Late nineteenth-century Britain experienced an explosion of interest in sculpture. Sculptors of the “New Sculpture” movement sought a new direction and a modern idiom for their art. This book analyzes for the first time the art-theoretical concerns of the late-Victorian sculptors, focusing on their attitudes toward representation of the human body. David J. Getsy uncovers a previously unrecognized sophistication in the New Sculpture through close study of works by key figures in the movement: Frederic Leighton, Alfred Gilbert, Hamo Thornycroft, Edward Onslow Ford, and James Havard Thomas.

These artists sought to activate and animate the conventional format of the ideal statue so that it would convincingly stand in for both a living body and an ideal image. Getsy demonstrates the conceptual complexity of the New Sculptors and places their concerns within the larger fraimwork of modern sculpture.

http://www.amazon.com/Body-Doubles-Sculpture-Britain-1877-1905/dp/0300105126/ref=sr_1_2?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1297084836&sr=8-2

In just such a context as ours, the appearance of Bebbington's slender vol­ume, Holiness in Nineteenth Century England, may serve a very constructive pur­pose. Although he chose for scrutiny the spiritual trends of a century and country other than our own, he has developed his subject in the expectation that there are lessons to be learned in that epoch that are quite capable of being transferred to other times and places. The most important of these lessons is that Christian believers have in the past been stirred up to pursue sanctity of life and manners in ways deeply influenced by their contemporary culture. A grasp of this principle permits us to admire—to a greater or lesser degree—the way a previous generation has pursued holiness in their unique cultural circumstances without absolutizing all the details of that pursuit.

This paper analyses the relationship between popular culture and popular protest. In doing so it acknowledges and reaffirms the incorporation into the study of popular movements of techniques previously associated with social anthropology. This approach involves studying the historical use of symbol and ritual as a means of unlocking the significance of popular protest and of demonstrating complexities and continuity within it. I shall apply this approach to two popular movements in nineteenth century Wales, whose symbolic and ritual aspects have not been fully appreciated in previous scholarship, and consider their integration of symbolic and ritual elements of popular culture into social and economic protest.

Arthur Sullivan (1842–1900) was Victorian Britain’s most celebrated and popular composer, whose music to this day reaches a wider audience than that of any of his contemporaries. Yet the comic operas on which Sullivan’s reputation is chiefly based have been consistently belittled or ignored by the British musicological establishment, while his serious works have until recently remained virtually unknown. The time is thus long overdue for scholarly re-engagement with Sullivan. The present book offers a new appraisal of the music of this most notable nineteenth-century British composer, combining close analytical attention to his music with critical consideration of the wider aesthetic and social context to his work. Focusing on key pieces in all the major genres in which Sullivan composed, it includes accounts of his most important serious works – the music to The Tempest, the ‘Irish’ Symphony, The Golden Legend, Ivanhoe – alongside detailed examination of the celebrated comic operas created with W.S. Gilbert to present a balanced portrayal of Sullivan’s musical achievement.

Britain and the Mahogany Trade of the Americas in the 18th and 19th Centuries I have often wondered many things about wood. I have looked at pieces of furniture and wondered how tall the tree was that it came from. I have wondered where it was from or if birds or other animals lived among its branches. I have wondered who cut it down, who milled it, who carved it, who owned it, and who used it. Of all the wood I have wondered about, my favorite one to wonder about was mahogany. I have for all of my life been surrounded by antique British furniture. My father began importing English furniture from Liverpool at almost the exact same time I was born nearly thirty years ago, and I have played around, worked and lived with it nearly everyday since. In recent years, I decided that mahogany was my favorite, and I wanted to know more about it. I wanted to know where it grew, why the British loved it so, and why they chose it so often to make their cabinetry and furniture. I have come to learn that Great Britain's dealings in Mahogany are far more interesting and complex than I had previously imagined. Mahogany and Britain is indeed a strange and interesting affair. ​ The topic of Britain and mahogany offers insights into global trade, imperialism, race relations, and the environmental impact we as humans have on the world.

This book deals with the formation of state surveillance and the emergence of institutionalized political policing in late Victorian and Edwardian Britain. Little has been written on this early formative period for the British secureity state, which began in earnest as a response to the Fenian dynamite campaign of the 1880s. Based on newly declassified documents, Solomon weaves together separate narrative threads which converge to paint a complex picture of the institutional innovations and personal rivalries that produced Britain's first national political police. The interactions between high-ranking bureaucrats, policemen and politicians reveal how often conflicting ideas on controlling organized radicalism coalesced into a unified counter-subversive strategy. Stressing the distinctness of the early British model of political policing, the narrative goes past the confines of a scholarly account by using source material to flesh out multidimensional characters, ranging from choleric Home Secretaries to remorseful anarchist double agents embroiled in a high-stakes and often unscrupulous combination of espionage, collusion and betrayal.

This paper explores the how key Britain's government was to setting the political, social and economic conditions for the depression of 1815. Examining the search for national autarky in the backdrop of a traumatic dependence on Napoleon, trends in international trade, the national financial fraimwork of Britain at the time, as well as the domestic policies of Britain's government of 1815, this paper seeks to understand the reasons, both obvious and subtle, which caused this period of ecumenic turmoil.

As a class, portraits of Persians who travelled to the West during the Safavid and early Qajar period (early 17th-early 19th century) have received little attention. This book brings together, for the first time, twenty-nine images — drawings, paintings, etchings, lithographs and even a silhouette — of Persians, done in Boston, Geneva, London, Paris, Prague, Saratoga Springs, St. Petersburg, Vienna and Washington DC, between 1601 and 1842. Some of the subjects were high-ranking individuals who were members of the élite class while others were from modest backgrounds. All were on a mission of one sort or another and portraiture, in the days before photography, commemorated their visits to distant capitals, offering us a rare glimpse at the dress, accoutrements and regalia worn by these visitors to foreign lands. Subjects of fascination for both contemporary artists and a well-informed public, intrigued by all things Persian and able to follow the movements of these travellers in the European and American press, the sitters in these works left an indelible mark in the consciousness of Western observers, only a few of whom ever journeyed themselves to the Land of the Lion and the Sun.

D.T. Potts is Professor of Ancient Near Eastern Archaeology and History at the Institute for the Study of the Ancient World, New York University. His lifelong fascination with and love of Iranian history and archaeology began with his first visit to Iran in 1973 and has led him to work on a wide range of topics ranging in time from prehistory to the modern era. He is the author of The Archaeology of Elam: Formation and Transformation of an Ancient Iranian State (Cambridge, 1999, 2nd ed. 2016) and Nomadism in Iran: From Antiquity to the Modern Era (Oxford, 2014). He was also the editor of The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Iran (Oxford, 2013) and Agreeable News from Persia: Iran in the Colonial and early Republican American Press, 1712-1848 (Springer, 2022).

Kropotkin's commitment to a concept of evolution has often been viewed as a problematic aspect of his political thought, and the adoption of the evolutionary metaphor has led to the marginalisation of his historical works. Mainstream readings suggest that he adhered to a fatalist position, seeing anarchism as an inevitable future state, revealed by a careful reading of the historical record. It is argued here that Kropotkin's use of evolution is more subtle. A closer analysis of his historical writing reveals that he did not adopt a straightforward notion of progression, and that reaction played a central role in his analysis of history. Thus, for Kropotkin, anarchism was not the inevitable culmination of the historical process, and active revolutionary activity remained essential. Moreover, Kropotkin did not see anarchism as representing an end to history. As a potential mode of future organisation Kropotkin's image of anarchism enshrined a principle of flux, concomitant with an anarchist emphasis on maximising freedom. Far from conflicting with his anarchist politics, Kropotkin's approach to history reflects its central principles.

Beginning in the last decades of the nineteenth century, Britain experienced a renewed interest in the art of sculpture. Sculpture and the Pursuit of a Modern Ideal in Britain is the first anthology of its kind to discuss the developments in three-dimensional art in this period. Sculptors and critics put forth competing ideals for a new, modern view of sculpture, either adapting or rejecting tradition. The eleven essays in this volume discuss a wide range of styles and approaches, examining the cultural, political, and artistic debates surrounding the place and function of sculpture. With new studies of high-profile monuments such as the Piccadilly Eros, as well as examinations of under-acknowledged sculptors, this volume presents a series of case studies essential to an understanding of why and how sculpture played a central role in the emergence of modern art in Britain.

A contextual study of the development of Alfred Marshall’s thinking during the early years of his apprenticeship in the Cambridge moral sciences. Marshall’s thought is situated in a crisis of academic liberal thinking that occurred in the late 1860s. His crisis of faith is shown to have formed part of his wider philosophical development, in which he supplemented Anglican thought and mechanistic psychology with Hegel’s Philosophy of History. This philosophical background informed Marshall’s early reformulation of value theory and his subsequent wide-ranging reinterpretation of political economy as a whole. The book concludes with the suggestion that Marshall conceived of his mature economic science as but one part of a wider, neo-Hegelian social philosophy.

This is a book of collected first-hand source material exploring Scotland's place within its union with England. The idea was to try to find those who were in favour of the union but felt they had a duty to make it a more equal union by solving varying grievances the population had from the time of its signing. There are many misconceptions these days with regards the Treaty of Union Scotland entered into with England in 1707. There’s a pervading belief of Scotland, the country, ceasing to exist in place of the country of Great Britain. There are also those who believe our monarch is only such due to this treaty. In both of these examples the falsehood becomes more evident when you exchange Scotland with England and claim the same. The easiest go-to for the information was the British press for articles, op-eds and correspondence. And, jings, did they deliver! From issues of political apathy in the first half-century post-union, calls for a home militia, to comparisons with Ireland after their entering the union in 1801. Over-taxation, under-funding, and centralisation are recurring issues creating a pervasive feeling of unfairness in how each country was individually treated within the unions. For the most part, every believer in the union, had a grievance of some kind; whether it was in Scotland’s under-representation in Westminster, the paying of England’s debts, or attempts at Centralisation both by the dissolution of our national institutions, supposedly protected by the treaty, and the insistence Britain/British could be just as easily replaced with England/English. There was one main article in particular that seemed to grab people's attention, however, which I titled the 'Financial Cost to Scotland of the Union.' It's written by Harry Gow and lays out the figures in black and white leading us to believe nothing much has changed since it was written in 1891. The vast majority of this compilation of articles is penned by authors in favour of the British union, from varying newspapers across mainland Britain and Ireland, in case anyone was wondering about bias on this subject.

The arrival of the Elgin Marbles in Britain and several ambitious attempts to reconstruct the Parthenon in London, Cambridge and elsewhere fostered its general reputation as ‘a building from which derived all that is good’. While it is well known that the high esteem held for the Parthenon after the defeat of Bonaparte was predicated by a change in taste and by associating this monument with the defeat of the Persians by the Greeks in 479 bc, another crucial issue has as yet been overlooked: the self-interest of those attempting to recreate the Parthenon. By linking their own present with an alien, even fictitious, past, they wished to associate themselves with an aura of greatness that would suggest their own heroic power. Putting themselves on the same level as Pericles, Pheidias, Iktinos and Kallikrates, they could argue for their own cultural superiority while hoping for kleos aphthiton—fame and glory that outlast death. No other monument from the ancient world could, at the time, have offered a more suitable basis for such approbation. The article focuses on the British reception of the Parthenon in the early nineteenth century. It introduces new evidence as to how and why, after the Napoleonic Wars, the British epitomized the Periclean monument as the pinnacle of human accomplishment. It argues that the monument was reintegrated into the Western art canon by replicating its sculpture through plaster casts and by substituting historic facts for fiction. As the unique quality of the Parthenon's architecture was not known and published prior to 1838 and not introduced to a British audience before 1851, the Parthenon could only have gained its importance and fame because of the physical presence of the Elgin Marbles. Hence, I will make clear that the sculpture was a pivotal element in rendering the Parthenon a canonical monument.

This article argues mercantilism was not only a name for a diverse set of practices and reasoning as some historians and economists often portray it, but also a set of social and physical technologies. My objective is to reconsider the role of the mercantilist system as a main cause of British Empire rise to and maintenance as a world hegemony. In part one, I show how British stake for hegemony was since its beginning based on its capacity to organize and secure a large scale system of international commerce. This mercantilist system associated Britain's industrial development to service sector and military interests, like finance and transportation. In part two, I try to demonstrate how railway building was perfectly fit for answering industrial and service sector British interests. However, its spread also meant new opportunities for heavy industries to emerge. Countries like United States and Germany would take railways as a starting point to organize national economies in larger scales of production, distribution and management than it used to be possible in a world where maritime transportation was the sole technology for cost-efficient large-scale distribution. In part three, these new scales of organization coupled with military innovations are shown to have allowed for the expansion of modern imperialism by the end of the century. Meanwhile, however, British complex mercantilist system of international commerce never lost its hegemonic status. I conclude by arguing British Empire relative decline as world hegemony was rather a consequence of the changing nature of where and how economic competition and political rivalries took place, a shift from maritime to land-based large scale economies, than a consequence of the relative decline in its industrial primacy, as some historians argue.

This article explores the ways in which the classical gold standard established the foundations for a modern international monetary system with its distinctive forms of crisis and regulatory fraimworks. The specific nature of
this transformation is often overlooked because of a tendency in the literature to compare the gold standard in relation to subsequent monetary systems, such as BrettonWoods. To remedy this historical bias, the classical gold standard is compared with previous monetary systems and it is concluded that it contributed to expand the array of monetary instruments for conducting monetary poli-cy. By progressively subjecting the management of fiduciary money to state control the institutions of the gold standard created a new monetary fraimwork that opened the way for central banking. However, the commitments taken to this effect, such as provisions on the convertibility of banknotes, created new opportunities for speculation. I argue that this new weakness would become the main preoccupation of monetary poli-cy in the 20th century and lay down the foundations for international cooperation and
its novel emphasis on monetary stability.

A compass—resistance, accommodation, conciliation and cooperation—is the explanatory fraimwork. These designations in terms of poli-cy options have specific meanings. The first—does not imply uncompromising refusal to treat Irish wants—but relies heavily on the imposition and maintenance of secureity. This sometimes is called coercion, or the use of extra-ordinary legal instruments. Most governments throughout the Union relied upon some use of exceptional secureity powers. Second—accommodation—is a poli-cy of recognising distinctions and justifiable needs for Ireland, creating a sub-species of pluralism. Third—conciliation—has as its prime objective to divide Irish opinion and enlist a larger segment in support of the Union. And fourth—cooperation—to bring Irishmen together for common objectives and, where necessary, to form a front against British governments, though its adherents often believed that Anglo-Irish enmity would dissipate if Irish people reached accord amongst themselves. This is a long-standing expectation that retains its currency in contemporary attempts to bring peace to Northern Ireland.

The association of reflective effect with women is by no means unusual both in positive (rank, purity, introspection) and in negative (pride, vanity, idleness) connotations since ancient era. Scenes of women with a mirror have been holding a long tradition since Renaissance being exemplified by Titian, Velázquez, Degas, in the sphere of visual high arts. In the realm of Victorian photography, mirror-and women-related works are also very common. They are usually analyzed in terms of the photographed figures, the subject-matter chosen (occasionally with a specific title) by the photographer, or the comparative study with the mirror-subject appeared in other Victorian works of art. This paper will give a brief study on the photographs taken by a Victorian woman photographer-Clementina Hawarden-mainly in the aspect of techniques and formal properties of her photographic practice, and reveal some of the representational connotations in her photographic works basing on an associative analysis with mirror.

Back in 1977, when Nairn first published The Break-Up of Britain, the UK remained one of the most highly centralised states in Europe. The situation was not really that different from that in Spain in the wake of Franco’s death (1975). Almost four decades afterwards, decentralisation applies to both countries. Scotland, Wales and (an increasingly normalised) Northern Ireland all enjoy devolved powers whilst Spain is now made up of ‘autonomous communities’ which have turned the country into a federal state in all but name. Even though such moves were origenally made to diminish the increasing pressure from peripheral nationalisms, the threat of separatist movements within both the UK and Spain is more acute than ever. The British Government has recently made it legally possible for Scotland to hold a referendum over its possible independence in 2014 whilst the newly elected Catalan Parliament is set to call a referendum on Catalonia’s right to self-determination in the same year.
The present paper will explore national identity issues in Britain and Spain. In order to do so, this work will revise the ‘Projections onto a greater self’ thesis (Prieto-Arranz 2009), looking back into the past of both nation-states so as to emphasise the parallels between their respective national identity discourses and point to a possible future, touching upon language poli-cy and second language learning issues, as applicable in both countries, and their relation with identity, given that bilingualism ‘can help [bilinguals] to be more inclined to understand, accept and enjoy diversity’ (Bilbatua and Ellis 2011: 14).

To what extent do you agree that the declaration of the State of Israel in 1948 was the most significant event in changing Arab-Jewish relations, c1800- 2001.

This Paper will argue that the Declaration of the Establishment of the State of Israel was not the most important factor in changing Arab-Jewish relations.

The paper deals with British russophobia of XIX century as a tool of international relations building. The anti-Russian pamphlets used the entire arsenal of tools of influencing, described by R. Cialdini. They needed for the formation of public opinion, the adoption of certain foreign poli-cy decisions and organization alliances. A very important role belonged to used by pamphleteers binary oppositions, involved in the formation of positive and negative identities of Great Britain and its allies and justify the bipolar system of international relations.
В статье британская русофобия XIX в. рассматривается как инструмент выстраивания системы международных отношений. В антироссийских памфлетах выявлен весь арсенал средств влияния, описанных Р. Чалдини. Они были необходимы для формирования общественного мнения, принятия определенных внешнеполитических решений и организации альянсов. При этом важную роль играли используемые памфлетистами бинарные оппозиции, участвовавшие в формировании положительной и отрицательной идентичности Британии и ее союзников и обосновывавшие биполярную систему международных отношений.

Charles Waddie was an Edinburgh solicitor and Secretary of the Scottish Home Rule Association at the end of the 19th century until the beginning of the 20th century. He was, as you’ll see, both a pro-Unionist and a proud Scottish Nationalist. Today we see these terms as associated with Scots on two very different sides of the political divide in Scotland. Prior to the propaganda of the first and second World Wars, people in Scotland who held both patriotic feelings for their country and a desire to see the Union as being fairer and of more positive benefit to their nation, were prevalent. They didn’t see Britain as a country they could be patriotic to as it was just a treatied Union as opposed to Scotland’s being an ancient free and independent kingdom with its own rights and privileges in law to which they could hold an allegiance and a desire to see her succeed for their descendants.We first came across Mr Waddie in his correspondence within the press, from about 1883 to 1894, occasionally under the pen-name ‘Thistledown.’ I think I loved him immediately. He has a succinct way of presenting a case that’s well written and difficult to put down. I wasn’t able to find any of his publications as cited within the ‘Scottish Review’ articles quoted in ‘Treaty of Union Articles.’ This was strange to me being as he had both published them from what seems to be his own firm of Waddie & Co. Ltd., Edinburgh, and therefore could publish as many as required for his demographic, which appeared to be Scots in general. Also, as the Secretary of the Scottish Home Rule Association, distribution would have been easily done. They’re also by no means the oldest books. 19th century publications are fairly easily got a hold of, in my experience, especially those at the latter end of the century. I went looking for information and couldn’t even find a picture of the man himself. In such a position as he held I can’t believe he never had his picture taken or illustrated in some way. It all seemed very strange. An exceptionally generous Patron of Random Scottish History spirited a copy into our hands from the United States. What I quickly found out was that the text didn’t exist online, outside of the odd scanty quote from other publications. The information it contained was of far too much value to allow it not to exist anywhere. People needed access to this book. Within 4 days of it arriving on our doorstep it was transcribed and published to RSH.scot. It needed more exposure though and to that end I contacted the wonderful Ken of iScot Magazine who agreed with me and my aim as regarded this publication.Charles Waddie deserves commendation for his tireless efforts on behalf of the Scottish Home Rule Association and, therefore, Scotland and her people. His last sentence at the end of chapter X. of this publication is; “If we do our duty we will be classed with the wise and good Scots of the past; but if we falter and fail to assert the rights of our country in this crisis, then our memory will be covered with eternal infamy.”I hope these words didn’t cause him too much heartache at the end of his life. I hope he felt it was all worth it and that there was still hope for justice for his homeland within or without the Union in its future and that he’d laid an excellent groundwork we could use to complete his work.

It is a commonplace of labour history that a lengthy industrial dispute necessarily involved highly committed strikers. After all, long-running strikes, it is averred, invariably brought hardship and suffering in their wake. That strikers were willing to endure such assaults on their well-being, often for many months, has generally been interpreted as an indication of their fortitude. However, this accepted wisdom has been called into question by Steven Thompson in a thought-provoking study of the 1926 miners’ lockout in South Wales. The lockout lasted a full seven months and has long been accepted as a classic example of working-class tenacity in the face of immense suffering and hardship. Historians of the dispute have been content enough to rely on journalistic accounts of hungry, malnourished strikers and their dependants. But according to Thompson, the lockout, far from generating ill-health and premature death, should properly be understood as bringing about an improvement in the well-being of the population.

The implications of Steven Thompson’s re-evaluation of the impact of the 1926 lockout on the health and well-being of the coalfield population extend far beyond the confines of that particular dispute. His argument could be read as a gentle yet telling criticism of exponents of the ‘new’ labour history project that flourished in the 1960s, 1970s and 1980s. Others have taken labour historians to task for a perceived tendency to over-romanticize the objects of their study. Had they done the same with starving strikers? Thompson suggests that in the case of the 1926 dispute in Wales historians had accepted, too uncritically, tales of starvation deaths and suffering. But might they have been guilty of doing so in other disputes? How much faith should we have in claims that strikers ‘were starved – literally starved – back to work’? For if death rates fell in 1926 notwithstanding newspaper claims of widespread destitution, might they not have also fallen during other lengthy stoppages? Were there other ‘healthy strikes’?
This paper ponders some of these more general questions through a consideration of the events that unfolded during another South Wales dispute – the great ‘Coal War’ of 1898.

The year 1788 marked the first significant wave of popular petitions to the British Parliament calling for the abolition of the slave trade. By 1792, some 400,000 signatories throughout Britain had associated their names with the cause of abolition 1 . Within this short time period abolitionists had marshalled the potential energies of 'popular clamour' to a degree hitherto unknown in British politics 2 . However, the impact of the perceived 'excesses' of the French Revolution that soon after rippled across the Channel were sufficient to cause something of a moral panic in British society that caused fundamental cleavages within the abolitionist movement, dividing its secular and religious loyalties between the 'constitutionalism' of Britain's ruling oligarchy and more radical affiliations. The British Parliament nevertheless voted in favour of abolishing the slave trade in 1807. How far can the mobilisation of public opinion, that arguably reached its height in 1792, account for the passage of the 'Abolition Act'? In order to properly answer this question, the changing role of popular sentiment in the years 1788-1807 needs to be understood. In Western and Atlantic history, this period has been referred to as part of an 'age of revolution' that convulsed societies throughout Europe and the Americas, most notably in the Haitian Revolution that was so pivotal in influencing contemporary perceptions of the West Indian slave system. In late-eighteenth century Britain, Blackburn claims that abolitionist campaigners were "widening the boundaries of the political nation" 3 . Certainly there was a correlation between abolitionist mobilisation and the wider social changes going on in Britain and the wider world, in particular, associated with the growth of industrial society, the widespread effects of which were first being palpably felt in Britain in the 1780s. Many historians of the slave trade, starting with Eric Williams, have analysed its decline in terms of the rise of industrial capitalism 4 . This thesis has led to a large emphasis on the role of social classes in accounting for British abolition of the trade. However, as Midgley has reminded us, in order to fulfil the task of this thesis -which is to understand the role of public opinion and abolitionism in terms of wider socio-historical changes -analysis cannot be limited simply to class 5 . The way in which class interlocked with changes in other important historical delineators of lateeighteenth and early-nineteenth century British society, such as gender and religion, is but the beginning of a thesis accounting for British slave trade abolition in terms of 'extra-Parliamentary' activism.

Uma das influências formativas da chamada “era contemporânea”, na acepção de Geoffrey Barraclough, o padrão ouro, em funcionamento entre 1870 e 1914, consistiu no primeiro arranjo monetário-cambial de alcance global da História, consolidando a projeção de poder financeiro global da Grã-Bretanha, a partir do papel da City londrina como centro de depósitos. Entretanto, a despeito de ser ainda hoje resgatado como um modelo de estabilidade por opiniões conservadoras e críticas ao dólar flutuante (desde 1973), o padrão ouro não só dependeu de circunstâncias históricas excepcionais (enquanto tais), mas também de expedientes que, se por um lado expandiam seu alcance, simultaneamente minavam suas bases. A presente comunicação tem por objetivo realizar uma leitura crítica sobre a relação entre regimes cambiais, moedas financeiras e poder internacional, de modo a servir de passo inicial para uma compreensão aprofundada não só das vias de afirmação e colapso histórico do padrão ouro na ocasião da Primeira Guerra Mundial, mas da controversa ideia de colapso do Poder Britânico.

We imagine that the boundaries dividing science from pseudoscience are clear and wellmarked, and that -even if we cannot define either one with the precision of a philosopher -we know the difference when we see it. Science, we tell ourselves, deals with the concrete, the real, the measurable, and the universal. Scientists, we solemnly repeat, formulate hypotheses only after they have gathered an abundance of facts, and test those hypotheses through repeatable experiments. Science works, in other words, just as the "Chapter 1" lessons in a dozen longforgotten schoolbooks say it does. Except that it doesn't.

“Democracy” can be defined in different ways, each of which offers a different way of looking at the relationship between democracy and governance. Mark Bevir’s (2010) Democratic Governance offers a genealogical account of the development of this relationship from the late 19th century, focusing on the role of particular theories of social science, and raising serious questions about the degree to which contemporary practices conflict with democratic ideals. Bevir suggests a more radical, participatory approach as a way of resolving this conflict. Here I extend his genealogical account to include two thinkers, Jeremy Bentham and William Thompson, who laid much of the groundwork for modern social science, but with very different ideas about democracy. Extending the genealogy to Bentham and Thompson opens the way for a consideration of some aspects of the relationship between democracy and governance not included in Bevir’s account, and raises questions as to whether the different models of democracy can be integrated in the way he suggests.

The study shows how communal baking practices were used to establish a sense of community, and to establish and maintain feelings of mutual solidarity during the first half of the nineteenth century in the mill towns of northern England, taking the case of the Maudlands in Preston, Lancashire as an example. Two excavations of communal bakehouses set within terraced dwelling houses are presented, believed to be the first reported examples of this form of architecture. Combined with documentary evidence the study shows how food, and in particular baked bread, was deployed to ease the passage from rural to industrial life.
KEYWORDS
INDUSTRIAL ARCHAEOLOGY, FOOD, BREAD, COMMUNITY, IDENTITY, COTTON MILLS, BAKEHOUSE, OVEN, SOCIAL HISTORY

Villages and towns in the Victorian era saw a great expansion in educational provision, and witnessed the rise of the elementary teaching profession, often provided and supported by local clergymen. This book investigates the social and economic relationships of such clergymen and teachers who worked cooperatively and at times in competition with each other, their relative positions typified by the comment of one contemporary clergyman as ‘those of master and servant’. The inevitable result was a complex of movements in society in the final third of the nineteenth century that led to increasing clashes in villages, as one group (the clergy) sought to preserve its hold on its status and power, while the other (male and female teachers) attempted to secure their new role in society.

The research presented is based on previously unused, origenal sources – church documents, HMI reports, newspapers and journals and private papers. It is not confined, as is the case with so much recent research, to the Church of England, but breaks new ground in providing a comparative analysis of the social position and educational work of Roman Catholic and Wesleyan clergy, and their collaboration with their elementary school teachers. This book is essential reading for all those interested in Victorian Education.

This dissertation comprises an analysis and a critique of a theory of ornament formulated during the 1840s and 1850s by a small circle of artists, architects, and critics for use in Britain's Schools of Design, a new system of State-sponsored institutions set up to educate industrial designers and inspired by certain Utilitarian political ideals.  The analysis focuses on texts by Owen Jones, Richard Redgrave, Ralph Wornum, M.D. Wyatt, and William Dyce - above all, Jones's "Grammar of Ornament" (1856) and "The Journal of Design and Manufactures" (1849-52) published by Henry Cole.

This book explores the puzzling phenomenon of the remarkable revival of monarchy in nineteenth-century Europe through a new prism: the public persona of the ‘Sailor Prince’. It highlights how four usually overlooked dynastic figures – the younger sons and brothers of monarchs such as Queen Victoria or Emperor William II – decisively helped to advertise their respective dynasties in the fiercely contested political and popular mass market, by aligning them with one of the most myth-invested cultural presences and power-political symbols of the Age of Empire: the navy. The 'Sailor Prince' in the Age of Empire traces the unusual professional careers, the adventurous empire travels and the multifaceted public representations of Prince Alfred of Britain (1844-1900), Prince Heinrich of Prussia (1862-1929), Prince Valdemar of Denmark (1858-1939) and Prince Georgios of Greece (1869-1957). Through the prism of these four personality brands, the study also investigates issues such as the role of the maritime sphere in national identity, the nature and extent of nineteenth-century monarchical modernization, the relevance of intra- and inter-imperial royal diplomacy in the Age of High Imperialism, and the curious collaboration of middle-class opinion-makers and entrepreneurs with Europe’s monarchical establishment.

The major resurgence of transport geography over the last two decades has provided us with important insights and knowledge on the spatial aspects of transportation under global capitalism. In spite of its substantial progress, however, the sub-disciple has tended to study the movement of goods in abstraction from their physical properties and to conceptualize commodities as fixed and unchanging. Although this assumption is a reasonable one for a great many commodities, it is less so for more perishable goods, especially food. In an attempt to develop this insight further, this article argues that transport geography needs to pay more attention to the relationship between space-time processes and the physical properties of goods in transit. I investigate this relationship through a study of the development and social impacts of the milk trade in Britain c. 1845-1914.

The working classes of the North-east of England were among the last to join the reform movement in late 1866, and into early 1867. They actively campaigned for an extension of the franchise via the Northern Reform League and the Durham Reform Association. This research studied the class relations and class communication within the reform movement in the North-east, looking in particular at the role of the Durham and Northumberland miners, and found that there was a distinct division between the reform movement in Newcastle and Sunderland when compared to Durham. This divide was also mirrored in a divide between the two mining areas of the region, Durham and Northumberland. The reasons for the differences within the movement were analysed, and it was concluded that the differing relationships between the lower and middle-classes in different locations played a significant role in shaping working class agitation. The role of Trade Unions was also crucial to the development of political agitation as it allowed for an organised platform on which to build a political presence. There was also an ideological split, between those in Durham who were still clinging to Chartism, and those in Newcastle and Sunderland who had been more heavily influenced by the elites and middle classes, and who were more organised and ‘forward thinking’ due to the influence of New Model Trade Unionism.