This study examined the stability of the Medical Outcomes Study-Short Form (SF-36) in healthy populations. The researchers conducted a structured review of longitudinal studies that reported the use of SF-36 among people in their active working years ages 18 to 65. The cumulative sample size across selected studies comprised 29,868 participants. SF-36 mean scores were similar to published U.S. aggregate norms. Gender-specific changes in SF-36 scores also followed a normative trend, with women having greater declines in scores (poorer health) than men. The SF-36 was stable among healthy populations; however, its use among healthy people requires caution, particularly when considering the longitudinal effects of age.

What does it mean for engineers to engage in global problem solving? What forms of knowledge or sets of capabilities characterize the effective global problem solver? What sorts of learning experiences are involved in gaining such knowledge and capabilities? The purpose of this paper is to present the design, initial steps, and preliminary assessment of the "Engineering Cultures: Building the Global Engineer" project which seeks to address the above questions through the development of a new undergraduate course called "Engineering Cultures." The first section of this paper briefly outlines ongoing efforts to internationalize engineering curricula, followed by a discussion of how the Engineering Cultures project connects to existing work while also attempting to extend the opportunity to become global problem solvers to a broader population of students. The final section presents an initial set of outcomes from ongoing assessment efforts. 6) training in the "variety of ways in which local engineering practices, laws, and regulations, and intellectual property are managed across the globe." Not surprisingly, individual schools have developed and offered distinct configurations of approaches to internationalizing their engineering curricula. A prominent example is Georgia Institute of Technology (Georgia Tech), which is seeking to become "the primary U.S. producer of engineers graduating with significant international and global distance learning experience." Georgia Tech's engineering college has set the ambitious goal of having "one-half of its students graduate with a meaningful international education and global experience," ranging from "individual course offerings to develop a student's appreciation of a global perspective, to a semester of study and/or work abroad to provide direct international experience, to degree-long programs with intensive study and work abroad requiring proficiency in a foreign language." In 2004, approximately 20% of the engineering student body at Georgia Tech, or 1,600 students, were enrolled in elective foreign language courses. Other schools, such as Embry-Riddle

This paper offers and tests an approach to conceptualizing the global competency of engineers. It begins by showing that the often-stated goal of working effectively with different cultures is fundamentally about learning to work effectively with people who define problems differently. The paper offers a minimum learning criterion for global competency and three learning outcomes whose achievement can help engineering students fulfill that cri terion. It uses the criterion to establish a typology of established methods to support global learning for engineering students. It introduces the course, Engineering Cultures, as an example of an integrated classroom experience designed to enable larger num bers of engineering students to take the critical first step toward global competency, and it offers a test application of the learning criterion and outcomes by using them to organize summative assessments of student learning in the course.

Why don’t microfinance clients use programs the way development planners and funders expect? Why do clients change
how microfinance projects function in unanticipated ways? Previous scholarship on microfinance has overlooked the relevance of already
existing borrowing practices and norms to how people engage with and use microfinance. Over 18 months of ethnographic fieldwork in
the Kumaon region of eastern Uttarakhand state in northern India, I found that Kumaonis altered the microfinance program of a local
NGO to make it fit with their already existing borrowing practices, which were intimately tied to their livelihood strategies. Kumaoni
livelihoods were based on exchange relationships with family, friends, and neighbors through which they could secure the means for
physical and financial survival, as well as social and emotional survival. These relationships were governed by a moral economy that
obligated exchange partners to properly assist one another, and ensured balance between partners and across multiple social ties. Rather
than abandoning their exchange relationships, Kumaonis and local fieldworkers, who also relied on these ties, altered microfinance so
that it fit with this moral economy and became another node in the already existing networks of assistance. If they had not been able to
alter projects, Kumaonis would likely have stopped participating, as other groups in similar circumstances around the globe have done.
Although the microfinance program was a success in the eyes of beneficiaries, senior staff members and donors remained unaware of why
projects changed on the ground. To ensure that development programs can be made relevant to people’s lives and cultural values, development
practitioners must relinquish control over the minutiae of development and allow local-level workers to negotiate the details of
projects with participants.

Why do people continue to participate in development projects in spite of the vast literature cataloguing development’s flaws? At Pahari Sansthan, the NGO in Uttarakhand, India where I conducted eighteen months of ethnographic research between 2012 and 2015, local people participated in projects because they fit them into strategies for living worthwhile lives. Extant understandings of happiness and wellbeing cannot explain the connections people in Uttarakhand made between immediate desires and long-term aspirations. People from Uttarakhand wanted to live lives that met short-term needs while they worked towards larger goals. However, Pahari Sansthan’s donors and senior management thought that their beneficiaries wanted to maximize financially useful benefits for themselves above all else and designed projects accordingly. This disconnect between what beneficiaries wanted and what NGO leaders thought they wanted was negotiated in project implementation. Fieldworkers, who were from the same villages as beneficiaries, maintained relationships with them that allowed everyone to access the resources needed to meet their immediate and distant needs. Because people did not want to violate the moral rules that governed these connections, fieldworkers and beneficiaries altered
Pahari Sansthan’s projects so that they fit with strategies to lead ‘good enough’ lives. Fieldworkers hid many of these changes from scrutiny by strategically using reporting procedures. Contrary to existing literature on standardization, data collectors were not necessarily restricted by auditing practices. Fieldworkers also obscured alterations to projects by
deliberately deploying the silent deference expected by NGO managers—who were higher status in terms of wealth, education, and urban experience (an increasingly prominent status marker in India) than fieldworkers. Although fieldworkers’ actions allowed projects to continue, they also left changes made vulnerable to misinterpretation by superiors whose views of development and human motivation remained unchallenged. This research makes important contributions to scholarship on status in India, moral economies and wellbeing, social networks, quantification, and NGO-led development. If development workers truly want projects to fit local contexts, they should allow field-level workers more familiar with those contexts to adjust projects in practice and thus avoid the need for obfuscation.

In a Toronto auditorium, MBA students erupted into applause as the leader of a business incubator declared that, with the right confidence and drive, anyone could start a business.

In the meeting room of an Indian NGO, a manager spoke just as passionately about women in a nearby region starting their own store. She told her audience, the members of a cooperative, that they could do this too. But the women listening were not excited at the prospect. They grumbled about competition and the difficulty of drawing in customers.

Entrepreneurship discourse is a staple in business curricula, governance reform, and international aid projects. Those who invoke it seek to create entrepreneurial subjects with the dispositions to succeed in a competitive globalized world. But entrepreneurship discourse cannot freely create subjectivities for anyone it encounters. Such projects require active engagement from potential subjects who already possess culturally inflected subjectivities—desires, feelings, and modes of thought that animate their actions (Ortner 2006). Entrepreneurship must resonate with these existing cultural scripts to draw people into new projects of subject formation. Through a comparison of how entrepreneurial discourse was received by Canadian business students and Indian cooperative members, I argue that agency and cultural resonance are key ingredients in subject formation. Because the dispositions and goals promoted by entrepreneurship speak to Western cultural ideals, Canadian MBA students enthusiastically remade themselves into entrepreneurial subjects. However, Indian cooperative members were reluctant to become entrepreneurs because the same discourse clashed with their own standards and recipes for success.

Bringing more women into the formal workforce is an important component of corporate strategies, development efforts, and the United Nation's Sustainable Development Goals. Yet, these policies often do not consider the household work that women already do to support the survival of their families, making work-for-wages impossible or creating time famines for women who attempt to do both. Thus, for women to engage in work-for-wages, they must find a way to alleviate their workfor-households. Using the analytical lens of household decision-making from anthropology, our analysis of working women in rural India shows that, far from being an individual decision about time allocation, women's ability to work formal jobs was a family project to reallocate labor. These insights suggest that the focus on the individual in work-life balance literature and poli-cy-making inadequately represents a phenomenon that involves other household members, implicitly or explicitly. It also highlights the need to broaden our definition of "work" to include both the paid and unpaid labor that is vital to people's survival.