The forced transfer of children from one group to another is considered an element of the crime of genocide, yet this subject has attracted little scholarly attention. Using the history of the mass transfer of Armenian children during the Armenian Genocide of 1915-1922 as a case, this article argues that the study of child transfer and recovery is critical to both the history of human rights and a more sophisticated understanding of genocide, including the forms of genocide accompanying the colonial encounter. The experience of transferred children and their recovery or loss can help better clarify the historical relationship between the concepts of the rights of the child and individual human and minority rights as these have evolved before and immediately after World War II. Moreover, this article also contends that it is important to characterize child transfer as genocide, as opposed to colonial assimilation or acculturation as a feature of modernization, when explaining the broader social impact of mass violence, forced migration, and cultural destruction on victim/survivor and perpetrator communities.

Bu kitap; duygusal ve davranışsal bozukluklara sahip öğrenciler hakkında bilgi sahibi olmak isteyen sınıf öğretmenleri, özel eğitim öğretmenleri ve alanda çalışan uzmanlar için hazırlanmış giriş niteliğinde bir uygulama kitabıdır. Her bir bozukluğun nedeni, tanımlanması, güncel araştırmalar ışığında verilmeye çalışılmış ve okul ortamındaki pratik uygulamalarla da anlatım zenginleştirilmiştir. Bunlara ek olarak belirli bir bozukluğun tüm yönlerine ilişkin temel yaklaşımla birlikte bilimsel olarak geliştirilmiş müdahele yöntemleri de verilmeye çalışılmıştır.

Bu kitabın alanda yeni çalışmaya başlayan öğretmenler kadar güncel verilerle desteklenen tanı koyma ve müdahele stratejilrine önem vermesi nedeniyle alanda uzun süredir çalışmakta olan öğretmenlere ve uzmanlara da yararlı olacağını düşünmekteyiz.

Unlike their counterparts in Asia and Africa, many Latin American human rights scholars have passively accepted the supposed cultural relevance of the liberal discourse of human rights and have limited academic studiehs to the sphere of legal analysis. Nevertheless, the work of the social sciences in the region has enriched human rights thought and the practices of social movements have enriched human rights practice. This article proposes that the study of human rights in Latin America needs to move beyond the comfortable limits of European liberalism and enter the field of political sociology that studies precisely where violations occur and the construction of hemispheric defense by social movements. This suggests that a truly Latin American notion of human rights would be sociopolitical rather than legal as the major contribution of the region to discourse has been its philosophy of action and the practice of social movements inspired by this philosophy. More specifically, the article proposes a way to conceptualize human
rights from a sociopolitical and Latin American perspective in such a way that it recovers the historical legacy of social struggles from a discursive perspective, relying in particular on ideas of genealogy and intertextuality and is based on the thought of Latin American, Asian, and African theorists and philosophers who have moved beyond the confines of liberalism.
This article is based on Estevez, Ariadna, Human Rights and Free Trade inMexico: a Sociopolitical and Discursive Perspective (Introduction and Chapter 2),
2008, Palgrave Macmillan, reproduced with permission of Palgrave Macmillan

The article attempts a comprehensive review of the human security concept in order to question its utility for both research and policy-making. It notes the term’s interdisciplinary and extensively normative content that have facilitated its evolution into a successful security discourse. On the other hand, human security’s wide appeal has as a side-effect an extended conceptual polysemy inhibiting the cumulation of knowledge and the development of a relevant theory. Absence of conceptual clarity has also complicated its policy implementation. The article attempts to break the deadlock and move the debate forward by using the work of John Gerring and Paul A. Barresi on concept formation as an organizing device.

The fundamental question addressed is whether there is any compelling or convincing argument (s) vis-à-vis to changing our Human Rights Act 1998 and replacing it with a distinctively British Bill of Rights. The overarching theme of this paper is that our human rights should not be based on what our government finds convenient, acceptable or compatible with its electoral aims. Any change to our Human Rights Act should only serve to further bolster human rights protection and not in any way whatsoever water-down, in this author’s view, the fairly minimalist status quo.

Following the death of 17-year-old Leelah Alcorn, a transgender teen who committed suicide after forced “conversion therapy,” President Barack Obama called for a nationwide ban on psychotherapy aimed at changing sexual orientation or gender identity. The administration argued that because conversion therapy causes substantial psychological harm to minors, it is neither medically nor ethically appropriate. We fully agree with the President and believe that this is a step in the right direction. Of course, in addition to being unsafe as well as ethically unsound, current conversion therapy approaches aren’t actually effective at doing what they claim to do – changing sexual orientation. But we also worry that this may be a short-term legislative solution to what is really a conceptual problem. The question we ought to be asking is “what will happen if and when scientists do end up developing safe and effective technologies that can alter sexual orientation?”

SUMARIO: 1. ¿Suspensión o limitación suspensiva? a) ¿Desconstitucionalización o desfundamentalización? b) ¿Suspensión formal o suspensión material? 2. La suspensión de los derechos fundamentales como mecanismo inmunitario para la superación de situaciones de crisis. a) Regulación constitucional detallada de los presupuestos y efectos de las situaciones de crisis. b) Regulación constitucional de las situaciones de crisis mediante la concentración de los poderes de emergencia en el Jefe del Estado. c) Ignorancia constitucional del fenómeno de los Estados de crisis 3. La suspensión general de los derechos fundamentales en la CE de 1978. a) La suspensión general como modo de reacción a las situaciones más graves de crisis. b) Sometimiento de la suspensión constitucional de los derechos fundamentales a condición suspensiva. e) La suspensión como desconstitucionalización y no mera desfundamentalización.

Fully updated, the sixth edition of International Human Rights examines the ways in which states and other international actors have addressed human rights since the end of World War II.

This unique textbook features substantial attention to theory, history, international and regional institutions, and the role of transnational actors in the protection and promotion of human rights. Its purpose is to explore the difficult and contentious politics of human rights, and how those political dimensions have been addressed at the national, regional, and especially international levels.

(A sample -- Chapter 1 -- is attached).

In 'The Contentious History of the International Bill of Human Rights', Christopher Roberts offers critical insight into the beginnings of international human rights law, with particular reference to the late 1940s and early 1950s. It was in this period that the General Assembly of the United Nations adopted the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), and a path was forged for the development of the twin covenants on human rights. Collectively known as the International Bill of Human Rights (IBHR), these human rights instruments would become the modern world's primary source on the composition of human rights. Roberts encourages the reader to move beyond an idealist perception of the IBHR. He cogently argues that rather than arriving from the heavens, the IBHR was the outcome of fierce political debate and struggle by diplomats aiming to render it in the image of their own country's laws and values. This book review examines Roberts' attempt to uncover this seldom-visited backroom history of the IBHR and put the IBHR into a more humble perspective.

This thesis focuses on the post of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (UNHCHR) and its Office (OHCHR). The purpose is to reconstruct the political process
leading to the creation and institutional development of the organization in the period from 1994-2014, in order to demonstrate how the UNHCHR/OHCHR was formed and has been
maintained as a practically unavoidable international actor in the field of human rights. The central argument of the thesis is that the UNHCHR/OHCHR, a body of the UN Secretariat established in 1993, is an international human rights organization endowed with political agency. This agency is derived from the fact that the mandate of the UNHCHR was consensually approved by Member States in the General Assembly of 1993, the bureaucratic status of its Office, its unique institutional position and the international legitimacy achieved by human rights in the post-Cold War period. This argument was developed from a theoretical reflection that identifies an analytical gap in the few studies that exist on the
UNHCHR/OHCHR; it locates the main theoretical currents of the field of international organizations, indicating the occurrence of a majority trend towards broader focuses at the expense of formal international organizations; and it systematizes the assumptions that underpin a large part of the production on human rights in international relations, identifying the lack of studies on the UNHCHR/OHCHR in this production. After exposing these
characteristics, this thesis proposes a constructivist approach that does not link the validity of international norms and the agency of international organizations to the need to promote a change of behavior by other actors, and it is based on the assumption that the UNHCHR/OHCHR is a bureaucracy. Using this approach, this thesis, which draws on documentary analysis and semi-structured interviews with diplomats, activists and employees from the OHCHR, organizes its discussion into four parts. Initially, it analyzes the attempts to create the UNHCHR during the Cold War, emphasizing the changes in the form of the proposal over the years and the political tensions that prevented its approval. The complex process of negotiating the consensual approval of the proposal in the post-Cold War period, which extended from the preparation of the Vienna Conference to the General Assembly of
1993, is the focus of the second part. Next, it presents the mandate, the structure, the development of material resources and personnel, the profile of the mandate-holders and an overview of their mandates, demonstrating an institutional strengthening trend over the course of its twenty years of existence. These discussions provide the foundations for an analysis of the development of the UNHCHR/OHCHR as a politically relevant international actor in the field of human rights. This analysis is conducted based on an identification of the
organization’s lasting courses of action. From here, it explains the political tensions unleashed by the UNHCHR/OHCHR and the disputes surrounding the orientation of its mandate over the course of its institutional development. The inclusion enabled by its bureaucratic status, the tensions created by its public voice, the work it has conducted in niches outside its original mandate and the attempts by States to control its activities are identified in this thesis as strong indications of the institution’s political agency.

Co-edited collection by Marcia H. Rioux, Paula C. Pinto, and Gillian Parekh.

Disability, Rights Monitoring, and Social Change is a timely collection that addresses the current theoretical, methodological, and practical issues surrounding disability rights monitoring and offers a detailed look at law and policy reforms, best practices, and holistic methods. This unique compilation crosses the divide between the global South and North and explores the complex issues of intersectionality that arise for women with disabilities, Indigenous peoples with disabilities, and people with diverse disabilities. Appropriate for courses on human rights, social justice, policy, and advocacy, this volume serves as a guide and learning tool for anyone interested in disability rights monitoring and, more generally, the effective practice of monitoring human rights.

under the leadership of Secretary General Ban Kimoon, the General Assembly of the United Nations declared that clean drinking water and sanitation are human rights. 4 This has prompted a moral/political debate. Is this a new human right which the UN has invented in the twenty-first century? Are those critics right who think the UN is creating previously unheard of rights out of thin air? Or, one might ask, can it be that this "new" right, which has only been formally and publicly acknowledged on a global level since 2010, is, in fact, a civic and moral obligation, now clarified in the terminology of human rights, which is truly as old as humanity?

Apart from joining a joyful costumes and salsa party, in the last days of the Bonn 2015 carnival I visited ›Atticus‹, the antiquarian bookshop in Reuter Street. I was going through rare books of all sorts when, just next to the odd pile of vinyl albums topped by one by Boney M, I saw a copy of the ›Short Account of the Destruction of the Indies‹ by Bartolomé de las Casas. This is modernity's first ›human rights report‹, as Enrique Dussel describes it. I could not believe I was holding in my hands the famous 17th century Dutch edition in Latin illustrated with engravings by Theodor de Bry. I was contemplating the images that show how the European conquistadors tortured and maimed to death the indigenous of Abya Yala (a.k.a. the Americas), when some pieces of paper fell to the floor. I picked them up. It was a manuscript. It had no title and no author. I confess I put it in my bag and went home – I am still not sure whether or not the CCTV system recorded the incident, and I have not received a visit from the police yet. As soon as I arrived at my place in Heussallee I read it and, to be honest, I found it a bit lacking. However, as the contents are relevant to the theme of this collective book, I decided to make a transcription. For the benefit of the reader I have added some images of the artwork mentioned in it, and I have attempted a translation into English from the Spanish original. The text is composed of a series of fragments arranged in some kind of order and it is divided in two parts. The first one explores concepts associated with questions of modernity, sentimental education and human rights, as well as some intuitions on the liaisons between art and emotions. The second part deals with sympathetic ways of approaching the work of Bill Viola, Sebastiao Salgado and Fernando Botero. I took the liberty to add a number of titles and footnotes. The first page is missing. The one marked as the second begins like this …

As many as 40,000 people may have died in Venezuela as a result of USA sanctions that made it harder for ordinary citizens to access food, medicine, and medical equipment. Turkey provides food aid to Venezuela by its development agency TIKA as well as medical equipment. The problem of the legality of the unilateral sanctions becomes a black hole in its effects on the health-related problems in the international law and the humanitarian extraterritorial responsibility of States in the world. The main question to be asked is even if any treaty does not codify unilateral sanctions of the States, whether any opinis juris of the United Nations Security Council created any obligations on the humanitarian bases for the States for their unilateral sanctions implementations till this time. A provision in a resolution adopted by an international organization or at an intergovernmental conference may reflect a rule of customary international law if it is established that the provision corresponds to a general practice that is accepted as law (opinis juris). If we can prove the opinis juris of the United Nations Security Council on sanctions, this can be well defined as erga omnes undertakings to the international community as a whole.

Uzmanlar, klinisyenler ve araştırmacılar, yeme bozukluklarının duygusal düzensizliklerden kaynaklandığı vakalarda Diyalektik Davranış Terapisinin etkin olacağı konusunda hemfikirdi. Alanda yapılan pek çok adaptasyon çalışması olmasına rağmen Debra Safer, Christy Telch ve Eunice Chen bunu deneysel bazda yapan ilk kişilerdir. Standart diyalektik davranış terapisinin, tıkanırcasına yeme bozukluğu ve blumia nervoza semptomlarını tedavi etme yollarının yapılandırılmış bir özetini sunan bu kitap ile alandaki ihtiyaca cevap vermişlerdir. Bu alanda çalışan klinik psikologların ve danışmanların mutlaka okuması gereken önemli bir kaynak olmakla birlikte bu alanda okuyan öğrenciler için de farklı bir bakış açısı kazandırmaktadır.
Dokuz bölümden oluşan bu kitapta tedavi kapsamlı olarak ele alınmıştır. Genel çerçevede, olumsuz duygularla başa çıkmanın daha uyumsal yollarını öğreten becerilerin kazanımı ile tıkanırcasına yeme ve boşaltmayı durdurma hedefine ulaşma yolu adım adım çizilmiştir. Blumia nervoza ve tıkanırcasına yeme bozukluğuna sahip insanların karılaştığı sorunlar ve mevcut tedavi yöntemleri ele alınarak okuyucuya genel bir bakış açısı kazandırılır. Standart terapinin detaylı bir şekilde tanıtımından sonra bunun adaptasyonunun neden gerekli olduğu, adapte etmenin mantığı mevcut kanıtlar ile sunulur. Daha sonra, tedavi öncesi ve başlangıç oturumlarından tedaviyi sonlandırmaya kadar olan süreç aşama aşama ele alınır. Nüksetmeyi önleme kısmına değinilir. Son olarak kapsamlı vaka örnekleri ile anlatılanların sağlam temeller üzerine oturması sağlanır.
Amacına uygun şekilde düzenlen bu kitap, diyalektik davranış terapisi adapte edilirken belirli sınırlar çizmek yerine okuyucuya geliştirilebilir bir zemin hazırlar. Bu yönüyle tedaviyi uygulamaya ve geliştirmeye teşvik eder. Açıklayıcı vaka örnekleri ve kanıtlar ile tedaviyi tüm ayrıntılarıyla sunarak farklı alanlardan okuyuculara hitap eden bu titiz çalışma özellikle alandaki uzmanlara klinik psikologlara, danışmanlara ve araştırmacılar için bir rehber niteliğinde olacak niteliktedir.

Classical Confucianism as a vision for the exemplary treatment of persons---a contribution to the East-West discourse on human rights

Dissertation
Author: William Keli'i Akina
Classical Confucianism, through its repository of canonical texts, offers a compelling vision for the exemplary treatment of persons that is ancient in origin, relevant to the needs of present-day China, and contributory to future East-West discourse on human rights. The first of two independent prongs in this dissertation argues that Classical Confucianism generates a foundation for cultivating human creativity and excellence. Imbedded within a picture of the ideal functioning society in the Da Xue , (conventionally translated "Great Learning") and explicated as exemplary personhood (junzi ) within the Lun Yu (the "Analects") are the rudiments for a universal, normative standard of exemplary treatment of all members of society. The metaphysical roots for this standard are presumed by Classical Confucian literature such as the Shujing ("Book of History") and most notably the Yijing ("Book of Changes") in which principles such as the harmonization and creativity of nature are understood also as human processes which society is called to cultivate within all individuals. Through the application of Onto-hermeneutics (a hermeneutical method developed by Professor Chung-ying Cheng) to the relevant texts, the concept Tianming as moral authority (conventionally, Mandate of Heaven ), emerges as the universal, normative standard for the exemplary treatment of persons. The effective implementation of the Classical Confucian vision, resulting in such widespread personal cultivation at the level of self-actualization (as in Abraham Maslow's hierarchy of needs), entails the prior satisfaction of lower order human needs. The second-prong of this dissertation examines the notion of human rights within the Western liberal democratic tradition (i.e., Hobbes, Locke, Rousseau, et al.) and considers the analysis of rights by Wesley Hohfeld and conceptions of justice by John Rawls. As a work in comparative philosophy, this dissertation argues that the virtues and duties in Classical Confucianism implicitly generate the standard of universal humane treatment of persons sought after in the liberal democratic (i.e., social contractarian) tradition. A definition of human rights is offered in which the content of rights is differentiated from the mechanism of rights, thereby providing a framework for recognizing comparable outcomes (i.e., the content of rights) between two otherwise incommensurable systems (i.e., incommensurable at the level of mechanism). This analysis makes possible the translation of virtues-duties language into claim-rights language, yielding a set of comparable foundational concepts for an East-West approach to human rights. It is the author's conviction that China, by drawing upon its rich philosophical heritage, is in a position to offer the world a system of values for the exemplary treatment of persons, contributory to the human rights discourse.

Genelde canlıların, özelde ise insanoğlunun nasıl öğrendiğine dair araştırma sonuçları her geçen gün önümüze heyecan verici bilgiler ve bulgular sunmaktadır. Bu araştırma sonuçları öğrenmede yeni stratejiler geliştirilmesinde öncülük etmektedir. "Öğrenme Psikolojisi" adlı bu kitap, alandaki en temel ve güncel araştırma bulgularını da kapsayarak eğitim, edebiyat ve tıp fakülteleri gibi değişik alanların birçok programında lisans ve lisansüstü düzeyde kullanılabilecek şekilde hazırlanmıştır.
Okuyucu merkezli olarak hazırlanan bu kitap, tüm yaşlardaki öğrenicilerin bilgi ve becerileri nasıl edindiklerini ve öğrenme sürecinde etkili olabilen inanç, motivasyon, tutum ve tavır gibi faktörleri kapsamaktadır.
Öğrenme konusunda bilgi sahibi olmak isteyen okuyucunun, temel bir psikoloji bilgisine sahip olması ön koşulu yoktur. Kitapta öğrenme kuramlarının tarihsel temellerinden başlayarak güncel öğrenme yaklaşımlarına rahatlıkla geçiş yapılabilir. Alandaki bir profesör, öğrenme ile ilgili en son araştırma bulgularına bu kitapta ulaşabilirken; üniversite eğitimine yeni başlamış bir öğrenci de öğrenme ile ilgili en temel konulara rahatlıkla erişebilir.

This text sets some landmarks for constructing an alternative history of human rights in modernity. This narrative supplements and destabilises the standard history, which usually takes into consideration events that ocurred within the borders of Europe, and locates rights in the framework of the struggles against absolutism and totalitarianism, and in the context of the relation between governments and individuals. From the perspective of the Third World colonialism and the struggles for self-determination since the times of the Conquest of America also constitute key events in the history of modern human rights. In this horizon of understanding, rights are seen as barriers protecting individuals and peoples from the advance of empires. Moreover, not Hobbes and Grotius, but Francisco de Vitoria and Bartolomé de las Casas are postulated as precursors of modern human rights and international law.
Published in Jose-Manuel Barreto, Human Rights from a Third World Perspective. Critique, History and International Law. Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2013.

P.Naskou-Perraki, The implementation of the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child in Greece, Romania Social Work Review (2/2012) pp.39-50

The United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (hereinafter CRC) was adopted unanimously on November 20th, 1989 by the General Assembly on the UN, and came into force on September 2nd, 1992. Greece ratified the Convention with the Law N. 2101 on December 3rd, 1992 without any reservations with regard to its content. Since then the Convention has been incorporated into the Greek legal system, and according to the Greek Constitution, its provisions prevail in case they contradict national law. The CRC is characterized as the most complete Convention in the field of human rights, incorporating civil, political, economic, social and cultural right, previous declarations, international regulations targets to protect the children, almost half of the population of the earth. It is also considered as a very important act, legally binding, according to international law, on all states that have ratified it, 194 member states of the UN.On May 25th, 2000 the General Assembly of the UN adopted two Optional Protocols the first on the involvement of children in armed conflict and the second on the sale of children, child prostitution and child pornography trying to ameliorate categories of vulnerable children found under difficult situation. On December 19th, 2011 a third Optional Protocol was adopted by the Human Rights Council and the 3rd Committee of the General Assembly, ready to be signed by the member states of the UN. This new Protocol allows individual children to submit complaints regarding specific violations of their rights under the Convention and its two Optional Protocols.

Toplumsal etkileşimin olduğu her yerde, anlaşmazlıkların olması doğal ve kaçınılmazdır. Kişiler, gruplar ve toplumlar arası anlaşmazlıklar; doğru bir biçimde yönetildiğinde gelişimin, ilerlemenin, dönüşümün, barışın ve bütünleşmenin hem enerji kaynağı hem de motoru olabilmektir. Ancak, anlaşmazlıklar yanlış ve yıkıcı yaklaşımlarla yönetildiğinde ise; yıkımın, şiddetin, zulmün ve acının kaynağına dönüşmektedir.

Anlaşmazlıkları ortadan kaldırma, farklılığı ortadan kaldırmaktadır. Doğa ve insanlık, farklılığı ve çoklığı kabul etmeyi ve anlamayı gerektirir. Farklılığı ortadan  kaldırmaya çalışmak yerine; onu anlamaya ve nasıl yöneteceğimizi keşfetmeye başladığımızda, yolumuz anlaşmazlıklarımızı nasıl yöneteceğimizden geçmektedir. Anlaşmazlıkları nasıl yöneteceğimiz üzerine odaklandığımızda, karşımıza en temel yaklaşım ve paradigma olan "dönüşümsel arabuluculuk" çıkmaktadır.Dönüşümsel arabuluculuğun alanyazına en önemli katkısı, anlaşmazlık çözüm sürecinin toplumsal değerlerden ve kültürden bağımsız olmadığı,ideolojimizin ve inanç tarzımızın anlaşmazlıklara ilişkin değerlendirmelerimizi, tutumlarımızı ve anlaşmazlıklarımızı ele alış tarzımızı etkilediği düşüncesidir. Yine, dönüşümsel arabuluculuğun en ayırt edici özelliği, anlaşmazlıkları yönetim sürecinin, kişileri dönüştürebileceğine, geliştirebileceğine ve güçlendirebileceğine yönelik yapıcı ve olumlu duruşudur.

Bush ve P. Folger tarafından geliştirilen "dönüşümsel arabuluculuk modeli" ülkemizde, her sene mahkemelere taşınan yüz binlerce anlaşmazlığı, çekişmeyi ve ayrışmayı yüz yüze müzakere ederek yapıcı ve barışçıl olarak çözme kapasitesini güçlendirmek için bir fırsat ve araç olacaktır. Cezalandırıcı adalet anlayışından, onarıcı adalet anlayışına dönme çabalarına ışık tutacaktır.

Bu eser,içerdiği alternatif paradigma çerçevesinde hukuk sistemimize yeni giren arabuluculuk modelinin doğru ve amacına uygun kullanılması için de referans olacak anlamlı ve önemli bir eserdir. Buna ek olarak, anlaşmazlık çözümü üzerine çalışan hukukçulara, psikologlara, psikolojik danışmanlara, eğitimcilere, psikiyatristlere ve sosyal çalışmacılara hem kurumsal anlamda hem de somut anlaşmazlıkların ve çatışmaların yapıcı ve barışcıl yönetimi konusunda yol gösterecek temel bir başvuru kaynağı olacaktır.

Abstract: Th is essay examines three aspects of the beheading of king Louis XVI to show how it symbolized the transformation of the legiti- macy principle of the body politic, and the development of modern for- mal and substantive justice. Th e beheading is seen as a metaphor of the transference of sovereignty from the king to the people. Louis Capet’s is analyzed focusing on the speeches of Saint Just and Condorcet, and their opposing conceptions of legality and legitimacy. Th ese two threads are considered as fundamentals of two of the trends developed as part of the legacy of the French Revolution: the modern approach to human rights and totalitarianism.

A blog post for Stanford University Press about the gap between theory and practice among those who care about human rights, and how it shaped the research and conclusions of my book about the forensic investigation of mass graves, Digging for the Disappeared.

Tüm yaşamımız duygu ve düşüncelerimiz tarafından yönetilmektedir. Çoğumuz ağırlıkla gerçeğin farkına varmadan yaşadığımızdan düşünce becerilerimizi geliştirmeyi önemsemeyiz. Ancak düşünme, eğitim, psikoloji ve daha birçok alandaki bilim insanının üzerinde çalıştığı ve geliştirmeyi hedefledikleri beceriler arasındandır. Düşünme türleri içinde eleştirel düşünme en temel ve önemlileri arasındadır. Pek çok kişi için düşünme bilinç dışı bir eylem iken bilinç alanına çekip özel eğitim teknikleri ile geliştirmek mümkündür. Bu kitap sayesinde eleştirel düşünme becerilerinin kapsamında kişinin tarafsız düşünür hâline gelme, düşünme seviyesinden haberdar olma, temel akıl becerileri, yetenekleri, içgörülerinin gelişmesine destek olma, sunulan düşüncenin zayıf ve güçlü manasını keşfetme vb. gibi becerilerini geliştirme, kendi düşünme standartlarını bilme, soru sorma ve düşünmedeki yerini anlama, düşünme içeriğini öğrenme, iyi düşünme becerilerini edinme, karar alma, problem çözme, mantık dışı düşünce ile başa çıkma, ulusal ve uluslararası propaganda yolları zihinsel kandırmaca ve manipülasyonun farkına varma, etik akıl yürütme, stratejik düşünme becerileri ve ileri düşünür olma başlıklarında bilgi ve beceri kazandırmayı amaçlamaktadır. Buraya kadar sözü edilen bu becerileri kapsayan kitabın hem bilgi vermesi hem de Türk akademisyen ve düşünürleri tarafından bu konuda yeni eserlerin kaleme alınmasını, araştırma yapılmasını teşvik etmesi hedeflenmektedir. Kitabın hedef kitlesi, matematik bilimlerinde ve sosyal bilimlerde eğitim gören öğrenciler ve akademisyenler, politikacılar, medya mensupları ilk akla gelenler arasındadır. Kitabın, kişisel gelişimi bir yaşam biçimini hâline getirenlere geliştirici bir okuma serüveni olacağına inanılmaktadır. (kim ile, kimin için…)
21. yüzyıl becerileri arasında ilk sıralarda yer alan eleştirel düşünme becerisini stratejik ve sistematik olarak nasıl geliştirilebileceğini anlatan bu kitap, okuyucular için hem günlük yaşamda hem de profesyonel hayatta kullanabilecekleri önemli reçeteler vermektedir. Bilgi çağının getirdiği bilgi bombardımanı içinde hangi bilgiye nerede, nasıl, niye, ne zaman ve kim ile kimin için sorularının cevaplarını çok gelişmiş tablolar ve şekiller ile anlatarak görsel anlamda hatırlanır ve uygulanabilir kılmaktadır. Sol beynin işlevi olan eleştirel düşünceyi çok daha ileriye götürerek bilginin yaratıcılığa dönüştürülmesinde önemli rol oynamaktadır. Basitliğin getirdiği mükemmellik ile değişen ve devrim niteliğinde yaşanan teknolojik gelişimlerde okuyuculara uygulamalı olarak karar verme becerilerini geliştirmekte ve bulundukları ortamda farkındalık oluşturarak fark yaratmalarını sağlayacak donanım vermektedir. Bu kitabın okuyucuları sadece eğitim dünyasındaki değişimi sağlamak isteyen kişiler değil profesyonel dünyada da dönüşümü sağlamak isteyen oyuncular ve liderler olmalıdır.

Liberal political theorists often argue that justice requires limits on policy outcomes, limits delineated by substantive rights. Distinct from this project is a body of literature dedicated to elaborating on the meaning of democracy in procedural terms. In this article, I offer an alternative to the traditional divide between procedural theories of democracy and substantive theories of justice; I call this the ‘value theory of democracy’. I argue that the democratic ideal is fundamentally about a core set of values (political autonomy, equality of interests, and reciprocity) with both procedural and substantive implications. Further, I contend that limits on policy outcomes can be newly understood as part of the democratic ideal.

An argument is made in this article for the need to take into account in political science analyses of the Chilean contemporary art of memory that critically invokes matters, and issues connected to the dictatorship of Augusto Pinochet (1973-1989), and which have not been solved in democracy. Chilean art of memory– composed of those artistic expressions stemming from different artistic disciplines that problematize issues connected to the dictatorial past – questions democratic consolidation by these topics still present, advancing a new perspective on this same reality, a different outlook, otherwise absent from the official renderings that privilege consensus and democratic consolidation. In this sense, this article discusses the specific case of the disappeared of the dictatorship through the analysis of the artworks of eight Chilean contemporary visual artists, and with a focus on their distinct points of view that tackle three topics, the permanency of absence, the sites of memory, and the torturers. The conclusion of this brief article is that memory art presents perspectives absent from the institutional study preferred by political science’ analyses, and that analyzing these artistic expressions helps form a better understanding of the relation to the traumatic past.

A presente pesquisa investiga se existe um dever de cooperação internacional no âmbito da fundamentação dos direitos humanos ou se a colaboração é apenas um ato de cortesia entre os Estados. Este trabalho analisa a teoria dos direitos humanos para verificar se a partir do seu discurso e da sua prática podem despontar argumentos capazes de afirmar tal dever. Por isso, fará uso de uma abordagem normativa do tema. A hipótese deste trabalho é que tanto a fundamentação moral quanto a fundamentação jurídica dos direitos humanos impõem um dever de cooperação internacional. Para a construção desse argumento, primeiramente verifica-se como a própria ideia de direitos humanos se entrelaça com a ideia de cooperação internacional. Posteriormente, verifica-se a fundamentação moral e jurídica dos direitos humanos para entender como elas transportam o edifício ético da solidariedade em direção à ação política, na forma de cooperação internacional.

The present research investigates if there is a duty of international cooperation on human rights' grounding or if international collaboration is only an act of courtesy between states. This paper analyses this duty in the human rights' theory in order to verify if its discourse and practice can build arguments capable of affirming that duty. Therefore, it will use a normative approach to the theme. The hypothesis which guides this research is that both moral and legal grounding of human rights impose an international cooperation obligation. In order to build this argument, firstly if verified how the idea of human rights is related to the idea of international cooperation is. Then, moral and legal grounding of human rights are investigated in order to understand how they can convert the ethical building of solidarity in to political action, in the shape of international cooperation.

The dislocations of the worldwide economic crisis, the necessity of a system of global justice to address crimes against humanity, and the notorious “democratic deficit” of international institutions highlight the need for an innovative and truly global legal system – one that permits humanity to reorder itself according to acknowledged global needs and evolving consciousness.

A new global law will constitute, by itself, a genuine legal order and will not be limited to a handful of moral principles that attempt to guide the conduct of the world's peoples. If the law of nations served the hegemonic interests of ancient Rome and international law served those of the European nation-state, then a new global law will contribute to the common good of all humanity and, ideally, to the development of durable world peace. This volume offers a historical–juridical foundation for the development of this new global law.

Enclosed is a philosophically oriented impassioned plea for a revolution in the way we think about the future in light of climate change. It was composed as a university and public presentation for the Institute for Culture and Society' series on Revolutions at my home institution, Bloomsburg University of Pennsylvania, Fall 2017. As I read it again now, I am impressed--though saddened--by the urgency of its commonsense message: we must act. We must act collectively, globally, and with deliberation to stem the growing tide of climate change catastrophe.

Yet, I fear we are moving just as swiftly--backwards.

Wendy Lynne Lee

It is now widely understood that neoliberalism came to be entrenched in the legal systems of many states after the effective collapse of the Bretton Woods monetary order in the early 1970s. What is not widely understood, though, are the relations between this turn to neoliberalism and the contemporaneous success of international human rights movements. Many scholars now regard the 1970s as critical for the operational “breakthrough” of individualistic human rights. Yet work on the political economy of this “breakthrough,” especially its relation to the consolidation and concomitant normalization of neoliberalism, is still in its infancy. This article attempts to develop a finer understanding of the relationship between neoliberalism and human rights by examining the “North-South Commission,” chaired by former German Chancellor Willy Brandt during the late 1970s and early 1980s. Established with the aim of facilitating “dialogue” between the “First World” and the “Third World,” the Group of 7 and the Group of 77, the commission sought unsuccessfully to win support for a model of global political economy in which enhanced aid, lending, debt-relief, investment, and technology transfer would foster economic growth and meet “basic needs” in the South while countering inflation and unemployment in the North. While the commission’s work has generally been understood as a form of global Keynesianism, and is sometimes linked to the New International Economic Order project of the 1970s and early 1980s, I argue that the commission articulated a broadly rights-friendly form of economic development that accommodated certain elements of the neoliberal movement.