In: Proceedings of the 16th International Conference of Ethiopian Studies, ed.

by Svein Ege, Harald

Aspen, Birhanu Teferra and Shiferaw Bekele, Trondheim 2009

Arsi Oromo Society Viewed Through Its Wedding Music

Leila Qashu1

Arsi Oromo society can be divided into three main groups of actors that each has different
social responsibilities and musical repertoires: men, women and youths. Wedding rituals
are a reflection of social structure, but they are also the means by which the different groups
construct their identities and values. This paper analyzes the different groups and their
music through song lyrics and examples from the wedding rituals.
In the regions of the Arsi Oromo2, the wedding period takes place during a quieter time,
after the fall harvest and before preparing the land for the crop planting, generally
between the months of November and February. On the night preceding a wedding,
from a distance one can often see the rented tent that has been set up for the occasion,
and if it is a clear night, one can hear the voices of youths gathered outside, practicing
their songs, which are accompanied by the dibbe (single or double membrane, circular,
metal framed drum). Members of a same clan are invited directly by the family of the
groom or bride when they pass by their house or see them at the market. In this
patriarchal and clan-based society, as the weddings are exogamous, and the ceremony
takes place in two locations – at the groom’s and the bride’s houses – these preparations
are done simultaneously in the different areas, among the members of the same clan.
Wedding rituals provide an essential insight to understanding Arsi culture, because there
are many elements in a wedding that shape Arsi ideas, practices and traditions, such as
the rite of passage of the bride and groom to adulthood, the history of the clan and its
ancestors, and the kinship links between two clans.
As Martin Stokes (1994: 4) affirmed, we must remember that music and dance don’t
just reflect society; “…they provide the means by which the hierarchies of place are
negotiated and transformed.” When observing and participating in Arsi Oromo wedding
rituals, I noticed that men, women and youths occupied different spaces and sang
different musical repertoires.3 In society, these three groups of actors are also organized
in the same manner, but on a daily basis the Arsi remain with their nuclear family, and
they are not necessarily in direct contact with neighbors or other members of the clan.
Wedding rituals and the different repertoires of music are a means by which different
members of society can create and reinforce group identities, providing a unique

1
Masters and Pre-doctoral work completed at University Paris VIII, Saint Denis, France. Member of the
UNESCO/Norway Funds-In-Trust Program, “Ethiopia – Traditional Music, Dance and Instruments.”
2
The Arsi Oromo live in East Shewa, Arsi, and Bale administrative zones. These begin about 150
kilometers south of Addis Ababa, in the lake region of the Rift Valley, extending to the town of Assela
in the southeast and down to the Bale Mountains in the south.
3
The examples and descriptions in this paper are based on research and recordings among the Arsi
Oromo during stays of several months each, in 2002 – 2003, 2005 and 2006. I lived with Arsi families
in the countryside and attended many wedding ceremonies and rehearsals among the Arsi in the areas
of Langano and Abijata lakes in the Rift Valley, in the Luuga region and the area around the town of
Qarsa in the highlands, east of Langano Lake. I had the opportunity to spend time with all the different
actors in the ceremony so as to better understand each group’s position and contributions.

1235
 Leila Qashu

opportunity for each of these groups to have a specific role in the ritual. This paper will
reveal the wedding through a brief description of each of the group’s perspectives,
demonstrating how they create and emphasize this feeling of group identity that is also a
necessary component to the overall societal structure.

“Taking” the bride: the Hamoomota

Hamoomota refers to a repertoire of songs, but it also designates the group of men from
a same clan who accompany the husband (ilma), his father (abbaa ilmaa) and his best
man (jalaa) to get the bride of another clan from her home.4 The union is not only a
contract between the groom and the father of the bride, but also an agreement between
two clans, providing them with allies to help them if they are ever needed. Often
marriages are performed with the same clans and lineages over several generations so as
to strengthen the common bonds. The hamoomota represents the clan, and it must meet
the bride’s family, participate in ceremonies that seal the marriage and bring the bride
back to the groom’s house before sunset. For the Arsi, the larger the hamoomota, the
stronger the clan appears to the bride’s family and clan. The hamoomota is also an
occasion to reinforce clan cohesion and values, and the men are proud to participate.
Although the men are well received by the bride’s family, their actions are warrior-
like and strongly evoke the ritualized kidnapping of a girl from another clan. This idea
is clear in their actions and songs, as well as in their speech, when they say they go « to
take the bride » (intallah fudha). When he wrote about nuptial songs among the Matcha
Oromo, Cerulli (1922) also described the groom feigning abduction of the bride on the
day of the wedding, which shows that this symbolic kidnapping has long been a part of
these ceremonies.5
Traditionally, the hamoomota travels on horseback, but as many men no longer have
horses, especially in the lowlands, they often rent a bus. I have participated in two
hamoomotas, one by bus in the lowlands and the other by horse in the highlands. The
hamoomota expedition is generally a physical challenge because of the speed on
horseback, the long trip in the heat and the dust and the wear on the voice from singing
all day. Men return exhausted, but at the end of the day they are applauded for having
shown their strength by “taking” the bride at a gallop and returning the same day.6
As the men are traveling on horseback, they sing hamoomota or faaruu farda (horse
praising songs), they play games and some discuss amongst themselves. Generally, with
the exception of digression into games, the men try to remain in one solid group so they
can sing together and remain a unified representation of the clan when going through
towns. The games, however, are another demonstration of their strength and their
warrior qualities, consisting mainly of chasing races. All of a sudden, one man may put

4
For a more detailed description of the Hamoomota, refer to Qashu 2004, 2006.
5
In the past it was more common for men from one clan to steal a woman and cattle from another clan.
Now the government is trying to eliminate these kidnappings, but in certain regions they still occur. In
Dakka Hora Qadho, the administrative district west of Langano Lake, I didn’t hear of abductions, but
in the highlands east of the lake, around the town of Qarsa, they are still occurring, so when young
women walk long distances, they must be accompanied by their brothers. This shows that the
ritualized abduction also represents a history of war-like captures.
6
Some hamoomotas take pride in going to get the bride as fast as they can. When I took part in the
Adaree hamoomota, the 20 kilometres were done at a fast gallop. This can be dangerous, as seen on
that day when an experienced rider fell from his horse and had to be taken to the hospital in critical
condition. Faced with this type of possible danger, returning in one piece is all the more heroic.

1236
 Arsi Oromo Society Viewed Through Its Wedding Music

his horse in a run in front of the group or off to one side, and another chases him until
one of the two tires. Sometimes, one man chases another, trying to hit him with his
walking stick, using it like a club or like a lance. Once a man has won the race or has
succeeded in hitting or reaching his competitor, the two men return to the group. These
games demonstrate strength, but they are also a real competition which results in one
man defeating another. All the other men watch these games of individual strength that
go on outside the space of the group. Although the goal of the hamoomota is to stay in a
group and represent the clan, these games show that, as with proud warriors going to
fight, there is often individual competitiveness among members of the group.
During the journey, when a song leader (afolee) desires, he can launch a song and the
other men will join in response. Most of the hamoomota songs are sung as call and
response, with one soloist who leads and a choir (hamoomotuu) that responds, but
sometimes they can be sung in antiphony, with two choirs that alternate singing their
lines. The choir, hamoomotuu, can also be called jalakabdota, which signifies « those
who receive ». This terminology is important because it shows that in the case of call
and response, the leader gives the song to the others who receive it. Indeed, the leaders
of the songs usually come from a family that knows and practices music, because they
must have good knowledge of the verses of the poems in order to be able to lead the
group. Many of the song leaders that I met are also very vocal in daily life, for example
in community meetings.
Although the hamoomota is meant to represent the unity of the clan, as with the
games, there are some individuals who show their competitive spirit in the songs.
Sometimes two leaders start two different songs at the same time, creating an effect of
polymusic (Rappoport 1999) in the middle space. At times, this is due to a separation
between the two parts of the group, but it can also be a wilful assertion of independence
and domination on the part of the leaders.
The following excerpts of hamoomota songs give an idea of their poetic form and
content.7 This first song, Gosa tiyya goshoo tiyyaa odoo fooyoo galgaleessee, is often
sung while the men are traveling to and from the bride’s house.

1. Gosa tiyya goshoo tiyyaa odoo fooyoo My clan, my friends, night is coming when
galgaleessee we take the cattle.8

2. Loowwan jechoon geegayoo odoo fooyoo The cattle of geegayo is the best, night is
galgaleessee coming when we take the cattle.

3. Gosa tiyya goshoo tiyyaa odoo fooyoo My clan, my friends, night is coming when
galgaleessee we take the cattle.

4. Osoo kiyyaa durba dhabnee osoo fooyoo I could have a girl from my region (but I
galgaleessee prefer to have your famous girl), night is
coming when we take the cattle.

7
Due to the limited space, I have chosen not to include the full songs as they were sung on my
recordings. The song transcriptions and translations were done with local area students, and due to
their education level and my Oromo level, we often had to discuss before finding equivalents of
words. They are therefore to be treated as works in progress rather than a finished product.
8
The Hamoomota must leave the bride’s house with the dowry before sunset.

1237
 Leila Qashu

6. Woree qabdaff sitti gamnee osoo fooyoo Because you (the parents) are famous, I am
galgaleessee coming to you night is coming when we take
the cattle
7. Farda gurran gara dirraa osoo fooyoo I would like this beautiful horse with the
galgaleessee black back, night is coming when we take the
cattle.

9. Leencha jechoon gala irraa osoo fooyoo If you give me what I want, I will say that
galgaleessee you are like a lion,9 night is coming when we
take the cattle.

As can be seen from the previous example, in these songs, the men often refer to
their clan, their ancestors and toponyms, because they are all references that recall their
common identity and unite them as a group. They also praise their new allies: the bride,
her family and their clan.
This second example is often sung when the hamoomota is arriving at the house of
the bride. It was sung by the Gambo clan, which is why they refer to themselves in the
fourth line.

1. Loonii naa fooyi geegoo eehee! Give me the cattle geegayo !

2. Aayyoon saamsite baarree eehee The mother-in-law is making the baarree10

3. Ee Abbayyiin ka jajjaboo The clan Abbayyiin is that of Jajjaboo11

4. Dhufe Gamboon ka Dhaqqaboo The clan Gambo is that of Dhaqqaboo

5. Loonii naa fooyi geegoo eehee! Give me the cattle geegayo !

6. Loonii fooyadhu maarree eehee Let’s take the big geegayo of this well known
family

7. Dhibba gamman dabde lamaan Add two cows to the 100 geegayo

8. Dhibbifattuun dhabde lamaa There are jealous people12

9. Loonii naa fooyi geegoo eehee! Give me the geegayo cattle!

10. Gosa mootii Gamboo hin seetuu? The clan gambo is not famous enough for
you ?

11. Dhigaa keetuu faaruu hin feetuu? You do not want the song for your family ?

9
The lion is a symbol of pride and strength.
10
Baarree is a recipient in which the women put the milk. She is making it for her daughter‘s departure.
11
Jajjaboo is a famous man from the past.
12
In the past, when they added things to a very large geegayo, other people were jealous.

1238
 Arsi Oromo Society Viewed Through Its Wedding Music

These brief excerpts offer an insight into the poetic richness that can be found in Arsi
songs. As with many other Oromo repertoires, these songs have a corpus of metered
verses that are shared by everyone. The order of the first verse (Gosa tiyya goshoo
tiyyaa odoo fooyoo galgaleessee) and the second are fixed; but the rest can come in any
order. For the hamoomota, the first verse is also the refrain.
The lyrics in these songs contain many cultural references, and by singing them
together, the men reinforce their group values. For example, when the clan arrives at the
bride’s house on the day of the wedding, they arrive as fast as they can, singing their
hamoomota that have references to their clan. It is as if they are musically attacking the
other clan. Often they continue to sing once they’ve arrived, turning in circles on
horseback or standing in a group and singing. This arrival reminds us of Fredrick
Barth’s analysis that the identity of one ethnic group is made in relation to another
(Barth 1969). When arriving and “attacking” the other clan with its songs, the
hamoomota is also in a continual process of reaffirming and creating its own clanic
identity.
There is a series of ceremonies at the bride’s house which seal the marriage and also
unite the two clans: a welcome speech by the father of the bride, an exchange between
the two families of daadhii (mead), then an exchange of butter with barley and coffee
grains, the dhamne speech, in which the bride’s clan describes the dowry (geegayo), and
buna buufachuu (pouring of the coffee). During this last event, large quantities of butter
are poured onto the heads of the groom, his father and his witness. The butter with
coffee and barley grains is a symbol of fertility, peace and prosperity. In this case, it
serves as a benediction between the groom and the bride and the two clans. Butter is
produced from milk, and thus symbolizes the fertility of the cow, or more generally, that
of a woman in Oromo culture. As Lambert Bartels (1983: 287) remarked, the grains of
coffee in the bowl symbolize a woman’s ovaries, and once penetrated by the butter, they
come to represent the woman’s fertilization. Although the children from this union will
take the lineage and clan from their father, they will always be connected to their
mother’s clan, thus assuring an ongoing link between the two clans.
Music in the evening: faaruu loonii and geerarsa13
In the evening, when the hamoomota comes back from the bride’s house, they are
exhausted, but also generally in high spirits from the day’s conquests. Once the men
have had some food and alcohol, generally mead, they may sing more hamoomota or
some faaruu loonii (cattle praising songs), which are poems that are sung in antiphony,
with two choirs alternating and singing the lines. As with most other Arsi songs, there
are leaders, one in each group, but their role is to help the group stay together. These
songs are about the beloved cattle, the possession of highest value for cattle raisers, and
when men sing together about the cattle, their environment, and their common
ancestors, they reinforce their common values and heritage.
If a soloist is present, he may interrupt the faaruu loonii and begin singing geerarsa
(heroic songs). The geerarsa soloists who have the official status are called qondala and
they have obtained it by killing a dangerous wild animal (such as a lion or a leopard) or
an enemy. These men sing of their heroic exploits, their ancestors, their clan and its
history, their lovers, etc. If there are several qondala present, they alternate solos and
often compete with each other on several levels: endurance, or who can sing the longest
solos over the longest amount of time; clever use of poetic meter and rhyming in the
13
For more information on faaruu loonii and geerarsa, see Qashu 2007.

1239
 Leila Qashu

verses; and quick and witty juxtaposition of meaningful words and phrases in their
solos. More than the song leaders, these men are considered as heroes in society, and the
other men show them respect. In the event of a problem or a conflict, they are often
consulted for their military expertise. In the past, these soloists were actual warriors;
fighting in various conflicts between groups or clans, but nowadays many of them sing
of the history of the clan and are appreciated for their fine poetry.
The hamoomota is an occasion for many different types of men from the same clan
to gather together and thus create a sense of group unity. Because of the war-like
simulation in the event and the aggressive nature of certain individuals, there are
sometimes conflicts between men of the same clan through their music. Likewise,
although it is rare, tension can also exist between the hamoomota and the host clan. By
singing and participating in the hamoomota, men can regulate relationships between
members of their own clan and with men of the bride’s clan. Music gives them a space
in which they can express themselves, thus avoiding physical violence.
Within this music; there are different musical roles for each type of personality, and a
man can sing geerarsa solos if he is a hero or even just a gifted poet, or he can lead the
group songs if he knows the poems. He can also remain in the choir if he wants to
remain part of the general group. For Arsi men, a wedding is an occasion to reaffirm
group identity and its hierarchal components through music.

Comforting the bride and groom through women’s music

In daily life, Arsi women are generally in a different space than men: they take care of
the children, prepare food, do housework and sometimes help on the field if needed.
This can also be seen in the wedding, because the women are often inside, discussing,
preparing food and comforting the bride. Their music and their role in the wedding are
complementary to that of the men, the main goal being to take care of the emotional and
personal aspects of marriage and to assist the development of individuals in society.
Crying songs: bayee-bayee and tartarii birraa
At the bride’s house, while the men are involved in the ceremonies that seal the
marriage between the groom and bride and the two clans, the bride sits in the dark with
female friends and family, in the enclosed sleeping space (gola) of the home. In this
intimate space, the girls and women cry and they help the bride sing bayee-bayee
(leaving song). This is a solo repertoire, and the girls and women take turns in singing
their songs all afternoon until the departure of the bride. When a woman sings a baye-
bayee solo, she evokes recurrent themes: spirits and ancestors, her parents, her mother’s
love, the family, the dowry, the wedding day, the ugliness and meanness and other
imagined faults of the groom, the faults of the first wife (if the husband is marrying for a
second time), his mother, his clan and his lineage, the fact that the father-in-law
becomes a father to the bride, the fact the bride is ready to leave her home but is sad to
do so, and poetic images. For the women, it is a time of grief, because the bride will go
to live with another clan that is often many miles away, and often she knows neither the
groom, nor his family. The following is an excerpt from a young bride’s bayee-bayee
sung in Dakka Hora Qadho district, west of Langano Lake in 2003.

1240
 Arsi Oromo Society Viewed Through Its Wedding Music

1. Daa sharkumee, Jala dhibbaa, The groom has about 100 sharxumee14
to hit me with

2. goggogaa, nafa hiddaa, His body is only made of veins and

cartilage

3. bayaa galaa, ana iddaa, He always insults me

4. nyoorrii kee, haa caccabuu, His eyebrow is disintegrated

5. sinsilaannii, si haaqabuu, You have chains on your legs

6. buubaa saayyaa, an harkuu, hin I don’t know how to milk a bad cow
beekuu, without the calf

7. ollaa malee, maxaqee, bulee hin If there is no neighbor, I can’t stay

beekuu, with you

8. maxaqee, mana deegaa, I lived in a poor house

9. yoom taa’ee isa eegaa, I don’t have time to wait for him

10. faradoon caffaa gutte, There are many horses at the watering
hole

11. adiidii keessaa dhabee, You can’t find white horses there

12. abootiin kiyya duudee, My clan has come

13. abbaa kiyya Nagiyyoo keessaa Nagiyyoo, my father, isn’t among

dhabee, them

14. Baabiyyoo, keessaa dhabee abbaa Baabiyyoo isn’t among them.

jiruu abbaan hafee

15. Haadha tiyyaa Turiyyoo ilma My mother, the son of Tiriyyoo is

dhibee, dead

16. waan ergaa sii barrisaa waa I will go where you send me, God
waaqa kee sii bakkisaa help me

17. itittuu guchumme’ee itittuu bayya The yoghurt is in the guchumme’ee15 ;

hin dhuguu I don’t like it

18. bididamaa garaa aayyii, My fat uncle Tibbiyyoon didn’t come

Tibbiyyoon boonaafuu natti hin because he’s too proud
dhufuu

14
A wooden whip.
15
A milk recipient.

1241
 Leila Qashu

19. bididamaa garaa aayyii, My fat uncle Saariyyoon didn’t come

Saariyyoon boonaafuu natti hin because he’s too proud
dhufuu

20. bididamaa garaa aayyii, My fat uncle Gabiyyoon didn’t come

Gabiyyoon boonaafuu natti hin because he’s too proud
dhufuu

21. boona kee gadi tufii afur Leave your pride and come see me
when my wedding is in 4 days

22. re’ee adii reiichoo bona dhalatti The white goat gave birth during the
winter

23. masaanuu daganda’aa There are too many masaanuus16

24. miila jalaan nama nyaattii The other women are starting to fight.

25. waaqa dhaqaa laboobaan hin I fly in the sky like a laboobaan17
lawwisaa

26. nyaapha dhaqaa attamiin gadi How can I stay calm if I am going to a
cadhisaa foreign country?

27. qarrisaa jalli rigaa qandhafnii I take the button as a simple and
faaya godhee beautiful jewel

28. worrattii jaleen garbaa lallabnii The members of the groom’s clan are
balchaa godhee slaves; make them normal.

Musically, these solos are very repetitive, with a single melodic and rhythmic cell
that is repeated through the entire song. Each region seems to have its own melody and
rhythm, but in all cases the singers think that the melody is sad and melancholy. In
addition to singing them on wedding days, women practice these songs during solitary,
pensive moments, when they are alone fetching water or sitting in a dark house.
As can be seen from this solo, it is the moment for the bride to express her sorrow.
For a young woman, her wedding is one of the most difficult rites of passages in her
life. Not only will she go to a far off location where she may not know anybody, but this
is also the passage into womanhood. From this day forward, she will leave her youth
behind her. As Van Gennep (1909: 176-177) and many other authors have described,
this rupture with childhood, and this change from one family, clan, and village to
another, is bound to be difficult emotionally and psychologically. The bride in our
example is sad that her parents cannot be present because they are dead. Women and
friends are there to help the young bride in this emotional transition. They help her cry,
sitting close to her and hugging her at times when she is the most affected. Although the
crying may be genuine at times, it is also performed in a ritualized and forced manner,
which, combined with the bride’s insults of the husband and his clan, are a way she can
exteriorize her fear in the face of an unknown future.
16
This is the term for women who live in proximity with other co-wives.
17
A type of bird.

1242
 Arsi Oromo Society Viewed Through Its Wedding Music

As the bride is being “taken” from her home, her young friends gather in a circle
outside to cry and sing tartarii birraa (until spring) for her departure. Traditionally, the
bride comes back to visit her family after three months of married life, which generally
corresponds to the spring. The song is in call and response, accompanied by hand
clapping. Similar to baye-bayee, the young women are crying because of the departure
of their friend, and the music is a means for them to overcome their unhappiness and
say a final goodbye as a group.
Joyous music to receive the newlyweds
After a tiring journey, the bride arrives with the hamoomota at the groom’s house. At
this stage, girls and women join together in a circle outside the groom’s home to sing
their songs of welcome for the new couple in call and response or antiphony,
accompanied by hand clapping and the dibbe (drum)18. These songs have a more joyous
character than the previous repertoires and the goal is to greet the bride and groom, who
have left their adolescence behind for a new status of married people. Ashoo – ashilaa
(groom – bride), the first sung just as the hamoomota is arriving, is directed towards the
newlyweds, to welcome and praise them and to wish them prosperity for the future.
After this, they begin fay-fayii (beautified), which is sung in antiphony, as the bride
enters her new home. The refrain and second verse are the following:

Fay-faayoon aayyaa ee faayaan galee My brother has come with a good wife

Isatuu faayaa ee haayaan galee Because he is handsome, he has come with a beautiful wife

These songs, especially the latter, hold considerable significance for the bride,
because they show that she is welcome in her new family and clan, and they can help
reassure her in her sadness to have left her family. By boasting of the virility of the
groom, the women reinforce one of the strong values of Arsi men and emphasize the
fact that the groom is becoming a man.
As we have seen with women’s repertoires, their role is central in the wedding and
life in providing an emotional support for changes that life may bring. Just as some Arsi
women sing lullabies and spiritual songs to comfort their families on a daily basis,
wedding repertoires are used to help a young woman and man make the social and
emotional change to adulthood.
Youths’ wedding songs and dances
As with men and women, adolescents also unite to express their joy through their
wedding songs. They can join in the spaces of men and women at times, to listen or to
sing, as with the girls who cry for the departure of their friend. However, these youth
song and dance repertoires are the only ones that include both adolescent boys and girls.
While the women are in the house and the men are in the tent, the youths are outside,
under the shade of a tree if possible. At large weddings, there are several clusters of
youths, each conducting their own song and dance. In the highlands, the youths sing and
dance tirrii, while those in the lowlands perform shiishiika. Both of these names are
inspired by the sound created by the musicians as they dance.
Tirrii is sung in antiphony, with a choir of girls and a choir of boys that respond to
each other. These groups form two facing lines that are several meters apart. The girls

18
Only unmarried girls can play the dibbe.

1243
 Leila Qashu

bring the percussion, called kabala, an idiophone composed of two pieces of wood that
are hit together. While the girls stay in place, the boys move their line forwards and
back. When the boys are ready, they move in towards the girls, and as they do so, they
jump from one leg to the other and make throat scraping sounds. During this time, the
girls shake their heads quickly in up and down motions, while hitting the kabala in a
ternary rhythm that contrasts with the binary rhythm of the songs. In many Arsi dances,
boys tend to move their legs and entire body more violently, while girls emphasize
quick movements of the neck and head or slow movements of the entire body. The two
lines never touch, and at various moments during the dance, the boys put their walking
sticks down in front of the girls’ feet or push them forwards or backwards to indicate the
line of separation between the two groups. Culturally, boys and girls are not supposed to
touch each other during the dances, so moving the stick forward or back is a way of
playing this unspoken rule.
Shiishiika is sung by girls in call and response, with a small group of older girls that
leads the song, accompanied by the dibbe (drum) and hand clapping. Generally, one of
the song leaders is also the drummer, and she is the one who starts the song. Contrary to
tirrii, the musicians do not perform the dance: they are gathered in a circle or semi-
circle around the dancers. The dancers are again in two facing lines of girls and boys
that do not touch, with the girls who stay in place, moving up and down, and the boys
who jump from one foot to the other while making the “shh shh, shh shh” noises. The
music is also punctuated with yells, such as “woo,” and loud whistles, which express the
joy of the dancers.
In both of these dances, there is often an older boy who is an officially designated
mediator. He may be from the family hosting the wedding, he may designate himself of
his own authority, or he may be chosen by the other young people. For shiishiika, this
person is called tabbachu, and he makes sure that the dance lines stay far enough away
from each other and that there aren’t too many dancers at once. When there is a fight, he
helps break it up and puts the dance lines back in order. Sometimes he has to yell out or
push people aside to be sure that music and dance are performed in good conditions, and
I even saw one mediator who used a whip to keep the crowds back. For this job to be
effective, it obviously requires an assertive person.
In both types of songs, the musicians sing of themes of youth, which include the
departure of the bride, love, student life, the clan, their surroundings, AIDS and music
and dance. In the following example of emmoo riyaa, which was recorded in 2003,
some of these aforementioned themes can be found. The first line is also the refrain, and
it is followed by some sample lines from the song.

1. Emmoo Riyaa Emmoo Riyaa Emmoo Riyaa. Emmoo Riyaa, your love brings me to
Jalaalli kee dhayee na baasee biyyaa. another country.

2. Si Yaade sii yade riya immo riyya. Taliyoo si Taliyoo, I miss you. 19
yaade riyaa immo riyaa.

3. Makiinati boontu riyaa emoo riyaa. The car is nice, but I feel lonely.
Uduumen na nyaate riyaa shago riyaa.

19
Often, they put the name of the bride here. In this case, it may be one of their friends who is already
married.

1244
 Arsi Oromo Society Viewed Through Its Wedding Music

4. Ka ejersaa baalli firee qagqadhataa qashaa The olive tree has one leaf with fruit. He
jedhee sobe edisii dabarfataa, edisii said you were his friend, but he cheated on
dabarfataa, qashaa jedhee sobe edisii dabar you and gave you AIDS.
fataa.

5. Dhiisa nu hin jeeqina riyyaa emmoo riyyaa. Please leave us alone.20

Warrii dargagoota riyyaa shagoo riyyaa

6. Dubaree taaphadha riyaa emmoo riyaa. Please girls, play.

Yaboo’oo yaboo’o riyyaa emmo riyyaa.

7. Ooliyeen haabadu riyyaa emmo riyyaa. We do not need the Ooliyeen and Jabiile
Jabiile fagoo riyyaa emmo riyaa clans.21

8. Limmoo bakkannee hee warraa wal jaalate The needle costs five cents. They love each
nu maarakkannee, nu maarakkane he, other, so we shouldn’t be worried.
waraa wal jaalate nu maarakkanne hee.

9. Eebada barumsa riyaa emoo riyaa kanamaa Ah, with education we become like the
aamaarsu riyaa emoo riyaa. Amhara.

10. Ha baadu heerumni riyaa emoo riyaa ka I don’t want to get married because it will
namaa kaasaruu riyaa emoo riyaa. make me poor.

The first three lines of the song evoke the fact that the bride is going to leave them.
The singers will also marry and go live with another clan one day, so they may not see
her again. Although these songs are joyful, like baye-bayee, they are also a way for the
bride’s friends to deal with her departure. In these songs, the girls also talk of love and
marriage in general, sometimes referring to a lover. Normally, girls cannot have a
boyfriend before marriage, but it has been documented that girls have them in certain
regions (Holcomb 1973), and I did meet several adolescents in the highlands who had a
boyfriend or girlfriend.
More than anything, these songs reflect adolescents’ every day life, with subjects
such as education (l. 8). The fact that AIDS is mentioned (l. 4) shows that the singers
are influenced by current problems. In addition to AIDS, they know that if they marry
and have many children, they may face economic difficulties (l. 10).
The fascinating aspect of tirrii and shiishiika, is that the words and the melodies
change every year. The youths have told me that shiishiika songs come from the town of
Zoway in the Rift Valley and that tirrii come from the mountains, east of Langano
Lake. The new music spreads quickly and young people enjoy getting together on clear
nights to practice them before the wedding season. This is one of the only ways for
them to spend time together outside of school and market days, and it provides a means
to reinforce bonds between young members of the same clan.
At the wedding ceremonies, music and dance also provides an excellent opportunity
for young people to meet and flirt. Adolescent boys in the highlands have told me that
they spot out pretty girls at weddings, and they use the opportunity to try to talk to them.
Except if the young men are taking part in a hamoomota, the girls they see are from

20
This is directed towards the boys.
21
Jabiile is a place west of Zoway, a city situated about 160 Km south of Addis Ababa.

1245
 Leila Qashu

their own clan, so they would never be able to marry them. However, these interactions,
flirtations and short relationships between the two sexes are still an integral part of any
adolescence, and weddings provide a safe space for them to flourish.

Conclusion
“Music is socially meaningful not entirely but largely because it provides means by
which people recognise identities and places, and the boundaries which separate them
(Stokes 1994: 5).” Throughout the wedding ceremony, Arsi men, women and youth
create their own spaces in which they can assert their identities through music, a unique
form of expression which is actually a foundation stone for Arsi society.
During the day’s expedition, the men sing together, reinforcing their clan’s common
history and heritage as they sing. Their common values of virility, warrior-like
behaviour, respect for their cattle, their clan, and their ancestors, are applauded by
people in towns they pass through during the voyage. Although they go to unite with
another clan, they “attack” them with their music and show their strength upon arrival.
This confrontation with another clan also allows them to recognize their difference and
thus better understand their own identity. As open conflicts and wars between clans
have become rare, weddings are the occasion for men to show and create their group
strength. Through music, the conflicts and hierarchies within the group can also be
vented, as with conflicts between leaders of songs who sing at the same time, and with
conflicts between proud geerarsa soloists and the group.
Women also affirm their role and boundaries through their musical performances.
They gather their power in the home, where they can protect the bride and gather
strength through music and crying. As each Arsi woman may have been through or may
go through marriage and childbirth, by singing through the process, they create a united
group or force that can be reassembled in times of need. There is, evidently, the emotion
that a powerful performance can bring and instil in a person’s memory. For example,
when women from the groom’s clan greet her with a song when she arrives, the bride
may feel this acceptance and support through the sounds of music and remember that in
difficult days to come, just as she will remember the comfort of her female friends and
relatives who sang baye-bayee with her before leaving her home. Although the men
perform the transaction that unites the clans, it would never be successful without the
psychological transition that the women provide. They are the backbone of society, not
only with childbearing, but also with the network of support that they constitute for the
rest of the family and clan. Through their songs, and especially through the creation of
baye-bayee, women are also able to express and recognize their personal identity, which
is an imperative prerequisite to knowing what they really want and being able to express
their desires.
The youths’ music is often cast aside by the older Arsi as being a modern trend, and
not as significant as the other repertoires. This is, however, the music of people who
will one day be adults in society, and they also have their space to create in the wedding
and in society. By performing their songs, they strengthen their sense of clanic identity,
but they also learn about each other and learn to express themselves. By putting a stick
down as a barrier between the sexes, they know their limitations culturally, but as with
adolescents all over the world, they also learn to test these limits by singing of sexuality,
and by flirting during and around the performances. In song performance; they also
begin to learn and assert their roles as leaders, as group members and as mediators,
sometimes through conflict.

1246
 Arsi Oromo Society Viewed Through Its Wedding Music

Through the three separate spaces of performance, men, women and youths lay down
the foundations for the society they live in. They create the boundaries between the
groups, and the music allows them to understand their identities and those of the other
groups they confront. Although the two different clans have the same repertoires, their
personal, geographical and historical references and their performance and its space are
not the same. Musical performance in weddings allows each clan or community to
create a common heritage, a good reference point to which they can return in the future
for their culture, customs and general way of interacting with their family, friends and
neighbors.

References
Asmarom Legesse. 1973. Gada: Three Approaches to the Study of African Society. New
York: Free Press.
Bartels, Lambert. 1983. Oromo Religion. Myths and Rites of the Western Oromo of
Ethiopia: An Attempt to Understand. Berlin: Dietrich Reimer Verlag.
Barth, Fredrik. [ed.]. 1969. Ethnic groups and boundaries: The social organization of
cultural difference. Oslo : Universitetsforlaget.
Baxter, P.T.W. 1965. ‘Repetition in Certain Boran Ceremonies.’ In: Fortes, M. and
Dieterlen, G. [eds.]. African Systems of Thought, London: Oxford University
Press, pp. 64-78.
Baxter, P.T.W., Jan Hultin & Alessandro Triulzi [eds.] 1996. Being and Becoming
Oromo. Historical and Anthropological Enquiries. Lawrenceville, N.J: Red Sea
Press, Inc.
Cerulli, Enrico. 1922. ‘The Folk-Literature of the Galla of Southern Abyssinia.’ In:
Harvard African Studies, Cambridge, Mass.: Peabody Museum, Vol. 3, pp. 9-228.
Finnegan, Ruth. 1976. Oral Literature in Africa. Kenya: Oxford University Press.
Finnegan, Ruth. 1977. Oral Poetry: Its nature, significance and social context.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Griefenow-Mewis, Catherine & Tamene Bitima [eds.]. 2004. Oromo Oral Poetry Seen
from Within. Köln: Rüdiger Köppe Verlag.
Holcomb, Bonnie K. 1973. ‘Oromo Marriage in Wälläga Province, Ethiopia.’ Journal of
Ethiopian Studies, Vol. 11(1), pp. 107-137.
Husseen Badhaasootiin. 2000. Seera Fuudhaa-Heeruma Oromoo Arsi’i (The Arsi
Oromo Marriage Custom). Addis Ababa.
Mohammed Hassen.1990. The Oromo of Ethiopia: A history 1570-1860. Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press.
Qashu, Leila. 2004. Music in Arsi Weddings (La Musique dans les Mariages Arsi).
Unpublished Master’s Thesis. Saint Denis : University Paris 8.
Qashu, Leila. 2006. The songs of Arsi Oromo men : from the group to the individual
(Les chants des hommes arsi oromo en Éthiopie : du groupe à l’individu).
Unpublished Master’s Thesis. Saint Denis : University Paris 8.
Rappoport, Dana.1999. ‘Chanter sans être ensemble. Des musiques juxtaposées pour un
public invisible.’ L’Homme, Vol. 152, pp.143-162.
Seydou, Christiane. 1991. Bergers des mots : Poésie peule du Mâssina présentée et
traduite par Christiane Seydou. Paris : Classiques Africains.
Stokes, Martin. [ed.]. 1994. Ethnicity, Identity and Music: The Musical Construction of
Place. Oxford: Berg.

1247
 Leila Qashu

Van de Loo, Joseph. 1991. Guji Oromo Culture in Southern Ethiopia: religious
capabilities in rituals and songs. Berlin: Anthropos Institut V., Dietrich Reimer
Verlag.
Tilahun Gamta. 1989. Oromo-English Dictionary. Addis Ababa: Addis Ababa
University.
Van Gennep, Arnold. 1909 (1981) Les Rites de Passage. Paris: Picard.

1248