"Review from Choice:
Waters, Tony. Schooling, childhood, and bureaucracy: bureaucratizing the child. Palgrave Macmillan, 2012. 255p bibl index ISBN 9781137269713, S90.00

Waters (California State Univ., Chico) is by education and profession a sociologist, and it shows on every page of this work. If readers are not familiar with the term "habitus," they will be by the end of the book. The term "habitus" means a certain behavior or belief that has become part of a society's structure and ingrained into individuals and sociological systems of that culture when the original purpose of that belief can no longer be recalled. In short, people continue to do things because that is the way they were taught, giving little thought as to why they do them. The word appears on nearly every page of this book, and is used to illustrate various sociological perspectives on the field of education. What this means is that, in the author's view, schools in the US exist the way they do because most of the people in the US are parts of larger bureaucracies, and schools reflect the needs of those bureaucracies by preparing children to fulfill bureaucratic roles once they become adults. It is an interesting book that explains why schools are the way they are today. Summing Up: Recommended. ** Graduate, research, and professional collections.--J. D. Neal, University of Central Missouri

Neal, J.D.

Source Citation  (MLA 7th Edition)
Neal, J.D. "Waters, Tony. Schooling, childhood, and bureaucracy: bureaucratizing the child." CHOICE: Current Reviews for Academic Libraries June 2013: 1895. Academic OneFile. Web. 29 Dec. 2013.

By the end of the 19th century, the Prussian censuses registered regularly the nationality of the population according to a standard criterion: the mother tongue. The background to this institutionalization could be mapped out in terms of the early creation of the statistical office, the reform of the bureaucracy, and the political challenge following the annexation of the western part of the former Polish state. However, this paper gives a different account of that goes beyond a state‐level history of a statistical institution. At the beginning of the 19th century, nationality was already registered in some localities. The purpose was to measure the use of German in schools and churches and hence the effectiveness of the Germanization of the Poles. Although the statistical office was in existence, it had little influence on these local practices, and their heterogeneity prevailed for decades. This situation was modified by the centralization of the census in the 1860s in the hands of the statistical office, and the emergence of a demographic approach. This change occurred in the context of discussions with local authorities regarding their use of language statistics. The census has to be seen therefore as an integration on multiple levels of statistical practices.

This study is an attempt to study and explore the extent of people’s participation in the SF policy of Bangladesh and what are the roles of the main stakeholders: bureaucrats, Union Parishad and NGOs in ensuring the expected level of people’s participation in this
policy. In this regard, several hypotheses are developed and for answering these questions, a combination of quantitative and qualitative methods has been adopted. These questions can be explained or analyzed on the basis of some independent and
dependent variables. The dependent variable in this study is people’s participation, which is believed to be dependent upon certain actors and factors such as political and classical
bureaucrats, patron-client relationship between the participants, bureaucrats and local elites of SF policy, and socio-economic background of the SF farmers. It was assumed that variables would influence and affect who participates in SF programs and their level of participation. The above mentioned questions are addressed in the light of political and classical bureaucrats as concept analyzed by Putnam (1975, 87), as well as on the
basis of patron-client relationship, and theories of social capital.

In the study it is found that the people’s participation in the SF policy illustrates the dissonance between myths and reality. SF’s performance in achieving the participatory goals was poor. A number of common institutional and social problems seemed to have shaped the performance. Participation of the main target group the landless, women and disadvantaged class of the society is minimal in the project. The selection of the members in the SF policy is the responsibility of the local Union Parishad Chairman. But no certain rules were followed in selecting SF members. Classical nature of the bureaucrats (role-orientation), patron-client relationship among the stakeholders, poor socio-economic background, NGOs ineffective role, lack of trust to the institutions like Union Parishad and bureaucracy are the main reasons for lack of people’s participation in the SF project. Among these factors patron-client relationship among the stakeholders is found as the most dominate because this vicious network impede the extent of
people’s participation from the very beginning of the SF project to the last and demolishthat objectives of the government dreadfully.

El objetivo general del curso es explorar los principales enfoques y núcleos de debate propios de la antropología política como especialidad disciplinar. El programa se propone discutir ejes claves del área, incluyendo un panorama sobre su surgimiento y sobre las discusiones contemporáneas. En particular, el curso pretende contribuir a desnaturalizar algunas prenociones acerca de “lo político” que son recurrentes tanto en los usos sociales así como en los usos académicos puestos en juego en el ámbito de las ciencias sociales y de las humanidades (por ejemplo, el tratamiento de la política como un campo diferenciado y autónomo; como un ámbito dominado más por el interés y lo pragmático que por la dimensión moral; o a la reificación del estado al tratarlo analíticamente como una entidad bien delimitada y diferenciada de la “sociedad civil”). A fin de promover una perspectiva crítica, el curso se propone problematizar las relaciones entre conceptos teóricos y categorías nativas, entre instrumentos analíticos y concepciones locales sobre la política, lo político, el gobierno, el estado, la justicia, etc. La propuesta se centra en el análisis de “la política”, “lo político” y términos asociados, abordándolos como categorías prácticas que forman parte de los universos sociales que estudiamos antes que como definiciones teóricas preestablecidas. En ese camino, el curso articulará la perspectiva de la “antropología política” tradicionalmente interesada en la identificación y estudio de los procesos políticos y aquella de la “antropología de la política” preocupada por el modo en que las personas entienden, clasifican y producen los límites de aquello que en diferentes contextos se reconoce como “lo político”. Se pretende promover el análisis de las formas en que las representaciones sociales sobre lo político, el Estado, el gobierno, la militancia, etc. son socialmente producidas, reproducidas, desplegadas e impuestas por actores situados en el marco de procesos sociales concretos, incorporando el rol de la/s propias/os antropóloga/os en la producción de conocimiento sobre el tema.

A strand of recent German historiography on the kingdom of Westphalia emphasizes the discrepancy between Napoleon’s reformist ambitions and the actual results of his rule. This school of thought argues that Napoleon’s continued fiscal and military exploitation of the territory discredited the newly-created state, provoking a widespread rejection of the regime and its administration. Moreover, the argument goes, only a small section of the population was ever prepared to cooperate with the French.
In fact, public opinion varied widely within the kingdom and across different social levels in its views of the new state. The relatively poor experience of French rule in Hesse-Cassel with its capital, on which historians have focused much of their attention, should not be generalized for the kingdom as a whole. Involvement of the wider population in administrative processes by public monitoring of the administrators proved far more effective than it is often acknowledged.
Based on many years of research in German, French and Russian archives, this chapter attempts to give a more nuanced view of this kingdom organized as it was at a decisive moment in the construction of the modern bureaucratic state.

A pdf is available by request to jmheyman@utep.edu .  The anthropology of bureaucracy should address the role of organized power in organizing complex and unequal societies.  This article reviews the development of bureaucracy studies, focusing on the thinking done by bureaucrats in their efforts to control the actions of others.  Then the central concept of thought-work is placed within a series of queries about levels and relationships of power, with particular attention to the encompassing classifications and assumptions embodied in organizational worldviews.  The worldview of officers of the United States Immigration and Naturalization Service, examined as a case study, are found to give cohesion to a contradictory policy that balances publicly visible arrests and invisible but effective perpetuation of undocumented labor migration.  Human rights abuses and avoidance of abuses are both explainable as outcomes of these thought-work routines.  A stronger theoretical approach to organized power enhances applied anthropology's ability to address the behavior of state and private bureaucracies with respect to the rights and interests of nonbureaucrats.

Referring to cultural Marxism, especially the Frankfurt School, Noam Chomsky once said, "I don't find that kind of work very illuminating… The ideas that seem useful also seem pretty simple, and I don't understand what all the verbiage is for." While I think there's much of value in the socalled Western Marxist tradition-for instance, I'm partial to Georg Lukács (more so than to Adorno and others in the Frankfurt School)-I have to admit I strongly sympathize with Chomsky. But his criticism generalizes, and is even truer in other areas: since well before the mid-twentieth century, a large amount of work in the humanities has been prone to unnecessary and sometimes incomprehensible verbiage. Later this tendency came to be associated with postmodernism, for it was most pronounced in the writings of such luminaries as Derrida, Lacan, Kristeva, Deleuze, and Foucault, as well as their hordes of epigones. By the end of the twentieth century, a vast field of "Theory" had reached maturity, encompassing much of philosophy, anthropology, psychoanalysis, and literary, film, and cultural studies.

This study explores the relationship between organizational red tape and work alienation. While bureaucratic controls have long been considered sources of worker detachment, the relationship between red tape and managerial alienation has not been explicitly tested. When managers encounter rules, regulations, or procedures that seem pointless yet burdensome, these encounters may simultaneously trigger the key psychological ingredients of alienationpowerlessness and meaninglessness. These in turn are expected to reduce organizational commitment, job involvement, and job satisfaction, alienation indicators used in this study. To test these expectations, the study uses data from the National Administrative Studies Project (NASP-II). NASP-II surveyed managers in state health and human service agencies, producing a response rate of approximately 53 percent. Statistical analyses indicate that perceived personnel red tape is a consistently negative and statistically significant influence in all alienation models. Perceived organizational red tape is statistically significant and negative in all but the job involvement model. Other bureaucratic control mechanisms included in the models also appear to be sources of alienation, including centralization and technology routineness. However, formalization appears to be a mitigating, not exacerbating, influence on alienation. Considered together, these results suggest that red tape and other forms of bureaucratic control have adverse effects on the psychological attachment felt by public managers to their workplace.

Corrupt exchanges are often brokered by a third party, but this phenomenon has not been satisfactorily explored by researchers of corruption. Literature on brokerage in general provides interesting models but they have not previously been applied to corrupt exchanges. Based on in-depth qualitative interviews with respondents who participated in actual corrupt transactions, this paper identifies several distinct brokerage types in low-level corruption in contemporary Hungary. The paper also provides explanation of variation in corruption brokerage in terms of actors' group affiliations, forms of the corrupt exchanges, brokerage mechanisms, as well as neutrality, benefit and motivation, risk distribution, and stability of the brokerage structure. Finally, we discuss some policy implications of corruption brokerage.

This research, conducted by the author when a Senior Researcher at Newcastle University, UK, was funded by a UK governance organisation to help them assess, integrate and improve their understanding of the governed population.

ABSTRACT: Governance organisations have been urged to develop more holistic evidence-based approaches with partners to better deal with issues affecting the governed population. This presupposes an understanding of the population, yet there has been little research work addressing how governance organisations come to understand their governed population, nor how this understanding can be improved upon within such organisations.

This case study examined in-depth how understanding of a governed population was developed within one UK local governance organisation and it explored how such understanding might be developed and improved through more holistic and evidence-based organisational learning within the organisation and its governance partnerships.

The research methodology involved placement within the governance organisation, participant observations on several projects and innovative initiatives, observations within, across, and outside the organisation, and also interviews with varied key stakeholders.

The study examined:

- stakeholder engagement and networks
- current and varied understandings of the population
- mechanisms actually used for developing understandings
- the influence of context on organisational learning

and analysed these to arrive at a recommendations to improve organisational understanding of the governed population.

In the case studied, significant strengths were found: including innovative past learning trials for development, extensive ongoing networking activities, and many varied and accumulating quantitative datasets available across partnerships.

However, entrenched organisational approaches and practices constrained the development of holistic evidence-based understanding, for instance: the absence of systematic maintained collective learning processes; weak recording and forgetting of understandings; methodological exclusion of stakeholders from the development of understanding; the relative neglect of qualitative data, explanations, investigations, interpretations, and reflexivity; and also implicit organisational acceptance of such limitations and low aspirations.

Nonetheless, untapped opportunities existed to enable change including: latent practitioner knowledge and innovative management champions, the desire for improvement and raised aspirations within learning networks, and the development potential of alterative learning approaches.

It was concluded that more holistic evidence-based understanding was possible, but required new learning approaches beyond those then in use in both local government or academia.   

Recommendations are made to utilise and develop improved organisational learning approaches trialed and reported in the case study.

It is argued that the case study findings, conclusions, and recommendations may be applicable to other similar local governance organisations and partnerships that seek to better understand local populations, services and interventions.

The work was also submitted for, and awarded, an MPhil (at Newcastle University, supervised by Prof. Patsy Healy)

The Garden Party is a short story written by Katherine Mansfield in 1922. In this story reader can see class conflict and differences between upper class and working class. The main characters are from upper class and they have an imaginary world, they are rich and they are superior to the others. They have parties, they have expensive life, they live in a big house where they can throw parties and garden party is an important occasion for them. They like to have guests in their garden because they like to show what do they have, how do they live, they like to throw parties because it is fun and it is easy to show their lives to the other, but there is also working-class reality that they do not want to see and try to close their eyes, especially the mother of the family. In this paper I will focus on class differences between rich families and poor families by analysing the plot and the characters of the story.

Rifa’at Ali Abou-El-Haj:
A Different Approach to the Ottoman State and Political
Structure
Yunus UGUR
Abstract
Rifa’at Ali Abou-El-Haj: A Different Approach to the Ottoman State and Political
Structure.
Rifa’at Ali Abou-El-Haj suggests a different approach to the Ottoman political
order, making structural class analyses in the framework of the Ottoman bureaucracy
and diplomacy. He criticizes the existing literature because of their insufficient
analyses of the sources, non-theoretical approach to the issues, and
indifference to complex network among the different realms of life. Hence,
Abou-El-Haj studies the Ottoman political structure considering various causes
and results of its change from bureaucratic structure to social structure of
this society. He is seriously against the uniqueness (sui-generis position) of the
Ottoman history and, therefore, has a strong tendency to put the Ottoman history
into the World history. In his studies, he compares the changes occurred in
the structure of the Ottoman Empire and that of its contemporary states. However,
Abou-El-Haj precedes the inner dynamics of the change over other
dynamics. For him, as an instance, the reforms of the nineteenth century Ottoman
state could not be understood without examining the former structural
changes occurred in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Besides his studies
on the Ottoman state and political structure, Abou-El-Haj has now continuing
projects related to the Ottoman social structure and the Ottoman political
thought in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.
In this study, I will try to introduce and evaluate his articles in a concise way
and two books in detail, taking their chronological order into consideration. We
will give full references of his articles and book reviews, which were written by
him and for him, in the footnotes of our article.

A paper about the officium and personels at the disposition of the proconsul of Asia. This work uses epigraphic documentation and parallels with the staff of the African proconsul, also of consular rank, and with an inscription from Macedonia/Samothrace

ÖZET
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16 Nisan 2017 tarihli anayasa referandumu ile hükümet sistemi de değiştiği için bütün kamu bürokrasisinin atanma ve göreve gelme usullerinde de değişiklikler olmuştur. İşte bu değişim içinde özellikle üst düzey bürokratların atanması önemli bir konu olarak gündeme gelmektedir. Çünkü kamu yönetiminin niteliği ve kalitesi açısından üst düzey yöneticiler önemli bir rol oynarlar. Eski sistemde üst düzey yöneticilerin atanması konusunda anayasada netlik olmadığı için sürekli bir tartışma ve sorun yaşanmıştır.  Anayasanın 104. maddesinde yapılan değişiklikle üst düzey memurların atanmasındaki karmaşaya son verilmiştir. Ayrıca Cumhurbaşkanının çıkardığı kararnamelerle yeni bürokrasi şekil kazanmakta ve kendine özgü bir niteliğe bürünmektedir. Bu çalışmada Cumhurbaşkanının yeni hükümet sistemine göre sahip olduğu atama yetkilerinin yasal dayanakları ve kamu yönetimine etkileri üzerinde durulmaktadır.

Tracing transformations in the way that humanitarian organizations respond to insecurity in the field, this article examines the bureaucratization and professionalization of security in relation to intraorganizational struggles between humanitarian professionals. Whereas some advocate for the triumph of remoteness and bunkerization as organizing principles of humanitarian action, others challenge the imposition of security as a humanitarian logic of practice through acts of nonconformity. These tensions are illustrative of professional struggles over how to do and think humanitarian action. In articulating a sociological and transversal reading, this article points to the heterogeneity and divisions structuring the humanitarian space. To provide empirical insights into the bureaucratic work practices of headquarters professionals and the everyday practices of frontline humanitarian professionals, this article draws upon an analysis of humanitarian security manuals, interviews with humanitarian professionals, and field observations in Port-au-Prince. The article sheds light on the development of the humanitarian profession and on the novelty of the work practices of humanitarian security professionals, while contributing to debates on bunkerization and the literature on transnational professionals.

A lo largo del presente trabajo examinamos, en primer término, las experiencias que se han llevado a cabo en materia de teletrabajo en la administración pública en distintos países del mundo, como Estados Unidos, Alemania, Francia, Italia, Portugal o el Reino Unido. En segundo término, analizamos la legislación estatal básica y de las distintas comunidades autónomas. Por último, extraemos una serie de conclusiones, teniendo en cuenta la evolución observada y los retos a los que se enfrenta la evolución futura del teletrabajo en el singular marco de la organización administrativa.

In the present work we examine, first of all, experiences with telework made by public administrations in diverse countries, such as the United States, Germany, France, Italy, Portugal, and the United Kingdom. Secondly, we analyze fundamental legislation regarding telework at the central state level in Spain, and at the level of the country's autonomous communities. Finally, we formulate some conclusions, based on the developments observed and the challenges that the future evolution of telework confronts in the specific framework of administrative organizations.

A pdf is available by request to jmheyman@utep.edu .  By contrast with ideological stereotypes of the United States as purely modern and rational, and Mexico as purely corrupt, there is in fact considerable evidence of corruption among U.S. federal border agencies and local law enforcement.  It is vital to the functioning of the border smuggling system.  It is not the product of a few bad apples, but rather is a patterned outcome of social relations and cultural processes, in a wider context of hypocrisy in which the U.S. both demands illegalized flows from Mexico and also denies their existence.

means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, without written permission from the publisher. Product or company names used in this set are for identification purposes only. Inclusion of the names of the products or companies does not indicate a claim of ownership by IGI Global of the trademark or registered trademark.

This study deals with how employment officers describe the situation in the labour market for youth of immigrant descent, i.e. which problems, obstacles and possibilities they thought were specific for this category. The purpose is to study how the officers relate these descriptions to culture, ethnicity, nationality and the migrant condition. In fulfilling this aim, I wish to contribute to the general study on how civil servants in public street-level bureaucracies respond to contemporary multi-ethnic conditions, and how the concept of culture is used in politics and social policy. The thesis is based on qualitative data from interviews with employment officers in the Greater Stockholm area. During the interviews, the employment officers focused on the conditions that led to ethnic segregation. Descriptions of problems predominated, and the dissertation highlights the four most frequent descriptions, namely those that deal with familiarity of implicit social codes in the workplace, gender systems in non-Swedish cultures, lack of proficiency in Swedish, and the role of social networks and ties to the labour market. The three first mentioned themes entailed a clear-cut drawing-up of boundaries between Swedishness and non-Swedishness. The last theme comprised a deviation from the first three, in which the interviewees focused on the workings of social stratification, geographical segregation and ethnic discrimination. The interviewees expressed imperatives with regard to what youth of immigrant descent should do in order to reach a position on the labour market. These imperatives were articulated from a pragmatic point of view, in which the employment officers mainly conformed to the requirements of the employers, depicted as a neutral force emanating from the interplay between supply and demand. But the imperatives also expressed claims for adaptation to Swedishness and Swedish culture. Throughout the interviews, the socialities implied by the concept of culture were mostly defined in ethnic terms. In fact, culturally determined behaviour was one of the most common models for explaining unemployment. The concept of culture added rationality to behaviour that did not fit with the interviewees’ expectations; non-Swedish behaviour patterns considered as cultural were mostly negatively valued. Some groups or categories dominated in the “description of problems”, such as Turks, Roma, Muslims, Africans and Arabs. The problems ascribed to these groups were identical with the problems ascribed to the vast category of “invandrare” (immigrants); the problems related to these groups and categories seem to be the problem of the generalized “Other”.
Key words: ethnicity, categorization, employment agencies, bureaucracy, culture, culturalism, nationalism, labour market, segmentation, segregation, discourse.

"Corruption has become one of the most popular topics in the social scientific disciplines. However, there is a lack of interdisciplinary communication about corruption. Models developed by different
academic disciplines are often isolated from each other. The purpose of this paper is to review several major approaches to corruption and draw them closer to each other. Most studies of corruption fall
into three major categories: (i) rational-actor models where corruption is viewed as resulting from cost/benefit analysis of individual actors; (ii) structural models that focus on external forces that determine corruption; and (iii) relational models that emphasize social interactions and networks among corrupt actors. Focusing on actors’ behavior and the social context, this article explains corruption concepts taken from sociology, economics, organization studies, political science, social anthropology, and social psychology."

This essay is devoted to a particular type of official  handbooks that emerged around 1730, in which the contents of the Penal Code and of the regulations on "administrative sanctions" (chufen) were set in tables of varying complexity. The aim was to facilitate access to a corpus of laws that was both proliferating and constantly updated. Part One proposes a history of the genre by describing a series of works some of which were revised and reprinted through the end of the nineteenth century. The milieu of administrative specialists that produced the authors, the practices of the publishers, and the targeted public are discussed along the way. Part Two discusses in more detail the logic of table presentation, in other words the various methods employed to abstract and reorganize the text of the legislative compendia so as to make  them "plain at first glance".

This article concerns the extent to which corrupt behavior is dependent on the organizational power structure and the resources available for illegal exchange. This qualitative study is based on 42 in-depth interviews with organizational actors in different organizations in Hungary. Four core themes emerged from the analysis of the interviews: (a) isolated corruption at the bottom, (b) the middle level’s own corruption, (c) “technicization” when middle-level professionals and expert groups are used to legalize the corruption of the dominant coalition, and (d) “turning-off controls” when organizational elites intentionally deactivate internal and external controls to avoid detection.

An examination of the local government reforms instituted by the Musharraf government in 2000 in Pakistan. It demonstrates how the devolution reforms decreased the political and administrative influence of the bureaucracy by removing their executive administration powers and caused further politicization and decay of the civil service. Non-traditional authorities and local elites were able to capture many of the new elected positions resulting in little improvement in the people’s participation. Patron-client relations between the local elite and civil servants were reversed, further weakening the bureaucracy. The rise in power of the military and its infiltration into all institutions of the state allowed it to systemically weaken the bureaucracy’s elite cadre (the DMG) and marginalize a potential institutional competitor. Local elites became subservient to the military as well, which further decreased the need for a partnership with the bureaucracy. This served to remove a potentially powerful competitor for the military regime and fit the larger trend of the increasing encroachment of the military into the state. The nature of the reforms, though meant to increase democratization and participation, further served to entrench the power of military as the strongest institution in the country.

The purpose of this essay is to discuss several points, aimed at enhancing our understanding of the human aspect of the scribes: their actions, the framework in which they worked, the way they made tablets, their specialization, their movements and their co-operation with  other scribes. Needless to say, such a study cannot be conclusive, and cannot account for the whole Mycenaean world; it will be limited to one palace: the palace of Pylos. This has been chosen because it is the most thoroughly excavated and published Mycenaean palace, has a large concentration of Linear B tablets, and occupies a relatively restricted area. It is firmly believed that it is impossible to interpret a bureaucracy without understanding the ways in which the bureaucrats work.

The principles of corporate organization and management are undergoing major upheaval, especially in knowledge-focused enterprises struggling to manage fluidity, multiple projects and accountabilities, and “on-demand” networks of relations. The consistent driver is an attempt to overcome the limitations of bureaucratic organization: restriction of communication channels, inward focus, rigidity of rules, lack of cross-unit cooperation, and other well-documented weaknesses. We are in a period in which the paradigmatic “big picture” is not clear. Academic research lags behind practice: the understanding of adaptive teams is growing but still weak, and most studies still focus on individual jobs or on small, stable teams within clear hierarchies.
There are at least three major images of what the future organization might look like: 1) Maximal decentralization, with high individual autonomy and a stronger role for market mechanisms. 2) Cooperative mutualism, with local production and exchange; 3) Collaborative networks, with flexible teams in complex relations of alliance and partnership. Whatever route is taken, it is clear that work already looks very different from the model described by organization scholars a few decades ago.

Agenda jangka menengah 2020-2024 adalah penting dan
menjadi fondasi dalam pencapaian Visi 2045, Indonesia Berdaulat,
Maju, Adil dan Makmur, menuju negara pendapatan tinggi dan salah
satu negara dengan produk domestik bruto (PDB) terbesar dunia.
Melalui skenario tinggi dengan rata-rata 5,7 % pertumbuhan ekonomi
per tahun, diharapkan pada 2045, pendapatan per kapita Indonesia
mencapai US$ 23.199, menjadi perekonomian dengan PDB terbesar
ke-5 di dunia, dan keluar dari Middle-Income Trap pada 2036.
Pemerintah juga telah mempersiapkan Visi 2045, dengan tiga sektor
strategis dan unggulan sebagai sumber potensial dalam mendorong
dan menggerakan pertumbuhan dan pembangunan nasional di
dalam rencana pembangunan jangka menengah nasional (RPJMN)
2020-2024, yakni: (1) industri; (2) pariwisata; dan (3) ekonomi kreatif
dan digital.

Namun demikian, regulasi yang tumpang tindih dan relatif
tertutup (termasuk di pasar tenaga kerja) dan kualitas birokrasi
masih rendah (korupsi tinggi dan birokrasi tidak efisien, lemahnya
koordinasi antarkebijakan, rendahnya kualitas SDM aparatur)
menjadi kendala yang sangat mengikat (the most binding constraint)
untuk percepatan pertumbuhan ekonomi dan daya saing. Untuk
mencapai Visi 2045, maka pemantapan birokrasi menjadi salah satu
agenda pokok.

Secara demografi, aparatur sipil negara (ASN) cukup jauh dari
ideal. Birokrasi kita saat ini sebagian besar diisi oleh kelompok
jabatan fungsional administrasi umum atau yang saat ini dikenal
dengan jabatan pelaksana (43%). Apakah mesin birokrasi demikian
mampu membawa Indonesia ke arah lebih baik, jawabannya tentu
tidak mampu. Jabatan Fungsional (JF) merupakan core function atau
backbone dalam organisasi. Namun sisi urgensitas dari JF belum
tercermin dalam persebaran ASN, dimana jumlah pejabat fungsional
saat ini didominasi oleh JF Guru/Kependidikan (38% dari total ASN)
dan JF Kesehatan (6% dari total ASN). Sementara diluar itu (non
kependidikan dan kesehatan), jumlah pejabat fungsional teknis
lainnya hanya mencapai 8% dari total ASN, yakni 372.740 orang.
Jumlah ini bahkan masih lebih rendah dari presentase jabatan
struktural yang mencapai 10% dari total ASN). Persebaran JF teknis di daerah yang mendukung potensi unggulan daerah dan prioritas
nasional seperti pariwisata dan industri pengolahan juga masih
sangat kurang, sebagai contoh hanya 0,27% ASN di Bali dan Nusa
Tenggara dengan latar belakang pariwisata, dan hanya 0,06% di
Sumatera
Reformasi birokrasi merupakan salah satu prioritas Presiden
Joko Widodo di masa periode II kepemimpinannya. Reformasi
birokrasi dan reformasi struktural menjadi sangat penting, agar
lembaga semakin sederhana, semakin simpel, semakin lincah. Pola
pikir dan mindset birokrasi dituntut untuk berubah dengan
kecepatan melayani sebagai kunci bagi reformasi birokrasi. Presiden
juga akan serius menyederhanakan birokrasi dengan meminta
eselonisasi cukup dua level saja, yakni eselon I dan II. Eselon III dan
IV diganti dengan JF yang menghargai keahlian dan kompetensi.
Birokrasi yang lincah (agile bureaucracy) dengan ramping struktur
dan kaya fungsi menjadi paradigma perubahan dan nilai-nilai baru
dalam birokrasi. JF sebagai backbone dan motor birokrasi dituntut
untuk cepat beradaptasi dengan perkembangan zaman yang
memasuki era revolusi industri ke-empat.
Oleh karena itu, menjadi menarik untuk melihat fenomena yang
terjadi di dalam pengelolaan JF, khususnya dalam rangka percepatan
pembangunan. Adapun kebutuhan jenis JF antara lain: penyuluh
perindustrian dan perdagangan, instruktur, perencana, perekayasa,
intelijen industri, statistisi, analis big data, asesor manajemen mutu
industri, peneliti, analis kebijakan, perancang peraturan perundangundangan,
diplomat, promotor investasi untuk sektor industri.
Perencana, analis kebijakan, intelijen wisata, peneliti, pamong
wisata, pamong budaya, dosen, widyaiswara, penyuluh wisata,
perancang peraturan perundang-undangan untuk sektor pariwisata.
Penyuluh, instruktur, pranata komunikasi dan informatika, pranata
computer, asesor kompetensi, diplomat, peneliti, intelijen pasar,
statistisi, perencana, analis kebijakan, perancang peraturan
perundang-undangan, pranata komputer, pemeriksa pajak,
penyuluh pajak, sandiman, analis big data, pranata layanan publik
untuk sektor ekonomi kreatif dan digital.
Analisis jabatan (Anjab) dan analisis beban kerja (ABK)
dilakukan untuk menentukan jumlah dan jenis pekerjaan suatu unit
organisasi yang dilakukan secara sistematis menggunakan teknik analisis jabatan atau teknik manajemen lainnya. Inovasi lainnya
adalah melalui penghitungan sasaran target capaian atau output
yang diinginkan unit organisasi yang dibagi ke dalam beban kerja
pengampu JF. Barulah usulan kebutuhan JF dapat diusulkan ke
instansi terkait. Penyusunan formasi kebutuhan JF demikian
menjadi diskursus untuk penyempurnaan Anjab dan ABK, serta
implementasi human capital development plan (HCDP). Peta
kebutuhan JF sepatutnya juga mengacu pada karakteristik potensi
dan keunggulan wilayah dan pemenuhan kompetensi sesuai talenta
yang dibutuhkan.
Untuk mendorong utilisasi JF dalam rangka percepatan
pembangunan tersebut, maka diperlukan pedoman standarisasi
pengajuan jenis JF dan penataan rumpun JF. Kejelasan
kesejahteraan JF yang lebih layak juga perlu diatur utamanya pada
lingkup pemerintah daerah mengingat tidak ada kelas jabatan dalam
menentukan tunjangan bagi JF di lingkup pemerintah daerah. Dalam
meningkatkan kualitas kompetensi pengampu JF, hendaknya unit
kerja yang mengurusi pengembangan SDM perlu mengalokasikan
program dan anggaran pengembangan kompetensi bagi para JF,
mengingat pengembangan kompetensi saat ini masih terlalu
struktural minded. Agar JF dapat berkinerja secara optimal, maka
perlu menerapkan prinsip-prinsip agile buraucracy (birokrasi yang
lincah) secara menyeluruh dengan mengedepankan perampingan
struktur dan perluasan JF di semua lini birokrasi. Untuk kompetensi
tertentu di JF dapat merekrut Pegawai Pemerintah dengan Perjanjian
Kerja (PPPK) yang memiliki skill dan kompetensi khusus sebagai
optimalisasi kinerja sekaligus transfer pengetahuan ( transfer
knowledge) dan transfer pengalaman (transfer experience) di
lingkungan birokrasi. Optimalisasi pendidikan tinggi dan asosiasi
profesi pada masing-masing JF untuk melakukan sertifikasi profesi
agar ada link and match profesi dengan sektor privat sehingga para
PNS pengampu JF dapat berkarya lebih produktif dengan melakukan
second carrier pasca purna dari PNS.

This study provides an empirically based analysis of corrupt governmental networks. We conducted 45 interviews in Hungary with different organizational actors who were actually participating in corrupt transactions or at least had first-hand experiences of corruption. Given the secret nature of the topic, this article provides a unique insight into the phenomenon. Our findings show that corrupt elite cliques consciously design and coordinate multilevel structures of corrupt networks within and among organizations that involve a large amount of people. We identified the major network elements and their functions in corrupt transactions. The article also provides a typology of corrupt networks. The networks have different structural characteristics based on location of the “cash cows,” points from where the system is fed, and the actors’ positions of power. Our findings are compared with the already existing literature on dark networks, terrorist, and organized crime formations.

This is an extended summary and discussion of David Graeber's book 'The Utopia of Rules'. It also contains some comments on what the book might offer our analysis of the current failures of radical left politics in contemporary Britain. A shorter and more polished version will hopefully appear in a journal later in the year.

European fundings received under the programs of rural development have a major political impact in Romania, as they help to shape the legitimate form of agriculture. They are used as a support for new representative claims. At the same time, they feed conflicts within national administration. Firstly, several profesional organisations claim to stand up for a « small-scale capitalist agriculture », located between small plots dedicated to consumption on the farm and huge operators who export a large amount of their crops. They use the concept of « semi-subsistence » as a means to make a clear distinction between family farms that deserve support and those  that are doomed to disapear. Statistical tools and rhetorical devices used to make a selection are not sufficient to bring out new economic practices. But they give a sense of purpose to self-appointed spokespersons. Second, several Divisions compete against each over within the Romanian Department of Agriculture and Rural development. As they struggle to delineate their respective scope for action, some of them call upon professional organisations that claim to support « small-scale capitalist agriculture ». High-ranking officials who look for such reinforcements attempt to legitimate their position, arguing that they are backed by a strong  external mobilisation. The analysis is based on a systematic examination of appropriate trade journals and on semi-structured interviews with leaders of professional organisations and heads of administrative Divisions.

Les financements européens obtenus dans le cadre des politiques de développement rural produisent en Roumanie des effets politiques majeurs : ils contribuent à la mise en forme de l’agriculture légitime, en servant de support à un nouveau travail de représentation et en alimentant des luttes au sein de l’administration nationale. Plusieurs organisations professionnelles prétendent en premier lieu défendre une « petite agriculture capitaliste », positionnée entre les exploitations parcellaires qui entretiennent une logique d’autoconsommation et les grands producteurs qui privilégient les exportations. Elles mobilisent la notion de « semi-subsistance » pour tracer une frontière entre les fermes familiales dignes d’être défendues et celles qui sont promises à la relégation. Les outils statistiques et les procédés rhétoriques qui servent à opérer ce partage ne suffisent pas à faire advenir de nouvelles pratiques économiques. Mais ils offrent une raison d’être à des porte-parole auto-désignés. Au sein du ministère de l’Agriculture et du Développement rural, plusieurs services s’affrontent en second lieu pour fixer le périmètre de leurs attributions. Les organisations qui prétendent défendre la « petite agriculture capitaliste » sont transformées en forces d’appoint : les hauts fonctionnaires qui les sollicitent tentent de légitimer leur position en se réclamant d’une forte mobilisation extérieure. L’analyse est appuyée sur un dépouillement de la presse professionnelle et sur des entretiens semi-directifs réalisés entre 2009 et 2014 avec des responsables d’organisations professionnelles et de services administratifs

The treatment of illegalized migrants in Western liberal states has been often characterized by a duality of compassion and repression. Within this dyad, repression is said to be applied with the right hand of the state by the police, border control, refugee status determination units, etc., and compassion with its left hand by social workers, medical staff, as well as civil society organizations and humanitarian agencies. Drawing on the toil of deportation caseworkers in the Netherlands, this article argues that compassion is prevalent not only among those who show benevolence and support illegalized migrants but also among many who work on the repressive side of the divide. However, expressions of compassion by deportation caseworkers do not seem to mitigate an otherwise repressive bureaucratic work. Instead, compassion often helps caseworkers to furnish a comfort zone in which emotions can be discharged and from which caseworkers neutralize potentially disruptive affective dynamics by experiencing them as intrinsic to the law they implement. Compassion not only fails to produce vertical commonality with deportable migrants in vulnerable positions; it also willfully fosters the self-image of civil servants as humane and sensitive actors as they effectively implement controversial state policies.