proposed for intellectualized Pilipino often had undesired connotations
in the cognates found in other Philippine languages (Otanes 1981).
To the distress of the purists, the people preferred street Tagalog with its
many borrowings from Spanish and English. When Taliba, Manila’s largest
daily newspaper in Tagalog, switched in 1967 from purist Tagalog to a new
style that used “conversational Pilipino” with widely-used words and phrases
from Spanish and English, with English words spelled as they are in English,
circulation jumped from 19,000 to more than 65,000 in less than two months
(Sibayan 1971b: 1048–1049) and to 100,000 within two years (Gonzalez
1988c: 36). Still the purists remained in control of the intellectualization of
Pilipino throughout this period.
As mentioned earlier, Cebuano, the regional lingua franca in the southern
two thirds of the country, was spoken by more than 40 percent of the popula-
tion in 1939 as a ªrst or second language when Tagalog was chosen as the
national language. In reaction to the Tagalog purists, a national language war
broke out in the Visayan heartland of Cebuano. Even though Tagalog was
renamed Pilipino in 1959 to make it more acceptable as the national language,
it was no more than purist Tagalog in disguise. Many localities in the Visayas
refused to teach Pilipino in the schools. Throughout the 1950s and 1960s suits
were unsuccessfully brought before the courts to stop the teaching of Tagalog-
based Pilipino. However, even without school support in the Visayas, street
Tagalog was fairly easily learned through comic books, radio, and movies since
the languages in the Philippines are so closely related. Ties to the local lan-
guages were also loosening because of massive internal migration. As a result,
Tagalog was spreading even in Cebuano speaking urban centers in spite of local
opposition from politicians (Gonzalez 1977, 1991a). By 1970 55.3 percent of
the population could use at least street Tagalog.
In 1973 Pilipino was renamed Filipino so that the name of the national
language would represent all Filipinos, not just Tagalog speakers who have no
“f” sound. Renaming the national language once more also signaled a new
attitude towards the development of the national language. It no longer would
be in the hands of Tagalog purists. Words and sounds from other languages,
including English and Spanish could be used. Today the labels Tagalog,
Pilipino, and Filipino are used interchangeably and refer to the version of
Tagalog which is spoken in Metro Manila and is rapidly spreading throughout
the Philippines through the media (Bautista 1986: 492).
3.6 The Golden Age for English
Although the media was spreading Tagalog rapidly outside the schools, this
same period became the Golden Age for English as English maintained its hold
on the schools. Even though American trained educators tried to reorient
teachers to a conversational approach common to English as a Second Lan-
guage teaching in the United States, the teaching methods introduced by the
Thomasites at the beginning of the century had been ingrained in the Filipino
soul. English teachers continued to create good citizens through anecdotes and
stories that had moral applications. There was still lots of singing during breaks
(Manalang 1977). Students still loved to collect and memorize favorite quota-
tions, create vocabulary notebooks, and participate in spelling contests and
oratorical tournaments (Goulet (1971: 81).
English solidiªed its hold as a Filipino as opposed to a colonial language.
Near the end of this period Llamzon (1969: 90) noted that Filipinos loved to
speak English, especially in Metro Manila. People did not consider it to be a
foreign language when it was spoken in the Filipino way. It was simply one of
the languages that they had to learn to be successful. Llamzon (1969) described
this Filipino English as a new member of the community of World Englishes.
The language had special domains reserved for it, including education, govern-
ment and law, business, and in many cases religion. Bautista (1982: 378) noted
that it had become almost customary for young a§uent or upwardly mobile
Filipino families to bring up their children speaking English.
In Metro Manila the use of English had become so widespread that moti-
vation studies found that integrative rather than instrumental motivation
prevailed in language acquisition. Filipinos learned English to be identiªed
with fellow Filipinos rather than with Americans or other English speakers.
Filipino English helped deªne a person as being Filipino (Llamzon 1984). A
survey of students in Catholic Educational Association of the Philippines
(CEAP) schools found that 51 percent of the families with children in CEAP
schools spoke English in the home (Llamzon 1969: 84). Noting that English
had been accepted as a Filipino language for use in the home, Gonzalez
(1976) called for the Filipinization of English standards in the schools. Since
the model for Filipino English came from dictionaries and written material,
spoken Filipino English had a bookish prose style reminiscent of the nine-
teenth century (Goulet 1971: 83).
3.7 Changing attitudes
Although this was the Golden Age of English, the end of this period was also
marked by a rise of student activism against English. It was portrayed as a
language of colonialism which was hindering the progress of Filipinos. The
activist Renato Constantino (1978) in his oft-cited discussion of the
miseducation of Filipinos admitted that the program to use English to teach
democracy and self-government had been successful. Still, he and others de-
manded that the schools switch to using only Filipino.
Although Llamzon had found that Filipinos had an integrative motivation
to learn English, at least among the educated and upwardly mobile in Manila,
other attitude studies presented a diŸerent view of English, especially outside
Manila. In 1968 the Language Study Center of the Philippine Normal College
conducted a Language Policy Survey of the Philippines questioning 2,379
householders and 2,542 teachers nationwide to ªnd out what the attitude
toward English was outside the Metro Manila area. They found that Tagalog
(Pilipino) was considered most necessary for success in manual jobs such as
carpenter, farmer, ªsherman, housewife, or market seller. English and Pilipino
were both necessary for success as a clerk, doctor, lawyer, midwife, policeman,
priest, secretary, surveyor, teacher, or electrician. English alone was not associ-
ated with success in any profession (Otanes 1977, Sibayan 1984). In this
nationwide survey, the motivation for learning English was instrumental
rather than integrative. English was seen as the key for education, communica-
tion, a good job, and travel. Thus English continued in the role it had been
assigned when it was ªrst introduced to the Philippines at the beginning of the
century, namely, improve the lifestyle of Filipinos. Pilipino was for patriotism
and for integrating oneself with the Philippine nation.
Just after this period ended, Sibayan questioned 433 Filipinos in Metro
Manila on their usage of English in various domains and their language atti-
tudes. The respondents represented a teachers’ college, a vocational technical
college, a private commercial bank, the Institute of National Language, and
subjects from the general population. They felt that English had made them a
greater people (47.3 percent), had contributed to their economic progress (70
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can easily say that Williams has ordered you to be quiet, and” (as he settled
the cushion behind her shoulders, for Sophy was delicate, and both liked
and required attention) “if you like it, I will stay and protect you, read to
you, do what you like, dear, as your cold is to keep you at home this
disagreeable day.”
But to this sacrifice, for sacrifice she well knew it was, on her husband’s
part, Sophy would not listen. He was the very best, the kindest, and the
dearest, so, with grateful tears and smiles, she told him, of created beings.
The idea of his giving up his ride for her! Who but himself would have
dreamt of such an act of self-devotion? As regarded Lady Millicent’s visit,
too, it was so very thoughtful, so nice of him to let her off. But Sophy could
be self-sacrificing as well as he; so, though she felt weak and languid, she
assured her hero that there was no necessity for either care or quiet, that she
felt quite equal to the threatened visitation, and intended on that very day,
provided that Lady Mill kept her promise of calling, to practise Arthur’s
lesson on behaviour.
A bright happy smile lighted up her face as Arthur, kissing her forehead
lightly, said a few farewell words. Nor did the look of placid contentment
fade away even after the music of his foot upon the stair had ceased to echo
in her ears; for the young wife was wonderfully happy—as happy, perhaps,
as it is ever given to mortal woman here below to feel. Assured of her
husband’s affection, and adoring him with all the force of her warm young
heart; with not a wish ungratified, and endowed with health and spirits to
enjoy the good gifts that were with such a lavish hand bestowed upon her;
blest with a kind father’s doting tenderness, and dreaming as she lay on her
luxuriant couch of the “prime of bliss” in a few weeks to be accorded to her
prayers, who can wonder that Arthur Vavasour’s wife was one of the
happiest of her sex?
And he, the man who was so seldom absent from her thoughts, the
husband, to obey whose slightest wish was felt by the unselfish Sophy to be
a blessed privilege which all must envy her, did he, as he strode forth
hastily, for he had an appointment and was late, feel no remorseful pang for
wandering thoughts, and dreams on joys forbidden? I fear that to this query
I must answer in the negative. It is not in the earliest stages of our cherished
sins that the avenging demon of unavailing regret rises up before us, and
embitters joys that else were sweet. Sin, the very wickedness that is
destined to be our ruin and shame, assumes at the beginning such very fair
and false proportions. In early sunlight the shadows are so short, the path
before so bright, the glare so dazzling and the day so long. It is when the
shadows lengthen, and the night approaches, when the sin which in the
distance looked so unlike crime stands revealed a hideous skeleton, bereft
of all its false adornments, in our walk by day and in our couch by night,
that we look back to the past with misery and vain remorse, asking
ourselves the bitter, futile question whether the gain is worthy of the cost,
while like withered leaves in the sad autumn time,
“The hopes of our youth fall thick in the blast,
And the days are dark and dreary.”
Arthur Vavasour, although he might not be exactly in that blissful

condition which has been described as having “nothing on one’s mind,” was
nevertheless quite sufficiently light-hearted as he wended his way that
spring afternoon in the direction of Stanwick-street, to make all things
around and about him seem wonderfully bright and hopeful. The “tropic
time of youth,” the possession of life’s choicest gifts—health, wealth, and
beauty—were enough in themselves to account for the “gleams elysian”
that lighted up this young man’s path while, treading as though it were air
the Tyburnian pavement, he wended his way to the presence of his peerless
Honor. His!—for already he had begun to arrogate to himself the monopoly
of his neighbour’s wife. The monopoly, that is to say, of her time, her
thoughts, her liking. Already there could, it is to be feared, be little doubt of
the melancholy fact, that the affection and fidelity of his own wife would, in
comparison with that of honest John’s, have been but little prized. Of the
one he was assured, while over the other hung just enough of the delightful
veil woven of hope and imagination to lend enchantment to the prospect
which his own unrestrained passions, aided by the machinations of one of
the vilest of human beings, held up before him.
To the motives as well as to the plottings of Honor’s unprincipled father,
the infatuated young man resolutely closed his eyes. He could scarcely fail
to see that Colonel Norcott was ready to promote and encourage his
intimacy with John Beacham’s wife, and under any other circumstances
Arthur would have turned aside with disgust and horror from conduct so
vile and so unprincipled. But we are very apt (and Vavasour was no
exception to the rule) to condone the sin by which we hope to profit; and
there were besides other reasons, although I must not anticipate, which
would assist in accounting to the reader for the readiness with which the
young heir of Gillingham fell into the plans and projects of the almost
universally “held cheap” sporting-man.
On this occasion, the occasion of his ostensible visit to the master of the
house, he found, as he expected, Honor Beacham alone. That she was
agitated by his appearance both her words and the pretty confusion which
she was far too untutored to disguise, betrayed; and that Arthur, forgetful of
his young wife at home—forgetful of old ties of friendship, and utterly
careless of consequences as regarded the guileless wife whose peace he was
undermining—made the best of the passing hours allowed him by the
prudential arrangements of the unprincipled Fred, who that knows anything
of the worst side of human nature can doubt?
Before Arthur Vavasour took his leave he had thoroughly succeeded in
awakening in Honor Beacham’s ambitious and pleasure-loving breast a
keen desire to partake of such gaieties and amusements as he might be able
to procure for her. On the following morning a riding-habit, borrowed from
the wardrobe of the unsuspicious Sophy, was to be altered (if necessary) for
Mrs. Beacham’s use; a box at the Opera was to be placed at her disposal,
and everything worth either seeing or doing was to be seen and done by the
pretty recluse of Updown Paddocks. Honor knew that it was all wrong; but
her head was beginning to be turned, and that night as she laid it on her
pillow she almost went the length of congratulating herself that she had
kept the unsophisticated John in the dark regarding her father’s health. She
had every chance of catching a glimpse of the ineffable delights of London
in the season, as those delights were imagined in her foolish dreams, and
coloured by the man whose words had from the first moment of her
acquaintance with him possessed such a strange and unfortunate influence
over her still childish mind.
CHAPTER XXIII.
THE RECTOR COMMITS HIMSELF.

Arthur was not far wrong when he averred that his sister Rhoda was the
last girl in the world to make a successful début in London society. Shyness
—being entirely uncomprehended and believed in—is too often there
mistaken for stupidity, or, at best, for a disinclination to be pleased and to be
“jolly.” Looking beneath the surface is too long a process for the superficial
observers of the present day; summary condemnation takes little time, and
lynch-law, in the shape of something very like ostracism, is speedily
pronounced. So Rhoda Vavasour—whose mother had been guilty of that
terrible social blunder, namely, the non-keeping up of her connections—
found herself, although rather pretty and decidedly “nice,” quite thrown
away in the West-end world. Under these circumstances, and feeling—
gentle though she was, and humble-minded—a little mortified and
délaissée, Rhoda’s heart naturally turned again towards the man who, being
but a country rector, looked up to, loved, and appreciated her. For her—
almost partnerless, and left, whether at ball, opera, or party, a good deal to
her own resources and reflections—the memory of George Wallingford,
together with her pleasant country duties and avocations, was as a gleam of
summer sunshine, a green oasis in the peopled desert of her uncongenial
life. When, before her departure from Gillingham, the rector, meeting her
by chance as she was leaving the door of a poor dependent on her kindness,
stopped his horse, and by a few meaning words, and looks more suggestive
still, conveyed to her the knowledge that neither time nor absence would
erase her image from his heart, he of course committed this disloyal act
with eyes wide open to its impropriety. He knew, ay better than did Arthur
Vavasour, that he was, in thus secretly tampering with a young girl’s
affections, committing a sin against his neighbour. That sin might not,
viewed abstractedly, be so heinous as that which Rhoda’s brother was, with
equal audacity, committing; but in reality the one man’s guilt was little
inferior to the other; both yielded to such temptation as was within their
reach, and the consequence in either case was the punishment that had been
so deservedly incurred.
Lady Millicent, whose motives for passing the season in London could
scarcely be called motherly ones, troubled herself little about her elder
daughter’s pallid cheeks and languid movements.
“Rhoda was always pasty,” was her answer to Lady Guernsey, when that
kind friend endeavoured to draw her attention to the small amount of
interest taken by the débutante in the amusements that were offered to her;
“Rhoda never had more colour than a boiled fowl. And in London I don’t
see how she is to get rosier; unless, indeed,” correcting herself a little
spitefully, “she were to employ the same tricks that other girls do; and that,
I need not tell you, is not in Rhoda’s line.”
“I cannot help fancying,” Lady Guernsey said after a pause, during
which she was wondering a little nervously how her hint would be taken,
—“I cannot help fancying that Rhoda may have taken a fancy, may have
seen someone who—”
Lady Millicent drew herself up indignantly. “I should have imagined,”
she said, “that you had seen enough of Rhoda, enough too of my mode of
bringing up, to render such a surmise—ahem—impossible. My daughter
has never left my roof but once; and that, my dear Lady Guernsey, was
when you kindly invited her to Gawthorpe. I should be distressed to think
that while with you, and under Lord Guernsey’s protection, she should have
met with anyone who, I mean—pray allow me to proceed—anyone who
had clandestinely gained her affections, and thus put a bar—for I could not
tolerate anything underhand—to my receiving him as a son-in-law.”
Lady Guernsey could not restrain a smile at this indignant outburst
against one who was in point of fact a myth. Preparing to rise from the sofa,
on which the two chaperones had taken refuge from the crowd and heat of a
“delightful” ball, she said courteously:
“You must forgive me for my guess, and believe that nothing but our
deep interest in dear Rhoda could have called it forth. As to her having seen
anyone in the shape of a lover at Gawthorpe, that, I can assure you, was out
of the question. Anything more dull than we were last Christmas, you
would hardly believe. The death of poor Guernsey’s sister made gaiety out
of the question; but the children, all things considered, seemed to enjoy
themselves; and I am only grieved to see your girl looking so dull and
altered.”
She put out her hand to her country neighbour as she spoke, and Lady
Millicent, whose thoughts had already wandered away to law-courts, will-
cases, and appeals, returned her goodnight with apparent cordiality.
Meanwhile—for absence, as is universally acknowledged, is apt to
increase les grandes passions, while it has a directly contrary effect upon
minor ones—meanwhile the rector of Switcham, in that pretty but dull
study of his, sat ruminating, sometimes by the hour together, on the
perfections of Rhoda Vavasour; on their mutual attachment (for George
Wallingford felt as assured of the young girl’s love as if she had told him
the sweet truth in words), and on the maddening possibility that in London,
in the midst of the gay and exciting scenes of which he had heard and read
so much, some man less faint of heart or more attractive than himself, might
step between him and his love, and thus deprive him of all that made life
dear and valuable. The idea that such might, by some terrible contingency,
be the case, was, as I have just said, very distracting to the rector; so
distracting, that his usually well-balanced mind tottered a little on its throne,
and the judgments and resolves—so calm habitually, and prudent—of
sensible George Wallingford, gave token of the emotion that was going on
within his breast.
That it would be an act little short of insanity to request of Lady
Millicent Vavasour the hand of her daughter in marriage, Rhoda’s clerical
lover would, no later than three days before, have been quite willing to
acknowledge; but, whether it is true that quos Deus vult perdere prius
dementat, or that the man as well as “the woman who deliberates is lost,” it
is needless to inquire, the fact remaining the same—namely, that poor
George Wallingford, believing his position could not be worse, and might
by some strange freak of Fortune be bettered by his desperate act, arrived at
the somewhat rash resolution of proposing himself to Lady Millicent
Vavasour as the future husband of her daughter.
The determination was no sooner arrived at than it was acted upon.
Alone with his own thoughts, his own fears, and the hopes which the last
tender smile which he had seen on Rhoda’s quivering lip had raised within
his heart, the unfortunate young rector, unable to endure suspense, rushed
madly to his fate. Alas for him, poor fellow!—where was at that crisis of his
life the outspoken, sensible, hard-headed college friend, who with a strong
grip—painful, perhaps, but salutary—would have plucked him from the
edge of the abyss, and with a “Don’t make a fool of yourself, old fellow!”
would have given wholesome counsel, and have staved off much of the
unhappiness soon to be recorded?
The letter on which—as he touchingly explained to the sympathising
Lady Millicent—the happiness of his future life depended was written just
four days after the departure of the Castle family for London. Under what
circumstances it was received, how Lady Millicent behaved on its perusal,
and the consequences resulting from its perpetration, will form subject-
matter for another chapter.
CHAPTER XXIV.
FAST DOWNHILL.
Honor’s first letter to her husband—which she despatched the day but one
after she left the Paddocks—was not written without a considerable amount
of thought and caution. It was not in this young creature’s nature to be false.
On the contrary, deceit hung like a chain of lead upon her mind—a chain
that was heavy and galling, and which, save when she was diverted from
the pain it caused her by the excitement of dissipation, of Arthur Vavasour’s
society, and, alas, by the admiration of which this true daughter of Eve well
knew herself to be the object, Honor’s consciousness of her own disloyalty
caused her to feel very thoroughly unhappy and remorseful. Her letter to
John—the first which she had ever addressed to him—caused her even
while she wrote it to blush for shame. In it—while she carefully avoided, or
rather ingeniously glossed over, the subject of her father’s illness—any
acute observer might have perceived that she was in no hurry to return to
Sandyshire. She had found the Colonel better, she wrote; but he was
looking ill, and complained a good deal of his head. (This, in Honor’s
defence, I may remark, was no invention on her part.) Altogether, she felt
she was a comfort to her father. He was in very different circumstances
from what she (Honor) had imagined him to be. Really quite poor, she
almost thought. They had no house, only a small lodging, and they lived
very poorly—so poorly that Honor was quite sure John would not like it at
all; while as for mother she would not be able to exist on the kind of food
that was served up in Stanwick-street. As regarded herself, she was—
though she could bear it very well for a time—extremely uncomfortable. A
little attic at the very top of the house!—an attic with a sloping roof, and no
closet to hang her dresses in, and—But there is no occasion to follow Mrs.
John in her filling up of this her first letter with diatribes against her own
discomfort, and with comparisons (flattering, as she hoped, to the old lady’s
pride) between the wretchedness of the furniture and the poverty-stricken
nature of the food in Stanwick-street, and the luxuries and comforts which
she, the writer, had enjoyed at home. She wound up her letter (a missive in
which she had carefully abstained from any allusion to the amusements,
both present and to come, which were in readiness for her delectation) with
a hope that her father’s health would continue to improve; in which case, in
a fortnight or ten days, perhaps, Colonel Norcott would let her talk of
returning to the Paddocks. Both he and his wife showed her so much
kindness and affection that, however much she would like to be at home
again, she could not think just at present of speaking about her return.
This was the sum and substance of Honor’s letter to her husband, and
now that it has been very frankly laid before the reader, I greatly fear that
his opinion of my poor heroine will not be much raised thereby. Little
enough have I to say in her excuse. She was very human, very womanly;
with the seeds of corruption in her veins, the child of a weak mother and a
wicked father, her infant innocence unshielded by a prayer, the silent
nursery work, the holy secret duties which are a mother’s province, and hers
only to perform, perforce left undone—how can we wonder then that this
child of nature, abandoned to the care of hirelings, and so early transplanted
to a soil in many respects uncongenial, should prove herself to be no better
than hundreds upon hundreds of her sex and age, who, giving up reality for
things hoped for, find to their cost that their foolish discontent has proved
their deadliest bane!
“Well, John, and what is the letter about? She seems to have written
plenty, any way; but I suppose you won’t care to tell me what all that heap
of writing is about;” and Mrs. Beacham, who, as was usual with her at
letter-delivery time, was busily employed in the housewifely and popular
task of concocting strong tea from a not over liberal allowance of the herb,
endeavoured to look as if she were not in the slightest degree interested in
the queries to which she had just given voice.
John, who had just finished his letter, and was proceeding to read it a
second time, in order to render himself thoroughly master of its somewhat
puzzling contents, pushed the delicate and young-lady-like looking epistle
across the table with rather an impatient gesture.
“I don’t know that you’ll be able to make much more of a hand of it than
I can,” he said gruffly, for his heart felt terribly sore, and with men of John
Beacham’s stamp emotion does not manifest itself in an especially tender
fashion. “The man hasn’t much the matter with him, as far as I can
understand; never had, I daresay,” he added under his breath, but his mother
caught the words, and treasured them in her mind for future use.
“It ain’t much good,” she said quietly, “giving me the letter now. I
couldn’t read a word of such fiddling writing as that without my specs.
After breakfast, my dear, I’ll see what I can make of it. So the Colonel’s all
right again, is he? Well, well, I never thought, for one, that there was much
cause for fear; but Honor, she was so wild to go, there was no use trying to
stop her. I declare to goodness—I never said so before, John, for what was
the use? it would only have worritted you—but I declare to goodness, she
was like as if she didn’t know whether her head or her heels was uppermost,
when she was packing up. Glad of a change, I suppose, like all young
people. It’s only nat’ral she should get tired—such a young thing as she is
—of the Paddocks—not nineteen yet; and you—though you don’t look it,
that I must say—nearly old enough to be her father. As for me,” rising
leisurely from her chair, for her morning task was over, and the “specs,”
needed for the perusal of her daughter-in-law’s letter, were to be searched
for on the adjacent work-table,—“as for me, in course your wife’s glad
enough to get out of my sight and hearing. An old body like me, do what
she will, is sure to find herself in the way; and I have found myself in the
way, I don’t deny it, John, though it ain’t a pleasant thing to say, least of all
to you, my dear.” And Mrs. Beacham, after this pleasant exordium, donned
her tortoiseshell spectacles, and commenced what seemed likely to prove no
easy task, namely, the deciphering of Honor’s flowing but not over-legible
caligraphy.
To describe John’s feelings during the long-drawn-out operation would
be impossible. Already deeply hurt and wounded by the mere passing
thought (for his nature was too excellent for the spontaneous breeding
therein of harsh suspicions or dark surmises of evil) that he might have been
the dupe of Colonel Norcott’s (not his wife’s—that conjecture was reserved
for Mrs. Beacham’s less indulgent breast to harbour) underhand designs, his
mother’s preamble—surgit amari aliquid—together with her running
comments on poor Honor’s rather confused and disconnected letter, tried
both his feelings and his temper severely.
“Well, mother,” he said at last, his patience giving way as much under
his own troubled thoughts as his mother’s covert hints and very unpleasant
guesses; “well, mother, if you talk till doomsday you won’t make things
different from what they are. It’s as plain to me as it is to you that Honor
wants to stay in London with her father. God knows that I’d be glad enough
to think it wasn’t so; but it is, and there’s an end of it.”
“But, John, surely you’re not going to let Honor have her way? You’re
never going to allow—”
“Mother,” broke in John impetuously—so impetuously that Mrs.
Beacham’s heart was hardened thereby more than ever against the absent
cause of her son’s very novel act of disrespect; “mother, I repeat what I said
before, that there’s no earthly use either in abusing Honor or in talking of
what can’t be helped. As for sending for her, or writing for her, or anything
of the kind, that I’m not going to do—not yet awhile, that is. As you said
just now, it’s only natural that the poor young thing should like a change.
We’re old people, as you said, mother,” he added with a very sad smile,
“compared to her, and I begin to think you were right a year and more ago,
when you said that Honor was too young a wife for me. There’s a good
many more gray hairs in my head, mother, than should be owned by my
little girl’s husband. And then there’s her father, d——n him!” and John’s
big fist came so heavily down upon the table that his mother almost
trembled for the safety of her cups and saucers; “I know him to be as great a
villain as ever stepped in shoe-leather; but, as I’ve often said before, he is
her father; and being that he’s about the only relation that she’s got, it’s only
natural, I suppose, that she should hold to him. Ah me! That was a black
day for all of us when he stirred me up to give him the bad blow that
floored him. But for that, I should be a different man, mother, from what I
am this day. If I’d said it at the first, if I hadn’t been a party to the fellow’s
lie, I should stand on the old ground, mother, and that was better ground
than what’s under my feet to-day; but I hoped, so I did, that the secret—
Honor’s secret—would be kept. I little thought that the fellow had a
purpose all the while in what he did; I little thought that Honor—but I am a
fool, a downright idiot, to go on in this way! I couldn’t be worse if I was a
lad of twenty, with nothing to think of in life but girls and their
foolishness!” and John, who during the utterance of these self-condemning
sentences had been pacing with hurried and heavy footsteps to and fro in
the room, suddenly took himself off to his out-of-door business, letting—
contrary to his wont, for he was rarely deficient in respect to his mother—
the door of the little parlour close with a bang behind his retreating
footsteps.
END OF VOL. II.
Robson and Son, Printers, Pancras Road, N.W.
Typographical errors corrected by the etext transcriber:

from governness=> from governess {pg 204}
front drawing-roon=> front drawing-room {pg 232}
scanttily-filled=> scantily-filled {pg 256}
for the persual of=> for the perusal of {pg 285}
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3.4 Rebuilding the school system 31

Map 2. The regions, 1990 67

6.1 Listening to English 77

12.1.3 Case study 3: A stock market scandal 201

Teachers and administrators in the above locations and at Xavier Univer-

Map 1. The Philippines

1.1 The situation

You wake up on Monday morning in your apartment in Metro Manila. After a

1.2 Rationale for this study

I became fascinated with Taglish as a Fulbright scholar during the 1996–1997

legacy of nearly 50 years of American colonial rule, English is the language of

1.3 Overview of the chapters

Taglish in the life cycle of English

English comes to the Philippines, 1898–1935

2.1 The United States takes control, 1898–1902

2.1.1 Humanitarian imperialism

US citizens and property. On the night of February 15, 1898, a tremendous

2.1.2 The Philippine insurrection

There were no metallic riches that seemed attractive to Spaniards so Spanish

2.1.3 Winning the hearts of Filipinos

granted independence. To counter the bad election-year press, President

2.2 Social engineering and the rise of English, 1902–1935

2.2.1 Schools for the masses

When the Philippine Commission headed by Governor William Howard Taft

2.2.2 Materials and teachers

The Philippine Commission solved the problem of no teachers and no books

2.2.3 The Filipino reaction

as being able to read English. Philippine literature in English was appearing in

2.2.4 A day at school

2.2.5 The eŸectiveness

In the 1920s the Philippine legislature commissioned an in-depth study of the

scratch an English-speaking school system with English-speaking teachers in a

2.2.6 English: The great equalizer

Nationalism and the rise of Tagalog,

3.1 Finding a national language

national language, but with as many as 156 local languages (McKaughan

3.2 The changing school environment

3.3 War destroys the schools

throughout the war (Steinberg 1967). Schools continued in English with

3.4 Rebuilding the school system

3.5 Controversy over Tagalog

Government eŸorts to promote Tagalog as the new national language were

3.6 The Golden Age for English