The aim of the research was to evaluate the effects of projects developed by Local Action Groups (LAGs) on the economic development of rural areas in two development regions of Romania: North-West and North-East. Using Propensity Score Matching (PSM) we have compared communes belonging and not belonging to a LAG having similar characteristics, observing their differences in terms of outcome variables (turnover, number and employees in non-agricultural firms). Results show that there is not a statistically significant difference in change (2011-2015) of outcome variables between the two groups, both in the whole sample and in each region. This points to a lack of effectiveness of LAGs projects in promoting non-agricultural rural development. Furthermore, according to regression results, the outcome indicators are significantly affected by the degree of socio-economic development at the beginning of the examined period.

The aim of the research was to evaluate the effects of projects developed by Local Action Groups (LAGs) on the economic development of rural areas in two development regions of Romania: North-West and North-East. Using Propensity Score Matching (PSM) we have compared communes belonging and not belonging to a LAG having similar characteristics, observing their differences in terms of outcome variables (turnover, number and employees in non-agricultural firms). Results show that there is not a statistically significant difference in change (2011-2015) of outcome variables between the two groups, both in the whole sample and in each region. This points to a lack of effectiveness of LAGs projects in promoting non-agricultural rural development. Furthermore, according to regression results, the outcome indicators are significantly affected by the degree of socio-economic development at the beginning of the examined period.

The ASEAN-China Free Trade Area (ACFTA) represents a critical agreement between ASEAN member countries and China, aimed at fostering economic integration by eliminating or reducing trade barriers, enhancing service market access, refining investment regulations, and bolstering economic cooperation. This framework is designed to strengthen economic ties and enhance welfare across the involved nations. This study evaluates the impact of the ACFTA on trade dynamics by analyzing the Trade Intensity Index (TII), GDP, exchange rates, and a dummy variable representing the ACFTA's implementation. Utilizing annual data from 2001 to 2021, sourced from the UN-Comtrade Database and the World Bank, the research employs the Ordinary Least Squares (OLS) method to provide insights into the trade relationships under the ACFTA framework. The findings indicate a divergent impact, while Indonesia experiences a negative and significant influence from GDP, exchange rates, and ACFTA implementation, the ASEAN-6 countries display a positive and significant effect. Moreover, the study reveals that Indonesia's Trade Intensity Index with other ACFTA members is comparatively lower than Malaysia's. This suggests a need for targeted trade policies in Indonesia aimed at amplifying export volumes in sectors where it holds a comparative advantage. Such strategies could significantly enhance Indonesia's trade intensity within the ACFTA, fostering greater economic integration and benefits under this expansive regional trade agreement.

R. TZVEOVA1, T. YANEVA3, G. DIMITROV3, D. PENDICHEVA-DUHLENSKA5, S. VANDEVA4, Y. MATROZOVA4, K. NAYDENOV2, O. BELTCHEVA1, AT. MITKOVA1, S. ZACHARIEVA4, R. TURNOVSKA-KADREVA3, G. NACHEV6, V. MITEV1 AND R. KANEVA1 1Molecular Medicine Center, Department of Medical Chemistry and Biochemistry, Medical University – So a 2Department of Medical Chemistry and Biochemistry, Medical University – So a 3Clinic of Cardiology, University Hospital “Aleksandrovska” – So a 4Clinical Center of Endocrinology and Gerontology, Medical University – So a 5Department of Experimental and Clinical Pharmacology, Dermatology and Venereology, Medical University – Pleven 6National University Specialized Hospital for Active Treatment “Sv. Ekaterina” – So a

International economic theory suggests that people should embrace economic integration because it promises large gains. But policy reversals such as Brexit indicate a desire for economic disintegration. Here we report results of an experiment of how size and cross-country distribution of gains from integration influence individuals' inclination to cooperate to reap its intended benefits and to embrace or reject integration. The design considers an indefinitely repeated helping game with multiple equilibria and strategic uncertainty. The data reveal that inequality of potential gains neither affected behavior nor reduced support for economic integration. However, integration may lead to disappointing, unequally distributed welfare gains, undermining support for the policy. This suggests that to better assess integration policies, we should account for the spillover effects of integration on behavior. Miscalculating this behavioral aspect may undermine the intended development goals and motivate calls for dramatic policy-reversals.

Standard international economic theory suggests that people should embrace economic integration because it promises large gains. But recent events such as Brexit indicate a desire for economic disintegration. Here we report results of an experiment, based on a strategic analytical framework, of how size and distribution of potential gains from integration influence outcomes and individuals' inclination to embrace integration. We find that cross-country inequality in potential gains acts as a friction to realize those gains. This suggests that to better understand recent phenomena, international economic theory should account for distributional considerations and behavioral aspects it currently ignores.

International economic theory suggests that people should embrace economic integration because it promises large gains. But policy reversals such as Brexit indicate a desire for economic disintegration. Here we report results of an experiment of how size and cross-country distribution of gains from integration influence individuals' inclination to cooperate to reap its intended benefits and to embrace or reject integration. The design considers an indefinitely repeated helping game with multiple equilibria and strategic uncertainty. The data reveal that inequality of potential gains neither affected behavior nor reduced support for economic integration. However, integration may lead to disappointing, unequally distributed welfare gains, undermining support for the policy. This suggests that to better assess integration policies, we should account for the spillover effects of integration on behavior. Miscalculating this behavioral aspect may undermine the intended development goals and motivate calls for dramatic policy-reversals.

Resumen En esta publicacion se presenta un panorama, a partir del segundo semestre del ano 2000, de los principales procesos de integracion en que participan los paises de America Latina y el Caribe. Se incluye informacion sobre los acuerdos vigentes desde hace varios anos, a saber, el Mercado Comun del Sur (Mercosur), la Comunidad Andina, el Mercado Comun Centroamericano (MCCA) y la Comunidad del Caribe (CARICOM). Asimismo, se examina el desarrollo del Tratado de Libre Comercio de America del Norte (TLCAN) y el proceso de negociacion con vistas a la formacion del Area de Libre Comercio de las Americas (ALCA). Algunas de las tendencias mas relevantes que se observan sobre la evolucion de la integracion regional se describen en el primer capitulo, destacandose la vinculacion con las negociaciones multilaterales y hemisfericas y los principales obstaculos que enfrentan. A continuacion, en los cuatro capitulos siguientes se estudia en forma separada cada uno de esos procesos de integra...

The main objective of this article is to offer a critical overview of the present nature of Mexico-US migration, taking into account the broad and intricate spectrum of labour relations that has arisen among both nations in the context of the new forms of domination characterizing US imperialism. The article's primary interest lies in penetrating the content and scope of this phenomenon in an attempt to reveal the strategic role played by the exportation of Mexican labour in the process of US industrial restructuring, both within and beyond its borders. For this purpose, five critical dimensions of the phenomenon are analysed: ( ) the responses and alternative approaches that have emerged from the rank and file of the migrant community itself. (2) la nouvelle dynamique de la migration entre le Mexique et les États-Unis; (3) la dialectique particulière du modèle mexicain de croissance axée sur les exportations et du processus de migration; (4) les incidences économiques et géopolitiques du programme bilatéral sur les questions de migration; et (5) les réactions et les nouvelles approches issues de la communauté migrante elle-même.

Recent research on trade and multinationals highlights a novel issue with multinational firms. In particular, their integration strategies are complex and the degree of vertical integration varies in a multilateral world with many possible locations of activity. Multinationals may choose some plants to serve consumers locally only, whereas others engage in trade. Overall, this may explain the fact that a high percentage of world trade is actually controlled by multinational firms, although most of the foreign direct investment (FDI) occurs within the block of developed countries. The most important regional trade agreements (RTAs) are signed between members of the very same block of economies. This gives rise to the question asked in the present paper: what is the impact of RTAs on FDI in an interdependent world? The paper focuses on the role of the Europe Agreements between the member countries of the European Union and ten Central and Eastern European countries. In doing so, recent spatial HAC estimation techniques are applied to both estimation and testing.

International trade and economic globalization are in crisis. In the U.S. and elsewhere, current regimes like NAFTA and the EU, and trade deals like the TTIP and the TPP, have become targets for the political backlash against trade and its larger context, economic globalization. Brexit and the 2016 U.S. election remind us that many feel betrayed by current trade policies, that free trade is being imposed on them at their cost but for others’ benefit.  At the heart of this crisis, however, there are as always opportunities. First, we have an opportunity to return to trade’s roots in consent. Trade is nothing more or less than the economic bargains we agree to, and the rules we agree on to protect, support and facilitate these bargains.  However, by this standard much of what passes today for trade is not really trade at all but something else: coercion, exploitation, or worse. Second, we have an opportunity to look below the surface of contemporary events, where deeper underlying tre...

DÓNDE ESTAMOS Y HACIA DÓNDE VAMOS? José Viñals (*) (*) El autor agradece los comentarios y sugerencias realizados por Javier Samillán y Miguel Sebastián, así como por Jos participantes en un Seminario del Fondo Monetario Internacional. Traducción del inglés realizada por Infonnación Comercial Española para su publicación en el núme ro 728 de dicha revista. Banco de España -Servicio de Estudios Documento de Trabajo n' 94 t 2

This paper analyses the role of infrastructure on the Andean Community trade patterns. Three distinct but related gravity models of bilateral trade are used. The first model aims at identifying the importance of the Preferential Trade Agreement and adjacency within the Andean Community trade, while also checking the traditional roles of economic size and distance. The second and third models assess the evolution of the Trade Agreement and the importance of sharing a common border, but their main goal is to analyze the relevance of including infrastructure in the augmented gravity equation, testing the theoretical assumption that infrastructure endowments reduce trade and transport costs and therefore reduce "distance" between bilateral partners. Indeed, if one accepts distance as a proxy for transportation costs, infrastructure development and improvement drastically modify it. As evidenced by the results, trade liberalization eliminates most of the distortions that a protectionist tariff system imposes on international business; hence transportation costs represent nowadays a considerably larger barrier to trade than in past decades. As new trade pacts are being negotiated in the Americas, agreements and borders will lose significance as most countries will be able to trade among themselves without exchange restrictions, and bilateral trade will be defined in terms of costs and competitiveness. Competitiveness, however, will only be achieved by an improvement in infrastructure services at all points in the production-distribution chain and the reduction in costs triggered by a more modern type of regional integration.

Стаття присвячена актуальній проблемі вдосконалення нормативно-правового регулювання економічної безпеки України в умовах воєнного стану та післявоєнного відновлення. Особлива увага приділяється впливу трансформаційних змін, спричинених війною, на систему забезпечення економічної безпеки держави. Важливим аспектом дослідження є аналіз ролі національних економічних інтересів у формуванні ефективної системи захисту національної економіки. Автори доводять, що реалізація національних економічних інтересів є ключовим фактором забезпечення економічної безпеки держави, а також розглядають необхідність балансу між національними інтересами та інтересами міжнародних партнерів. Автори аналізують досягнення та виклики реформи, а також визначають пріоритетні завдання на майбутнє, зокрема в контексті післявоєнного відновлення.

This article argues that the terms-of-trade and volume-of-trade taxonomy from the theory of tariffs constitutes an attractive alternative to Viner's trade diversion and creation effects for the analysis of preferential trading arrangements. In applications of the alternative approach, the article establishes that results by Lipsey and Riezman on large versus small preunion trade flows for choice of partners are not ''contradictory'' and that under some conditions a small country's optimal strategy is to seek membership of multiple free-trade areas.

The study of international freshwater treaties' joint mechanisms for treaty implementation has thus far given little attention to the value of professional expertise in the leadership of these institutions, most of which are structured as international commissions. Few such commissions actually require certain expertise as a condition of appointment to the commission, raising the question as to whether such a requirement advantages the work of a commission, or not? This study addresses this deficiency by examining the role of professional expertise in the hydro-diplomacy of one of the oldest such commissions, the International Boundary and Water Commission, United States and Mexico (IBWC), established by the 1944 Water Treaty. After situating the IBWC in its historic context and describing its treaty mandate and functions, we compare the pattern of commissioner appointments at its U.S. and Mexican national sections for evidence of the governments' respect for the IBWC's technical expertise and the value they attach to expert leadership at its respective national sections. We then review scholarly analysis of the IBWC's performance for evidence of assessments of the IBWC's technical orientation as it affects its hydro-diplomacy. We follow with a look at the IBWC's work in resolving the three highest priority controversies on its docket since 1990. A preponderance of evidence suggests that requiring engineering expertise for commissioner appointments has not hindered, but facilitated the IBWC's hydro-diplomacy in this period. Further comparative analysis is needed on other commissions to establish the value of requiring specific expertise as a condition of leadership for strengthening these commissions capacity to fulfill their treaty mandates.

This study is an annual update of the report on state aid granted in Poland in the light of changes in other EU member states [Ambroziak, 2021; 2022, Annex, pp. 72–78]. The goal is to identify changes in the value, intensity and directions of state aid granted in Poland year-to-year. The study mainly relies on original calculations based on the European Commission’s State Aid Scoreboard. However, for purposes of comparison with other EU member states, in addition to standard indices, the authors developed custom indices more precisely reflecting the importance and targeting of the aid granted: the Revealed State Aid Index (RSAI) and Similarity State Aid Index [Ambroziak, 2021].

The 2016 Election brought a significant shift in U.S. policy, especially under President Donald Trump. From tax cuts to substantial changes in trade deals, Trumponomics directly affected the U.S. and global economies (Bouoiyour & Selmi, 2016). Trump proposed reforms to enhance U.S. economic growth, including cutting the corporate tax rate from 35% to 15%, enforcing a one-time overseas profit tax, initiating a $550 billion infrastructure plan, and implementing fiscal stimulus measures. Besides economic policies, uncertainties also surrounded Trump’s approach towards immigration policies and international trade agreements. The North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) was heavily reviewed, as Trump openly opposed it and threatened to withdraw from the deal. The Paris Agreement on climate change was another heavyweight international treaty to be reviewed.
Given these proposed reforms, the political uncertainties and uncontrollable volatility surrounding Trump’s election victory raise several important questions: How did U.S. stock returns react to the 2016 presidential election, and how did these reactants vary across sectors with different characteristics? Did the political uncertainty and sudden volatility arising from Trump’s presidency lead to wider price discrepancies and higher trading risks in international markets outside the U.S.? What were the potential implications for global investors? Introduced a systematic empirical framework to address these questions, shedding light on political risks associated with Trumponomics. They began by focusing on the direct financial implications of the 2016 U.S. presidential election, assessing the market response of sectoral portfolios in the U.S. equity market to the election events.

Businesses in today's globalized world mainly depend on effective logistics systems to make sure that items are moved across borders swiftly and securely. Two of the most crucial elements of the global supply chain for companies engaged in international trade are cargo clearance and container shipping. Navigating the challenges of cargo clearance and container shipping in Singapore, a major center for international trade, calls great skill and meticulous preparation. Faith Logistics, a reputable freight forwarder, helps companies optimize their supply chains and broaden their global presence by providing end-to-end solutions for cargo clearance in Singapore and international container transportation.

The relationship between economic growth and foreign trade was put in focus by many economists when foreign trade developed. The case of Free Trade is always associated with significant positive effects on foreign trade and economic growth. This paper explains the relationship between trade liberalization, foreign trade, and economic growth in Albania using annual economic development data for 1994-2019. This study is based on hypotheses for Causality Testing concerning the cointegration between GDP and foreign trade, trade liberalization and GDP, and GDP and exports in Albania. The ordinary least squares (OLS) model has been used. Empirical results for the Albanian case show that trade liberalization has a positive relationship with economic growth, exports, and imports. However, the multiple regression proved that GDP, Openness Index, FDI, and remittances positively impacted trade volume growth.

The paper examines how climate risk impacts the strategic entry mode choices - between greenfield investments and cross-border mergers and acquisitions (M&As) - of multinational enterprises (MNEs) into foreign markets. Our study adds to existing literature through a cross-countries empirical analysis and uses a newly developed dataset, the Multinational Revenue, Employment, and Investment Database (MREID), that accounts for how both physical and transition risks of climate change affect MNEs’ entry mode choice. Physical risk refers to the tangible impacts of climate change such as extreme weather events, while transition risk involves regulatory and policy changes associated with moving towards a low-carbon economy. Using data for 139 source countries and 134 destination countries over the period from 2010 to 2021, we find that an increase in the physical risk of climate change leads to MNEs choosing greenfield investment when entering into a new market while a higher level of transition risk discourages greenfield investment. Physical risk has a negative and significant influence on MNEs’ entry choice of using cross-border M&A. There is a positive and significant correlation between transition risk and cross-border M&A though such a relationship is not robust. Industrial-level evidence shows a similar pattern in the majority of the industries. Our findings provide policymakers with guidelines helping to mitigate the negative impact of climate change on business decisions at the global level.

Lo spirito di accoglienza incondizionata dei migranti che anima la grande maggioranza dei radical-chic italiani -fautori in particolare della loro distribuzione in piccoli gruppi in tutti i Comuni d'Italia -si è spento di fronte agli interessi particolari di una delle più consolidate comunità di questo tipo, quella di Capalbio, quando è emerso che un gruppetto di migranti era destinato al loro esclusivo angolo di paradiso. Non mi dilungo sul livello logico-culturale, veramente da casta o élite privilegiata, delle argomentazioni con le quali noti esponenti del gruppo hanno motivato il loro rifuto. Mi limito a dare i link per un florilegio da destra, dal centro e da sinistra nella stampa ferragostana. Si conferma la sindrome NIMBY (Not In My BackYard, cioè l'assoluta aprioristica ostilità a qualunque insediamento nel proprio territorio, comportamento che la lobby di Capalbio conosce bene visto che si gloria di un attivismo "antemarcia" contro il nucleare dalle loro parti che risale all'inizio degli anni '80). Apparentemente di ben altro tono le dichiarazioni di ChiccoTesta che, non a caso, da antinucleare è diventato esponente im prima fila della pattuglia filonucleare (sparuta in Italia) nella quale io milito da sempre. Chicco di fatto si dissocia dai suoi compagni di vacanze capalbiesi e sottolinea come il punto chiave sia utilizzare i migranti per risolvere i problemi del territorio che li ospita valorizzando le loro competenze. Come dargli torto? Anzi, condividendo i suoi auspici, gli si potrebbe assegnare un riconoscimento, ma dovrebbe essere quello dell'ovvietà intitolato al signor de La Palisse. Peccato che sorvoli sui dettagli operativi, liquidando con la facile invettiva "sciocca burocrazia" la domanda dell'intervistatore che ricorda come lo status di rifugiato non preveda l'obbligo del lavoro. Per andare sul pratico, che fare se i migranti si rifiutano? Come metterla con norme a vario livello (inclusi trattati internazionali) che attualmente impediscono un'operazione del genere? Data la sua storia di parlamentare e manager forse Chicco Testa potrebbe suggerire quali modifiche proporre alle prescrizioni vigenti, in che sede, per iniziativa di quale soggetto istituzionale e con quali prevedibili tempi di risposta. Francamente, pensare di risolvere la questione affermando "dei cinquanta migranti si faccia carico il sindaco, ma non solo per trovare loro un alloggio, ma per farli diventare utili", come da lui sostenuto, mi pare quantomeno semplicistico nel quadro normativo e operativo attuale. Tanto per citare qualche numero, i Comuni italiani sono più di ottomila e oltre la metà hanno meno di mille abitanti. E come la mettiamo con i disastrati bilanci comunali in un dissesto purtroppo diffuso quanto quello idrogeologico il cui rimedio Testa vorrebbe affidare ai migranti. E che diciamo ai disoccupati (organizzati o meno, inseriti nei cosiddetti Lavori socialmente utili, o meno, associati in cooperative serie o meno serie)? Forse qualcuno dovrebbe ricordargli visto che si parla di Marina di Capalbio, che "tra il dire e il fare c'è di mezzo il mare" e in questo caso un mare fatto anche di regole apparentemente di garanzia, in realtà di impedimento se non di blocco, che molti degli esponenti della lobby di Capalbio nei rispettivi ruoli, hanno contribuito a propugnare, imporre e difendere. Il pericolo dell'oblio da difesa. Decidere di non vedere la realtà perché ci fa male non aiuta ad affrontare la guerra contro il terrorismo e l'ISIS July 6, 2016 Qualcuno prova, elencando fatti molto significativi ma purtroppo sottovalutati o deliberatamente ignorati, ad aprire gli occhi a quella ampia fascia di Italiani (e di Europei) che si illude sulla realtà della guerra contro il terrorismo islamico e l'ISIS. Un recente contributo in tal senso lo dà Pierluigi Battista sul Corriere della sera di domenica scorsa (3 luglio). Un'ottima analisi con un elenco di tanti fatti tragici che nell'immaginario collettivo (e nella memoria) si esauriscono come altrettanti singoli fuochi di paglia: un elenco impressionante da meditare. Mi sembra un autorevole sostegno all'affermazione del mio post di ieri intitolato "Stupido negare i fatti: il fondamentalismo islamico è come il nazismo, siamo in guerra ed è importante anche il fronte interno" nel quale riferivo opinioni documentate di rappresentanti di diversi ruoli e posizioni che concordavano nel giudicare tipica di uno stato di guerra la situazione attuale. Riporto qui alcune considerazioni formulate in risposta a commenti, rivolti al mio post, di @Luca Tacconi e @Oliviero Piccinelli che ringrazio per l'attenzione. 1. Prendere atto che siamo in guerra non è nominalismo: serve a dimensionare gravità, impegno, durata, ... e a evitare superficiali negazionismi (vedi titolo) 2. Essere in guerra comporta per un Paese degno di questo nome un aumento di coesione; noi abbiamo invece divisioni e retaggi che amplificano le contrapposizioni, fomentano le ipocrisie e alimentano il "fronte interno"; ulteriore complicazione è che l'Italia ha scelto di essere un paese a sovranità limitata (con vantaggi e svantaggi nell'individuazione delle convenienze e nella possibilità di intervento) 3. Sono d'accordo che è una guerra molto complicata anche per la difficoltà di "collocare" gli avversari e i loro reali intendimenti: motivo di più per impegnarsi in modo proporzionato 4. La guerra non si vince senza il presidio dei territori che può essere assicurato solo da un impegno congiunto tra Occidente Russia (e anche Cina) unite come i cosiddetti Alleati nella seconda Guerra Mondiale da una parte e forze locali nei diversi territori di provenienza e transito disponibili a collaborare e ben sostenuti da tutti i punti di vista (un Piano Marshall ancora più impegnativo di quello del dopoguerra) 5. Giustamente la domanda chiave è che fare; in altri post ho provato a dare qualche contributo:  sottovalutazione dell'importanza della comunicazione con la pubblica opinione nelle diverse parti che si fronteggiano  necessità di affrontare in maniera integrata terrorismo, ISIS, migrazioni e crisi economico finanziaria che sono un garbuglio inestricabile  tentativi di inquadrare i diversi elementi di conflitto e le possibili risposte  qualche passo in avanti nella comprensione e risposta alle vicende in atto comincia a profilarsi all'orizzonte Per chi ha pazienza suggerisco di cliccare i vari link all'interno dei post che ho elencato sopra per consultare ulteriori analisi e riflessioni. Anche in questo caso val la pena di ricordare il delicato rapporto tra fatti e opinioni. Ritengo utile infine evocare le teorie filosofiche e psicoanalitiche sull'oblio e in particolare sull'oblio da difesa: utile al riguardo un recente libro dedicato all'argomento di Luigi Lombardi. Stenta a passare il messaggio che la tragedia migranti, terrorismo, ISIS è anche questione di comunicazione, di propaganda (o marketing). Updated

Against the backdrop of the Russia–Ukraine (R–U) conflict, this paper investigates the convergence process of the
bond market in East Asia from 2010 to 2024, focusing on the impact of the R–U crisis on bond yield convergence.
Our findings show convergence toward both benchmarks, with an accelerated rate during the conflict. Malaysia,
China, Indonesia, and the Philippines exhibit significant convergence toward Japan, particularly for long-term
bonds, while the Philippines consistently converges toward the United States. Large discrepancies in interest
rates and inflation spreads cause bond yield divergence, while geopolitical risk related to Russia narrows bond
yield spreads, indicating a flight-to-quality effect. Conversely, global financial risk widens yield spreads to the U.
S. benchmark but narrows them to Japan. This research highlights bond market convergence in East Asia amid
geopolitical tensions, with significant implications for investors, policymakers, and researchers.

Pemukiman SAD di dusun nyogan ini berada di pingiran aliran sungai Bahar dan di tengah-tengah perkebunan sawit masyarakat desa nyogan. Sungai bahar ini lah yang menjadi tempat sumber kehidupan SAD pada saat ini. SAD yang ada didusun Nyogan mayoritas tidak memiliki pekerjaan pasti karena tidak memiliki keahlian yang lain untuk dapat meningkatkan perekonomiannya, hampir semua SAD yang ada disana mata pencariannya adalah mencari ikan.. Berdasarkan survey dan Hasil studi pendahuluan, ditemukan ada beberapa permasalahan di kedua mitra, yaitu: Masyarakat SAD Trans Sosial didusun Nyogan saat ini hanya berfokus untuk menangkap ikan dan buruh harian lepas di perkebunan sawit bagi memenuhi kebutuhan hidupnya sehingga pendapatan mereka rata-rata masih sangat rendah. Belum optimalnya kemanfaatan potensi sumber daya yang ada di lingkungan mereka seperti limbah kelapa sawit yang dikelola masyarakat SAD untuk menjadi produk yang bernilai ekonomis dan memiliki nilai seni yang tinggi, Belum adanya t...

After participating in ASEAN, and through various dialogue mechanisms, Vietnam now has become a more important and comprehensive economic member of the ASEAN Economic Community. This study focuses on analyzing the process of participating in the ASEAN Community and the roles and contributions of Vietnam in this organization to affirms Vietnam's position in the process of forming the AEC and demonstrates Vietnam's priorities for the integration process. The paper uses the primary and secondary data by using tools of desk research of different data in relativeness and by the quantitative method by using the Cobb-Doughlas function with a logarithmic form. The paper confirms the integration of Vietnam's economy into the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) is an inevitable development after the achieved results of ASEAN's cooperation and economic connection. The AEC is an open regional economic integration model. The implementation of the AEC will bring in multi-dimensional im...