[1. Verb forming suffixes,  2. Prefixes, 3. Parasynthetic verbs, 4. Suffixoids, 5. Prefixoids, 6. Complementaty distribution and competition]

Η μελέτη αυτή έχει ως στόχο την περιγραφή και ανάλυση των μορφολογικών μέσων που χρησιμοποιούνται για την παραγωγή ρημάτων στη νέα ελληνική γλώσσα. Ο σχηματισμός ρημάτων με την προσθήκη στο θέμα ρηματικών επιθημάτων αποτελούν το αντικείμενο μελέτης του κεφαλαίου 1. Η παραγωγή ρημάτων με την προσθήκη προθημάτων εξετάζεται στο κεφάλαιο 2. Στο κεφάλαιο 3 διερευνάται μια ειδική κατηγορία παράγωγων ρημάτων, τα παρασυνθετικά, στα οποία ένα παραγωγικό πρόθημα συνυπάρχει υποχρεωτικά με κάποιο παραγωγικό επίθημα. Η παραγωγή ρημάτων με την προσθήκη στο θέμα επιθηματοειδών στοιχείων αποτελεί αντικείμενο μελέτης του κεφαλαίου 4. Τα προθηματοειδή που χρησιμοποιούνται στο σχηματισμό ρημάτων εξετάζονται στο κεφάλαιο 5. Τέλος, στο κεφάλαιο 6 διερευνάται κατά πόσο οι διαδικασίες σχηματισμού ρημάτων στη νέα ελληνική γλώσσα συνδέονται μεταξύ τους με σχέση συμπληρωματικότητας ή ανταγωνιστικότητας.

The paper outlines an approach to the representation of lexical prefixes with a view to what is known as their argument-structure changing properties. The prefixes are treated as abstract frame-evoking predicates that interact with and subordinate the frame of the constant. A case study illustrates the specifics of this interaction and its effects on the conceptual structure and the syntactic properties of the derived verbs as compared with those of the constant.

This paper discusses the possible contributions of construction grammar to second language instruc- tion and L2 curriculum design. Based on theories of construction grammar the paper examines the possibilities of their integration in L2 curriculum design. Furthermore, this study offers an example through the possible teaching of verbal constructions with the verbal prefix be- for a more effec- tive teaching of Hungarian verbal constructions to foreigners. The paper presents the results of an empirical investigation (carried out on the Hungarian National Corpus) to prove the connection be- tween the prototypical meaning of a construction and its token frequency. Summarising the results, the paper offers a usage-based teaching method of verbal constructions in Hungarian.

В статье обсуждается выбор основы СВ и НСВ при присоединении приставки. Например, почему мы говорим "задвинуть" (с основой СВ "двинуть"), но "затолкать" (с основой НСВ "толкать")? Почему мы не можем сказать "Он запрыгал в дом" в значении 'Он оказался внутри дома несколькими прыжками'? На часть из этих вопросов мы пытаемся дать ответы.

The Polish and French word-formation systems, as described from a synchronic point of view, were unsatisfactory. Suffixation, composition and prefixation were stressed as crucial techniques in both languages, as the morphological tradition imposed. Other means of derivation were assigned an inferior status, and their rank was understated. This had to be changed.
This work presents a new word-formation technique, which was only tentatively described by researchers in Polish, and remained unknown by morphologists of the French language: the derivation by exchange of prefixes. It gives also an account of its functioning in contemporary Polish and French, as well as the differences in its structural and semantic features between the two languages.
In examining this phenomenon, a system of notions and terms was applied which is largely used by Polish linguists, specialized in synchronic word-formation. In particular, the employment of derivational paraphrase was very fruitful. The omission or a purely schematic treatment of the semantic aspect of derivation, which happens quite often in morphological descriptions inspired, directly or not, by generative grammar, results e.a. in a conviction that the derived verb odkręcić may be thought of as derived from kręcić, obsadzić – from sadzić, dérouler – from rouler, dépoter – from pot, or surgeler – from geler. Only when the semantic paraphrase is (correctly) executed, the real motivation of these lexemes appears: odkręcić is actually derived from zakręcić, obsadzić – from posadzić, dérouler – from enrouler, dépoter – from empoter and surgeler – from congeler.
The Polish material, which was described tentatively, selectively and not always consistently in some monographies, was thoroughly reviewed, in quantity as well as in quality.
The quantitative changes result from a bi-directional actualisation: some derivatives which were wrongly incorporated in a given class, and others were added, which was collected in newer sources, including corpora and the Internet.
As to the new semantic interpretation, it resulted in four points:
1) a re-location was performed of many derivatives in relation to the occurrent categorization,
2) one group incorrectly included in the considered class was eliminated,
3) formed a new group of derivatives created by exchange of prefixes was formed, and divided it into three subclasses,
4) the terminology used in the description of Polish derivatives was modified as regards its usefulness.
Finally, in the Polish collected material 12 prefixes were discerned which are  active in forming derivatives by exchange of prefixes (DEP): po- , do- , prze-,  od(e)-,  wy-,  roz-,  ob(e)- ,  pod(e)-,  o(b)(e)-,  przy-,  w-,  nad - . Its products gather in 10 semantic classes: distributive, annulative, effective, supplementary, transformative, directional, replicative, repetitive stricto sensu, restaurative, and reciprocal. The first 6 classes are numerous or medium (10,9-17,52% of the whole), the last 4 – less numerous.
We established that in the contemporary French, it is possible to find 309 verbs formed by exchange of prefixes. The emergence of these verbs is due to the activity of 8 prefixes:  dé-, re- , trans-, sur-, ex-, extra-, im- and sous-, e.g.: dérouler from enrouler, recoudre from découdre, transcoder from encoder, exhaler from inhaler, s’extravaser from exvaser, imploser from exploser, sous-caver from excaver. They were classified in 6 subclasses; four of them are identical to Polish ones: annulative, transformative, effective and directional DEP.
The collected material allows us to say responsibly that the derivational technique consisting in exchange of prefixes exists and, moreover, develops dynamically. One more proof of the strong position of the DEP, in Polish as well as in French, is the creation of DEPs on the basis of other DEPs. Those DEPs “to the power of 2” belong in Polish to directional verbs, and in French – mainly to restitutive verbs.
Taking aside the evident difference in the number of prefixes which serve in this technique in Polish and in French, respectively, in their loading and semantic variations, the contrastive study of DEPs in these languages allowed us to reveal surprising similarities, e.g. the convergence of most semantic classes and the strong position of annulative verbs.
Furthermore, the acceptance of the derivation by exchange of prefixes does not amount just to adding one element to the class of word-formation techniques. Taking this technique into account means that the morphological description of the whole system has to be modified. A lot of derivatives, treated hitherto as manifestations of the simple prefixation, were included in the newly formed group. In doing so, we diminish the extension and the rank of the simple prefixation (as traditionally meant).

A corpus-based study of the prefix ge- in Old and Middle English, with an interpretation of ge- as a linguistic meme, a "linguistic replicator". Includes a comprehensive account of the English and German literature (with some Russian and Japanese sources) existing literature of ge- prior to 2001.

En català, una de les possibilitats de formar verbs causatius és per mitjà de la derivació, ja sigui per sufixació (amb els sufixos -ejar, -ificar o -itzar), per conversió, o fins i tot a través de la prefixació. Un cas especial dins dels verbs formats per prefixació, el constitueix el prefix a-adjuntat a bases verbals no causatives. Ens proposem presentar les característiques dels verbs causatius formats amb aquest prefix, per tal de mostrar com la pèrdua de motivació del prefix n'afavoreix la substitució progressiva a favor d'una estructura sintàctica molt més transparent com és la de fer + infinitiu.

This dissertation is a contrastive study of verb morphology, semantics, valency, and phrasal patterns in modern German and Finnish, focusing on prefix and par-ticle verbs. The aims of this thesis are to define the phenomena prefix and parti-cle verb, to discuss the status of the verbs, and to explore and compare the prop-erties of the verbs in German and in Finnish. The method used is contrastive analysis. The study is based on various types of data: both dictionary excerpts as well as evidence from text corpora.

The comparison of German prefix verbs with their Finnish counterparts re-veals interesting details of Finnish complex verbs and their morphological prop-erties. Furthermore, it makes it possible to detect valency alternation patterns in Finnish that have not yet been discussed in the research literature.

According to the traditional view of the German particle verbs, they are best dealt with in a morphological approach that integrates them into the study of proper word formation products. In the light of the present study, however, this becomes questionable. This work suggests that particle verbs are complex, often lexi¬calized expressions with a syntactic combination structure. This accounts for their behaviour in German sentences. The German particle verbs and their study offer a useful framework for the investigation of the Finnish ones that so far have attained only modest attention in the research on the Finnish language. This study explores several Finnish particle verbs and their properties. Further¬more, it discusses and compares the valency behaviour of several German and Finnish particle verb groups.

In addition, some further aspects such as evolutionary developments leading to the growth of prefix and particle verbs and complex verbs in Estonian and Hungarian, two related languages to Finnish, are also discussed.

Монография является первым обобщающим типологическим исследованием префиксальной перфективации — феномена, до сих пор получившего подробное освещение лишь в славянских языках. В книге на синхронном уровне рассматривается материал славянских и балтийских языков, идиша, немецкого, венгерского, осетинского, а также картвельских языков — грузинского, сванского, мегрельского и лазского. Подробно изучаются морфологические свойства глагольных префиксов (превербов), их семантика, особенности семантики и функционирования превербных глаголов, устройство аспектуальных систем. Полученные эмпирические данные подвергаются количественному анализу, позволяющему выделить две области кластеризации систем префиксального перфектива — славянскую и кавказскую, — различающиеся набором харак-теризующих их признаков. Отдельно исследуются диахрония систем превербов и перфективации в рассматриваемых языковых семьях, возможные типологические параллели в других ареалах и типы наблюдаемых в этой области контактных явлений, для чего привлекается материал ряда миноритарных идиомов (цыганских, славянских, балтийских, балканороманских, финно-угорских). Делаются эмпирически обоснованные выводы о соотношении генетически унаследованного, универсально-типологического и контактного в наблюдаемом ареальном распределении систем префиксального перфектива в языках Центральной и Восточной Европы и Кавказа.

The subject of this work is word-formation elements which are essentially prefixes, but which are not recognized as such in the structure of the word. They can be isolated only by word-formation-etymological analysis. The literature contains various terms for these elements: ‘expressive prefixes’, ‘archaic prefixes’, ‘preformatives’, ‘word-formation elements’, ‘word-formation components’, ‘unifixes’. The subtitle of this work uses the neutral term FORMATIVES, because the term ‘prefix’ is associated with a well-known, recognized word-formation category which can be easily seen in the structure of the word, unlike the elements we are studying here. The attributive PREVERBAL both defines (and limits) the subject of this study. Although in other Slavic languages formatives of this type are characteristic also for nouns, expressive prefixation in the Serbo-Croatian language is especially common for verbs; nouns are far less subject to this word-formation process. The attributive EXPRESSIVE is used here in the following sense: analyzed formatives possess this type of word-formation meaning, such that words derived by them become marked (most commonly with a negative modification to the basic meaning) and enter the sphere of the expressive lexicon. The subtitle of this work refers to the SERBIAN and CROATIAN language, while the rest of the text uses the term Serbo-Croatian. Both designations (Serbian and Croatian / Serbo-Croatian) accord with the material presented and analyzed, as the corpus for this work has been assembled from sources in the following dialects: Štokavian, Kajkavian and Čakavian. The phenomenon at hand is studied, therefore, by using material from a (historically speaking) single Slavic language.
Research has so far established the existence of the following archaic, expressive, rare nominal and verbal prefixes: *a-, *ja-, *pa-, *pra-, *sǫ-, *ǫ-, *la-, *kV-, *čV-, *šV-, *xV-, *gV-, *tV-, *bV-, *mV- (where V = vowel). Each of these prefixes has been shown to occur (to a greater or lesser degree) in the Serbo-Croatian language. Although we are dealing with genetically different elements, expressive prefixes still form a fairly uniform system which can be regarded as a whole. Differing opinions on the antiquity of this system can be found in the research. Some authors consider expressive prefixes to be highly archaic, a phenomenon of Indo-European, whose antiquity is attested by the prefix ku- (which also carries a negative expressive meaning) in Indo-Iranian. A more measured view is held by the majority of authors, who date expressive prefixes back to Proto-Slavic. This relates primarily to forms with equivalents in other Slavic languages. At the same time, the existence of Slavic equivalents may be the result of parallel functions of a given word-formation model within individual languages. Lastly, another view holds that expressive prefixes are not especially old. Our research has shown that a distinction must be drawn between the age of a given model and the age of its individual manifestations. The word-formation model of ‘expressive prefix + stem’ is undoubtedly archaic. Furthermore, many lexemes formed along this model during the Proto-Slavic period are also archaic. At the same time, many newer forms exist which arose during the independent development of the Serbo-Croatian (and other Slavic) languages. Such forms are patterned after the same archaic word-formation model. The material analyzed shows that in dialects of Serbo-Croatian there has even been a certain reactivation of this archaic word-formation model.
One of the basic aims of this work was to establish and examine the system within which expressive prefixes exist and function. To analyze any system, we must specify: a) the elements of that system; b) the properties of given elements; c) the interaction of those elements. By the elements of the system we mean specific individual expressive prefixes. In the corpus under study, the following TYPES of expressive prefixes have been observed, with their specific realization: kV- (ko-, ka-, ku-), skV- (sko-, ško-); čV- (če-, čo-, ča-); šV- (še-, šo-, ša-, šu-); tV- (to-, ta-, tu-), stV- (sto-, što-); bV- (ba-, bo-); pV- (pa-); lV- (la-, lo-), etc. These prefixes undergo COMPLEXIFICATION, that is, expansion by a syllable containing a liquid (še-vrdati > še-le-vrdati, ko-bečiti se > ko-ro-bečiti se), which serves to increase the expressive quality of a given form. The interaction of expressive prefixes within the system is based on alternation and agglutination. These phenomena are the result of language’s tendency to demonstrate affect, reflected in the never-ending search for new expressors. ALTERNATION is therefore the variation of different expressive prefixes before the same stem. As all expressive prefixes modify the semantics of derived words at the expressive level only, they are nearly synonymous and mutually interchangeable, without consequence for word semantics. This results in a free choice of prefixes; and for this reason we find series of expressive prefixes alternating before the same stem: bavrljati = tavrljati = čavrljati = ševrljati; nakomrditi se = natomrditi se = načomrditi se. AGGLUTINATION is the building-up of different prefixes before the same stem. As a result of the complete fusion of the expressive prefix with the stem, a new expressive stem is created, allowing for secondary prefixation by means of expressive prefixes. The following cases are singled out in our work: če-periti se = ko-čo-periti se = ko-sto-periti se; na-ku-mračiti se = na-ko-tu-mračiti se.
One of the aims of this work was to focus on LEXICAL-SEMANTIC GROUPS in which expressive prefixes most frequently occur. Based on semantic analysis, it was concluded that the material under investigation mainly belongs to semantic spheres which are common for the expressive lexicon (such as kriviti ‘bend’, udarati ‘hit’, vrteti ‘spin’, bacati ‘toss’ with all of their secondary meanings). In actuality, this means that the range of confirmed (and expected) meanings is relatively restricted. One of the reasons for this restriction is that the addition of different expressive prefixes to the same stem does not affect meaning. If we move from the global view – that is, from the overall semantic potential of the corpus under examination – to the micro-level, or semantics of concrete forms, a fundamental question arises regarding the semantics of the combination ‘PREFIX + STEM’. Two possibilities exist: a) the prefix changes the meaning of the stem: vrčiti ‘hit’ > izbavrčiti ‘to go bug-eyed’; periti se ‘to set yourself up in a prominent place’ > čeperiti se ‘to throw your weight around, be a big-shot’; b) the prefix does not change the meaning of the stem: bazati = šalabazati ‘ramble’; bečiti se = kobečiti se ‘stare till your eyes pop out’. When the prefix changes the meaning of the stem, it is usually a matter of normal, regular semantic shift. In effect, this means the prefix allows one of the stem’s potential meanings to be realized, or develops a new, usually metaphorical meaning, by means of analogy. Strictly speaking, the prefix does not add new meaning in such cases. We then come to the question of the SEMANTIC CONTENT OF EXPRESSIVE PREFIXES. Authors who assign an Indo-European origin to such prefixes believe that they convey two basic types of lexical meaning, both overall and expressive: negation and affirmation. Synchronically, the word-formation meanings of these prefixes can be seen only in their expressive aspect. The majority of expressive prefixes modify the semantics of the word negatively, which means that the bulk of expressively prefixed forms have a negative or, at most, neutral meaning.
Expressive preverbal formatives are an organic part – that is, real units – of a language’s word-formation system, although they are located on the periphery and can only be established by word-formation-etymological analysis. The criteria valid for so-called ‘normal’ prefixes – productivity, regularity, motivation – cannot be applied to them in the usual sense. The word-formation characteristic of expressive prefixes which might be analogous to productivity for normal prefixes could be called ‘occasionality’. This means that the need (or requirement) to realize expressive prefixes arises by coincidence in a certain context, and that we can only speak of the greater or lesser regularity of such ‘occasionality’. Judging by the number of lexemes analyzed in this work, expressive prefixes are indeed a ‘productive’ category in Serbo-Croatian. One phenomenon that demonstrates and proves the place of expressive prefixes within the prefixation system is the alternation of expressive (non-productive) and ‘normal’ (productive) prefixes: is-ko-vrljiti, iš-če-vrljiti : is-po-vrljiti ‘open your eyes wide’; na-to-vrsti se : na-do-vrsti se, na-po-vrsti se ‘push in on someone’. This phenomenon attests that linguistic consciousness continues to perceive expressive prefixes as prefixes.
Still, a great difference exists between normal and expressive prefixes. Expressive prefixes are located at the periphery of the language system, as can be seen by the following:
1) Expressive prefixes are ‘anomalous’ in relation to normal prefixes, given that their characteristics are opposite to the traits of normal prefixes: a) they are not readily apparent within the structure of the word; b) they are not productive; c) they are not regular; d) they do not have definite semantics.
2) Expressive prefixes reflect an independent system which functions according to its own rules.
3) As a word-formation category, expressive prefixes are found at other ‘peripheries’, such as in folklore, slang and in-group languages, meaning they are characteristic for several marginal classes at the same time.
4) Rather than tending toward economy of expression, these prefixes tend toward expressiveness, leading inevitably to greater complexity.

A thorough description of the behaviour, functions, semantic content and the part of speech relatedness or identification of morphemes called verbal prefixes (or 'igekötők' in Hungarian) poses many problems for the analyst and that not all of the problems have been solved or discussed extensively and satisfactorily and in the depth required. In our paper we would like to bridge some of the gaps related to clarifying the semantic functions and features of the prefix 'le-' ('downward-') by outlining factors such as direction, motion, lexical content, frame relatedness, metaphorization, based on and supported by a body of experimental data gained from 50 adult native speakers of Hungarian.

In this thesis we try to work out the crucial theoretical problem of the relation between Inflection and Derivation. In particular, we examine Greenberg’s Universal 28 which states that inflectional elements will be peripheral with respect to derivational elements. Central to the discussion are Modern Greek prefixed verbs with internal augment but also other European languages that is to say Germanic Languages, Romance Languages and some Modern Greek dialects.

In a general introductory section we discuss the main theoretical problem of the relation between Inflection and Derivation. Every approach to such a topic entails taking a position in the current theoretical debate about the issue if there is a sharp boundary between the two categories. We adopt the idea there is a cline from derivation to inflection rather than a clear-cut dichotomy between the two. In this view, interactions between Derivation and Inflection show that Inflection may feed Derivation

In section 2 we examine the morphological status of the verbal augment in Standard Modern Greek. 

In section 3 we discuss the morphological status of Ancient Greek prepositions. Following previous analyses, it is shown that AG prepositions have derivational properties in Modern Greek and are placed in a morphological continuum, which is determined on properties such as structural boundness and lexical meaning. AG prepositions are situated in the middle between bound stems and affixes. Strong evidence for this relation is drawn from the examination of the prepositional system evolution and from other languages. 



In section 4 the main topic of discussion is the occurrence of internal augment in prefixed verbal forms. What is potentially problematic about this case is the fact that, although there is a syllable to bear the stress, an extra syllable (the ‘augment’) appears. All the previous theoretical analyses do not examine prefixed verbal forms in order to investigate what happens with the ‘augment’. So, we examined thoroughly these forms and we argue that this is a case in which a derivational prefix precedes an inflectional one, thus forming an exception to Greenberg’s Universal 28.


In section 5 it is claimed that Greek data can be described in a satisfactory way by making use of a Construction Morphology framework, a theory of morphology in which word formation is accounted for by morphological schemas of varying degrees of abstraction in a hierarchical lexicon.

La prefissazione nei verbi ne modifica profondamente il significato e ciò influenza sia la struttura argomentale sia il tipo semantico degli argomenti richiesti dai verbi semplici. Nel presente studio si propone un'analisi che procede in questa direzione, relativa ai verbi ridere, navigare, scrivere e ai loro prefissati deridere, circumnavigare, descrivere. Emerge che la struttura argomentale si amplia o si mantiene immutata e che le maggiori variazioni nei tipi semantici coinvolgono soprattutto il secondo argomento.

A disszertációm célja a magyar nyelv igekötős szerkezeteinek minél teljesebb leírása adatközpontú szemlélettel. Három fő témája (1) az igekötők állomá­nyának meghatározása, (2) az igekötős szerkezetek szórendi mintázatainak leírása, valamint (3) az igekötők produktív kapcsolódási mintáinak feltárása. Célja továbbá olyan, szabadon elérhető erőforrások létrehozása, amelyekre további nyelvészeti kutatások épülhetnek, és amelyek nyelvtechnológiai fel­adatokban is hasznosíthatók.

De regulă, în limba rusă prefixul conferă verbului la care a fost ataşat valori semantice suplimentare, pe care limba română le exprimă, de obicei, prin mijloace lexicale (adverbe, locuţiuni adverbiale, verbe semiauxiliare aspectuale, locuţiuni verbale etc.). În procesul de traducere a operelor literare din limba rusă în română sunt utilizate diverse procedee, care, în ordinea descreşterii frecvenţei, sunt: perifraza, accentuarea, transpunerea / transpoziţia şi modularea. Cuvinte-cheie: echivalent, verb prefixal, procedeu de traducere, perifrază, accentuare, transpunere / transpoziţie, modulare. TRANSLATION PROCEDURES OF PREFIXAL VERBS FROM RUSSIAN LANGUAGE (ON THE BASIS OF ROMANIAN TRANSLATIONS) As a rule, in Russian language prefixes add to the verb, which it was attached to, additional semantic values, that Romanian language are usually expressed by lexical means (adverbs, adverbial locutions, aspectual verbs, verbal locutions etc.). In the translation process of literary works from Russian language into Romanian, there are used various methods, which, in the decrescendo order of the frequency are: periphrasis, accentuation, transposition and modulation.

Кожанов Кирилл Александрович -аспирант Института славяноведения РАН. © 2013 г. К.А. КОЖАНОВ ИСТОРИЯ ИЗУЧЕНИЯ ГЛАГОЛЬНЫХ ПРЕФИКСОВ В ЛИТОВСКОМ ЯЗЫКЕ. I В обзоре рассматриваются научные работы, опубликованные в течение последних двух столетий и посвященные семантике глагольных приставок в литовском языке, их словообразовательным значениям и роли в аспектуальной модификации глаголов. Анализ литературы, с одной стороны, позволяет выявить особенности литовской приставочной системы в сравнении со славянскими приставками, а с другойуказывает на лакуны, существующие в описании глагольных приставок литовского языка.

Обзор продолжает анализ исследований, посвященных глагольным приставкам в литовском языке. Рассматриваются работы о диалектных особенностях литовских приставок, о влиянии на литовские приставки других языков, а также работы, касающиеся культуры речи и нормированного употребления глагольных приставок в литовском языке.

Das Verbalpräfix po-expandiert in verschiedenen slavischen Sprachen zunehmend und festigt seine dominierende Rolle als aspektuelles Perfektivierungspräfix. Wie DICKEY / HUTCHESON (i.Dr.) darlegen, ist hiervon insbesondere auch das Polnische betroffen. 1 DICKEY / HUTCHESON beziehen sich in erster Linie auf die hohe Produktivität der delimitativen Funktion von po-im Polnischen (traditionell paraphrasiert mit ‚eine Zeitlang': posiedziec´ ‚eine Zeitlang sitzen'). Diese Aussage kann jedoch um die weiteren zentralen Funktionen von po-erweitert werden: Die sog. distributive Funktion kann im Polnischen ebenfalls als hochproduktiv angesehen werden (vgl. die systematische Bildbarkeit des Typs powyrzucac‚ mehrere Dinge hinauswerfen'). Auch in der Funktion als sog. rein aspektuelles Präfix hat po-schließlich einen hohen Grad an Verbreitung erlangt. Laut COCKIEWICZ nimmt es hier sogar den ersten Platz unter allen Präfixen ein: In seiner Untersuchung von etwa 2.700 polnischen Verben stellte COCKIEWICZ (1992, 96ff.) fest, dass 32% von ihnen einen reinen Aspektpartner mit po-bilden (witac´ / powitac´ ‚begrüßen' usw.). 2 In der Literatur findet sich eine Reihe von Klassifikationen der Funktionen von po-, die in einigen Punkten deutlich voneinander abweichen und insgesamt ein eher heterogenes Bild ergeben. Problematisch ist insbesondere, dass die Funktionen auch innerhalb der einzelnen Klassifikationen auf unterschiedlichen Ebenen liegen und durch uneinheitliche Kriterien definiert werden. Anliegen des vorliegenden 1 Die Expansion von po-betrifft nach DICKEY/HUTCHESON (i.Dr.) grundsätzlich die slavischen Sprachen des östlichen Aspekt-Typus, zu denen aufgrund bestimmter Merkmale (s. DICKEY 2000) auch das Polnische zählt. Zur Expansion von po-im Russischen bzw. zur geringeren Verbreitung im Tschechischen und Slovakischen s.a. Cµ ERTKOVA (1996), PETRUCHINA (2000), DICKEY (Ms.). 2 Es wird gefolgt von z-und za-; zusammen mit po-vertreten sie 70% aller rein aspektuellen Präfixe im Polnischen (COCKIEWICZ 1992, 98). Einschränkend muss erwähnt werden, dass COCKIEWICZ sich in seiner Untersuchung auf die häufigsten polnischen Verben stützt; die Produktivität bei Lehnwörtern müsste getrennt untersucht werden. Die Durchsicht der von SALONI (2001) angegebenen Aspektpartner lässt vermuten, dass für Lehnwörter weit häufiger das Präfix z-verwendet wird, vgl. den Typ liberalizowac´ / zliberalizowac´ ‚liberalisieren', humanizowac´ / zhumanizowac´ ‚humanisieren' usw.

Les messagers bibliques sont investis de missions qui mettent en rapport deux mondes différents, l'un, le monde divin ; l'autre, le monde terrestre, celui des hommes. La finalité de leur  mission touche à l'extrême : il faut d'une part qu’ils annoncent des événements « extraordinaires » et d'autre part qu’ils soient compris (ou ne le soient pas si tel est le projet de l'instance divine qui envoie le messager).
  Nous nous intéressons ici, dans la traduction de Wulfila,  aux moyens (lexicaux et morphématiques) ainsi qu’aux fonctions (anaphorique et cataphorique) que son texte mobilise afin d’assurer les liens entre les différentes phases de la mission du messager.
Est tout particulièrement éclairé le rôle aspectuel joué par la particule ga- qui permet aux formes composées des verbes « écouter » (ga-hausjan) et « voir » (ga-saihvan) d'exprimer aussi bien la visée téléologique (la finalité des missions) que la visée aspectuelle d'accomplissement de celles-ci : que le message soit véritablement entendu, bien compris.
        La langue se fait elle aussi messagère, ambassadrice du sens.

We provide a constructional account of unselected objects in Polish with special focus on valence augmentation and valence creation processes (Michaelis and Ruppenhofer 2001a, 2001b) involved in prze-prefixed predications. Unselected objects appear in two transitive patterns, which we label Object-as-Figure and Object-as-Ground constructions. Unlike most non-cognitivist approaches (cf. Spencer and Zaretskaya 1998) and in accordance with Cognitive Grammar proposals (cf. Janda 1985; Dąbrowska 1996), we argue that prefixes do not have a vague meaning nor are sometimes mere aspectual markers. In particular , we show that the semantics of both prze-patterns is based on an image schema, where a Figure physically crosses a Ground. Furthermore, we show, through a corpus study, that this spatial configuration provides the basis for a number of metaphorical extensions of the central constructional meaning. However , in contrast to some Cognitive Grammar approaches (cf. Dąbrowska 1996), we propose that the prefix is not added to the verb, changing its valency, but rather it is the verb (or other grammatical category) that is integrated into the prefixed construction. Furthermore, we demonstrate that the analytical machinery of Construction Grammar that is used to account for irregular patterns, i.e., direct objects not involved in the verb's argument structure, can also be used to account for regular syntactic patterns, i.e., prze-constructions with prototypical direct objects.

This paper describes the possible changes affecting a verb's argument structure when a prefix is added. The analyzed data show that most often attachment of a prefix adds a new slot to a verb's valency, namely a peripheral adjunct becomes a core argument usually marked by the accusative. This process can be called applicativization, and prefixal derivation thus belongs to the group of valence-increasing formations. The syntactic status of the added arguments is analyzed by applying various transitivity tests. These tests show that most of the added arguments behave as direct objects and the change of the verb's argument structure can be regarded as transitivization. However, some arguments behave as direct objects only with originally intransitive verbs but look like obligatory accusative-marked adjuncts with other verbs. The article also discusses cases where prefixation changes case marking, rearranges a verb's arguments, or licenses syntactic alternations.

The theory of situation-type aspect based on scales (e.g. Tenny 1994; Jackendoff 1996; Rappaport Hovav 2008; Rappaport Hovav and Levin 2010) is applied in the present study to aspectual English verb particles and Slovak verbal prefixes. I argue that both particles and prefixes come in two types, non-scalar and scalar, depending on how they describe the change denoted in the verb root. Non-scalar particles and prefixes do not alter argument structure, e.g. The children walked (on) in silence. They appear in predicates without an underlying scale, which are consequently atelic. In contrast, scalar particles and prefixes appear in predicates with an underlying scale, which are potentially telic. Scalar prefixes and particles can alter argument structure because scales require an obligatory realization of the measured participant, e.g. Ally slept *(off) a headache. The study reviews manifestations of argument-structure alternations as well as factors that determine the effect of particles and prefixes on telicity.

"Tanárnő, kérem, mit jelent pontosan az, hogy megjön? És az, hogy eljön? Melyiket mikor használjuk? Mi a különbség közöttük?" A nyelvtanulók a tanulási folyamat során rendre szembesítenek bennünket olyan kérdésekkel, amelyekre nehéz egyértelmű választ adni. Az igekötős igék problémák tekinte-tében vitathatatlanul élen járnak: használatukra igen nehéz szabályokat megfogalmazni, és még nehezebb a szabályokat (rögtönzött) példákkal alátámasztani. Nyelvtanárként kézen-fekvő, hogy első lépésben szabályt próbálunk adni a nyelvtanulónak-hiszen ez többnyire lerövidíti az adott nyelvi jelenség megértéséhez vezető utat-, majd a szabályra példákat keresünk. Ez a módszer számos nyelvi jelenség (többes szám, múlt idő stb.) esetében jól működik, vannak azonban a nyelvnek olyan jellemzői, amelyek nem feltétlenül írhatók le egyértelmű szabályokkal. Ezek közé tartozik az igekötős igék használata. Márpedig ha egy jelenségre nem tudunk pontos szabályt adni, még nagyobb bizonytalanságban hagyjuk a tanulót, mint mielőtt feltette kérdését: az lehet az érzése, hogy "itt nincs szabály," "ezt érezni kell", "ezt csak az anyanyelvi beszélők tudják helyesen használni." Ebben a cikkben amellett kívánok érvelni, hogy azokban az esetekben, amikor nehezen körülírható, nem egyértelmű jelentéssel bíró nyelvi elemről van szó, ne elvont szabályok, hanem autentikus, anyanyelvi beszélőktől származó példák felől közelítsük meg a kérdést. Ahelyett, hogy először szabályokat, majd példákat próbálnánk megfogalmazni a nyelvtanuló számára, fordítsuk meg a munkafolyamatot: először adjunk nagy mennyiségű, autentikus példát, amelyeken keresztül a nyelvtanuló megfigyelheti a használati tendenciákat. Vagyis adjunk lehetőséget arra, hogy a tanuló a példákon keresztül olyan nyelvi tapasztalatot építsen fel, amellyel az anyanyelvi beszélő implicit, nem reflektált módon eleve rendelkezik, és amelynek birtokában (többnyire) helyesen használja anyanyelvét. Az anyanyelvi beszélőnek-hacsak nem nyelvtanár-ugyanis nem a szabályokról van elméleti, rendszerezett tudása, hanem a használaton keresztül rendelkezik az adott lexikai elemről való gyakorlati tudással. Ha a nyelvtanuló először nagy számú példát tanulmányoz és elemez, és csak ezután próbálja levonni a használati tendenciákat, hasonló módon fejleszti nyelvi kompetenciáját, mint ahogyan az anyanyelvi beszélő szerezte meg azt. A modern technológiának, elsősorban az internetnek köszönhetően korábban soha nem látott méretű nyelvi adatbázisok (irodalmi szövegek, fórumok, posztok, blogok stb.) állnak rendelkezésünkre, és teszik lehetővé az élőnyelv vizsgálatát. Ezek a korpuszok számtalan autentikus példát kínálnak egy-egy lexikai elem használatára, amelyeket megfelelő didaktizálás mellett már alacsonyabb szinteken is bemutathatunk a nyelvtanulóknak. Az alábbiakban arra kívánok egy lehetséges munkafolyamatot bemutatni, hogyan dolgozhatunk az interneten elérhető magyar nyelvű korpuszokkal, milyen válaszokat nyerhetünk ki belőlük az igekötős igék használatával kapcsolatban, és ezeket hogyan prezentálhatjuk a diákoknak. A módszer szemléltetéséül a megjön és az eljön igék vizsgálatát választottam.

This paper examines the meaning of the Croatian verbal prefix na– ’onto’ in a cognitive
linguistic framework. Based on the analysis of a comprehensive inventory of contemporary
verbs and corpora examples, the analysis identifies a few subgroups of na–verbs showing
how seemingly distinct meanings relate to the central spatial image schema of the spatial
particle na(–) and how individual meanings of the prefix na– relate to each other.
Particular attention is paid to the relation of spatial meanings to those that seem less
spatial or abstract, and to metaphorical transformations and abstractions that contribute
to a coherent meaning network of na–. Based on the example of na–verbs, the analysis
examines two hypotheses that have been intensively discussed in Slavic linguistics: the
Empty Prefix Hypothesis and the Conceptual Overlap Hypothesis.

Abstract
Over the last few years, researchers have discussed the prime importance of semantic factors when it comes to defining the possibilities of combination and selection between derivational bases and affixes with respect to different languages. Based on a close revision of the categorial and semantic restrictions that seem to influence base-affix (in)compatibility, this paper examines verbal formations with the prefix des- in Spanish. Despite the need to deal with issues such as the argument structure of derivation and its semantic peculiarities and those of the prefixes, this study argues that it is still useful to bear in mind the so-called categorial restriction. In order to review the proposals made by different researchers, this paper focuses on verbs with the prefix des-, one of the most productive word-formation processes in present-day Spanish.
KEY WORDS: base selection, categorial restrictions, semantic restrictions, verbs with the prefix des-.


Resumen
En los últimos años, diferentes investigadores se han centrado en demostrar, tomando como base diversos idiomas, la importancia capital de los factores semánticos a la hora de delimitar las posibilidades combinatorias y selectivas entre bases de derivación y afijos. A partir de una revisión sucinta sobre las restricciones categoriales y semánticas que parecen operar en la (in)compatibilidad de bases y afijos, el trabajo se centra particularmente en las formaciones verbales prefijadas con des- en español. En el estudio se postula que, aun cuando es inexcusable referirse a cuestiones atingentes a la estructura argumental de las bases de derivación y a las peculiaridades semánticas de las mismas y de los prefijos, sigue resultando en cierta medida operativo tener en cuenta las denominadas restricciones categoriales. Con el fin de concretar las propuestas de análisis, se estudian particularmente los verbos que presentan prefijo des-, por ser este uno de los procesos lexicogenéticos más productivos en español actual.
PALABRAS CLAVE: selección de bases derivativas, restricciones categoriales, restricciones semánticas, verbos prefijados con des-

U radu se raspravlja o glagolima kretanja prefigiranim prefiksom po-. Slijedeći kognitivnolingvističke teorijske postavke te uzimajući u obzir  rezultate pretraživanja korpusa, pokušava se dokazati da su svi glagoli kretanja prefigirani prefiksom po- međusobno povezani te da svi na neki način elaboriraju predodžbenu shemu puta i površine. Ta predodžbena shema zajednička je prefiksu po- i prijedlogu po. Pozornost se posvećuje različitim tipovima glagola kretanja, posebice glagolima usmjerena kretnja koji prefigirani prefiksom po- zadobivaju ingresivno značenje.

This paper aims to analyze the interaction between prefixes, verbs, and abstract argument structure constructions, using as a testing ground the locative alternation. It has been assumed that in order to participate in the locative alternation, a verb must specify a manner of motion from which a change of state can be obtained (see Pinker 1989). However, this generalization does not take into account the argument structure effects involved in verbal prefixation in Slavic where some change-of-location verbs can appear in the change-of-state variant, when headed by a resultative prefix. In Olbishevska's (2005) generative-derivational analysis of the locative alternation in Russian, it is claimed that resultative prefixes are derivational morphemes subcategorizing for a location argument. While I agree that it is the resultative prefix that makes the alternation possible, I propose that it is not the case that a new verb with a different argument structure is derived by means of prefixation, but rather that it is the verb that integrates into the prefixed change-of-state variant. I analyze the change-of-state variant in the spirit of Goldberg's (1995, 2002) Construction Grammar and Langacker's (1987, 1991, 2008) Cognitive Grammar approach and show that resultative prefixes are not abstract syntactic features, but rather that each prefixed change-of-state construction is based on a specific configuration between the locatum and the location. I demonstrate that the interaction between resultative prefixes, alternating verbs, and the more abstract change-of-state variant is driven by semantic coherence.

Šiame straipsnyje analizuojama priešdėlio da- semantika lietuvių kalboje. Nors vengiamas  bendrinėje  kalboje,  šis  priešdėlis  plačiai  vartojamas  sakytinėje  kalboje  bei  tarmėse.
Analizė atliekama remiantis Lietuvių kalbos žodynoir dialektinių žodynų duomenimis. Reikšmės skiriamos pagal veiksmažodžių, turinčių bendrą semantiką ir valdymo modelį, grupes. Manoma, kad  visos  reikšmės  yra  susijusios  ir  sudaro  semantinį  tinklą.  Kitas  straipsnio  tikslas –  palyginti priešdėlį da- su jo atitikmenimis kaimyninėse slavų – lenkų, baltarusių ir rusų – kalbose.

This study will examine the prefixed derivates from the verb of motion (VoM) ходить and analyse their translations to German by focusing on the problem of determining the correct meaning of individual forms and possible irregularities in the translation.

The study shows that prefixed verbs that are otherwise identical can be homonyms with meanings that are independent from each other. This is because of the different grammatical and lexical processes that have accordingly led to an ambiguous form.

The goal of this thesis is to begin by illustrating the problem of homonymy of forms caused by aspect and aktionsart. After having done so, the issue will be considered in light of the problems that can arise in the comprehension and translation of homonymous forms by analysing actual text material from Russian text corpora. I will endeavour to locate regularities in their translation and thereby examine the demands on theory and corpora.

The analysis will also investigate how effectively the theoretical background of Isačenko’s theory on aspect and aktionsart can be applied to corpus linguistics.