Cowburn Perceiving the Continuum

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Perceiving the continuum of sexual harm and the need for

varied responses to sexual violence


COWBURN, Malcolm
Available from Sheffield Hallam University Research Archive (SHURA) at:
https://shura.shu.ac.uk/7591/

This document is the Accepted Version [AM]


Citation:
COWBURN, Malcolm (2011). Perceiving the continuum of sexual harm and the need
for varied responses to sexual violence. International Journal of Offender Therapy
and Comparative Criminology, 55 (2), 179-181. [Article]

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Sheffield Hallam University Research Archive


http://shura.shu.ac.uk
[Guest Editorial] International Journal of Offender Therapy and Comparative Criminology 55,
(2) 179-181

Perceiving the continuum of sexual harm and the need for varied
responses to sexual violence

In the late 1980s the Feminist scholar Liz Kelly (1988) proposed her
‘continuum of sexual violence’ that suggested that women’s experience of sexual
harm could not be contained within legal parameters that defined sexual
offences. Her research showed that women experienced many unwanted sexual
acts within what could be considered to be ‘consensual’ relationships (for
example marriage or long established intimate relationships). This concept
continues to be influential (see for example Gavey 2005) in developing theories
of sexual violence that incorporate non-reported, reported, and convicted acts of
sexual harm.
The present issue contains articles that consider sexual violence across
this continuum: dating violence (Pradubmook-Sherer), sexual sadism and
paraphilia nonconsent (Richards & Jackson) and sexual homicide (Chan et al).
Pradubmook-Sherer explores the attitudes of 1,296 male and female Thai
adolescents in relation to ‘dating violence’ (which includes forced sexual
activities). The sample is drawn from three educational sub-groups – High
School; Vocational School; and ‘out of school’ groups. Whilst the study shows the
strong presence of attitudes supportive of violence within ‘dating’ relationships,
the author identifies these attitudes as being supported by the dominant culture
of Thailand, which, it suggests, is supportive of ‘double standards’ in relation to
the sexual conduct of men and women. However, within the group of young
people studied, there are key variations in attitudes – men are more supportive
of (sexual) violence. This endorsement appears to be a part of a wider masculine
misogyny that is most strongly expressed by men who have not completed any
formal education. People who have completed high school education are least
supportive of gender-based violence. People who describe themselves as having
negative family experiences are also more supportive of (sexual) violence in
personal relationships. This study strongly points to the importance of
education as a key part of a strategy to reduce gender based violence.
It is important to situate the Pradubmook-Sherer study within the context
of similar studies from other parts of the world. Two studies undertaken in the
UK (Burton et al 1998, Burman et al 2006) found very similar attitudes –
particularly held by young men – in relation to coerced sex and violence in
heterosexual relationships. Furthermore, the work of social anthropologists (e.g.
Sanday, 2003) and ‘rape proclivity’ studies undertaken, primarily, by
psychologists (see Stermac 1990) point to rape and sexual coercion being a
significant part of many cultures worldwide.
Richards & Jackson seek find ways of discriminating between the
diagnoses of ‘paraphilia not otherwise specified – non-consent’ (PNC), and
‘sexual sadism’ (SS). Using case files of a sample made up of 39 civilly committed
sex offenders who had the diagnosis SS and 39 civilly committed sex offenders
defined as PNC, both ‘offender and offense variables’ are examined. The focus is
on identifying the symptomatic differences between the two groups. Although
the study provides a thorough literature, the scrutiny reveals a certain degree of
ambiguity. The authors note that there is no clear discrimination between SS and
PNC, although they do identify the following common characteristics of SS –
confinement of victim for more than 90 hours; beating and cutting the victim
during sexual acts; use of restraints; threats to evoke fear; and attempts to
introduce a degree of mutuality into the offence.
It has been suggested, particularly by feminist critics (e.g. Dworkin 1981),
that medicalising the behaviours of those (men) who sexually harm others is a
way of enabling the (male) offender to deny his responsibility for his behaviour
and for the community to see such acts as ‘rare’ illnesses in an otherwise healthy
community. Whilst such views have value, the importance of developing and
refining diagnosis lies, in part, in providing an alternative credible means for
identifying and secluding sexually harmful people. The attrition rate between
crime report and criminal conviction for sexual offences is low (Karmen, 2010 –
see especially Chapter 10). Civil commitment of people identified as dangerous
provides an alternative means of protecting communities from people whose
behaviour causes concern. Accurate diagnosis plays an important part in this
process.
Chan et al acknowledge that sexual homicide is relatively rare (1-4% of
the overall homicide rate in US, Canada & UK). They seek to develop an
‘integrated theory’ of the crime incorporating social learning theory (SLT) and
random activities theory (RAT). RAT suggests for a crime to occur there has to be
a potential offender with motivation, a suitable target and an absence of
protective elements in relation to the target. Chan et al suggest that motivation
for sexual homicide is sustained and developed by sexual fantasy. The offence
occurs when the offender is motivated, has assessed the routine activities of the
target/victim and understands when they are most vulnerable and easily
accessed. The focus of this theory is on the pattern(s) of offending behaviour
and it has the potential to draw seeming random activities into a coherent
account of sexual homicide. SLT focuses on the influence of childhood
experiences (particularly parent/child interaction, and social and cultural
traditions) in shaping adult attitudes and behaviours. Reviewing a wide range of
literature Chan et al note the high prevalence of abuse (sexual and non-sexual),
the use of drugs and alcohol and violent pornography in the formative years of
those convicted of sexual homicide. Through such experiences perpetrators
learn particular ways of interpreting and acting upon their feelings. Moreover,
they fail to learn other, more empathic, ways of being. The integrated theory
brings together a focus on the phenomenology and the aetiology of sexual
homicide.
These three papers highlight the necessity for a multi-tiered approach to
understanding and responding to sexual violence. Whilst Richards and Jackson
point to the importance of diagnostic definitions in shaping interventions with
people known to sexually harm others, Pradubmook-Sherer’s recognises the
importance of challenging (sub)cultures that endorse sexually harmful
behaviours. Chan et al similarly highlight the importance of culture and family in
understanding the origins of sexual homicide, but they also draw attention to the
environmental specifics of this crime. Together these papers contribute to
understanding and responding to acts of sexual harm at a range of levels.

Malcolm Cowburn, BA, MA, CQSW, MPhil, PhD


Professor of Applied Social Science
Principal Lecturer in Criminology
Department of Law Criminology & Community Justice
Sheffield Hallam University
England

Burman, M and Cartmel, F. (2006) Young Peoples' Attitudes to Gendered Violence


NHS Health Scotland
Burton, S., Kitzinger, J. with, Kelly, L., & Regan, L. (1998). Young people’s attitudes
towards violence, sex and relationships: a survey and focus group study.
Edinburgh: Zero Tolerance Charitable Trust.
Dworkin, A. (1981) Pornography: Men Possessing Women. The Women’s Press,
London.
Gavey, N. (2005) Just sex: the cultural scaffolding of rape. Routledge, London.
Karmen, A. (2010) Crime Victims: An Introduction to Victimology. Wadsworth
Cenage Learning, Belmont, CA.
Kelly, L. (1988) Surviving Sexual Violence. Polity Press, Oxford.
Sanday, P.R. (2003) Rape-Free versus Rape-Prone: How Culture makes a
difference. In C. B. Travis Evolution, Gender, and Rape (pp. 337-362). The
MIT Press, Cambridge, Ma.
Stermac, L.E., Segal, Z.V. & Gillis, R. (1990) Social and Cultural Factors in Sexual
Assault. In W.L. Marshall, D.R. Laws, & H.E Barbaree, Handbook of Sexual
Assault: Issues, Theories, and Treatment of the Offender, (pp143-159)
Plenum, New York.

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