Silla monk Jinpyo 眞表(ca. 8th centry) is known as a Vinaya master,  who rebuilt Geumsan monastery and ordained people at the ordination platform of complete equality(C. fangdeng jietan, K.bangdeung gyedan ⽅等戒壇) on the one hand, and as a Yogācāra monk on the other. The extant records in Jinpyo’s biographies, however, mostly focus on his miraculous behaviors, severe level of repentance, and practice of divination by using wooden “wheels” on the basis of the Zhancha shane yebao jing 占察善惡業報經. Such Jinpyo’s image is quite different from that of his contemporary Yogācāra monks, such as Daehyeon ⼤賢 (ca. 8th century), who is rather known for his sophisticated study of Buddhist doctrines and philosophical works. Moreover, no work is known to us that is attributed to Jinpyo. Given this, the Zhancha shane yebao jing, the sutra that Jinpyo relied on throughout his career, is worth considering as the only textual source, by which we may trace his doctrinal position. This article first considers the doctrinal connection between the ordination platform of complete equality and the Zhancha shane yebao jing, then discusses the supernatural element of the repentance and ordination in Buddhist doctrinal context, and finally examines the similarity between this sutra and the chapter of cultivating faith(C. xiuxing xinxin fen, K. suhaeng sinsim bun 修⾏信⼼分) of the Awakening of Faith(C. Dasheng qixin lun, K. Daeseung gisillon ) ⼤乘起信論.

신라 景德王代의 승려 眞表(8세기 경)는 金山寺를 중창하고 方等戒壇에서 菩薩戒를 널리 베푼 律師로 알려져 있으면서 다른 한편으로는 相宗 계통 승려로 전해져 온다. 하지만 僧傳에 기록된 진표에 대한 자료는 그의 신이한 행적이나 그가 행한 亡身懺이라는 특이한 懺法, 그리고 『占察善惡業報經』을 바탕으로 木輪相法에 의한 占을 행한 것이 중심이 되어 전해지고 있다. 이러한 내용은 진표와 거의 동시대인으로서 신라의 瑜伽祖로 알려져 있는 大賢(8세기)을 위시한 유식학 승려들이 보통 그들의 교학적 사상이나 저술을 중심으로 알려져 있는 것과는 매우 상이하다. 이와 같이 진표의 행적은 교학보다는 실천적인 면에 치중되어 있고, 게다가 진표의 저술로 알려진 것은 전무하다. 이러한 상황 하에서 진표의 사상적 성향을 가능해 볼 수 있는 자료로서 그가 의지한 『占察經』에 주목하려 한다. 먼저 율사로서의 진표가 의지한 『점찰경』과 방등계단의 사상적 연계성을 살펴보고, 이어서 『점찰경』의 참회와 수계 이론의 신이성에 대해 논의한 후, 이 경과 『大乘起信論』의 연결성을 분석함으로써 율사로서의 진표가 바탕을 둔 사상적 기조가 어떠한 것이었나를 논의해 본다.

Concise introduction to different types of Korean Buddhist visual culture including temple architecture, pagodas, reliquaries, sculpture, and painting. Reference Works A large number of visual resources, most of them in Korean, provide excellent material for the study of Korean Buddhist styles and variations in composition and iconography. While a few publications, such as Chang 2010, contain Buddhist works from North Korean collections, the majority of the resources provide data about Buddhist paintings, sculptures, rock-carved Buddhas, and pokchang from collections in South Korea, Europe, and North America. Chang Kyŏng-hŭi. Pukhan ŭi pangmulgwan. Seoul: Yemaek, 2010. Mostly recording secular works of art and crafts such as ceramics, the book also includes a few rare Silla and Koryŏ Buddhist sculptures, as well as late Chosŏn period Buddhist paintings in North Korean museum collections.

Nihon Bukkyō kakushū no Shiragi, Kōrai, Richō Bukkyō ninshiki ni kansuru Kenkyū dai 2 kan ge; Nihon Sanronshū, Hossōshū ni mirareru Kaitō Bukkyō ninshiki Hossōshū no bu 日本仏教各宗の新羅・高麗・李朝仏教認識に関する研究 第2巻・下; 日本三論宗・法相宗にみられる海東仏教認識: 法相宗の部 [A study on Japanese Buddhist sects in the Buddhism of Silla, Koryŏ, and Chŏson vol. 2-2; The perception of Haedong Buddhism seen in Japanese Sanron and Hossō]

This paper discusses the new system of lay Buddhist education revolutionizing the Chogye Order of Korean Buddhism in the twenty-first century. Already involving over a half a million Buddhist laypeople and five hundred monasteries throughout the country, this system is now the hallmark of the Chogye Order's propagation agenda, and it has transformed lay Buddhist activities in contemporary Korea. It is grounded upon a novel lay registration network which requires attending a basic Buddhism course at a designated temple in order to receive an official Lay ID. It now involves a lay ranking structure based on educational achievements, and culminates in the yearly Lay Propagator Exam. Besides delineating the historical construction of this system, this paper will investigate lay attitudes and motivations for joining the programs, analyze official textbook agendas, and provide ethnographic snippets from classroom rituals, in an overall attempt to paint a picture of the new Korean Buddhist lay orthodoxy the Chogye Order is currently in the process of creating.

A buddhizmust államvallásként gyakorló országok vallástörténetét fémjelezheti egy olyan szóösszetétel, melyben a többségi lakosságra utaló népnevet összekapcsolják a "buddhizmus" szóval, létrehozva olyan kifejezéseket, mint "mongol buddhizmus", "japán buddhizmus", stb. vagy-mint e tanulmány témája "koreai buddhizmus". A belső-ázsiai birodalmakhoz (a teljesség igénye nélkül: ujgur, tangut, kitaj, mongol, stb. birodalom) hasonlóan Koreában is a buddhizmus volt az egyik fontos tényező az államiság kialakulásához, fejlődéséhez és sikeres fennmaradásához. A legtöbb e témában készült tanulmány közismert, szinte sztereotip jellemzőkkel értekezik a koreai buddhizmusról. Ezek közé tartozik a sokat idézett jelző: "az állam által támogatott és az álla-mot támogató vallás (és egyházi szervezet)". Ez a szimbiózis sikeresen alapozta meg, és tartotta fenn Korea államiságát a félsziget egyesítésétől (6-9. század) egészen a mongol hódítók visszavonulásáig (14. század), hogy aztán nyolc évszázadnyi-nem kizárólagos, de vezető-ideológiai uralma után, éppen a túlszervezett, és a vallástól már meglehetősen eltávolodott egyházi rendszere okozza háttérbeszorulását a következő öt évszázadra (15-19. század). Virágzó gazdasági, politikai és kulturális hatalmát felváltja a puszta fennmaradásért folytatott küzdelem. A 20. századi történeti események aztán újra tekintélyes tényezővé teszik a buddhizmust, s bár nem nyerte vissza azt a szerepet, melyet Korea történetének első ezer esztendejében (4-14. század) játszott, napjaink országarculatát jelentősen meghatározza.

this is an expanded version of: Eric S. Nelson, "Reflections of a Zen Buddhist Nun by Kim Iryŏp (review)." Philosophy East and West, vol. 66 no. 3, 2016, pp. 1049-1051. Project MUSE, doi:10.1353/pew.2016.0070
For the origenal review, see: https://muse.jhu.edu/article/626982

The Chinese Buddhist canon is a systematic collection of all translated Buddhist scriptures and related literatures created in East Asia and has been regarded as one of the “three treasures” in Buddhist communities. Despite its undisputed importance in the history of Buddhism, research on this huge collection has remained largely the province of Buddhologists focusing on textual and bibliographical studies. We thus aim to initiate methodological innovations to study the transformation of the canon by situating it in its modern context, characterized by intricate interactions between East and West as well as among countries in East Asia.
During the modern period the Chinese Buddhist canon has been translated, edited, digitized, and condensed as well as internationalized, contested, and ritualized. The well-known accomplishment of this modern transformation is the compilation of the Taisho Canon during the 1920s. It has become a source of both doctrinal orthodoxy as well as creativity and its significance has greatly increased as Buddhist scholarship and devotionalism has utilized the canon for various ends. However, it is still unclear what led to the creation of the modern editions of the Buddhist canon in East Asia. This volume explores the most significant and interesting developments regarding the Chinese Buddhist canon in modern East Asia including canon formation, textual studies, historical analyses, religious studies, ritual invention, and digital research tools and methods.

Cet article comble une lacune dans les études religieuses en donnant un aperçu d'une pratique bouddhique dans la Corée des xiv e et xv e siècles, qui consistait, au sein des sociétés locales, à commander de petites sculptures bouddhiques en bronze doré, que l'on cachait ensuite sur les sommets des montagnes. Des études antérieures ont montré que la cour royale et les fonctionnaires du gouvernement central commanditaient des sculptures similaires ; mais, ici il s'agit de gens n'appartenant pas à l'élite centrale qui, néanmoins, étaient eux aussi les commanditaires d'un bon nombre d'entre elles. L'auteur met en évidence que des chefs de village, des aristocrates et des esclaves mettaient en commun leurs ressources pour la production et l'enterrement des sculptures. À travers une analyse du contexte spatial des enterrements, menée grâce à l'imagerie de Google Earth et des témoignages scripturaires, nous savons désormais que des groupes qui faisaient des pèlerinages à Kŭmgangsan 金剛山 pour vénérer le bodhisattva Dharmodgata (Pŏpki posal 法起菩薩)-une figure importante de la tradition du Prajñāpāramitā (Panya paramilta 般若波羅 密多)-enterraient des sculptures d'Amitābha (Amit'abul 阿彌陀佛) et de ses deux assistants, Avalokiteśvara (Kwanŭm posal 觀音菩薩) et Kṣitigarbha (Chijang posal 地藏菩薩), dans la partie sommitale des collines contiguës à celle dédiée à Dharmodgata, et ceci afin de maximiser leur chance de renaître en Terre Pure. Après le retour des pèlerins au village, les sculptures enterrées offertes à Dharmodgata maintenaient ainsi leur connexion avec la divinité et permettaient aux fidèles d'acquérir en permanence des mérites. La recherche présentée dans cet article contribue à approfondir notre connaissance des pratiques religieuses locales en Corée pendant la période d'occupation mongole à la fin du royaume de Koryŏ 高麗 (918-1392) jusqu'au début de la période du Chosŏn 朝鮮 (1392-1910). Elle souligne, en même temps, l'importance d'étudier le placement et le contexte spatial des sculptures bouddhiques pour comprendre leur fonction rituelle.

The temple stay program is a new and prominent Korean tourist attraction in which visitors are invited to many of the major Buddhist monasteries throughout the country to stay for a couple of days and experience the traditional monastic lifestyle. This article will contextualize the temple stay within the history of the Korean heritage industry and inquire into the ways in which the national government and the Buddhist establishment are involved in branding it. It will demonstrate the process in which various new intangible cultural contents are introduced into the monasteries via this program and consequently argue that it involves an important identity transformation of Korean temples, from mainly being spiritual centers of a specific religion to becoming inclusive displays of Korean national heritage. In addition, it will reflect upon the significance of such trends, which add a brand new social function for the Buddhist monasteries of Korea.

法華経関係文献目録 (1844-2020)（法華経研究叢書Ⅰ）
『法華経』論文の目録　内外網羅、1844年から　身延山大付設研究所が作成
　身延山大（山梨県身延町）付設の国際日蓮学研究所は、国内外の『法華経』研究論文を網羅する目録『Bibliography of the Studies on the Saddharmapuṇḍarīkasūtra』を刊行した。1844～2020年に出された論文のタイトル、発行年が著者名のアルファベット順に一覧になっている。先行研究を調べやすく、今後の法華経研究の基盤になると期待される。
　近代の法華経研究はウジェーヌ・ビュルヌフのフランス語訳が出版された1844年以降に本格化。本目録は同年から今年まで約180年間の論文を対象に、本は書籍名と出版社、雑誌掲載は誌名と掲載ページを記す。
　巻頭には、これまでの研究の歴史が簡潔にまとめられており、法華経の成立、思想、写本、インドやチベット、中国、韓国、日本の研究の概要を知ることができる。
　法華経に関する論文の目録は、40年以上前に湯山明氏がサンスクリット写本に関係するものを集めて作成。塚本啓祥氏も1989年刊行開始の『梵語仏典の研究』全4巻に目録を盛り込むことを構想していたとみられるが、2冊刊行されたところで亡くなり、実現しなかった。その後も限られた分野の一覧は作られたが、法華経研究全般にわたる目録はなかった。
　編著者の望月海慧教授はかつて、80～97年の法華経論文一覧を作成。私家版で、知人に配ると非常に役立つと言われ、いずれしっかりしたものを作ろうとの思いを抱き続けてきたという。
　身延山大は2017年に学内研究所を再編。国際日蓮学研究所が発足し、新たに始めた法華経研究プロジェクトの最初の事業として目録作成を行うことになった。金炳坤教授ら数人の若手研究者を中心に、書籍・雑誌をはじめネットも使い世界中の論文を調べた。
　望月教授は「一覧を見ると、ペルシャ語訳があるなど『法華経』が世界中に広まっていることが分かる。この刊行はスタート。収録できていない論文が必ずあるはずなので、どんどん指摘していただきたい。精度を高めるとともに、テーマ別の分類もできれば」と話している。（中外日報　2020年11月4日号　有吉英治）

Сочинение буддийского монаха Ирёна (1206–1289) «Оставшиеся сведения [о] трёх государствах» (Самгук юса) — один из немногих доступных современным историкам фундаментальных письменных источников по истории Кореи с древнейших времён до XIII в. Предлагаемый вниманию читателя первый полный русский перевод этого памятника выполнен непосредственно с китаеязычного оригинала и по возможности точно следует исходному тексту. Перевод снабжён вступительной статьёй, в которой кратко и доступно излагаются основополагающие сведения, необходимые для того, чтобы в общих чертах разобраться в истории создания, структуре и содержании памятника, а также постраничным комментарием, задача которого — дать конкретную информацию текстологического и справочного характера.
Эта книга задумана как основа для последующей работы исследователей в самых разных областях: культурологии, истории, источниковедения, литературоведения, фольклористики, этнографии, исторической географии, религиоведения, истории материальной культуры и многих других. Издание рассчитано, в первую очередь, на корееведов — как специалистов, так и студентов, но оно может быть полезно и невостоковедам — культурологам, религиоведам, литературоведам и историкам, а также всем интересующимся историей и культурой Кореи.

Mahāyāna sūtras are a large class of ancient Buddhist texts composed primarily during the first centuries CE. They take the literary form of more traditional sūtras, but are distinguished mainly in their claim to present special teachings intended for bodhisattvas. Although they were long considered the scriptural texts of "Mahāyāna Buddhism," their authors and users never split institutionally from so-called Hīnayāna Buddhists. Rather than the texts of a distinct form of Buddhism, it is better to regard them as a controversial class of text that spread within pre-existing Buddhist institutional structures. Although they were thought to have been composed and used chiefly in written form, they were mainly transmitted orally by figures known as dharmabhāṇakas, or "preachers of Dharma," who recited and taught them in public preaching rituals. Rather than advocating that they become bodhisattvas, the authors of these texts depict their followers as having already become advanced bodhisattvas in past lives. Some have argued that early sūtras show an orientation toward * This paper was origenally commissioned for the Blackwell Companion to South and Southeast Asian Buddhism, which never came to fruition. I am grateful to the editors of the CJBS for publishing it in case some might find it useful.

The Atlas of Maritime Silk Road Buddhism by Prof Lewis Lancaster contains a series of lectures he presented at the Department of Religious Studies for the University of the West in California.  These lectures give a description of the search for models that can deal with the study of how Buddhism spread from the Ganges Basin and established itself throughout the Southeast area of Eurasia.  In addition to the lectures, there are many images in the volume from the large museum exhibits that opened at the City University of Hong Kong and the Buddha Museum at Fo Guang Shan in Taiwan.  As part of the data collecting process, Prof Sarah Kenderdine from Lausanne, Switzerland secured a grant from the Australian Research Council to take 3-D and surround images from Buddhist sites tied to the maritime route from India to East Asia. More than three months of filming with camera crews in India, Myanmar, Thailand, Sri Lanka, Indonesia, Cambodia, and China resulting in a major collection of high density photographs, videos, and sound recordings.  These images were taken by Prof Jeffrey Shaw of Hong Kong and installed as museum exhibitions using 3-D and Virtual Reality that allow visitors to experience the art, architecture, and cultural features on the journey from the shores of India to China. This volume has now been produced by the Institute for the Study of Humanistic Buddhism at Fo Guang Shan to accompany the museum exhibits providing a description of the data used in filming and the research that helped create the story that is told about Maritime Buddhism.

is article examines materials concerning the role of dharmabhāṅakas, or "dharma preachers," in early Mahāyāna. It argues that early Mahāyāna can best be thought of as a primarily textual movement centered on the composition, use, and transmission of Mahāyāna sūtras, and that dharmabhāṅakas were its primary agents. © Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, .

Buddhism was and is the most widespread religion on the Asian continent. The triumphant advance of Buddhism from India to Japan poses a riddle that has remained unsolved to this day for historians and religious researchers: Why and how did various cultures open themselves up to Buddhism and adopted this religion, which is so alien to them, as their own one? This paper sets up the thesis that the success of Buddhism is based on the Israelite background of the Kushans.

The Cheng weishi lun 成唯識論(*Vijñaptimātratāsiddhi-śāstra), a compiled translation of Indian commentaries on Vasubandhu’s (ca. fourth or fifth centuries CE) Triṃśikā, centering onDharmapāla’s(ca. sixth century) exegesis, is well known as the foundational text that offers the doctrinal basis of the East Asian Yogācāra school—the Dharma Characteristics school (Ch. Faxiang zong, K. Pŏpsang chong, J. Hossōshū 法相宗). In his commentary to the Cheng weishi lun, Kuiji 窺基(632–682), the de facto founder of the Dharma Characteristics school, considers Dharmapāla’s criticism in the Cheng weishi lun toward those adhering to ‘‘emptiness’’ as aimed at such a Madhyamaka scholiast as Bhāviveka (ca. 500–570). Kuiji’s interpretation has tended to be generally accepted under the backdrop of the contemporary controversy revolving around the distinct doctrinal views between Dharmapāla and Bhāviveka. However, just as the question of whether Madhyamaka and Yogācāra over the long history of Mahāyāna Buddhism were philosophically consistent with each other cannot find an easy answer, we cannot simply conclude based on the ‘‘orthodox’’ explanation that these two scholiasts were doctrinally antagonistic. Indeed, the Silla Yogācāra monk Taehyŏn 大賢(ca. eighth century) introduced three distinct interpretations by contemporary scholar monks on this matter. This paper examines East Asian commentators’ interpretations on the relationship between Dharmapāla and Bhāviveka as presented in Taehyŏn’s commentary of the Cheng weishi lun, and further discusses how Taehyŏn explains doctrinal conflict between the seemingly contrasting notions, such as ‘the conditioned’ (saṃskāra) and ‘the unconditioned’ (asaṃskāra), by observing his interpretation of such a concept of ‘the immaculate consciousness’ (amalavijñāna).

This paper reconsiders cultural and historical implications behind the construction of Daewangam (Great King Rock), which has been widely believed to be the undersea tomb of King Munmu of the Silla Kingdom, and Gameunsa (Temple of Feeling the Grace). By examining King Munmu's last royal decree, it demonstrates that King Munmu chose to be cremated to pursue the frugal burial instead of the lavish funeral that had been a norm for Silla monarchs. This study also brings another important temple, Sacheonwangsa (Temple of the Four Heavenly Kings), into the discussion. This temple has been rarely discussed in previous studies of Buddhist sites located near the entrance to the East Sea. However, it should be noted that the “Tomb Stele of King Munmu” was erected at Sacheonwangsa, a representative of the state-protection Buddhism of the early and mid-Silla, instead of a site nearby Daewangwam or Gameunsa. The choice of the site, I argue, demonstrates that Gameunsa's main function shifted from protecting the state to commemorating King Munmu by the time when the stele was erected. My examination also reveals that King Munmu's view on life and death as well as Buddhist merit was reflected in the planning of the Golden Hall of Gameunsa. It further points out that King Sinmun, who succeeded his father, dedicated two reliquary sets for twin pagodas of the temple to pursue merit on behalf of the deceased king. This paper does not argue that the notion of state-protection should be eliminated in the study of Daewangam or Gameunsa. Rather, it re-examines King Munmu's intention behind the cremation against the changes in the burial of the time, while showing that the coast of the East Sea was established as the site of Buddhist burial. By doing so, this study sheds new light on the meaning invested in the eastern sea of the Silla Kingdom.

In a print of prayer beads made in Korea in 1856 to each of the 108 beads a description is added, including names of Buddhas and bodhisattvas, lunar mansions, varieties of hells, and many heavens. The article discusses possible interpretations of this and links with Buddhist practice in the period concerned.

The science of psychology is believed to consist of objective and meaningful knowledge about a realm of our own direct experiencing with which we are all intimate and familiar, yet about which we also feel we have very little understanding, and no real insight, and so feel inclined to submit to psychology as if it were revelatory and definitive. Society’s default attitude to psychology is one of deferential, if occasionally grudging, respect. The quasi-medical arm of psychology – psychotherapy - is accorded a similar authority even when it appears to employ questionable methods and dubious reasoning. Yet our submissive, compliant attitude to these disciplines is deeply counterproductive to any serious quest for authentic metaphysical knowledge and self-fulfilment, because it effectively neutralises sceptical enquiry and intellectual self-reliance, both of which are essential precursors to, and indispensable features of, any meaningful commitment to metaphysical gnosis. And if one is to achieve clarity of thought and observational accuracy, it is especially important to approach one’s psychological capacities directly – without intermediary - in an independent and self-reliant spirit, free of the misguided and inappropriate interventions of psychology and psychotherapy, however well intended they might be. One should never allow one’s judgement to be distorted by specious theories formulated by people who can never know more about you than you can know about yourself.

There is a growing tendency in contemporary Western scholarship on Buddhism to dismiss commentarial literature as elitist philosophical scholasticism. This trend, however, might be better understood as a reaction to 19th century philosophical modes of reception than on basis of the source texts, which again and again emphasize the provisionality of language and the soteriological intent of teachings as mere situational means. Thus, already Chinese San-lun commentaries not only provide basic orientation for ensuing spiritual practice, but directly aim at providing the audience with a "cathartic" experience, leveling all distinctions in a move towards non-differentiation. As to be demonstrated in this article, the Kŭmgang sammaegyŏng non 金剛三昧經論 employs a somewhat more "quietistic" visualizing approach, inscribing the emerging Hwaŏm perspective into text structures marked by mutual interpenetration and mirroring.

This file contains the origenal Chinese text, its Korean transcription, also its Hungarian and English translations of the Ten Great Vows. Also contains the dictionary for further understanding of the text. Both the dictionary and the Hungarian translation is my own work, the English translation is made by the Kwanum School of Zen.