Özet: Bu makale, Türkiye'de şehirlerde yaşayan Suriyeli mültecilerin Adana ve Mersin illeri örneğinde işgücüne katılımlarını, bu alanda yaşadıkları zorluklar ve ekonomik entegrasyonlarının imkânlarını incelemektedir. Bu tartışmada bazı ekonomik bulguların yanı sıra, Suriyeliler tarafından oluşturulan pazar olgusu ele alınmaktadır. Bu olgu çerçevesinde mültecilere ait iş yerlerinin çoğalması ve bunun doğal bir sonucu olarak Arapça reklam tabelalarının görünürlüğünün artması, piyasada çalışan Suriyelilerin çoğalması gibi sebep ve sonuçların yerleşik toplumla ne gibi gerilimler yarattığı irdelenmektedir. Yasal kısıtlamalara ek olarak mültecilerin işgücüne katılımları konusunda gündelik yaşamda karşılaştıkları sorunlar, düşük ücret, ücretin gaspı, emek sömürüsü gibi konular, makalede üzerinde durulan ana temaları oluşturmuştur. Tüm bu analizler Adana ve Mersin'de yapılan saha çalışması ile bu konuda yapılan diğer çalışmalara dayalı yapılmaya çalışılmıştır.Bunların ışığında makalede, Suriyeli mültecilerin ekonomik entegrasyonları için bir zaruret teşkil ettiği ileri sürülmektedir. Suriyelilerin Türkiye'deki varlıklarını geçici olarak konumlandıran "geçici koruma" statüsünün mevcut toplumsal koşullara yeterince karşılık veremediği, bu insanların kayıtlı halde işgücüne dahil olabilmeleri ve mültecileri barındıran bir ülke olarak Türkiye'de sosyal düzenin yerleştirilmesi ve sürdürümü için ekonomik entegrasyonlarının sağlanabilmesi amacıyla gerekli düzenlemelerin yapılması ve politikaların geliştirilmesi gerektiği savunulmaktadır. Anahtar Kelimeler: Suriyeli Mülteciler, Ekonomik Entegrasyon, İşgücüne Katılım, Geçici Koruma. Abstract This article examines Syrian refugees in the context of theirparticipation to labor market, difficulties that they face and possibilities of their economic integration in of Adana and Mersin cities. In this argument, , the market that is built by Syrian refugees is investigated, such as local shops, street venders, and other fields of occupations, alongside examination of related some other economic data. During the discussion of Syrian market, the tension between refugees and local people are examined within its causes and results. In this debate, the increasing visibility of Arabic signboards as an outcome of rising number of shops owned by Syrians and also the growth of Syrian labor force market can be count as some of the main facts. Beside formal restrictions, other social problems such as obstacles that refugees face during their daily life about work, low wages, seizure of salaries, exploitation of labor etc. are examined. All of these analyzes are based on a field research which is conducted in Adana and Mersin cities, as well as on other researches related with Syrian refugees. As an outcome of this research, the article asserts that economic integration is an essential issue for Syrian refugees living in Turkey. It is underlined that the formal status "temporary protection" which defines Syrian as temporal in the country does not provide enough responses to the social realities o, thus it should be reconsidered in the way that allows participation of those people to the labor market legally. The article insists on the importance of doing some changes and developing new policies for economic integration for refugees in order to establish and sustain social order in Turkey with its new comers.
 Bu makale TÜBİTAK destekli 114K581 nolu 3001 programı araştırma projesinden türetilmiştir.

This interpretive article relies on insights from three critical literatures -world-systems analysis, postcolonial studies and, to the extent of an extended simile, the economic sociology of flexible global production -to propose a geopolitical understanding of what the European Union (EU) is. The authors begin by interrogating the tendency within much of the current research and commentary on the EU to treat it as a state of sorts. They then outline some mechanisms -pertaining to its internal and external linkage structuresthat have enabled the EU to perform successfully in a geopolitical context where most of the main actors are states. Finally, drawing on critical insights from the sociology of subcontracted production and distributed organization, the authors suggest ways in which the EU, in its current form, might be thought of beyond the constraints of the current theoretical language of statehood.

The Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) is among several regional blocs that have improved in terms of economic integration. The basic premise for economic integration has been the idea behind the possibility of having a single monetary unit in the future. The paper reviews the nominal GDP per capita with a comparison of four macroeconomic variables namely inflation rate, exchange rate, interest rate and unemployment rate. The theoretical framework is patterned from the Maastricht Criteria and the conceptual framework of Kabir and Salim's into an operational framework of ASEAN convergence criteria index. The research findings for the correlation coefficients were used in identifying intertwining variables for the four macroeconomic factors. Based on the results, Singapore has shown tremendous economic sustainability and a potential for a future anchor currency on the region. However, there are no empirical proofs that sustain a single monetary unit currency in the region but can be a potential monetary policy in the future.

Las relaciones económicas internacionales se apoyan en permanentes e imbricados procesos de cooperación y de integración internacional. Dichos procesos, si bien fortalecen la convivencia entre las naciones, también abren el espacio a dinámicas supranacionales que ponen en entredicho la supremacía del Estado-nación en el escenario de las relaciones internacionales, al igual que lo hace el regionalismo subnacional. Los tratados internacionales, tanto multilaterales como regionales, están transformando el escenario global de relaciones entre los territorios; pero la magnitud y enfoque de los cambios en el tablero de las relaciones internacionales depende también del tipo de tratado que se gesta en cada situación: intergubernamental o supranacional. En este contexto, el ejercicio extendido de soberanía se presenta como una posible explicación al nuevo mundo, en lugar de la tradicional interpretación de una pérdida parcial de soberanía por parte de los estados.

China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is often simplistically understood as being opposed by India and supported by Pakistan. The reality on the ground is rather more complex. The emerging consensus in India appears to be that, far from being exclusively an economic and infrastructure development program, the BRI may be understood as a long-term strategic initiative that seeks to convert China’s current economic might into diplomatic influence. While attempts have been made by Beijing, the reflexive Indian suspicion of Chinese international projection, including of China’s BRI, has not yet been met by a coherent discourse designed to specifically address Indian concerns. In contrast, in Pakistan, widespread acceptance of the importance and necessity of the China–Pakistan Economic Corridor is increasingly coupled with concerns within sectors of Pakistani society over the fairness, transparency and eventual economic outcomes of the project. Accordingly, this paper is divided into two parts: the first looks at how Indian analysts have viewed and responded to the Chinese discourse and arguments on the BRI, while the second considers the debate over the China–Pakistan Economic Corridor within Pakistan.

ÖZ 20. yüzyılın en belirgin özelliği ekonomik, kültürel/sosyal, teknolojik, iletişim, ulaşım, çevresel/demografik v.b. alanlarda ortaya çıkan yenilikler ve bu yeniliklerin ülkelere etkileri olarak görünmektedir. Bu değişimin hızı ve ülkeleri etkileyiş şekli her ülkenin bölgesel yapısı ile ülke içinde mevcut sosyal ve ekonomik yapısının durumuna bağlıdır. Ülkeler bu değişimin hızına ayak uydurmak, geride kalmamak amacıyla birbirleriyle birçok alanda ekonomik entegrasyonlar kurarak dünya refahından pay almaya çalışmışlardır. Ekonomik entegrasyonlar öncelikle ticari alanlarda serbestleşme olarak görünse de ileriki safhalarda ülkelerin ticaret dışında diğer alanlarda da ortak bir politika uyguladıkları bir küreselleşme aracıdır. Bu makalenin konusu, " Ekonomik entegrasyonların kapsamı ve türleri ile başarılı bir entegrasyonun kıstaslarının neler olması gerektiği, dünyadaki entegrasyon örneklerinin bölgesel yapıları, uluslararası ticarette ortaya çıkardığı statik ve dinamik etkiler ile entegrasyonların gelecekte nasıl bir dönüşüme uğrayacağıdır. ABSTRACT The most prominent feature of the 20th century is economic, cultural / social, technological, communication, transportation, environmental / demographic etc. The innovations emerging in the fields and the effects of these innovations on the countries. The speed of this change and the way it affects countries depends on the regional structure of each country and the current social and economic structure of the country. The countries have tried to get a share from the world's welfare by establishing economic integration in many areas with each other in order to keep up with the pace of this change or not to stay behind. While economic integrations appear primarily as liberalization in trade, they are a tool of globalization that countries in the future have adopted a common policy in areas other than trade. The issue of this article is about the scope and types of economic integration and what should be the criteria for successful integration, the regional structures of the examples of integration in the world, the static and dynamic effects of international trade, and finally how it will be transformed in the future. 1.GİRİŞ Dünya ülkeleri arasında rekabetin kontrolsüz bir şekilde artması, rekabetten kaynaklanan üretim ve tüketim kayıplarının serbest piyasa ekonomisini engellemesi ve ülkelerin birbirlerini kontrol edebilecekleri bir üçüncü örgütün olmaması iki dünya savaşının yaşanmasına neden olmuştur. II. Dünya Savaşı sonucu ortaya çıkan yıkımın etkisiyle, ülkeler bu yıkımın etkilerini azaltmak ve ekonomik dar boğazın önüne geçmek amacıyla birbirlerine karşı ekonomik alanlarda esnekliği hedeflemişlerdir. Bu amaçla üçüncü bir örgüt olarak 1948 yılında Ticaret Genel Tarife Anlaşması'nı (GATT) hayata geçirmişlerdir. Dünya ticaretinde tekrardan yıkıcı etkilerin oluşmaması amacıyla 1930 Büyük Buhran sonucu ortaya çıkan ticarette korunma önlemleri ikinci planda bırakarak ticareti serbestleştirecek kıstasların tüm üye ülkeler tarafından uygulanmasına karar verilmiştir. Bu kıstaslar aşağıdaki gibidir: En Çok Kayrılan Ülke Kuralı: Üye ülkelerin ticari partnerleri arasında ayrım yapmamasını zorunlu kılmaktadır. Bir başka deyişle, bir üye ülke, herhangi bir ülkeye tanıdığı elverişli bir gümrük tarife ve tarife dışı engelleri koşulsuz olarak tüm üye ülkelere uygulamak zorundadır. Lakin bu kurala istisna olarak kabul edilecek bir durum ülkelerin birbirleriyle girişecekleri entegrasyonlardır. Bunlar; gümrük birlikleri, serbest ticaret anlaşmaları gibi bölgesel ticaret anlaşmaları ve genel preferanslar sistemi (GPS) gibi gelişme yolundaki ülkeler lehine düşük gümrük vergisi alınması veya gümrük vergisinin alınmaması gibi ayrımcı nitelikteki

We combine data on international trade linkages with network methods to examine the global trading system as an interdependent complex network. We map the topology of the international trade network, and suggest new network-based measures of international economic integration, at both a global system-wide level and a local country level. We develop network-based measures that incorporate not only the volume of trade but also the influence that a country has on the international trading system. These measures incorporate the structure and function of the network, and may provide a more meaningful approach to globalization than current measures based on trade volumes. We find that, in terms of participation and influence in the network, global trade is hierarchical, with a core-periphery structure at higher levels of trade, though integration of smaller countries into the network increased considerably over the 1990s. The network is strongly 'balkanized' according to geography of trading partners, but not as strongly by income or legal origin. Using these new measures we find that a country's position in the network has substantial implications for economic growth. We therefore suggest that a network approach to international economic integration has potential for useful applications in international business, finance and development.

Economic integration theory goes through two development stages each of which addresses the relevant for its time political and economic context The first stage is regarded as classic theory or static analysis and includes the traditional theories of economic integration that explain the possible benefits of integration. The second stage includes the new economic integration theories that are often referred to as dynamic analysis of economic arrangements. Besides these two, there is a third type of integration theories that deals with the effects, benefits and constrains of economic integration arrangements of developing and least developed countries. The current paper tries to come up with a conclusion on what parts of the classic and new integration theories are applicable to integration arrangement among developing countries and to summarize these theories.

The paper is devoted to the development of the Altai Territory (the Russian
Federation) as a border region with the involvement of production potential and
capabilities of the neighboring region – East Kazakhstan Region (the Republic of
Kazakhstan). The authors performed a SWOT analysis of the regions as a "crossborder
growth pole". The study also examines the development of a border region in
the context of the theory of integration and clustering. The authors suggest an
algorithm for creating a local development axis in the territory of a border region.
Agricultural engineering is presented as the main branch of cooperation between the
Altai Territory and the East Kazakhstan Region. Moreover, the paper examines the
form of enterprise management within the local development axis and the effect of
these enterprises functioning

In 2014, the Agence Française de Développement (AFD) decided to launch and finance a research and capacity-building project on economic integration within ASEAN. More specifically, the project was aimed at dealing with the specific problems that the four less prosperous countries of ASEAN (i.e., Cambodia, the Lao People’s Democratic Republic, Myanmar and Viet Nam, collectively known as the CLMV group) would have to cope with in the context of the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC), which was to be fully realized by the end of 2015. The first phase of the project, which was carried out in partnership with the Asian Development Bank Institute (ADBI), dealt with reforms in the agriculture sector. The second phase, the results of which are presented in this publication, concentrated on non-tariff measures (NTMs) and geographical indications. This phase was carried out in partnership with researchers from the Asia-Pacific Research and Training Network on Trade (ARTNeT) and its secretariat at ESCAP.

This research project is emblematic of one of the two pillars of AFD research activities. Apart from gaining knowledge to improve its own operations, AFD also aims at promoting policy dialogue on development by supporting research centres and think tanks based in developing and emerging countries. The CLMV project is a perfect example of how a research and policy support programme can be designed to run concurrently with national or regional development strategies as well as serve as a knowledge backstop for policymakers and other key stakeholders.

The substantial gap in economic development between CLMV and the other members of ASEAN appears to be one of the key challenges facing the region and its ability to fully realize the benefits from regional integration. Cambodia, the Lao People’s Democratic Republic and Myanmar are now middle-income developing countries while Viet Nam is consolidating its status of a dynamic exporter, and they face a different global environment from the one faced by the ASEAN-6 when they were at the similar level of development. After the negative impact of the global financial crisis of 2008/09 on merchandise trade, the recent depression (2011-2015) is slowly correcting being corrected, although more in terms of value than volume. With some main international production networks reaching maturity with less or no expansion, the signs point to a longer-term slow trade growth. Moreover, the ability to benefit from market access depends increasingly on compliance with trade regulatory measures such as sanitary and phytosanitary requirements and goods standards as well as many other standards such as behind-the-border measures. The CLMV group faces this problem on both sides of their borders, which increases their trade costs and reduces their ability to follow the ASEAN-6 in exploiting trade and regional integration effectively for their development, even though regional trade is expected continue to grow. As a matter of fact, ASEAN’s greatest success has been in the area of tariff reductions. On average, 96% of tariff lines are at zero per cent and more than 70% of intra-ASEAN trade travels at a most-favoured nation rate. Nowadays, more than 70% of total trade between ASEAN members is conducted with zero tariffs. However, tariff liberalization is certainly not the end of the story, especially for the CLMV group whose economic structures still lag compared to those of other ASEAN members.

These are the reasons why the second phase of the AFD project was aimed at the implementation of policy-oriented research activities, a research capacity development programme and the sharing of knowledge about NTMs and geographic indications (in the broader context of trade-related intellectual property rights). The objective was to strengthen the technical and analytical skills of CLMV officials and researchers in managing the use of such tools in making assessments. Taking into account ESCAP’s overall capacity-building work, synergies were found with other projects, such as “reducing obstacles to international trade and investment in Asia and the Pacific”. Moreover, ARTNeT’s management skills in carrying out research programmes is a guarantee of good-quality outcomes, which is clearly demonstrated in this publication.

The ASEAN fell short of its target of fully realizing the AEC by the end of 2015, as 105 of its 506 measures were deferred. A successor blueprint called the AEC blueprint 2025, which lays out the work for ASEAN economic integration in the next 10 years, was therefore adopted at its twenty-seventh summit in November 2015. Among many other provisions, greater emphasis is being placed on harmonizing standards and regulatory convergence, a field that directly considers NTMs and geographic indications. When every ASEAN country accepts and enforces commonly defined standards and mutually recognizes geographic indications, ASEAN will become more of a single market.

It is hoped that the research work carried out by the project, together with the many exchanges of views between participants, will contribute to better preparation by the CLMV group in adopting an equitable framework for trade facilitation under the 2025 perspective.

If you request the paper, please email me at dk406@cam.ac.uk and I will send you a PDF copy.

The article analyzes the political and social discourses towards the Eurasian integration in Central Asia. I focus on the independent non-Russian political elites and wider popular response to the integration in Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan and on the motivations leading these decision makers and societies into the further Eurasian economic integration. The focus is on Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan – the only Central Asian countries in the Eurasian Economic Union, and on their respective populations. I demonstrate how post-Soviet Kazakhstani and Kyrgyz regimes facilitated ideas and ideals of Eurasianism so closely connected to their own economic but also socio-political contexts. But the focus is also to unveil the complex web of interests, identities and mobilities of groups and individuals behind the political façade of integration talks in Central Eurasia. In doing so the study focuses on the historical approach and elite-led discourses combined with the sociological data of social response to the integration projects at different stages of its development.

Keywords: Eurasia, Eurasian Economic Union, elites, integration, migration.

This paper analyzes the impact of both the long-term presence and additional influxes of refugees on the local population in Uganda. Uganda has a unique legal framework of local integration which makes it an interesting case study. Refugees are allowed to work and move freely. The political aim is to integrate them economically and socially into the host communities. The impact of this approach on Ugandan households’ objective and subjective welfare as well as their access to public services is the focus of this study. Two different household surveys covering the years 2002–10 are used in order to employ a difference-in-differences approach. In doing so, the natural experiment of two sudden inflows is exploited, while simultaneously controlling for the long-term trends in refugee numbers. The findings presented here suggest that the Ugandan population living near refugee settlements benefits both in terms of consumption and public service provisions. However, their negative perceptions regarding their own economic situation and their alienation from their national state in favor of their ethnic identity contradict this objective improvement of livelihoods. This is the first study to empirically analyze the effect of a long-term presence of displaced populations on local communities. With refugee situations becoming increasingly protracted, the findings offer important policy insights and point toward an interesting new field of research.

The India-Myanmar border regions form a forgotten frontier in the Indian and global imagination. India’s frontiers to the west (Pakistan), to the north (Tibet/China) and to the south (Sri Lanka and the Indian Ocean) have always received greater attention. Today, however, the region representing the conjunction of India, China and Myanmar is returning to the centre of attention for a number of reasons both old and new. Violence (‘Guns’) has been endemic in the region since communities and peoples were rent asunder by the imposition and policing of officially demarcated borders between India and Myanmar. Yet, trade (‘Blankets’) – both formal and informal – has managed to carry on. What has added to the importance of the region in the eyes of the national capitals, is the increasing severity of transnational challenges such as drug-trafficking and the spread of diseases (‘Bird Flu’). Together, these three factors have kept both a regional identity as well as specific community identities alive. This paper is an attempt to examine the region-building properties of these factors.

The Keck and Mithouard case law of the CJEU constituted an important milestone in the effort to develop workable principles for the interpretation of Article 34 TFEU in a way that would not jeopardize the ability of Member States to regulate their economy and pursue other public policy objectives than promoting trade.. Yet it seems that the Keck era has come to an end. In its most recent case law on free movement of goods the Court returned to an overbroad definition of MEQR, using the notion of “market access”, and restricted the legal categorization approach previously used in favour of one that would rely on the balancing of conflicting interests and values. The paper first explores the rise and progressive demise of the legal categorization approach before focusing, in a second part, on the return to a broad definition of what may constitute an obstacle to trade, under Article 34 TFEU, with a re-interpretation of the market access rule. The broader implications of this approach are then examined, in particular the reformation of the free movement of goods EU law in the era of the EU/Canada Comprehensive Trade and Economic Agreement (CETA) and the ongoing negotiations on the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP).

The development of European integration raises the following questions. Does an intermediate level of integration between "localism" and "globalization" be convenient ? Why a common identity favours the processes of innovation and interactive learning ? Why a common identity and a feeling of common belonging requires, but also strengthens, common norms and institutions ? What are the new strategic areas of integration at the European scale and the priorities in the new European Union budget ?
The model of economic integration in the European Union is different from the model of "globalization", which is based on competition in the "free market" and on the maximization of the individual profit in a so-called "global village", where everyone would be a "citizen of the world "and the historical differences between regions and countries would no longer exist. Instead, the role of the common institutions is fundamental in the European Union. In particular, the medium-term European budget must set as a priority objective the strengthening of the feeling of belonging or of the common identity among the European countries. In fact, common institutions can’t exist if there is not a common identity. The concepts of identity and of collective belonging are closely linked to that of institutions, given that identity implies common values or a common sensibility and therefore the creation of a political will or the decision to face common problems and to define common goals. The European Union must strengthen its identity and the solidarity at the European scale. The different identities: regional, national and European, can be compatible with each other. Local identities must not be replaced by a national or a European identity, while a stronger European identity must be compatible with the traditional regional identities. Thus, European identity does not replace national or regional identity.
In particular, this essay aims to demonstrate: a) from a theoretical point of view: that the spatial and the cognitive distance and the feeling of a common identity play a role in determining the costs and benefits of the various forms of institutional integration at the interregional and international scale, b) from the strategic point of view: that the integration process at the interregional and European scale ensures a greater economic growth and a faster process of innovation, than the opposite models of "globalization" or "protectionism", c) from an economic policy point of view: that the future growth of the European Union requires a change in the macroeconomic policies and in the long-term European budget and in particular a large European investment programme, which can promote the diversification of employment in new productions and the improvement of the quality of the life in the territory, in order to reinforce the sense of common identity and of common belonging between the European citizens.
Key words: Europe, economic integration, identity, industrial policies, macroeconomic policies

This study examines the existence of the spatial market integration of the different pairs of regional rice markets in the Philippines. By employing modern time series econometric techniques, it uncovered compelling pieces of evidence of strong steady state linkages of the various pair wise combinations of regional markets, with only an insignificant few segregated routes. The main conclusion that was drawn from various
inference procedures undertaken in the study is that, despite the geographic segregation of the regional rice markets, and the presence of fragmented and often inefficient distribution
system, price signals and other market information are being transmitted efficiently across the markets, thus negating the potential occurrences of unexploited arbitrage opportunities.

The past two and a half decades in the South Caucasus leave little hope to entertain for the eventual integration of the region. So far the fragmentation of the South Caucasus into different blocks is the only reality. The different integrational processes and transnational alliances that the South Caucasus countries have engaged in surely contribute to the creation of new spaces for cooperation, but also to the perpetuation of the conflicts in the region. In fact, often conflicts have been defining the design and implementation of these transnational alliances and integrational processes. With this reality, regional transnational integration as an avenue for conflict resolution seems to be part of a vicious circle since conflict resolution is often seen as a precondition for regional integration. This is not only due to the conflicts within and among the countries, but also to the complex and sometimes strained relations with the big neighbors – Turkey, Iran, and Russia.

This paper aims to explore economic options for inserting a wedge in this vicious circle. Convinced that regional economic cooperation could be an important step towards conflict transformation in the South Caucasus, this paper suggests that the prospects of such integration be considered. Be it in the form of exploring opportunities in the different integrational paths that the countries of the South Caucasus have taken or challenging the isolationist economic policies that have outlived their goals and utility, this paper offers all stakeholders to look at economic cooperation with rather than against each other as the option that could lead to the resolution of conflicts in the region.

Een toegepast historisch-geografisch onderzoek in het streekplangebied Noord-en Midden-Limburg Proefschrift ter verkrijging van de graad van doctor, op gezag van de rector magnificus van de Landbouwuniversiteit Wageningen, dr. CM. Karssen, in het openbaar te verdedigen op woensdag 1 September 1999 des namiddags om 16.00 uur in de Aula / ) Stellingen behorend bij: J. Renes, Landschappen van Maas en Peel; een toegepast historischgeografisch onderzoek In het streekplangebied Noord-en Midden-Limburg. Proefschrift Landbouwuniversiteit, Wageningen, 1999. 1 Hoewel het beschikbare instrumentarium voor landschapsbehoud hiaten vertoont, valt de meeste winst te verwachten van een betere benutting van bestaande wetgeving. 2 De systematische kaalslag van de historische cultuurlandschappen was zonder financiéle inbreng en organisatorische ondersteuning van de overheid niet mogelijk geweest. 3 De term win-win-situatie, veelvuldig gebruikt om natuurontwikkelingsprojecten aan te prijzen, leidt de aandacht af van de veriiezers; tot de laatste catégorie behoort meestal het cultuurlandschap. 4 Voor het landschap geldt tot dusverre, meer nog dan voor diverse andere beleidssectoren, dat de productie van nota's wordt verward met het daadwerkelijk voeren van een daaraan gekoppeld beleid. 5 De milieu-ethiek rieht zieh te sterk op -nauwelijks meer bestaandenatuurlandschappen en verwaarloost de omgang met cultuurlandschappen. 6 Het groeiend gebruik van Geografische Informatiesystemen werkt in het voordeel van hogere overheden en grate ondernemingen, die kunnen beschikken over dure hard-en software en grate hoeveelheden (eventueel elders gekochte) data, en verzwakt de positie van milieugroepen en individuele burgers. 7 De opkomst van de digitale fotografie met de daarbij behorende bijna onbeperkte manipulatiemogelijkheden, betekent het einde van de foto als redelijk betrouwbare historische bron. 8 Waarderingen dienen helder en inzichtelijk te zijn; de belangrijkste criteria zijn zeldzaamheid, gaafheid, samenhang en kenmerkendheid. 9 Inbreng van de cultuurhistorie is nodig in alle fasen van de planvorming. 1 10 Verweving van functies en een zekere mate van stabiliteit zijn essentieel yoor het duurzame behoud van historische cultuurlandschappen. 11 Een centraal instituut dat zieh op nationale schaal met onderzoek naar, voorlichting over en zorg voor het cultuurlandschap gaat bezighouden, is dringend gewenst. 12 In de presentatie van cultuurhistorie ontbreekt het te vaak aan aansprekende thema's en opgaven. 13 Een verdere uitbreiding van de biologische landbouw is gunstig voor het beheer van het cultuurhistorische landschap. 14 Oral history is onontbeerlijk voor het krijgen van inzicht in het vroegere landschapsbeheer. 15 Het feit dat er wel een Vlinder-, maar geen Rupsenstichting bestaat, maakt duidelijk hoezeer de waardering van de omgeving in de praktijk wordt bepaald door affectieve factoren. 16 Doceren is doseren. 2 Landschappen van Maas en Peel © Copyright 1999 Uitgeverij Eisma bv, Leeuwarden / Stichting Maaslandse Monografieen, Maastricht. Niets uit deze uitgave mag worden verveelvoudigd en/of openbaar gemaakt door middel van druk, fotokopie, microfdm of op welke andere wijze ook, zonder voorafgaande schriftelijke toestemming van de uitgever. Voorzover het maken van kopieen uit deze uitgave is toegestaan op grond van artikel 16B Auteurswet 1912 j° het Besluit van 20 juni 1974, St.b. 351, zoals gewijzigd bij het Besluit van 23 augustus 1985, Stb. 471 en artikel 17 Auteurswet 1912, dient men de daarvoor wettelijk verschuldigde vergoedingen te voldoen aan de Stichting Reprorecht (Postbus 882,1180 AW Amstelveen). Voor het overnemen van gedeelte(n) uit deze uitgave in bloemlezingen, readers en andere compilatiewerken (artikel 16 Auteurswet 1912) dient men zieh tot de uitgever te wenden. ClP-gegevens KonmkMjkc Bibliotheek, Den Haag Renes, J. Landschappen van Maas en Peel. Een toegepast historisch-geografisch onderzoek in het streekplangebied Noord-en Midden-Limburg J. Renes. Leeuwarden [etc.] : Eisma/ Stichting Maaslandse Monografieen (Maaslandse Monografieen, groot formaat; 9) 538 blz.; 183 flg.; 54 tab.; English summary; 4 krtn. in cassette ISBN 9074252842 NUGI 649 Trefw.: historische geografie; cultuurlandschap; Noord-Limburg; Midden-Limburg Dit werk verschijnt tevens als proefschrift Landbouwuniversiteit Wageningen. Deze uitgave is mede mogelijk gemaakt door f inanciele steun van: Het Provinciaal Bestuur van Limburg Het DLO-Staring Centrum Het Anjerfonds Limburg De Stichting Het Limburgs Landschap BI'ßLfOTKEEK »-ANDBÖUWJI vT/EBtSrr V,VAr-,^-rr«-^5:.i,-, 19 Conclusies, evaluatie en aanbevelingen 49^ LITERATUUR 503 8 9 Inhoud WOORD VOORAF 20 SAMENVATTING 21 SI M MARY 35

The paper briefly presents the concept and framework of regional integration in Africa. It then discusses the principles, history, and current state of negotiations to disclose the effects of EPAs on regional integration efforts in Africa. Then it analyses the trends in international trade relations between the EU and the five EPA regions in Africa aiming to assess if EPAs have the envisaged positive impact on trade for both the EU, the EPA regions and the participating countries. As a conclusion, the paper presents some general questions posed by the analysis on the future development of EPAs and the trade policy of the EU towards Sub-Saharan African countries.

The essay proceeds from the assumptions that for a economic/political integration group to succeed, first, its participants’ motives should ideally be as alike as possible and not oppose one another and, second, their expectations from integration should correspond to the organisation’s capabilities. In light of these assumptions, the study endeavours to assess the Eurasian Economic Union’s (EAEU) potential for stability and development. First, the author analyses the key motives that were driving its member states’ decisions to enter the organisation, compares them with one another and discusses how the countries’ motives influence their conduct in the union. Second, the author confronts those motives against the EAEU’s activities and the general logic of interstate politics on the post-Soviet space to reckon up whether the bloc’s capabilities fit with the expectations of its member countries. Finally, based on that discussion, the author speculates on how the divergence/convergence of EAEU member states’ goals, as well as the (in-)feasibility of their expectations, affect the organisation’s development.

Mientras que la conformación de las cadenas globales de valor y otros aspectos de una economía mundial más integrada suman presiones competitivas sobre la pequeña producción, el uso de nuevas tecnologías le abre un abanico de oportunidades a este segmento. Un incremento en la eficiencia productiva y en la logística, la ampliación de las fuentes de
financiamiento y el acceso a innovaciones que estas tecnologías permiten robustecerían las posibilidades de una inserción internacional exitosa de pequeñas y medianas empresas. El MERCOSUR podría ser un campo estratégico para el aprovechamiento de esas tecnologías, sirviendo como plataforma para generar oportunidades a los pequeños productores.

This chapter addresses the important issue of how China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) can best achieve its stated objective of promoting ‘unimpeded trade’ between China and the other BRI countries. Whilst many of the initiative’s announced proposals relate to infrastructure projects facilitating the transport of products and inputs across BRI countries, it is argued that it is equally important for the Chinese government to develop comprehensive trade liberalisation and competition policies emphasising cooperation between China and its BRI partners. This chapter has explained why cooperation in both trade liberalisation and antitrust enforcement across BRI countries is essential to the successful implementation of the initiative’s unimpeded trade objective, and has also explored strategies for the negotiation and conclusion of free trade agreements and antitrust enforcement cooperation arrangements. This chapter argues, in particular, that a BRI competition policy emphasising antitrust enforcement cooperation would ensure that the efficiency benefits derived from efforts to reduce natural and state-initiated trade barriers are not compromised by the anti-competitive conduct of private firms. It is argued that the effectiveness of a competition policy in the context of cross-border trade is crucially dependent on effective antitrust enforcement cooperation between the countries party to the free trade initiative. Owing to the legal and political complexities created by anti-competitive practices that impede free trade, such as export cartels and the abuse of power by local firms to exclude foreign entities, joint enforcement efforts are often required to successfully tackle such practices. This chapter contributes to the debate on the interaction between public and private trade barriers, and the broader relationship between trade liberalisation and antitrust enforcement, in the specific context of China and BRI countries.

"This article puts Hong Kong and Taiwan in comparative perspective, with the aim of examining the effect of China’s growing centripetal political influence on both territories. Despite considerable differences in their social and political history, Hong Kong and Taiwan have become increasingly similar over the past decade both in the way China seeks to exert political power on their domestic politics through playing the economic card, and in the way resistance against China’s looming advance is shaped. This article reviews the arguments that compare the two territories. The first section looks at how both Taiwan’s CSSTA/ECFA and Hong Kong’s CEPA serve as tools of China’s economic united front strategies. The second section highlights the convergence of Beijing’s attitude towards Hong Kong and Taiwan as suggested by recent policy announcement. The third focuses on the political repercussions and how civil societies in both territories respond to Beijing’s advances. As a result of China’s converging policies towards the two territories, we are seeing more frequent exchanges between Hong Kong and Taiwan in recent years, and can expect to see more collaboration in the near future."

In the last decade, a lot of effort has been produced in empirical international trade to explain bilateral volume of trade through the estimation of a gravity equation. A substantial share of this effort by scholars and Institutions regarded the estimate of trade potentials and the inference of trade effects of economic integration. In this paper we show -for the former euro-zone countries trade flows -how the result of a gravity model in terms of potential trade changes introducing time invariant country-specific effects and dynamics. In that case, our estimates give a more accurate account of the spread between actual and potential trade. Moreover, confronting the in-sample trade potential index derived from different estimators we give evidence of the convergence of the index towards the demarcation value corresponding to the equality between observed and predicted trade flows. Finally, we show how the sign of the index is not robust to a change of estimator, casting doubts on the soundness of strong policy implications based on the (in)existence of unrealized trade potentials. JEL Classification Code: C13, C14, F10, F43

Transatlantik bütünleşmesi düşüncesi, 1980’lerin ortalarından itibaren siyaset, akademi ve iş çevrelerinde sıkça tartışılmasına rağmen vücut bulma adına güçlü bir iradenin konması için 2013’ü bekledi. Başkan Obama ve AB Komisyonu Başkanı Barosso 13 Şubat 2013’de Transatlantik Ticaret ve Yatırım Ortaklığı için müzakerelere başladıklarını ilan ettiler. Peki, neden şimdi? Neden bu kadar hızlı?

Amid the European Union’s increasing efforts to diversify its natural gas supplies, Iran has emerged as a potential supplier to the bloc following the conclusion of its nuclear accord. Iran has enormous natural gas reserves; more, in fact, than Russia or Qatar. These reserves remain underdeveloped due to suffocating sanctions that hindered the inflow of the necessary foreign capital and investment. While the nuclear accord and sanctions relief removes many of the obstacles that Iran has faced over the course of the last decade, Iran faces significant challenges on the road to becoming a world-class gas exporter.

Rampant consumption and inefficiency on the domestic level absorb much of the gas Iran produces. Geopolitical uncertainty on the regional and global levels are also fueling the securitization of the country’s energy sector, as certain segments of the Iranian establishment see the sector as a gateway for Western economic infiltration. Geopolitical shifts on the global level may change Iran’s energy calculations in terms of the development of its oil sector and the expansion of natural gas export projects. This analysis assesses the domestic, regional, and global factors that impact the prospects of exporting Iranian natural gas to the EU in the future.

La emergencia de nuevos procesos de integración en América Latina, como la Alianza del Pacífico (ap), integrada por México, Colombia, Chile y Perú, manifiesta el interés de estos países por construir un proyecto común a través del cual fomentar su crecimiento económico e insertarse mejor en las actuales dinámicas mundiales. Los países miembros de la Alianza tienen vínculos importantes con Estados Unidos, tanto por su modelo económico como por los tratados de libre comercio firmados con dicha potencia, pero la creación de este bloque está orientada principalmente al comercio con Asia Pacífico, pues se desarrolla en un contexto económico internacional en el cual están surgiendo potencias emergentes, como China, que está compitiendo con Estados Unidos por el comercio regional e internacional, y cuya economía es ya la segunda más importante a escala mundial. De ahí que estos países latinoamericanos busquen aprovechar su relación también con China y fomentar su comercio con la región asiática como una forma de diversificación, lo que, además abre las puertas a la inversión de China para tener mayor presencia en la región latinoamericana. El presente artículo analiza esa compleja relación de elementos internos e internacionales que incentivaron la creación de la Alianza del Pacífico, y revisa el lugar clave que ocupa este proyecto integracionista en la pugna hegemónica de Estados Unidos frente al crecimiento de la presencia China en la región latinoamericana. De igual forma, mediante la revisión de los volúmenes comerciales y de inversión
extranjera directa de los países miembros, tanto entre ellos como con terceros, se hace una interpretación de la actual potencialidad de la Alianza del Pacífico y sus posibilidades de crecimiento, pues ha despertado el interés de numerosos países en el mundo.

The rise of the Pacific Alliance as one of the newest integration process in Latin America, shows the interest of these countries to build an economic block to promote their growth and to engage better on today´s global dynamics. The countries of the Alliance, composed by Mexico, Colombia, Chile and Peru, share with the United States free trade agreements and a similar economic model, however the creation of this block is mainly focused on boosting the trade with Asia Pacific, this region has an intense economic growth and have emerging powers as China, which is competing with the United States for the regional and global market and whose economy is already the second largest worldwide. The Pacific Alliance is an attempt to promote the trade with Asia’s growing economies and take advantage of this diversification, nevertheless, from China view, this is an opportunity to have a greater presence in Latin America. This paper analyzes the relation between internal and international elements that encouraged the conformation of the Pacific Alliance, and presents an approach to the key role of this integration project in the US hegemonic struggle against the growing Chinese presence in Latin America. It also evaluates the current potential of the Pacific Alliance and its potential of growth, as it has aroused the interest of many countries worldwide.

This research seeks to answer the question: "Whether the trade creation emerges in demand of Indonesian manufacture industry import during the years of 1980-2005 as the impact of ASEAN economic integration?" By using time series analysis of variables import values of manufacture industry, GDB, and volatility of exchange rates, the result shows that there is no trade creation toward the demand of manufacture industry import. This is due to no significant influence of GDB on the demand of manufacture industry import.

Managing international business requires understanding economic, cultural, and political environments. This essay elaborates three theories that are key to economic analysis. Based on literature research, we provide an overview of the theoretic concepts and elaborate each in an example, focusing on one of the world’s least developed regions, the East African Community countries.
The first concept described, forms the basis for any market analysis – Growth Indicators. We link growth to trade since this is especially relevant for multinationals. We then consider the field of trade policy, elaborating Economic Integration as a key concept of trade creation and attraction of foreign businesses; the case study of the East African Community demonstrates challenges in practical implementation. One of the desired outcomes of Economic Integration is increased Foreign Direct Investment (FDI), which also has impact on economic growth and is therefore the third concept to form part of this literature research.

The modern world is stepping towards a globalised economy, and not even a single company can shut its eyes to globalisation and escape the challenges caused by globalisation. This paper critically examines the challenges faced by the local companies due to the introduction of Globalisation. It also analyses the impact of global challenges on the local companies. The persistent outstanding barrier for the small and local companies is market competition. Globalisation stimulates competition from large ventures and international companies. MNCs have the capability to eliminate global challenges than small companies. In the matter of reduced barriers and receptiveness of the world, the inexorable procedure of globalisation portrays the projects which are touching the success potentials and risk potentials. Innumerable challenges have been created by the economic globalisation for small and local companies owing to expeditious climb in the competition. Hence, the collapse rate of small companies is climbing the ladder. Correspondingly, small and local companies need to ensue the survival strategies mentioned in the review in order to succeed in challenging the global challenges. Arising out of the industrial revolution until today, irrevocable economic integration persists. The rationale is straightforward, business and profits do not acknowledge the boundaries. Wherever nearly a give and take relationship is created, a business connection is promptly established.

The effect of economic globalization on the number of transnational terrorist incidents within countries is analyzed statistically, using a sample of 112 countries from 1975 to 1997. Results show that trade, foreign direct investment (FDI), and portfolio investment have no direct positive effect on transnational terrorist incidents within countries and that economic developments of a country and its top trading partners reduce the number of terrorist incidents inside the country. To the extent that trade and FDI promote economic development, they have an indirect negative effect on transnational terrorism.

ASEAN has been deepening intra-regional integration at the same time that it has been forming various cooperative arrangements with its partners, and its Member Countries have been pursuing individual trade accords. Which would be the optimal configuration for ASEAN? In this paper, we evaluate various economic scenarios for the region in terms of real-sector, financial, and macroeconomic cooperation with a view to gauge the best unit of integration. We review the current evolution of trade and financial accords in the region and survey the literature on the economic viability of these accords, including some fresh CGE simulations on the correlation of business cycles and the economic effects of potential trade groupings being considered. In general, the paper suggests that the economic potential for closer economic integration is strong. In terms of trade, we note that there would be positive gains from ASEAN integration and the current wave of bilateral free-trade areas, but that these gains are much less significant for ASEAN than would be the case of other scenarios, such as the ASEAN+3 or the Free Trade Area of the Asia-Pacific. We also argue that the case for deepening financial and monetary integration in Asia is convincing, even though the political underpinnings of such an accord are not yet in place.

Integration is an important tool for managing relations and encouraging cohesion between groups in pluralistic societies. Integration can be a positive force in a community in that it can result in economic prosperity and social action. Integration is beneficial for migrants because it helps ensure enjoyment of fundamental human rights and ideally gives migrants social, economic and political opportunities equal to those afforded to the local community. It encourages migrants to actively participate and invest within the receiving society by means of social and cultural exchange- working together with the local population to ensure a better future. However, the realities of integration policies often differ in practice because all aspects of integration are interrelated and interdependent. In the case of Cyprus, migrants are given access to education, healthcare and are protected by anti-discrimination policies but face barriers to integration due to poor accommodation standards, restrictions on citizenship and family reunification, and limited access to the labor market. Through a literature review of integration approaches and from an analysis of empirical findings, this paper seeks to pinpoint affect of Cyprus’s integration policies on beneficiaries of international protection and argues that Cypriot integration policies are largely concerned with deterring migrants from arrival rather than encouraging a multifaceted sociocultural, political and economic integration. This report also serves to acknowledge the gap between integration policy and practice in Cyprus. Cyprus’s policies, as well as policies in other societies, must acknowledge the unique challenges and needs of every individual and work to create an approach that encourages integration and protects the rights and opportunities of all people.

Bu çalışmanın ana fikri AB’nin esas olarak “ekonomik” değil, “siyasi” bir proje olduğu ve “Avrupa siyasi birliği” hedefine ulaşabilmek için, ekonomik bütünleşmenin basamak olarak kullanıldığıdır. Buradan hareketle, bu satırlarda Avrupa kıtasında siyasi birlik kurma düşüncesinin kökenlerine ışık tutacağız ve AB düşüncesinin hangi koşullarda olgunlaşıp gerçeğe dönüştüğü sorusuna yanıt arayacağız.