Caricom Final
Caricom Final
The talk in the street is that CARICOM is a toothless mongoose - Lloyd B. Smith
Gomez 1 Some years following the failure of the West Indian Federation, the Caribbean Free Trade Association (CARIFTA) was born from the vision of pioneering Caribbean leaders. Its successor, the Caribbean Community and Common Marker (CARICOM), took the lead in forging unity out of the constituent political elements in the Caribbean region to create a larger and more effective political and economic entity (CARICOM, 2011). The focus of this paper is to examine the Caribbean Community as a group of Caribbean states whose membership has expanded from the exclusive core of English-speaking Caribbean countries [who signed the Treaty of Chaguaramas in 1973] to now include Suriname and Haiti. Specifically, I will explore the history and background, institutional structure, external relations, policies and actions as well as the future of CARICOM (CARICOM, 2011). To contextualize the efforts of CARICOMs integration effort it is necessary to first examine the history of the region. The Caribbean Basin, discovered during Christopher Columbus first voyage in 1492, includes the hundreds of islands in the Caribbean Sea and countries on the mainland that encircle it. Columbuss arrival preceded the invasion of the New World by Spanish conquistadors, English and French pirates, and settlers as well as Dutch merchants (CARICOM, 2011). In the hundreds of years in their role as a contested European arena of action, the islands and mainland territories witnessed, among other things, the eradication of indigenous people from most of the islands; the creation of colonies that produced beef for conquistadors in Mexico and tobacco, sugar, and bananas for Europe; the introduction of the African Slave Trade and slavery; revolts; the Haitian Revolution; eventual emancipation of the slaves on the remaining islands; the Spanish-American War; World War II and preindependence struggles; and the Cuban Missile Crisis (Bravo, 2005).
Gomez 2 The islands frequently changed hands among the European powers, resulting in the diversity of languages, cultures, and political systems that exist today on the islands and in the mainland territories of North, Central, and South America. While the English, Spanish, and French had the largest colonial territories in the Caribbean, the Dutch and Swedes were also present in the arena of influence (Caribbean Community, 2011). The cultural, economic, and political ties resulting from each territorys particular interaction with the European powers have created naturally occurring exclusive groupings: St. Maartens, St. Eustatius, Saba, Curacao, Bonaire, and Aruba look to the Netherlands; Guadeloupe, St. Martin, Martinique and St. Barthelemy look to France; Cuba and Puerto Rico looked to Spain and the United States (Bravo, 2005). The territories commonly referred to as the Commonwealth Caribbean and/or the British West Indies are: the British Virgin Islands, The Bahamas, the Cayman Islands, the Turks and Caicos Islands, Jamaica, Trinidad, Montserrat, Anguilla, St. Vincent and the Grenadines, St. Kitts, Nevis, Trinidad and Tobago, Dominica, Barbados, Belize, and Guyana. Following its own fight for independence, the United States of America, a relative newcomer to the Caribbean arena of action, acquired Puerto Rico and the U.S. Virgin Islands through warfare and purchase of territories (Hall, Integrate or Perish, 2003). Prior to the gradual concession of the territories of their individual independence, Britain first attempted to consolidate the Caribbean colonies political existence into the West Indian Federation, a federal political organization of all of Britains West Indian territories. The federal system was rejected by successive popular referenda in Jamaica and Trinidad, and their consequent withdrawal led to the collapse of the Federation. Beginning on August 2, 1962 with the independence of Jamaica, British territories were granted independence from their colonial
Gomez 3 master. However, colonial influence remains strong with respect to language, culture, political infrastructure, and education (Lange, Global Organizations: The Caribbean Community, 2009). CARICOM is comprised of fifteen independent member states, namely Antigua and Barbuda, The Bahamas, Belize, Barbados, Dominica, Grenada, Guyana, Haiti, Jamaica, Montserrat, St. Lucia, St. Kitts and Nevis, St. Vincent and the Grenadines, Suriname, and Trinidad and Tobago. It also provides associate membership for Bermuda, the British Virgin Islands, the Cayman Islands and the Turks and Caicos Islands. CARICOM also permits observer members which include Anguilla, Aruba, Bermuda, Colombia, the Dominican Republic, Mexico, the Netherlands Antilles, Puerto Rico, and Venezuela. CARICOM is classified as a supranational organization because its negotiated power is delegated to an authority by governments of member states. The Treaty of Chaguaramas established the main governing bodies - the Conference of the Heads of Government and the Community Council of Ministers (CARICOM, 2011). The conference is comprised of the prime ministers or president from each member state and is regarded as the supreme decision-making body of the community, setting the general policy direction (Caribbean Community, 2011). They make financial and policy decisions and finalize treaties between CARICOM and other countries. The chairmanship of the conference is rotated among all the prime ministers. Each state is granted one vote in the conference and any one state can veto a decision (CARICOM Secretariat, 2005). The second body, the Community Council, oversees all strategic planning and is comprised of government officials from each member state who manage CARICOM affairs for their nation. This council is responsible for approving programs and proposals developed by other community committees, examining and approving the community budget, ensuring the
Gomez 4 operation and development of the CARICOM Single Market and Economy (CSME). Here, too, decisions must be made unanimously (Hall, 2003). The Conference of Heads of Government and the Community Council of Ministers are assisted by four more ministers councils, three bodies of the community and a secretariat which carries out decisions. The Council for Trade and Economic Development is responsible for promoting trade and economic development of the community. It oversees progress toward CSME. The Council for Foreign and Community Relations is responsible for relations with states outside of CARICOM and international organizations such as the United Nations (Lange, 2009). The Council for Human and Social Development is charged with promoting improvements in health, education, labor and industrial relations, youth, women, and sports. The Council for Finance and Planning coordinates economic policy and take steps toward unifying economic policies in the region (CARICOM Secretariat, 2005). The other three bodies within the community, the Legal Affairs Committee, provides legal advice to the organs and bodies of the community; the Budget Committee, examines the draft budget and work program of the secretariat and submits recommendations to the Community Council; the Committee of Central Bank Governors, provides recommendations the Conference of Heads of Government on certain monetary and financial matters (Hall, 2003). The secretariat of CARICOM serves as the administrative organ of the decision making body. It works to carry out the decisions made by the higher bodies and generally oversees the operation of CARICOM. The staff is employed by CARICOM and includes planners and managers, technical experts, and office workers from all member states. All of CARICOMs administrative work is handled within the secretariat, including the oversight of community relations, regional trade, and social development programs (Lange, 2009). Those who work
Gomez 5 within the secretariat must ensure that decisions are followed and fully reported to all member states. They have to help member states meet their established goals for participation in CARICOM and must have all information pertaining to CARICOMs objectives ready to disseminate (Caribbean Community, 2011). They must help to put into practice the approved CARICOM programs to meet the organizations broader goals, as well as, drafting the budgets that will help to finance them and coordinate the different regional, national and international agencies and organizations that will carry them out. In essence, the members of the secretariat hold very important positions as the eyes, ears, arms and legs of the community at large (Lange, 2009). They must ensure that what is supposed to get done is done, on time, within the budget according to high standards. The secretariat is headed by the secretary-general who manages the large body of staff. Although the role of the secretary-general is mainly as coordinator and manager rather than decision maker, he or she plays an important leadership role in holding the organization together and explaining it to external bodies and agencies (CARICOM Secretariat, 2005). Along with the governing body are smaller entities responsible for implementation of policies and responsible for providing support to the functioning of CARICOM in each member state such as the, Assembly of Caribbean Community Parliamentarians (ACCP), Caribbean Agriculture Research and Development Institute (CARDI), Caribbean Centre for Development Administration (CARICAD) Caribbean Disaster Emergency Response Agency (CDERA), Caribbean Environment Health Institute (CEHI), Caribbean Food and Nutrition Institute (CFNI), Caribbean Meteorological Institute (CMI), and the Caribbean Meteorological Organization (CMO) (Caribbean Community, 2011).
Gomez 6 In 2001 the Treaty of Chaguaramas was revised to establish the CARICOM Single Market and Economy (CSME) and its counterpart the Caribbean Court of Justice (CCJ) (Hall, 2003). The CCJ was purposely created to interpret and uphold the provisions of the revised treaty, which included commitment to the single market and economy, rights of states, and obligations of members. These rights and obligations relate to the setting up of businesses, providing professional services, moving wealth from country to country and purchase of land for business (CARICOM Secretariat, 2005). Prior to the establishment of the CCJ, there was very little procedure in CARICOM law to resolve such issues, and serious disputes would remain unsettled (Hall, 2003). The Caribbean Court of Justice was designed with a secondary function to act as the final court of appeals for the Caribbean region, described as the municipal court of last resort. The court is designed to review and rule on appeals from civil to criminal cases originating in the courts of individual countries (Caribbean Community, 2011). The previous appeals court for the Anglophone Caribbean countries was the privy council of the United Kingdom, a branch of the British judicial system and the highest court for certain cases in Great Britain (Hall, 2003). The seven judges of the CCJ are appointed by the Regional Judicial and Legal Services Commission. The nine members of this commission are not members of any political party or governmental agency, but rather come from a variety of civil organizations. They are responsible for choosing judges and also responsible for dismissing them. As part of their participation in the CCJ, the member states must sign an agreement that they will enforce the courts rulings in their own country (Lange, 2009). CARICOM functions around an annual budget of approximately 36,000,000 and each member state must contribute based on its gross domestic product (GDP) and population and
Gomez 7 minimal sources of funding for certain programs in health and social development rest with the United Nations (UN), Organization of American States (OAS) and the Pan-American Health Organization (PAHO) (CARICOM Secretariat, 2005). Its restructuring exercises in 1997 and 2001 have enhanced its capacity to discharge its responsibilities strengthen regional integration, and meet the challenges of the twenty-first century (Hall, Integrate or Perish, 2003). In 2006, under much controversy, the Common Market was transformed into the CARICOM Single Market and Economy (CSME) (Channel5Belize, 2006). CSME was formulated with the intent of creating a larger market for all member states that would allow for, free movement of goods, right of establishment, a Common External Tariff (a rate of duty applied by all Members of the Market to a product imported from a country which is not a member of the market), free circulation (free movement of goods imported from extra regional sources which would require collection of taxes at first point of entry into the Region and the provision for sharing of collected customs revenue), free movement of capital and integrated capital market, such as a regional stock exchange, a common trade policy, free movement of labor (through measures such as removing all obstacles to intra-regional movement of skills, labor and travel, harmonizing social services, providing for the transfer of social security benefits and establishing common standards and measures for accreditation and equivalency) (Jamaica Information System, 2011) (Channel5Belize, 2006). With the adoption and seemingly successful single market economy, came the establishment of the Caribbean Court of Justice (CCJ). The CCJ replaced the necessity for the British Privy Council and became the final court of appeal for civil and criminal decisions of the Courts of Appeal of those Member States of the Caribbean Community (CARICOM). The Heads of Government believed that bringing the Court to the people, the CCJ would enhance access to
Gomez 8 justice in terms of reducing distance and expense for populations of the Caribbean Community and will have the challenge of establishing respect as the binding authority of its decisions, while assuring public support and confidence in its administration of justice (Caribbean Community, 2011). In regards to the CARICOM Single Market and Economy, the CCJ will be the guarantor of the rights of national, accorded by the Revised Treaty of Chaguaramas (Channel5Belize, 2006). CARICOMs chief priorities have been to strengthen economic integration, regional economic control and formulate policies regarding health, education, labor, science and technology, tourism, foreign policy, and the environment (Jamaica Information System, 2011). These integration and development efforts are an attempt to overcome the regions social and economic marginalization in the world that is still becoming more challenging. However, CARICOM realizes that this cannot be achieved solely; therefore it has worked to build and maintain close ties with other external agencies, countries and other international organizations (Caribbean Community, 2011). CARICOM has had a long, fruitful and active relationship with the United Nations (UN) and many other external agencies. Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago were the first to join the UN in 1962. For such a small community of states, the UN offers an opportunity of voice to issues which affect the region and thereby influencing policy decisions that would otherwise be made without regard to the interest of small developing nations (Channel5Belize, 2006). In 1991, during the 46th session of the UN General Assembly, CARICOM was admitted as an observer. In this role, they have been given access to key UN officials to discuss the issues of concern and a limited right to speak during the sessions of the General Assembly, with no right to vote. Nonetheless, the ties developed with the United Nations and its agencies have provided
Gomez 9 CARICOM with significant resources, both financial and human to support its continuing development efforts (Caribbean Community, 2011). The Commonwealth is another international grouping that is also of critical importance to the Caribbean Community. All member states except for Haiti and Suriname are members of the Commonwealth, which began as an alliance between Britain and those countries where its former colonies were. With the signing of the Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) in 1996 the relationship between the Commonwealth and CARICOM was strengthened (CARICOM Secretariat, 2005). The MOU provided the necessary framework for both organizations to jointly implement project, exchange information and consult regularly on matters of common interest. The MOU also binds them to cooperate in a range of areas such as the preparation of policyoriented and technical studies (Hall, Integrate or Perish, 2003). The Commonwealth has also made resources human and financial available to the CARICOM Secretariat in the areas of diplomatic training, services, informational technology, education, technical and vocational training as well as regional animal health training (Channel5Belize, 2006). Through historical ties between Africa and the Caribbean region has grown a special relationship between CARICOM and countries of Africa. In the 1960s South Africa dominated the agenda of the then Commonwealth (CARICOM Secretariat, 2005). The people of CARICOM identified with the struggles of South Africans because a number of its member states who had a significant African population had just gained independence. This, coupled with post-independence struggles for true political and economic independence made the cause of South Africa, the cause of CARICOM (Lange, The Caribbean Community, 2009). During periodic visits by South African leaders to CARICOM states in the 1970s and 1980s CARICOM and the African continent began to strengthen their relationship. As a member of the
Gomez 10 commonwealth, CARICOM was very vocal and active in the opposition of the apartheid system in South Africa and the occupation of Namibia (Hall, Integrate or Perish, 2003). Even before Commonwealth initiatives, some member states of CARICOM assisted with the anti-apartheid movement by offering scholarships to South Africans, Namibians and Zimbabweans (then Rhodesians) at the University of the West Indies (Hall, Integrate or Perish, 2003). In 1994 with the election of Nelson Mandela, the Heads of Government of CARICOM agreed to mount a mission to South Africa to explore opportunities for trade and investment. On this mission they would provide technical assistance as requested by South Africa and to establish a joint diplomatic presence in that country (Caribbean Community, 2011). By 1998 the mission met its success with the establishment of commercial contacts and the warm reception of the CARICOM delegation. Numerous CARICOM private sector representatives were able to establish various cooperation and partnership arrangements for South African enterprises and other were able to lay the groundwork for establishing businesses in South Africa (Jamaica Information System, 2011). Like the countries of Southern Africa, the Caribbean Community has had a historical relationship with the United Kingdom (UK) due to colonialism. In the post-colonial period CARICOM and the UK are still bound by trade and aid agreements enshrined within conventions, membership in the commonwealth and a sizable population of CARICOM citizens living in the UK (Hall, Integrate or Perish, 2003). Apart from the UK, the European Union (EU) has become the second largest trading partner for CARICOM. The EU comprises of twenty seven member states and relations between the EU and CARICOM are conducted mainly within the framework of African, Caribbean and Pacific European Union Conventions. These conventions allow the EU to provide large sources of grant aid to the Caribbean region in
Gomez 11 exchange for assured supplied of raw materials. Each convention has sought to improve the achievement of its predecessor taking into account the international environment of the time (CARICOM Secretariat, 2005). In addition to the UK and EU countries, the Caribbean Community also has formal relations with France and Spain. Dominica, Haiti and Saint Lucia have all had a historical relationship with France. France mostly, lends to disaster relief as well as assistance to civil servants in French language training courses provided through the French Regional Cooperation Fund (Jamaica Information System, 2011). Spain also had a long colonial presence in Belize, Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago and it has provided staunch support to CARICOM in order to safeguard the banana market for the EU. Spain has also supported the fight against narcotrafficking by participating in the Regional Maritime Cooperation Project that was establishes in 1996 under the Barbados Plan of Actions to monitor and restrict the trading of illicit drugs through maritime means (Channel5Belize, 2006). Furthermore, Spain continues to provide support to the Caribbean Communitys efforts for exporting sugar and rice. Japan and India have also become important partners for the Caribbean Community; Japan invests about forty million dollars annually in the region to foster small business development, industrial training, fisheries development, environmental improvement and disaster management. India is a relatively new partner for the Caribbean Community but has fostered a close and cordial relationship (Lange, The Caribbean Community, 2009). The greatest exchange between India and CARICOM has been in the area of information technology, which is an area of considerable Indian expertise. There are also a significant number of people of Indian origin within CARICOM states due to indentureship and as developing countries India and member states of CARICOM share similar views on many global issues (Caribbean Community, 2011).
Gomez 12 CARICOM has taken many steps toward political and economic development yet, over thirty years later, differences among the Caribbean nations remain a barrier. Some of the more successful countries fear that economic integration, changes in trade, freedom of movement, and the attempt to create a common currency is detrimental to their fragile prosperity (Hall, Integrate or Perish, 2003). Furthermore, people in the region feel that CARICOM has not acted boldly enough to strengthen the decision making mechanism of the organization (CARICOM Secretariat, 2005). As Norman Girvan argues, Were still clinging to insular sovereignty that is largely fictitious because in the modern world, nation state of our size simply cannot expect to have any sovereignty. The forces of globalization, the fact of our small size, the fact of our trade dependency, the fact of our military weakness, all of these things make it impossible to have any real sovereignty (Hall, Integrate or Perish, 2003). In seeking to create that viable and sustainable community, important underlying issues must be addressed if Caribbean countries are to make any meaningful progress in the twenty-first century. These include: the inextricable links between national and regional actions and decisions as they move to integrate their societies, developing greater community-related perspectives and according them priority over national perspectives. At the fundamental level, this issue touches on the effectiveness of traditional concepts of sovereignty and nationhood as these nations struggle to forge unity from several though not dissimilar units. The issue of governance, more specifically, devising new and more appropriate forms of governance to suit their particular needs and circumstances, will therefore assume much greater prominence in the immediate future. The prospects for the future are left with the people, rather than the politicians and technocrats. Each country is unique in its history, with different colonizers; different ethnic and
Gomez 13 language groups and all have experienced different economic and political histories. They have all been shaped by colonialism, impacted by Caribbean geography, and modified European language through African and Asian influences. CARICOM recognizes and supports this rich and vibrant culture and heritage. The ultimate question becomes, will the people in the Caribbean think of themselves as Caribbean rather than as Belizean, Jamaican, Guyanese, Trinidadian or can this collective identity advance economic and political progress?
Gomez 14 Bibliography Bravo, K. E. (2005). CARICOM, the Myth of Sovereignty, and Aspirational Economic Integration. North Carolina Journal of International Law and Commercial Regulation , 146-199. Caribbean Community. (2011). Community. Retrieved February 1, 2012 CARICOM. (2011, November 11). About Us. Retrieved April 20, 2012, from CARICOM: http://www.caricom.org/ CARICOM Secretariat. (2005). CARICOM: Our Caribbean Community. Kingston: Ian Randle Publishers. Channel5Belize. (2006). Politics. Retrieved from News5: http://edition.channel5belize.com/Archives/2006 Hall, K. O. (2003). Integrate or Perish. Jamaica: Ian Randle Publishers. Jamaica Information System. (2011). Structure. Retrieved from CARICOM: http://www.jis.gov.jm/special_sections/CARICOMNew/structureOfSecretariat.html# Lange, B. (2009). Global Organizations: The Caribbean Community. New York: Chelsea House Publishers.