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ANTHROPOLOGY.
ANTHROPOLOGY^^^"
AN INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY OF
MAN AND CIVILIZATION.
BY
EDWARD B. TYLOR, D.C.L., F.R.S.
V/ITII ILLUSTRATIONS.
MACMILLAN AND CO.

1881.
The Right of Translation and Reproduction is Reserved.

:
^'
ITcrnbon
and Taylor,
R. Cr.AY, Sons,
BREAD STREET HILL, E.C.
PREFACE.
In times when subjects of education have multiplied, it
may seem at first sight a hardship to lay on the already

heavily-pressed student a new science. But it will be found
that the real effect of Anthropology is rather to lighten
than increase the strain of learning. In the mountains we
see the bearers of heavy burdens contentedly shoulder a
carrying-frame besides, because they find its weight more
than compensated by the convenience of holding together
and balancing their load. So it is with the science of
Man and CiviHzation, which connects into a more manage-
able whole the scattered subjects of an ordinary education.
Much of the difficulty of learning and teaching Hes in the
scholar's not seeing clearly what each science or art is for,
what its place is among the purposes of life. If he knows

something of its early history, and how it arose from the
simpler wants and circumstances of mankind, he finds him-
self better able to lay hold of it than when, as too often
happens, he is called on to take up an abstruse subject not
at thebeginning but in the middle. When he has learnt
something of man's rudest means of conversing by gestures
and cries, and thence has been led to see how the higher
vi PREFACE.
devices of articulate speech are improvemeDts on such

lower methods, he makes a fairer start in the science of
language than if lie had fallen unprepared among the
subtleties of grammar, which unexplained look like
arbitrary rules framed to perplex rather than to inform.

The dislike of so many beginners to geometry as ex-
pounded by Euklid, the fact that not one out of three

ever really understands what he is doing, is of all things
due to the scholar not being shown first the practical
common- sense starting point, where the old carpenters

and builders began to make out the relations of dis-
tances and spaces in their work. So the law-student

plunges at once into the intricacies of legal systems
which have grown u}) through the struggles, the reforms,
and even the blunders of thousands of years ,
yet he
might have made his way clearer by seeing how laws
begin in their simplest forms, framed to meet the needs
of savage and barbaric tribes. It is needless to make
a list of all the branches of education in knowledge and
art ; there is not one which may not be the easier and
better learnt for knowing its history and place in the
general science of Man.
With this aim in view, the present volume is an in-
troduction to Anthropology, rather than a summary of

all it teaches. It does not deal with strictly technical
matter, out of the reach of readers who have received,
or are receiving, the ordinary higher English education.
Thus, except to students trained in anatomy, the minute
modern researches as to distinction of races by skull
measurements and the like would be useless. Much care
PREFACE. vii
has been taken to make the chapters on the various

branches of the science sound as far as they go, but
the more advanced work must be left to special students.
While the various departments of the science of Man

are extremely multifarious, ranging from body to mind,
from language to music, from fire-making to morals, they
are all matters to whose nature and history every well-
informed person ought to give some thought. It is much,

however, for any single writer to venture to deal even in
the most elementa.ry way with so immense a variety of
subjects. In such a task I have the right to ask that
errors and imperfections should be lightly judged. I
could not have attempted it at all but for the help of

friends eminent in various branches of the science, whom
I have been able to consult on doubtful and difficult
points. My acknowledgments are especially due to Pro-

fessor Huxley and Ur. E. A. Freeman, Sir Henry Maine,
Dr. Birch, Mr. Franks, Professor Flower, Major-General
Pitt-Rivers, Professor Sayce, Dr. Beddoe, Dr. D. H.
Tuke, Professor W. K. Douglas, Mr. Russell Martineau,
Mr. R. Garnett, Mr. Henry Sweet, Mr. Rudler, and
many other friends whom I can only thank unnamed.
The illustrations of races are engraved from photographic
portraits, many of them taken by the permission of
Messrs. Dammann of Huddersfield from their valuable
Albums of Ethnological Photographs.
E. B. T.
February, 1881.
—
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER I.
PAGE
Man, Ancient and Modern i
Antiquity of Man, —Time required Development of Races, —of

i for i
Languages, 7 — of 13 —Traces of Man in the Stone

Civilization,
Age, 25 — Later Period, 26 — Earlier Quaternary or Drift-Period, 29.
CHAPTER IL
Man and other Animals 35
Vertebrate Animals, 35 — Succession

and Descent of Species, 37
Apes and Man, comparison of —
Hands and Feet, 42
Structure, 38
— Hair, 44— Features, 44— Brain, 45 —
Mind in Lower Animals and
Man, 47.
CHAPTER IIL
Races of Mankind 56
Differences of Race, 56 — Stature and Proportions, 56 — Skull, 60

Features, 62 — Colour, 66— Hair, 71 — Constitution, 73 — Tempera,
ment, 74 —Types of Races, 75 — Permanence, 80— Mixture, 80
Variation, 84 — Races of Mankind classified, 87.
—
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER IV.
TACK
Language 114
Sign-making, 1 14 —
Gesture-language, —
114 Sound-gestures, 120
—
Natural Language, 122 Utterances of Animals, 122 Emotional —
—
and Imitative Sounds in Language, ri24 Change of Sound and
Sense, 127 —
Other expression of Sense by Sound, 128 Children's —
Words, 128 — Articulate Language, its relation to Natural Lan-
guage, 129 — Origin of Language, 130.
CHAPTER V.
Language [continued) 132
Articulate Speech, 132 — Growth of Meanings, 133 — Abstract Words,

135 — Real — Parts of Speech, I38 —
and Grammatical Words, 136
Sentences, 139 — — Word Combination, 140
Analytic Language, 139
— Synthetic Language, 141 — Affixes, 142 — Sound-change, 143
Roots, 144 — Syntax, 146 — Government and Concord, 147 — Gender,
149 — Development of Language, 150.
CHAPTER VI.
Language and Race 152
Adoption and loss of Language, 152— Ancestral Language, I53 —

Families of Language, 155— Aryan, 156 — Semitic, 159 — Egyptian,
— Tatar or Turanian, 161 — South-Eapt Asian, 162
Berber, &c., 160
— Malayo Polynesian, 163 — Dravidian, 164— African, Bantu, Hot-
164— American, 165 — Early Languages and Races, 165.
tentot,
CHAPTER VII.
Writing 167
Picture-writing, — Sound-pictures, 169 — Chinese Writing, 170

168
Cuneiform Writmg, 17^ — Egyptian Writing, 173 — Alphabetic
Writing, 175— Spelling, 178— Printing, 180.
—
CONTENTS. xi
CHAPTER VIII. .
PAGE
Arts of Life 1S2
Developoieiit of Instnaments,183— Club, Hammer, 1S4 — Stone-flal<e,

185— Hatchet, 188 — Sabre, Knife, 189 — Spear, Dagger, Sword, 190
— Carpenter's Tools, 192 — Missiles, Javelin, 193 — Sling, Spear-
thrower, —
194 Bow and Arrow, 195 Blow tube, Gun, 196 —
—
Mechanical Power, 197 Wheel -Carriage, 198 Hand-mill, 200 —
Drill, Lathe, 202 — Screw, 203 — Water-mill, Wiid-mill, 204.
CHAPTER IX.
Arts of Life {continued) 206
Quest of wild food, 206 — Hunting, 207— Trapping, 211 — Fishing, 212
— Agriculture, 214— Implements, 216 — Fields, 218 — Cattle, pastur-
age, 219 — War, 221 — Weapons, 221 — Armour, 222 — Warfare of
lower 223 — of higher nations, 225.
tribes,
CHAPTER X.
Arts of Life {continued) 229
Dwellings :
— Caves, 229 — Huts, 230—Tents, 231 — Houses, 231 — Stone
and Brick Building, 232— Arch, —
235 Development of Archi-
tecture, 235 — Dress —Painting
: skin, —
237 — De-
236 Tattooing,
formation of Skull, &c., — Clothing of Bark,
240— Ornaments, 241
Skin, &c., 244 — Mats, 246 — Spinning, Weaving, 246 — Sewing^
249 — Garments, 249 — Navigation — Floats, 252 — Boats, 253
:
Rafts, 255 — Outriggers, 255 — Paddles and Oars, 256— 256— Sails,
Galleys andShip=, 257.
CHAPTER XI.
Arts of Life {cemhided) 260

Fire,260— Cookery, 264— Bread, &c., 266— Liquors, 268— Fuel, 270
—Lighting, 272—Vessels, 274— Pottery, 274— Glass, 276— Metals,
—
277— Bronze and Iron Ages, 278 Barter, 28l~Money, 2S2—
Commerce, 285.
—
xii CONTENTS.
CHAPTER XII.
PAGE
Arts of Pleasure 287
Poetry, 287—Verse and —Alliteration and Rhyme, 289

Metre, 288
Poetic Metaphor, 289 Melody, Harmony, 290— Musical
—Speech,
Instruments, 293 — Dancing, 296 — Drama, 298 — Sculpture and
Painting, 300— Ancient and Modern Art, 301 — Games, 305.
CHAPTER Xni.
Science 309
Science, 309 — Counting and Arithmetic, 310 — Measuring and Weigh-

ing, — Geometry, 318 —Algebra, 322— Physics, 323 — Chemistry,
316
328— Biology, 329 — Astronomy, 332 — Geography and Geology, 335
— Methods of Reasoning, 336 — Magic, 338.
CHAPTER XIV.
The Spirit-World 342
Religion of — Souls, 343— Burial, 347 — Future Life,
Lower Races, 342
349 — Transmigration, 350 — Divine Ancestors, 351 — Demons, 352—
Nature 357 — Gods, 358 — Worship, 364 — Moral Influence,
Spirits,
368.
CHAPTER XV.
History and Mythology 373
Tradition, 373— Poetry, —
375 Fact in Fiction, 377— Earliest Poems
and Writings, 381 — —
Ancient Chronicle and History, 383 Myths,
387— Interpretation of Myths, 396 — Diffusion of Myths, 397.
CHAPTER XVI.
Society 401
Social Stages, 401 — Family, — Morals of Lower Races, 405—

402
Public Opinion and Custom, 408 — Moral Progress, 410 —Ven-
geance and Justice, 414 — War, 418— Property, 419 — Legal Cere-
monies, 423— Family Power and Responsibility, 426— Patriarchal
and Military Chiefs, 428— Nations, 432 — Social Ranks, 434
Government, 436.
.
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.
FIG. PAGB
1. Later Stone Age (neolithic) implements 27
2. Earlier Stone Age (palaeolithic) flint picks or hatchets ... 29
3. Sketch of mammoth from cave of La Madeleioe (Lartet and
Christy) . . . .• 31
4. Sketch of man and horse from cave (Lartet and Christy) . . 32
5. Skeletons of apes and man (after Huxley) 39
6. Hand and foot of chimpanzee and of man 42
7. Brain of chimpanzee and of man 46
8. Patagonian and Bushman 5^*
9. Top view of skulls 61

10. Side view of skulls 62
11. a, Swaheli; b, Persian 63
12. Female portraits 64
13. African negro 65
14. Section of negro skin, much magnified (after Kolliker) . . 66
15. Sections of hair, highly magnified (after Pruner) 73
16. Race or Population arranged by Stature (Galton's method) . 76
17. Race or Population arranged by Stature (Quetelet's method) 77
18. Caribs 78
19. (a) Head of Rameses II., Ancient Egypt, {b) Sheikh's son,
Modern Egypt (after Ha^-tmann) 79
20. Malay Mother and Half-caste Daughters 81
21. Cafusa Woman 82
xiv LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.
FIG. PAGE
22. Cairene S4
23. Andaman Islanders 88
24. Aheta (Negrito), Philippine Islands 93
25. Melanesians . - 9^
26. South Australian (man) 92
27. South Australian (woman) 9-
28. Australian (Queensland) women 93
29. Dravidian hill-man (after Fryer) 94
30. Kalmuk (after Goldsmid) , . .
95
31. Goldi (Amur) 96
32. Siamese actressts 97
33. Cochin-Chinese 98
34. Coreans 99
35. Finn (man) 100
26. Finn (womaii) 100
37.. Malays . . loi
38. Malays , , . loi
39. Dayaks 103

40. Kiiigsmill Islander 104
41. Colorado Indian (North America) rc6
42. Colorado Indian (North America) 107
43. Cauixana Indians (South America) icS
44. Georgians no
45. Swedes rii
46. Gypsy 112

47. Picture-writing, rock near I^ke Superior (after Schoolcraft) . 16S
48. /'i7/tv- «cj/^r in Mexican picture-writing (after Aubin) . . . 169
49. Chinese ancient pictures and later cursive forms (after
Fndlicher) .,..,. ... . . 170

50. Chinese compound chai-acters, pictures and sounds . . . . 171
51. Egyptian hieroglyphic and hieratic characters compared with
letters of Phoenician and later alphabets (after De Rouge) . 176
52. Gunflint-maker's core and flakes (after Evans) . ... . . 1S5
53. Stone Flakes r86-
54. Later Stone Age (neolithic) implements 1-87

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. xv
FIG. PAGE
55. Earlier Stone Age (palseolithic) flint picks or hatchets . . . 187
56. Stone Axes, &c i83
57. a, Egyptian battle-axe ; b, Egyptian falchion ; c, Asiatic
sabre ; d, European sheath-knife ; e, Roman culter ; f,

Hindu bill-hook 189
58. a. Stone spear-head (Admiralty Is.); b, stone spear-head or
dagger-blade (England) ; r, bronze spear-head (Denmark);
</, bronze dagger ; ^, bronze leaf -shaped sword . . . . 191
59. Australian spear thrown with spear-thrower (after Brough

Smyth) 194
60. Bows 196
61. Ancient bullock- waggon, from the Antonine Column . . . 199
62. Corn-crusher, Anglesey (after W. O. Stanley) 201
63. Hebrides women grinding with the quern or hand-mill (after
Pennant) 202
64. a, Australian digging-stick ; b, Swedish wooden hack . . . 2 16
65. Ancient Egyptian hoe and plough 217

66. Natives of Lepers' Island (New Hebrides) 239
67. Hand of Chinese ascetic 241
68. Botocudo woman with lip- and ear-ornaments 242
69. a, Australian winder for hand- twisted cord ; b, Egyptian
woman spinning with the spindle 247
70. Girl weaving. P>om an Aztec picture 248
71. Ancient Nile-boat, from wall-painting, Thebes . . . . , 258
72. Burhman drilling fire (after Chapman) 262
73. Ancient Egyptian Potter's Wheel (Beni Hassan) .... 275
74. Ancient Egyptian Glass-blowing (Beni Hassan) .... 277
75. Development of the Harp , . 295
76. Ancient Egyptian and Assyrian numeration 313
77. Mode of calculation by counters and by figures on Abacus . 315
78. Rudimentary practical Geometry 318
ANTHROPOLOGY,
CHAPTER I.
MAN, ANCIENT AND MODERN.
Antiquity of Man, — Time required for Development of Races, — of

i i
Languages, 7 — of Civilization, 13 —Traces of Man in the Stone

Age, 25 — Later Period, 26 — Earlier Quaternary or Drift-Period, 29.
The student who seeks to understand how mankind came

to be as they are, and to live as they do, ought first to
know clearly whether men are new-comers on the earth, or
old inhabitants. Did they appear with their various races
and ways of life ready-made, or were these shaped by the
long, slow growth of ages ? In order to answer this ques-
tion, our first business will be to take a rapid survey of the
varieties of men, their languages, their civilization, and their
ancient relics, to see what proofs may thus be had of man's
age in the world. The outline sketch thus drawn will also
be useful as an introduction to the fuller examination of
man and his ways of life in the chapters which follow.
First, as to the varieties of mankind. Let us suppose
ourselves standing at the docks in Liverpool or London,
looking at groups of men of races most different from
£ B
2 ANTHROPOLOGY. [chap.
our own. There is the familiar figure of the African

negro, with skin so dark-brown as to be popularly called
black, and black hair so naturally frizzed as to be called
woolly. Nor are these the only points in which he is
unlike us. Indeed, the white men who blacken their
faces and friz their hair to look like negros make a very poor
imitation, for the negro features are quite distinct ; we well
know the flat nose, wide nostrils, thick protruding lips, and,
when the face is seen in profile, the remarkable projecting
jaws. A hatter would at once notice that the negro's head
isnarrower in proportion than the usual oval of the hats
made for Englishmen. It would be possible to tell a negro
from a white man even in the dark by the peculiar satiny
feel of his skin, and the yet more peculiar smell which no
one who has noticed it is ever likely to mistake. In the
same docks, among the crews of Eastern steamers, we
observe other well-marked types of man. The Coolie
of South India (who is not of Hindu race, but belongs to
the so-called hill-tribes,) is dark-brown of skin, with black,

silky, wavy hair, and a face wide-nosed, heavy-jawed, fleshy-
lipped. More familiar is the Chinese, whom the observer
marks down by his less than European stature, his jaundice-
yellow skin, and coarse, straight black hair; the special cha-
racter of his features is neatly touched off on his native
china-plates and paper-screens which show the snub nose,
high cheek-bones, and that curious slanting set of the eyes
which we can imitate by putting a finger near the outer
corners of our own eyes and pushing upward. By com-
paring such a set of races with our own countrymen, we are
able to make out the utmost differences of complexion and
feature among mankind. While doing so, it is plain that
white men, as we agree to call ourselves, show at least two
main race-types. Going on board a merchant-ship from
i] . MAN, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 3
Copenhagen, we find the crew mostly blue-eyed men of

fair complexion and hair, a remarkable contrast to the
Genoese vessel moored alongside, whose sailors show almost
to a man swarthy complexions and lustrous black eyes and
hair. These two types of man have been well described as
the fair-whites and the dark-whites.
It is only within modern timies that the distinctions among
races have been worked out by scientific methods. Yet

since early ages, race has attracted notice from its connexion
with the political questions of countryman or foreigner,
conqueror or conquered, freeman or slave, and in conse-
quence its marks have been watched with jealous accuracy.
Tn the Southern United States, till slavery was done away
a few years ago, the traces of negro descent were noted
with the utmost nicety. Not only were the mixed breeds
regularly classed as mulattos, quadroons, and down to octa-
roons, but even where the mixture was so slight that
the untrained eye noticed nothing beyond a brunette
complexion, the intruder who had ventured to sit down
at a public dinner-table was called upon to show his hands,
and the African taint detected by the dark tinge at the

root of the finger-nails.
Seeing how striking the broad distinctions of race are,
itwas to be expected that ancient inscriptions and figures

should give some view of the races of man as they were
at the beginning of historical times. It is so in Egypt,
where the oldest writings of the world appear. More than
4,000 years ago we begin to find figures of the Egyptians
themselves, in features much the same as in later times. In
the sixth dynasty, about 2,000 B.C., the celebrated inscrip-
tion of Prince Una makes mention of the JVahsi, or negroes,
who were levied and drilledby ten thousands for the Egyp-
tian army. Under the twelfth dynasty, on the walls of the
B 2
j^
ANTHROPOLOGY. [chap.
tomb of Knumbetp, there is represented a procession of

yimu, who are seen by their features to be of the race to
which Syrians and Hebrews belonged. Especially the wall-
paintings of the tombs of the kings at Thebes, of the nine-
teenth dynasty, have preserved coloured portraits of the four
great races distinguished by the Egyptians. These are the
red-brown Egyptians themselves, the people of Palestine with
their aquiline profile and brownish complexion, the flat-nosed,
thick-lipped African negroes, and the fair-skinned Libyans.
Thus mankind was already divided into well-marked races,
distinguished by colour and features. It is surprising to
notice how these old-v/orld types of man are still to be
recognised. The Ethiopian of the ancient monuments can
at this day be closely matched. Notwithstanding the many
foreign invasions of Egypt, the mass of the village popula-
tion is true-bred enough for men to be easily picked out as
representatives of the times of the Pharaohs. Their por-
traits have only to be drawn in the stiff style of the monu-
ments, with the eye conventionally shown full-front in the
profile face, and we have before us the very Egyptians as
they depicted themselves in the old days when they held
the Israelites in bondage. In the same way, the ancient
Egyptian portraits of captives from Palestine, whether
Syrians, Phoenicians, or Hebrews, show the strongly-marked
Israelite type of features to be seen at this day in every city
of Europe. Altogether, the evidence of ancient monu-
ments, geography and history," goes to prove that the great
race-divisions of mankind are of no recent growth, but
were already settled before the beginning of the historical
period. Since then their changes seem to have been
comparatively slight, except in the forming of mixed races
by intermar-riage.
Hence it follows that the historic agês are to be looked
I.] MAN, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 5
on as but the modern period of man's life on earth. Be-

hind them lies the prehistoric period, when the chief work
was done of forming and spreading over the world the races
of mankind. Though there is no scale to measure the
length of this period by, there are substantial reasons for
taking it as a long stretch of time. Looking at an ethno-
logical map, coloured to show what race of men inhabits each
it is plain at a glance that the world was not peopled
region,
, by mere chance scattering of nations, a white tribe here and
a brown tribe there, with perhaps a black tribe in between.
Far from this, whole races are spread over vast regions as
though they grew there, and the peculiar type of the race
seems more or less connected with the climate it lives in.
Especially it is seen that the mass of black races belong

to the equatorial regions in Africa and the Eastern Archi-
pelago, the yellow race to Central and Southern Asia, the
white race to temperate Asia and Europe. Some guess may
even be made from the map which district was the primitive
centre where each of these races took shape, and whence it
spread far and wide. Now if, as some have thought, the
Negros, Mongolians, Whites, and other races, were distinct
species, each sprung from a separate origin in its own region,
then the peopling of the globe might require only a moderate
time, the races having only to spread each from its own
birthplace. But the opinion of modern zoologists, whose
study of the species and breeds of animals makes them the -/^ J
best judges, is against this view of several origins of manj^^'^, (
for two principal reasons. First, that all tribes of men, from (P^'v^'^^
"^
the blackest to the whitest, the most savage to the most
cultured, have such general likeness in the structure of their
bodies and the working of their minds, as is easiest and
best accounted for by their being descended from a common |
ancestry, however distant. Second, that all the human races.

notwithstanding their form and colour, appear capable of

freely intermarrying and forming crossed races of every
combination, such as the millions of mulattos and mestizos
sprung in the New World from the mixture of Europeans,
Africans, and native Americans; this again points to a
common ancestry of all the races of man. We may accept
the theory of the unity of mankind as best agreeing with
ordinary experience and scientific research. As yet, how-

ever, the means are very imperfect of judging what man's
progenitors were like in body and mind, in times before the
forefathers of the present Negros, and Tatars, and Austra-
lians, had become separated into distinct stocks. Nor is it
yet clear by what causes these stocks or races passed into
their different types of skull and limbs, of complexion and
hair. It cannot be at present made out how far the peculi-
arities of single ancestors were inherited by their descendants

a^d became stronger by in-breeding how far, when the ;
weak and dull-witted tribes failed in the struggle for land and
life, the stronger, braver, and abler tribes survived to leave
their types stamped on the nations sprung from them how ;
far whole migrating tribes underwent bodily alteration through

change of climate, food, and habits, so that the peopling of
the earth went on together with the growth of fresh races
fitted for life in its various regions. Whatever share these
causes and others yet more obscure may have had in varying
the races of man, it must not be supposed that such differences

as between an Englishman and a Gold Coast negro are due
to slight variations of breed. On the contrary, they are of
such zoological importance as to liave been compared with
the differences between animals which naturalists reckon
distinct species, as between the brown bear with its rounded
forehead, and the polar bear with its whitish fur and long
flattened skull. If then we are to go back in thought to a.
i] MAN, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 7
time when the ancestors of the African, the Australian, the

Mongol, and the Scandinavian, were as yet one undivided
common descent must be so framed
stock, the theory of their
as to allow causes strong enough and time long enough
to bring about changes beyond any known to have
far
taken place during historical ages. Looked at in this way,

the black, brown, yellow, and white men whom we have
supposed ourselves examining on the quays, are living re-
cords of the remote past, every Chinese and Negro bearing
in his face evidence of the antiquity of man.
Next, what has language to tell of man's age on the
earth? It appears that the distinct languages known
number about a thousand. It is clear, however, at the
first glance that these did not all spring up separately.
There are groups of languages which show such close like-
ness in their grammars and dictionaries as proves each
group to be descended from one ancestral tongue. Such
a group is called a family of languages, and one of the
best known of such families may be taken as an example
of their way of growth. In ancient times Latin (using the
word in a rather wide sense) was the language of Rome and
other Italian districts, and with the spread of the Roman
empire it was carried far and wide, so as to oust the early
languages of whole provinces. Undergoing in each land a
different course of change, Latin gave rise to the Romance
family of languages, of which Italian, Spanish, and French
are well-known members. How these languages have come
to differ after ages of separate life, we judge by seeing that
sailors from Dieppe cannot make themselves understood in
Malaga, nor does a knowledge of French enable us to read
Dantd Yet the Romance languages keep the traces of
their Roman
origin plainly enough for Italian, Spanish', and
French sentences to be taken and every word referred to
something near it in classical Latin, which may be roughly

treated as the original form. Familiar proverbs are here
given as illustrations, with the warning to the reader that,
for convenience' sake, the comparisons are not all
carried
out in precise grammatical form.
Italian.
E mef^lio un uovo oggi die una gallina domani.

est 7neluis unuiu ovum hodie quid ntia gallina de ?7iane.
i.e. Better is an egg to-day than a hen to-morrow.
Chi va piano va sano, chi va sano va lontano.
qui vadit planmn vadit sanum^ qui vadit sanum vadit longum.
i.e. He who goes gently goes safe, he who goes safe goes
far.
Spanish.
Quien canta sus males espanta.

quevi cantat suos malos expav{c7'e).
i.e. He who sings frightens away his ills.
Por la caile de despues se va a la casa de nunca.

per illavi calle??i de de-ex-post se vadit ad illam casam de nunquain.
i.e. By the street of by and by one goes to the house of never.
French.
Un tiens vaut mieux que deux tu 1' auras.
unum teve valet melius qtiod duos tu ilium habere-habes.
i,i\ One take-it is worth more than two thou-shalt-have-its.
Parler de la corde dans la maison d' un pendu.

^
parabola de illam chordam deintus illani mansio7iem de ziuum pend{o).
i.e. (Never to) talk of a rope in the house of a hanged man.
It is plain on the face of such sentences as these, that

Italian, Spanish, and French are in fact transformed Latin,
their words having been gradually altered as they descended,
generation after generation, from the parent tongue. Now
I.] MAN, ANCIENT AND MODERN-. 9
even if Latin were lost, philologists would still be able, by

comparing the set of Romance languages, to infer that such
a language must have existed to giverise to them all, though
no doubt such a reconstruction of Latin would give but a

meagre notion, either of its stock of words or its gram-
matical inflexions. This kind of argument by which a lost
parent-language is discovered from the likeness among its
descendants, may be well seen in another set of European
tongues. Let us suppose ourselves listening to a group of
Dutch sailors; at first their talk may seem unintelligible,
but after a while a sharp ear will catch the sound of well
known words, and perhaps at last whole sentences like
these: Kom hier ! Wat zegt gij? Hoe is het weder?

Het is een hevige storm^ ik be?i zeer koud. Is de maan op ?
Ik weet iiiet. The spelling of these words, different from

our mode, disguises their resemblance, but as spoken they
come very near corresponding sentences in English, some-
what old-fashioned or provincial, thus \—Co7ne here ! What
say ye ? Mow is the weather ? It is a heavy storm, I be
sore cold. Is the moon up ? I wit not. Now it stands
to reason that no two languages could have come to be so
like, unless both were descended from one parent tongue-
The argument is really much like that as to the origin of

the people themselves. As we say, these Dutch and English
are beings so nearly alike that they must have descended
from a common stock, so we say, these languages are so like
that they must have been derived from a common language.
Dutch and English are accordingly said to be closely
related to one another, and the language of Friesland
proves on examination to be another near relative. Thence
it is which
inferred that a parent language or group of dialects,
may be Low-Dutch, or Low-German,
called the original
must once have been spoken, though it is not actually
JO ANTHROPOLOGY. [chap.
to be found, not happening to have been written down and

so preserved.
Now it is easy to see that as ages go on, and the languages
of a family each take their separate course of change, it
must become less and less possible to show their relation-

ship by comparing whole sentences. Philologists have to
depend on less perfect resemblances, but such are sufficient

when not only words from the dictionary correspond in the
two languages, but also these are worked up into actual
speech by corresponding forms of grammar. Thus v/hen
Sanskrit, the ancient language of the Brahmans in India,
is compared with Greek and Latin, it appears that the
Sanskrit verb da expresses the idea to give, and makes
its present tense by reduplicating and adding a person-affix,
so becoming dadami, nearly as Greek makes dido mi
from the same root Sanskrit makes a future participle
dasyamdnas, corresponding to Greek ddso?ne7ios, while
Sanskrit ddiar matches Greek doter = gwQY. So where
Latin has vox, vocis, vocem, 2'oces, vocum^ vocibus, Sanskrit
has 7'dk, Tcicas, vacam, I'dcas, z'daim, vaghJiyas. When
such thoroughgoing analogy as this is found to run
through several languages, as Sanskrit, Greek, and Latin,
no other explanation is possible but that an ancient parent
language gave rise to them all, they having only varied off
from it in different directions. shown that

In this way it is
not only are these particular languages related by descent,

but that groups of ancient and modern languages in Asia
and Europe, the Indian group, the Persian group, the
Hellenic or Greek group, the Italic or Latin group, the
Slavonic group to which Russian belongs, the Teutonic
group which English is a member of, the Keltic group
which Welsh is a member of, are all descendants of one
common ancestral language, which is now theoretically
l] MAN, ANCIENT AND MODERN. ii
called the Aryan, though practically its nature can only be

made out in a vague way by comparing its descendant
languages. Some of these have come down to us in forms
which are extremely ancient, as antiquity goes in our limited
chronology. The sacred books of India and Persia have
preserved the Sanskrit and Zend languages, which by their
structure show to the eye of the philologist an antiquity
beyond that of the earliest Greek and Latin inscriptions and
the old Persian cuneiform rock-writing of Darius. But
the Aryan languages even in their oldest known states had
become so
already different that it was the greatest feat of
modern philology to demonstrate that they had a common

origin at all. The faint likeness by which Welsh still shows
its Greek and German may give some idea
relationship to
of the time that may have elapsed since all three were
developed off from the original Aryan tongue, which itself
probably ceased to exist long before the historical period
began.
Among the languages of ancient nations, another great
group holds a high place in the world's history. This is the
Semitic family which includes the Hebrew and Phoenician,
and the Assyrian deciphered from the wedge-characters
of Nineveh. Arabic, the language of the Koran, is the
great modern representative of the family, and the close-
ness with which it matches Hebrew may be shown in
familiar phrases. The Arab still salutes the stranger with
saldm alaikum, "peace upon you," nearly as the ancient
Hebrew would have said shalom Idchem, that is, " peace
to you," and the often-heard Arabic exclamation bis-
millahmay be turned into Hebrew, as be-shhn hd-Elohim,

"in the name of God." So the Hebrew names of per-
sons mentioned in the Bible give the interpretation
af many Arabic proper names, as where Ebed-77ielechi
12 ANTHRCPOLOGY. [chap.
" servant of the king," who took Jeremiah out of the

dungeon, bore a name nearly like that of the khalif Abd-
el-Melik, in Mohammedan history. But no one of these
Semitic languages has any claim to be the original of
the family, standing to the others as Latin does to Italian
and French. All of them, Assyrian, Phoenician, Hebrew,
Arabic, are sister-languages, pointing back to an earlier
parent language which has long disappeared. The ancient

Egyptian language of the hieroglyphics cannot be classed as
a member of the Semitic family, though it shows points of
resemblance which may indicate some remote connexion.
There are also known to have existed before 2000 b.c. two
important languages not belonging to either the Aryan or
Semitic family ; these were the ancient Babylonian and the
ancient Chinese. As for the languages of more outlying
regions of the world, such as America, when they come
into view they are found likewise to consist of many
separate groups or families.
This slight glimpse of the earliest known state of lan-
guage in the world is enough to teach the interesting lesson
that the main work of language-making was done in the
ages before history. Going back as far as philology can
take us, we find already existing a number of language-
groups, differing in words and and if they ever
structure,
had any relationship with one another no longer showmg
it by signs clear enough for our skill to make out. Of an
original primitive language of mankind, the most patient
research has found no traces. The oldest tgpes of language
we can reach by working back from known languages show
no signs of being primitive tongues of mankind. Indeed,
it may be positively asserted that they are not such, but that
ages of growth and decay have mostly obliterated the traces

how each particular sound came to express its particular
sense. Man, since the historical period, has done little in

the way of absolute new creation of language, for the good
reason that his wants were already supplied by the words
he learnt from his fathers, and all he had to do when a new
idea came to him was to work up old words into some
new shape. Thus the study of languages gives much the
same view of man's antiquity as has been already gained
from the study of races. The philologist, asked how long
he thinks mankind to have existed, answers that must
it
have been long enough for human speech to have grown

from its earliest beginnings into elaborate languages, and
for these in their turn to have developed into families spread
farand wide over the world. This immense wôrk had
been already accomplished in ages before the earliest in-
scriptions of Egypt, Babylon, Assyria, Phoenicia, Persia,

Greece, for these show the great families of human speech
already in full existence.
Next, we have to look at culture or civilization, to see

whether this also shows signs of man having lived and
laboured in ages earlier than the earliest which historical
records can tell of. For this purpose it is needful to under-
stand what has been the general course of arts, knowledge,
and institutions. It is a good old rule to work from the
known to the unknown, and all intelligent people have
much to tell from their own experience as to how civi-
lization develops. The account which an old man can

give ofEngland as he remembers it in his schoolboy days,
and of the inventions and improvements he has seen come
in since, is in itself a valuable lesson. Thus, when start
ing from London by express train to reach Edinburgh by

dinner-time, he thinks of when it used to be fair ccach-
travelling to get through in two days and nights. Catching
sight of a signal-post on the line, he remembers how such
semaphores (that is, sign-bearers) were then the best means

of telegraphing, and stood waving their arms on the hills
between London and Plymouth, signalling the Admiralty

messages. Thinking of the electric telegraph which has
superseded them, reminds him that this invention arose out of
a discovery made in his youth as to the connexion between

electricity and magnetism. This again suggests other
modern scientific discoveries that have opened to us the
secrets of the universe, such as the spectrum-analysis which
now makes out with such precision the materials of the stars,
which is just what our fathers were quite certain no man on

earth ever could know. Our informant can tell us, too,
how knowledge has not only increased, but is far more

widely spread than formerly, when the thriving farmer's son
could hardly get schooling practically so good as the
labourer's son is now entitled to of right. He may then
go on to explain to his hearers how, since his time, the laws
of the land have been improved and better carried out, so
that men are no longer hanged for stealing, that more is done
to reform the criminal classes instead of merely punishing
them, that life and property are safer than in old times.
Last, but not least, he can show from his own recollection
that people are morally a shade better than they were,
that pubhc opinion demands a somewhat higher standard
of conduct than in past generations, as may be seen in the
sharper disapproval that now falls on cheats and drunkards.
From such examples of the progress in civilization that has
come in a single country and a single lifetime, it is clear
that the world has not been standing still with us, but new
arts, new thoughts, new institutions, new rules of life, have
arisen or been developed out of the older state of things.
Now growth or development in civilization, so rapid
this
in our own time, appears to have been going on more or

I
]
MAN, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 15
less actively since the early ages of man. Proof of this
comes to us in several different ways. History, so far as it
reaches back, shows and political institutions

arts, sciences,
beginning in ruder states, and becoming in the course of

ages more intelligent, more systematic, more perfectly
arranged or organized, to answer their purposes. Not to
give many instances of a fact so familiar, the history of
parliamentary government begins with the old-world councils
of the chiefs and tumultuous assemblies of the whole people.
The history of medicine goes back to the times when epilepsy
or " seizure " (Greek, epilepsis) was thought to be really the
act of a demon
and convulsing the patient. But
seizing
our object here beyond such ordinary information
is to get
of the history books, and to judge what stages civilization
passed through in times yet earlier. Here one valuable
aid is archaeology, which for instance shows us the stone
hatchets and other rude instruments which belonged to early
tribes of men, thus proving how low their state of arts was
of this more will be said presently. Another useful guide
is to be had from survivals in culture. Looking closely
into the thoughts, arts, and habits of any nation, the student
finds everywhere the remains of older states of things out
of which they arose. To take a trivial example, if we want
to know why so quaintly cut a garment as the evening dress-
coat is may be found thus. The
worn, the explanation
cutting awayhad once the reasonable purpose
at the waist
of preventing the coat skirts from getting in the way in
riding, while the pair of useless buttons behind the waist
are also relics from the times when such buttons really
served the purpose of fastening these skirts behind; the
curiously cut collar keeps the now misplaced notches made to
allow of its being worn turned up or down, the smart facings
represent the old ordinary lining, and the sham cuffs now
i6 ANTHROPOLOGY. [chap.
made with a seam round the wrist are survivals from real
cuffs when the sleeve used to be turned back. Thus it is
seen that the present ceremonial dress-coat owes its pecu-

liarities to being descended from the old-fashioned practical
coat in which a man rode and worked. Or again, if one
looks In modern English life for proof of the Norman Con-
quest eight centuries ago, one may find it in the " Oh yes !
Oh yes /" of the town-crier, who all unknowingly keeps up
the old French form of proclamation, " Oyez ! Oyez !'' that
is," Hear ye Hear ye " To what yet more distant periods
! !
of civilization such survivals may reach back, is well seen in

an example from India. There, though people have for ages
kindled fire for practical use with the flint and steel, yet
the Brahmans, to make the sacred fire for the daily sacri-
fice, still use the barbaric art of violently boring a pointed
stick into another piece of wood till a spark comes. Asked
why they thus waste their labour when they know better,
they answer that they do it to get pure and holy fire.
But to us it is plain that they are really keeping up by

unchanging custom a remnant of the ruder life once led
by their remote ancestors. On the whole, these various
ways of examining arts and sciences all prove that they
never spring forth perfect, like Athene out of the split head
of Zeus. They come on by successive steps, and where
other information fails, the observer may often trust himself
to judge from the mere look of an invention how it probably
arose. Thus no one can look at a cross-bow and a common
long-bow without being convinced that the long-bow was
the earlier, and that the cross-bow was made afterwards by
fitting a common bow on a stock, and arranging a trigger
to let go the string after taking aim. Though history fails
to tell us who did this and when, we feel almost as sure of it
as of the known historical facts that the cross-bow led up to

the match-lock, and that again to the flint-lock musket, and

that again to the percussion musket, and that again to the
breech-loading rifle.
Putting these various means of information together, it
often becomes possible to picture the whole course of an

art or an institution, tracing it back from its highest state
in the civilized world till we reach its beginnings in the life
of the rudest tribes of men. For instance, let us look at a

course of modern mathematics, as represented in the books
taken in for university honours. A student living, in Queen
Elizabeth's time would have had no infinitesimal calculus to
study, hardly even algebraic geometry, for what is now called
the higher mathematics was invented since then. Going
back into the Middle Ages, we come to the time when
algebra had been just brought in,, a novelty due to the
Hindu mathematicians and their scholars, the Arabs and ;
next we find the numeral ciphers, o, i, 2, 3, &c., beginning

to be known as an improvement on the old calculating
board and the Roman L, II., III. In the classic ages yet
earlier, we reach the time when the methods of Euklid and
the other Greek geometers first appeared. So we get back

to what was known to the mathematicians of the earliest
historical period in Babylonia and Egypt, an arithmetic
clumsily doing what children in the lower standards are

taught with us to do far more neatly, and a rough geometry
consisting of a few rules of practical mensuration. This is
as far as history can go toward the beginnings of mathe-

means of discovering through what
matics, but there are other
lower stages the science arose.The very names still used to
denote lengths, such as cubit, hand, foot, span, nail, show
how the art of mensuration had its origin in times when
standard m.easures had not yet been invented, but men put
their hands and feet alongside objects of which they wished
c
iS ANTHROPOLOGY. [chap.
to estimate the size. So there is abundant evidence that

arithmetic came up from counting on the fingers and toes,
such as may still be seen among savages. Words still
used for numbers inmany languages were evidently made
during the period when such reckoning on the hands and
feet was usual, and they have lasted on ever since. Thus a
Malay expresses five by the word h'ma, which (though he
does not know it) once meant "hand," so that it is seen to
be a survival from ages when his ancestors, wanting a word
for five, held up one hand and said " hand." Indeed, the
reason of our own decimal notation, why we reckon by tens
instead of the more convenient twelves, appears to be that
our forefathers got from their own fingers the habit of count-
ing by tens which has been since kept up, an unchanged
relic of primitive man. The following chapters contain
many other cases of such growth of arts from the simplest
origins. Thus, in examining tools, it will be seen how the
rudely chipped stone grasped in the hand to hack with, led
up to the more artificially shaped stone chisel fitted as a
hatchet in a wooden handle, how afterwards when metal came
in there was substituted for the stone a bronze or iron blade,
till at last was reached the most perfect modern foresters'
axe, with its steel blade socketed to take the well-balanced
handle. Specimens such as those
in Chapter VIII. show
these great moves development of the axe, which
in the
began before chronology and history, and has been from
the first one of man's chief aids in civilizing himself.
It does not follow from such arguments as these that
civilization is always on the move, or that its movement is
always progress. On the contrary, history teaches that it
remains stationary for long periods, and often falls back.

To understand such decline of culture, it must be borne in
mind that the highest arts and the most elaborate arrange-
nients of society do not always prevail, in fact they may be

too perfect to hold their ground, for people must have what
fits with their circumstances. There is an instructive lesson
to be learnt from a remark made by an Englishman at
Singapore, who noticed with surprise two curious trades
flourishing there. One was to buy old English-built ships,
cut them down and rig them as junks ; the other was to buy
English percussion muskets and turn them into old-fashioned
flintlocks. At first sight this looks like mere stupidity, but
on consideration it is seen to be reasonable enough. It
was so difficult to get Eastern sailors to work ships of
European rig, that it answered better to provide them with
the clumsier craft they were used to and as for the guns, the
;
hunters far away in the hot, damp forests were better off
with gunflints than if they had to carry and keep dry a
stock of caps. In both cases, what they wanted was not
the highest product of civilization, but something suited to
the situation and easiest to be had. the same ruleNow
applies both to taking in new and keeping up
civilization
old. When the life of a people is altered by emigration into
a new country, or by war and distress at home, or mixture
with a lower race, the culture of their forefathers may be
no longer needed or possible, and so dwindles away. Such
degeneration is to be seen among the descendants of Por-
tuguese in the East Indies, who have intermarried with the
natives and march of civilization, so that
fallen out of the
newly-arrived Europeans go to look at them lounging about
their mean hovels in the midst of luxuriant tropical fruits
and flowers, as if they had been set there to teach by
example how man falls in culture where the need of effort
is wanting. Another frequent cause of loss of civilization
iswhen people once more prosperous are ruined or driven
from their homes, like those Shoshonee Indians who have
c 2
20 ANTHROPOLOGY. -: [chap.
taken refuge from their enemies, the Blackfeet, in the wilds

of the Rocky Mountains, where they now roam, called
Digger Indians from the wild roots they dig for as part of
their miserable subsistence. Not only the degraded state
of such outcasts, but the loss of particular arts by other
peoples, may often be explained by loss of culture under
unfavourable conditions. For instance, the South Sea
Islanders,though not a very rude people when visited by
Captain Cook, used only stone hatchets and knives, being
indeed so ignorant of metal that they planted the first iron
nails they got from the English sailors, in the hope of

raising a new crop. Possibly their ancestors never had
metals, but it seems as likely that these ancestors were an
Asiatic people to whom metal was known, but who, through
emigration to ocean islands and separation from their
kinsfolk, lost the use of it and fell back into the stone age.
It is necessary for the student to be alive to the import-

ance of decline in civilization, but it is here more particu-
larly mentioned in order to point out that it in no way
contradicts the theory that civilization itself is developed
from low to high stages. One cannot lose a thing without
having had it first, and wherever tribes are fallen from the
higher civilization of their ancestors, this only leaves it to
be accounted for how that higher civilization grew up.
On the whole it appears that wherever there are found
elaborate arts, abstruse knowledge, complex institutions,
these are results of gradual development from an earlier,
simpler, and ruder state of life. No stage of civilization
comes into existence spontaneously, but grows or is
developed out of the stage before it. This is the great

principle which every scholar must lay firm hold of, if he
intends to understand either the world he lives in or the
history of the past. Let us now see how this bears on the
antiquity and early condition of mankind. The monuments

of Egypt and Babylonia show that toward 5,000 years ago
certain nations had already come to an advanced state of
culture. No doubt the greater part of the earth was then
peopled by barbarians and savages, as it remained afterwards.
But in the regions of the Nile and the Euphrates there was
civilization. The ancient Egyptians had that greatest mark of
a civilized nation, the art of writing ; indeed the hieroglyphic
characters of their inscriptions appear to have been the
origin of our alphabet. They were a nation skilled in
agriculture, raising from their fields fertilized by the yearly

inundation those rich crops of grain that provided subsist-
ence for the dense population. How numerous and how
skilled in constructive art the ancient Egyptians were, is
seen by every traveller who looks on the pyramids which

have made name famous through all history. The
their
great pyramid of Gizeh still ranks among the wonders of the
world, a mountain of hewn limestone and syenite, whose

size Londoners describe by saying that it stands on a square
the size of Lincoln's-Inn-Fields, and rises above the height
of St. Paul's. The perfection of its huge blocks and the
beautiful masonry of the inner chambers and passages show
the skill not only of the stonecutter but of the practical
geometer. The setting of the sides to the cardinal points
is so exact as to prove that the Egyptians were excellent
observers of the elementary facts of astronomy ; the day of
the equinox can be taken by observing the sunset across
the face of the pyramid, and the neighbouring Arabs still
adjust their astronomical dates by its shadow. As far
back as anything is known of them, the Egyptians appear to
have worked in bronze and iron, as well as gold and silver.
So their arts and habits, their sculpture and carpentry,
their reckoning and measuring, their system of official life
with its governors and scribes, their reUgion with its orders
of priesthood and its continual ceremonies, all appeat the
results of long and gradual growth. What, perhaps, gives
the highest idea of antiquity, is monu-
to look at very early
ments, such as the tomb of prince Teta of the 4th dynasty
in the British Museum, and notice how Egyptian culture
had even then begun to grow stiff and traditional. Art
was already reaching the stage when it seemed to men
that no more progress was possible, for their ancestors had
laid down the perfect rule of life, which it was sin to alter
by way of reform. Of the early Babylonians or Chaldseans

less is known, yet their monuments and inscriptions show
how ancient and how high was their civilization. Their
writing was in cuneiform or wedge-shaped characters, of
which they seem to have been the inventors, and whicli
their successors, the Assyrians, learnt from them. They
were great builders of cities, and the bricks inscribed witli
their kings' names remain as records of their great temples,

such, for instance, as that dedicated to the god of Ur, at
the city known to Biblical history as Ur of the Chaldees.
Written copies of their laws exist, so advanced as to have
provisions as to the property of married women, the im-
prisonment of a father or mother for denying their son, the
daily fine of a half-measure of corn levied on the master
who killed or ill-used his slaves. Their astrology, which
made the names of Chaldean and Babylonian famous
ever since, led them to make those regular observations
of the heavenly bodies which gave rise to the science of
astronomy. The nation which wrote its name thus
largely in the book of civilization, dates back into the
same period of high antiquity as the Egyptian. These
then are the two nations whose culture is earliest vouched
for by inscriptions done at the very time of their ancient
grandeur, and therefore it is safer to appeal to them than

to other nations which can only show as proofs of their
antiquity writings drawn up in far later ages. Looking at
their ancient civilization, it seems to have been formed by
men whose minds worked much like our own. No super-
human powers were required for the work, but just human
nature groping on by roundabout ways, reaching great
results, yet not half knowing how to profit by them when
reached ; solving the great problem of writing, yet not see-
ing how to simplify the clumsy hieroglyphics into letters
devoting earnest thought to religion and yet keeping up

a dog and cat worship which was a jest even to the
ancients; cultivating astronomy and yet remaining mazed
in the follies of astrology. In the midst of their most
striking efforts of civilization, the traces may be discerned
of the barbaric condition which prevailed before ; the
Egyptian pyramids are burial-mounds like those of prae-
historic England, but huge in size and built of hewn stone
or brick ; the Egyptian hieroglyphics, with their pictures of
men and beasts and miscellaneous things, tell the story of
their own invention, how they began as a mere picture-
writing like that of the rude hunters of America. Thus it
appears that civilization, at the earliest dates where history

brings it into view, had already reached a level which can
only be accounted for by growth during a long prse-historic
period. This result agrees with the conclusions already
arrived at by the study of races and language.
Without attempting here to draw a picture of life as it
may have been among men at their first appearance on the

earth, it is important to go back as far as such evidence
of the progress of civilizationmay fairly lead us. In judg-
ing how mankind may have once lived, it is also a great help
to observe how they are actually found living. Human
life may be roughly classed into three great stages, Savage,

Barbaric, Civilized, which may be defined as follows. The
lowest or savage state is that in which man subsists on wild
plants and animals, neither tilling the soil nor domesticating
creatures for his food. Savages may dwell in tropical forests
where the abundant fruit and game may allow small clans to
live in one spot and find a living all the year round, while
in barer and colder regions they have to lead a wandering
life in quest of the wild food which they soon exhaust in
any place. In making their rude implements, the materials

used by savages are what they find ready to hand, such
as wood, stone, and bone, but they cannot extract metal
from the ore, and therefore belong to the Stone Age. Men
may be considered to have risen into the next or barbaric
state when they take to agriculture. With the certain supply
of food which can be stored till next harvest, settled village
and town life is established, with immense results in the
improvement of arts, knowledge, manners, and government.

Pastoral tribes are to be reckoned in the barbaric stage,
for though their life of shifting camp from pasture to
pasture may prevent settled habitation and agriculture, they
have from their herds a constant supply of milk and meat.
Some barbaric nations have not come beyond using stone
implements, but most have risen into the Metal Age.
Lastly, civilized life may be taken as beginning with the
art of writing, which by recording history, law, knowledge,
and religion for the service of ages to come, binds together
the past and the future in an unbroken chain of intellectual
and moral progress. This classification of three great stages
of culture is practically convenient, and has the advantage
of not describing imaginary states of society, but such as
are actually known to exist. So far as the evidence goes,
it seems that civilization has actually grown up in the
world through these three stages, so that to look at a savage

of the Brazilian forests, a barbarous New Zealander or Daho-
man, and a civilized European, may be the student's best
guide to understanding the progress of civilization, only he
must be cautioned that the comparison is but a guide, not a
full explanation.
In this way it is reasonably inferred that even in countries
now civilized, savage and low barbaric tribes must have
once lived. Fortunately it is not left altogether to the
imagination to picture the lives of these rude and ancient
men, for many relics of them are found which may be seen
and handled in museums. It has now to be considered
what sort of evidence of man's age is thus to be had from
archaeology and geology, and what it proves.
When an antiquary examines the objects dug up m any
place, he can generally judge in what state of civilization
its inhabitants have been. Thus if there are found weapons

of bronze or iron, bits of fine pottery, bones of domestic
cattle, charred corn and scraps of cloth, this would be
proof that people lived there in a civilized, or at least a
high barbaric condition. If there are only rude implements
of stone and bone, but no metal, no earthenware, no
remains to show that the land was tilled or cattle kept, this
would be evidence had been inhabited by
that the country
some savage tribe. One of the chief questions to be asked
about the condition of any people is, whether they have
metal in use for their tools and weapons. If so, they may
be said to be in the metal age. If they have no copper
or iron, but make their hatchets, knives, spear-heads, and
other cutting and piercing instruments of stone, they are
said to be in the stone age. Wherever such stone imple-
ments are picked up, as they often are in our own ploughed
fields, they prove that stone-age men have once dwelt in the
land. It is an important fact that in every region of the

inhabited world ancient stone implements are thus found in
the ground, showing that at some time the inhabitants were
in this respect like the modern savages. In countries where
the people have long been metal-workers, they have often lost
all memory of what these stone things are, and tell fanciful
stories to account for their being met with in ploughing or

digging. One favourite notion, in England and elsewhere, is
that the stone hatchets are "thunderbolts" fallen from the

sky with the lightning flash. It has been imagmed that in
the East, the seat of the most ancient civilizations, some
district might be found without any traces of man having
lived there in a state of early rudeness, so that in this part
of the world he might have been civilized from the first.
But it is not so. In Assyria, Palestine, Egypt, as in other

lands, one may find sharp-chipped flints which show that
here also tribes in the stone age once lived, before the
use of metal brought in higher civilization.
Whether it may be considered or not that Europe was a
quarter of the globe inhabited by the earliest tribes of men,
it so happens that remains found in Europe furnish at pre-
sent the best proofs of man's antiquity. To understand
these, it must be explained that the stone age had an earlier
and a later period, as may be plainly seen in looking
at a good collection of stone implements. Fig. i is in-
tended to give some idea of those in use in the later stone
age. The hatchet is neatly shaped and edged by rubbing
on a grinding-stone, as is also the hammer-head. The
spear and arrows, scraper, and flake-knife it would have
been waste of labour to grind, but they are chipped out with
much skill. / On the whole, these stone implements are
much like those which the North American Indians have
been using to our own day./ The question is, how long ago
!•] MAN, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 27
tribes who made such stone implements were Hving in

Europe. As to this, we may fairly judge from the position
in which they are found in Denmark. The forests of that
country are mainly of beeches, but in the peat-mosses lie
innumerable trunks of oaks, which show that at an earlier
period oak-forests prevailed, and deeper still there lie trunks

of pine trees, which show that there were pine-forests still
older than the oak-forests. Thus there have been three

successive forest-periods, the beech, the oak, and the
pine, and the depth of the peat-mosses, which in places
Fig. I. —
Later Stone Age (neoKthic) implements. «, stone celt or hatchet; b, flint
spear-head c, scraper d, arrow-heads; e, flint flake-knives f. core from which
; ;
;
flint-flakes taken ofi" g, llint-awl

; //, flint saw
; i, stone hammer-head.
;
is as much as thirty feet, shows that the period of the pine

trees was thousands of years ago. While the forests have
been changing, the condition of the people living among
them has changed also. The modern woodman cuts down
the beech-trees with his iron axe, but among the oak-trunks
in the peat are found bronze swords and shield-bosses, which
show that the inhabitants of the country were then in the
bronze age, and lastly, a flint hatchet taken out from where
it lay still lower in the peat beneath the pine-trunks, proves
that stone-age men in Denmark lived in the pine-forest
period, which carries them back to high antiquity. In

England, the tribes who have left such stone implements
were in the land before the invasion of that Keltic race
whom we call the ancient Britons, and who no doubt came
armed with weapons of metal. The stone hatchet-blades

and arrow-heads of the older population lie scattered
over our country, hill and dale, moor and fen, near the
surface of the ground, or deeper underground in peat-
mosses, or beds of mud and silt. Such bogs or mud-flats
began at a date which chronologists would call ancient. But
they are what geologists, accustomed to vaster periods of
time, consider modern. They belong to the newer alluvial
deposits, that is, they were formed within the times when
the lie of the land and the flow of the streams were much
as they are now. To get an idea of this, one has only to
look down from a hillside into a wide valley below, and
notice how its flat flooring of mud and sand, stretching
right across, must have been laid down by flood-waters
following very much their present course along the main
stream and down the side slopes. The people of the
newer stone age, whose implements are seen in Fig. i,
lived within this historically ancient, but geologically mod-

ern period, and relics of them are found only in places
where man or nature could then have placed them.

But there had been a still earlier period of the stone age,
when yet ruder tribes of men lived in our parts of the world,
when the climate and the face of the country were strangely
different from the present state of things. On the slopes of
river valleys such as that of the Ouse, in England, and the
Somme, in France, 50 or 100 feet above the present river-
banks, and thus altogether out of the reach of any flood

now, there are beds of so-called drift gravel. Out of these
beds have been dug numerous rude implements of flint,
I] MAN, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 29
chipped into shape by the hands of men who had gained

no mean dexterity in the art, as any one will find who will
try his hand at making one, with any tools he thinks fit.
The most remarkable implements of this earlier stone age
are the picks or hatchets shown in Fig. 2. The coarseness
of their finish, and the absence of any signs of grinding
even at the edges of hacking or cutting instruments, show
that the makers had not come nearly to the skill of the later
Fig. 2. — Earlier Stone Age (palceolithic) flint picks or hatchets.
stone age. It is usual to distinguish the two kinds of im-

plements, and the periods they belong to, by the terms
introduced by Sir J. Lubbock, palaeolithic and neolithic,
that is "old-stone " and " new-stone." Looking now at the
high gravel-beds in which palaeolithic implements such as those
shown in Fig. 2 occur, it is evident from their position that
they had nothing to do with the water-action which is now
laying down and shifting sand-banks and mud-flats at the
bottom of the valleys, nor with the present rain-wash which
scours the surface of the hillsides. They must have been
deposited in a former period when the condition of land
and water was different from what it is now. How far this
state of things was due to the valleys not being yet cut out
to near their present depth, to the whole country lying lower

above the sea-level, or to the rivers being vastly larger than
at present from the heavier rainfall of a pluvial period, it
would be raising too intricate geological questions to dis-

cuss here. Geology shows the old drift-gravels to belong to
times when the glacial or icy period with its arctic climate
was passing, or had passed away, in Europe. From the

bones and teeth found with the flint implements in the
gravel-beds, it is known what animals inhabited the land at
the same time with the men of the old stone age. The
mammoth, or huge woolly elephant, and several kinds
of rhinoceros, also extinct, browsed on the branches of
the forest trees, and a species of hippopotamus much
like that at present living frequented the rivers. The
musk-ox and the grizzly bear, which England harboured
in this remote period, may stiil be hunted in the Rocky
Mountains, but the ancient cave-bear, which was one of
the dangerous wild beasts of our land, is no longer on
the face of the earth. The British lion was of a laiger
breed than those now in Asia and Africa, and perhaps than
those which Herodotus mentions as prowling in Macedonia
in the fifth century b.c, and falling on the camels of Xerxes'
army. To judge by such signs as the presence of the rein-
deer, and the mammoth with its hairy coat, the climate of
Europe was severer than now, perhaps like that of Siberia.
How long man had been in the land there is no clear evi-
dence. For all we know, he may have lasted on from an
earlier and more genial period, or he may have only
lately migrated into Europe from some warmer region.

Implements like his are not unknown in Asia, as where in
Southern India, above Madras, there lies at the foot of
1} MAN, ANCIENT AND MODERN.
the Eastern Ghdts a terrace of irony clay or laterite, con-
taining stone implements of very similar make to- those of
the drift-men in Europe.
These European savages of the mammoth-period resorted
much to shelter at the foot of overhanging cliffs, and to
caverns such as Kent's Hole near Torquay, where the
implements of the men and the bones of the beasts are
found together in abundance. In Central France especially,
the examination of such bone-caves has brought to light
evidence of the whole way of life of a group of ancient
Fig. 3. — Sketch of mammoth f.oiii cave of La Madeleine (Lartet and Christy).
tribes. The reindeer which have now retreated to high

northern latitudes, were then plentiful in France, as appears
from their bones and antlers imbedded with remains of the
mammoth under the stalagmite floors of the caves of
Perigord. With them are found rude stone hatchets and
scrapers, pounding-stones, bone spear-heads, awls, arrow-
straighteners, and other objects belonging to a life like that
of the modern Esquimaux who hunt the reindeer on the
coasts of Hudson's Bay. Like the Esquimaux also,- these
early French and Swiss savages spent their leisure time in
carving figures of animals. Among many such figures found
in the French caves is a mammoth. Fig. 3, scratched on a
piece of its own ivory, so as to touch off neatly the shaggy

hair and huge curved tusks which distinguish the mammoth
from other species of elephant. There has been also found
a rude representation of a man, Fig. 4, grouped with two
horses' heads and a snake or eel this is interesting as
;
being the most ancient human portrait known.

Thus it appears that man of the older stone age was
already living when the floods went as high above our
present valley-flats as the tops of the high trees growing
there now reach, and when the climate was of that Lapland
kind suited to the woolly mammoth and the reindeer, and
Fig. 4.— Sketch of man and horses from cave (Lartet and Christy).
the rest of the un-English looking group of animals now

perished out of this region, or extinct altogether. From
all that is known of the slowness with which such altera-
tions take anywhere in the lie of the land, the
place
climate,and the wild animals, we cannot suppose changes
so vast to have happened without a long lapse of time
before the newer stone age came in, when the streams had
settled down to near their present levels, and the climate and
the wild creatures had become much as they were within the
historical period. It is also plain from the actual remains
found, that these most ancient known tribes were wild
hunters and fishers, such as we should now class as savages.
It is best, however, not to apply to them the term primitive
men, as this might be understood to mean that they were
the men who appeared on earth, or at least like them.

first
The life the men of the mammoth-period must have

led at Abbeville or Torquay, shows on the face of it
reasons against its These old

being man's primitive life.
stone-age men are more likely to have been tribes whose

ancestors while living under a milder climate gained some
rude skill in the arts of procuring food and defending them-
selves, so that afterwards they were able by a hard struggle
to hold their own against the harsh weather and fierce beasts
of the quaternary period.
How long ago this period was, no certain knowledge is
yet to be had. Some geologists have suggested twenty

thousand years, while others say a hundred thousand or
more, but these are guesses made where there is no scale
to reckon time by. It is safest to be content at present to
regard it as a geological period lying back out of the range
of chronology. It is thought by several eminent geologists
that stones shaped by man, and therefore proving his pre-
i sence, occur in England and France in beds deposited
before the last glacial period, when much of the continent
>^
lay submerged under an icy sea, where drifting icebergs
dropped on what is now dry land their huge boulders of
^ rock transported from distant mountains. This cannot be
taken as proved, but if true it would immensely increase
our estimate of man's age. At any rate the conclusive
proofs of man's existence during the quaternary or mam.-
moth period do not even bring us into view of the remoter
time when human life first began on earth. Thus geology
establishes a principle which lies at the very foundation of
the science of anthropology. Until of
late, while it used
to be reckoned by chronologists that the earth and man

were less than 6,000 years old, the science of geology could
hardly exist, there being no room for its long processes of
D
34 ANTHROPOLOGY. . [chap. i.
building up the strata containing tlie remains of its vast

successions of plants and animals. These are now accounted
for on the theory that geological time extends over millions
of years. It is true that man reaches back comparatively
little way into this immense lapse of time. Yet his first
appearance on earth goes back to an age compared with

which the ancients, as we call them, are but moderns. The
few thousand years of recorded history only take us back
to a praehistoric period of untold length, during which took
place the primary distribution of mankind over the earth
and the development of the great races, the formation of
speech and the settlement of the great families of language,
and the growth of culture up to the levels of the old world
nations of the East, the forerunners and founders of modern
civilized life.
Having now sketched what history, archaeology, and

geology teach as to man's age and course on the earth,
we shall" proceed in the following chapters to describe more
fully Man and his varieties as they appear in natural
history, next examining the nature and growth of Language,
and afterwards the development of the knowledge, arts, and
institutions, which make up Civilization.
CHAPTER 11.
MAN AND OTHER ANIMALS.
Vertebrate Animals, 35— Succession and Descent of Species, 37 Apes—

and Man, comparison of structure, —
38 Hands and Feet, 42 Hair, —
44 —Features, 44 — Brain, 45 — Mind in Lower Animals and Man, 47.
To understand rightly the construction of the human body,

and to compare our own limbs and organs with those of other
animals, requires a thorough knowledge of anatomy and
physiology. It will not be attempted here to draw up an
abstract of these sciences, for which such handbooks

should be studied as Huxley's Elementary Physiology and
Mivart's Elementary Anatomy. But it will be useful to
give a slight outline of the evidence as to man's place in

the animal world, which may be done without requiring
special knowledge in the reader.
That the bodies of other animals more or less correspond
in structure to our own is one of the lessons we begin
to learn in the nursery. Boys playing at horses, one on
all-fours and the other astride on his back, have already
some notion how the imagined horse matches a real one

as to head, eyes, and ears, mouth and teeth, back and
legs. If one questions a country lad sitting on a stile
watching the hunters go by, he knows well enough that
the huntsman and his horse, the hounds and the hare they
D 2
56 ANTHROPOLCGY. [chap.
are chasing, are all creatures built up on the same kind
of bony scaffolding or skeleton, that their life is carried on

by means of similar organs, lungs to breathe with, a stomach
to digest the food taken in by the mouth and gullet, a
lieart to drive the blood through the vessels, while the eyes,
ears, and nostrils receive in them all in like manner the
impressions of sight, hearing, and smell. Very likely the

peasant has taken all this as a matter of course without
ever reflecting on it, and even more educated people are
apt to do the same. Had it come as a new discovery, it
would have set any intelligent mind thinking what must be

the tie or connexion between creatures thus ftjrm^d as it
were on one original pattern, only varied in different modes

for different ends. The scientific comparison of animals,
even when made in the most elementary way, does at once
bring this great problem before our minds. In some cases,
more exact knowledge shows that the first rough comparison
of man and beast may want correction. For instance,
when a man's skeleton and a horse's are set side by side,
itbecomes plain that the horse's knee and hock do not
answer, as is popularly supposed, to our elbow and knee,
but to our wrist and ankle. The examination of the man's
limb and the horse's leads to a further and remarkable
conclusion, that the horse's fore- and hind-leg really cor-
respond to a man's arm and leg in which all the fingers and
toes should have become useless and shrunk away, except
one finger and one toe, which are left to be walked upon,
with the nail become a hoof. The general law to be learnt
from the series of skeletons in a natural history museum, is
that throughorder after order of fishes, reptiles, birds, beasts,

up to man b.imself, a common type or pattern may be
traced; belonging to all animals which are vertebrate, that
is, which have a backbone. Limbs may' still be recognised
II.] MAN AND OTHER ANIMALS. 57
though their shape and service have changed, and though

they may even have dwindled into remnants, as if left not
for use, but to keep up the old model. Thus, although a
perch's skeleton differs so much from a man's, its pectoral
and ventral fins still correspond to arms and legs. Snakes
are mostly limbless, yet there are forms which connect
them with the quadrupeds, as for instance, the boa-con-
strictor's skeleton shows a pair of rudimentary hind-legs.
The Greenland whale has no visible hind-limbs, and
its fore-hmbs are paddles or flippers, yet when dissected,
the skeleton shows not only remnants of what in man
would be the leg-bones, but the flipper actually has within
it the set of bones which belong to the human arm and
hand. It is popularly considered that man is especially
distinguished from the lower animals by not having a tail ;
yet the tail is plainly to be seen in the human skeleton,

represented by the last tapering vertebra of the spine.
All these are animals now living. But geology shows
that in long-past ages the earth has been inhabited by
species different from those at present existing, and yet
evidently related to them. In the tertiary period, Australia
was distinguished as now by its marsupial or pouched
animals, but these were not of any present species, and
mostly far larger ; even the tallest kangaroo now to be
•seen is a puny creature in comparison with the enormous
extinct diprotodon, whose skull was three feet long. So
in South America there lived huge edentate animals, now-
poorly represented by the sloths, anteaters and arma-
dillos, to be seen in our Zoological Gardens. Elephants
are found fossil in the miocene deposits, but the species
were all different from those in Africa and India now. These
are common examples of the great principle now received
by all zoologists, that from remote geological antiquity
there have from time to time appeared on earth new species

of animals, so far similar to those which came before them
as to look as if the old types had been altered to fit new
conditions of life, the earlier forms then tending to die out
and disappear. This relation between the older species of
vertebrate animals and the newer species which have sup-
planted them, is a matter of actual observation, and beyond
dispute. Many zoologists, now perhaps the majority, go a
step farther than this, not only acknowledging that there is
a relation between the new species and the old, but seeking
to explain it by the hypothesis of descent or develoj^ment,
now often called, from its great modern expounder, the
Darwinian theory. The formation of breeds or varieties of
animals being an admitted fact, it is argued that natural varia-
tion under changed conditions of life can go far enough to
produce new species, which by better adaptation to climate
and circumstances may supplant the old. On this theory,
the present kangaroos of Australia, sloths of South America,

and elephants of India, are not only the successors but the
actual descendants of extinct ones, and the fossil bones of
tertiary horse-like animals with three-toed and four- toed
feet show what the remote ancestors of our horses were
like, in ages before the unused toes dwindled to the splint-
bones which represent them in the horse's leg now. Ac-

cording to the doctrine of descent, when several species of
animals living at the same time show close resemblance in
it is inferred that this resemblance must have been
structure,
by all from one ancestral species. Now of all the

inherited
mammalia, or animals which suckle their young, those
whose structure brings them closest to man are the apes
or monkeys, and among these the catarhine or near-
nostrilled apes of the Old World, and among these the
group called anthropoid or manlike, which inhabit tropical
forests from Africa to the Eastern Archipelago. By now-

comparing their skeletons, it will be seen that in any scale
of nature or scheme of creation these animals must be
placed in somewhat close relation to man. No competent
anatomist who has examined the bodily structure of these
apes considers it possible that man can be descended from
any of them, but according to the doctrine of descent they
appear as the nearest existing offshoots from the same
primitive stock whence man also came.
Professor Huxley's Man's Place in Nature, in which this
anatomical comparison is made, contains a celebrated draw-
ing which is copied in Fig. 5 as the readiest means of show-
ing how the anthropoid apes correspond bone for bone with
ourselves. At the same time it illustrates some main points
in which their bodily actions are unlike ours. It has been
said that the child first takes on him the dignity of man
when he leaves off going on all-fours. But in fact, stand-
ing and walking upright is not a mere matter of training ;
it belongs to the arrangement human body being of the

different from that of quadrupeds. The limbs of the dog
or cow are so proportioned as to bring them down on all-
fours, and this is to a less degree the case with the apes,
while the head and trunk of the growing child are lifted
toward the erect attitude by the disproportionate growth of
the lower limbs. Though man's standing upright requires
continued muscular effort, he is so built as to keep his
balance more readily than other animals in this posi-
tion. It may be noticed from the figure how in man
the opening at the base of the skull (occipital foramen)
through which the spinal cord passes up into the brain,
is farther to the front than in the apes, so that his skull,
instead of pitching forward, is balanced on the top of the
atlas vertebra (so called from Atlas supporting the globe).
The figure shows also the S-Hke curvature of man's spine,

and how the bony pelvis or basin forms a broad support
for his intestines as he stands upright, in which attitude the
feet serve as bases enabling the legs to carry the trunk.

Thus the erect posture, only imitated with difficult effort
by the showman's performing animals, is to man easy and
unconstrained. Not through great differences of struc-
ture, but by adjustments of bones and muscles, the fore-
and hind- limbs of quadrupeds work in accord, while in
man, whose muscular adaptation is for going on his legs,
there is no such reciprocal action between the legs and
arms. Of the monkey tribes, many walk fairly on all-
fours as quadrupeds, with legs bent, arms straightened
forward, soles and palms touching the ground. But the
higher man-like apes are adapted by their structure for a
climbing life among the trees, whose branches they grasp
with feet and hands. When the orang-utan takes to the
ground he shambles clumsily along, generally putting down
the outer edge of the feet and the bent knuckles of the
hands. The orang and gorilla have the curious habit of
resting on their bent fists, so as to draw their bodies forward
between their long arms, like a cripple between his crutches.
The nearest approach that apes naturally make to the erect
attitude, is where the gibbon will go along on its feet,
touching the ground with its knuckles first on one side and
then on the other, or will run some distance with its arms
thrown back above its head to keep the balance, or when the
gorilla will rise on and rush forward to attack. All
its legs
these modes of locomotion may be understood from the
skeletons in the figure. The apes thus present interesting
intermediate stages between quadruped and biped. But only
man is so formed that, using his feet to carry him, he has
his hands free for their special work.
4? ANTHROPOLOGY. [chap.
In comparing man with the lower animals, it is wrong to

set down his pre-eminence entirely to his mind, without
noticing the superiority of his limbs as instruments for
practical arts. If one looks at the illustrations to " Reynard
the Fox," where the artist does his best to represent the
lion holding a sceptre, the she-wolf flirting a fan, or the fox
writing a letter ; what he really shows is, how ill adapted the
limbs of quadrupeds are to such actions. Man's being the
" tool-using animal " is due to his having hands to use the
tool as well as mind to invent it ; and only the apes, as
Fig. 6. a, hand, b, foot, of chimpanzee (after Vogt) ; c, hand, d, foot, of man.
most nearly approaching man in their limbs, can fairly
imitate the use of such instruments as a spoon or a knife.

In Fig. 6 the hand and foot of the chimpanzee may be
compared with those of man. Here the ape's foot b, looks
so like a hand, that many naturalists have classed the higher
apes under the name of four-handed animals, or quadrumana.
In anatomical structure it is a foot, but it is a prehensile or
grasping foot, able to clip or pinch an object by setting the
great toe thumb-wise against the others, which the human
foot d, cannot do. It is true that among people who go
barefoot the great toe is not quite so helpless as that of a
boot-wearing European. With the naked foot the savage

Australian picks up his spear, and the Hindu tailor holds his
cloth as he squats sewing. The above drawing is purposely
taken, not from the free foot of the savage, but from the
European foot cramped by the stiff leather boot, because
this shows in the utmost way the contrast between ape and
man. In the ape, it is seen that both the hands and feet
gain their suitability for a tree-climbing life at the loss of
their suitability for walking on the ground. But man's
upper and lower extremities have become differentiated or
specialised in two opposite ways, the human foot becoming
a stepping-machine with less grasping-power than the ape-
\ foot, while the human hand comes to excel the ape-hand as
a special organ for feeling, holding, and handling. The figure
r shows the longer and freely-acting thumb and the wider
flexible palm in man, the sensitive cushions at our finger-
ends also giving us greater delicacy of touch. It is most
instructive to monkey-house at the Zoological

visit the
Gardens for the purpose of comparing hands of high and
low kinds. The hand of the marmoset with its five
claw-nailed digits, is a mere grasping instrument hardly
capable of handling. Other low monkeys have the thumbs
small and not opposable, that is, their ends do not
meet those of the other fingers, whereas the thumbs of the
higher apes are (as the figure shows) opposable like ours.
How far the value of the hand as a mechanical instrument
depends on any one may satisfy himself
this opposability,
by using hand with the thumb stift". It is plain that

his
man's hand, enabling him to shape and wield weapons and
tools to subdue nature to his own ends, is one cause of
his standing first among animals. It is not so obvious, but
it is true, that his intellectual development must have been
in no small degree gained by the use of his hands. From
handling objects, putting them in different positions, and

setting them side by side, he was led to those simplest
kinds of comparing and measuring which are the first

elements of exact knowledge, or science.
Outwardly, the shaggy hair of the apes contrasts with the
comparative nakedness of the human skin. In man as in
lower animals, the thatch of hair indeed forms an effective
shelter to the head. The hairy fringe round the human
mouth in the adult male has in some races a strong growth,
as in the European or the native of Australia. But in
others, as the African negro and the so-called American
Indian, the scanty face-hair looks as though it had dwindled
to the mere remnant of a fuller growth. Looked at in this

way, the hairy patches on the Englishman's breast and limbs,
though practically of no importance, are an object of curious
interest to the naturahstswho consider them relics from
the remote period when man's ancestral stock had a fuller
hairy covering, whose want is now supplied by artificial
shelter suited to season and cfimate. It is interesting
to notice that there are some few human beings to be

met with, whose faces and bodies are largely covered
with long shaggy hair. Such a face-covering hides the
play of feature — that expressive m.eans of intercourse be-
tween mind and mind. Llad the skeletons of apes and
man in our figure been clothed with flesh, we should
have seen plainly the signs of man's higher organisation in
whose movements and folds
the flexible versatile features, in
are symbolised the pleasures and pains, the loves and hates,
of every ])hase ofhuman life. How coarse and clumsy are
the corresponding changes of face in the monkey-tribes,
such as the drawing back of the corners of the mouth and
wrinkling of the lower eyefld which constitute an ape's
smile, or the rise and fall of the baboon's evebrows and
J I.] MAN AND OTHER ANIMALS. 45
forehead in anger. The visitor from some other planet, so

often imagined as coming to our earth and forming his
judgments by what he sees, might well discern in the
difference between man's face and the gorilla's muzzle
some measure of the discrepancy within.
The brain being the instrument or organ of mind,

anatomists comparing the brains of animals have looked
for well-marked distinctions between the less and the more
intelligent. In the natural order of Primates, to which man
belongs with the monkeys and lemurs, the series of brains
3
shows a remarkable rise or development from lower to
higher forms. The lemur has a small and comparatively
smooth brain, whereas the high anthropoid apes have
brains which strikingly approach man's. In fact the lemur
has very little mind in comparison with the sagacious and
teachable chimpanzee or orang-utan. But man's reason
so vastly surpasses that of the highest apes, that naturalists
have wondered which
at the likeness of their brain to ours,
is illustrated accompanying Fig. 7, representing

in the
the brain of the chimpanzee a^ and of man b^ whole on
the left to show the convolutions, and cut across on the
right to expose the interior. To compare their structure
the two brains are drawn of the same size, but in fact the
chimpanzee brain is much smaller than the human. It is
one great difference between man and the anthropoid apes,
that .his brain exceeds theirs in quantity ; in a rough way
he has three pounds of brain to their one. It is seen also
that in the ape-brain the lobes or hemispheres have fewer
and simpler windings than the more complex convolutions
of the human brain, which in general outline they resembfe.
Now both size and complexity mean mind-power. The
lobes af the brain consist within of the "white matter"
with its innumerable fibres carrying nerve- currents, while
-ffi
the outer coating is formed of the "grey matter," contain-

ing the brain-corpuscles or cells from which the fibres issue,
and which are centres through which the combinations are
made which we are conscious of as thoughts. As the '
<
coating of grey matter follows the foldings of the brain

down into the fissures, it is evident that the increased
complexity of the convolutions, combined with greater
actual size of brain, furnishes man with a vastly more
extensive and intricate thinking-apparatus than the animals
nearest belowhim in the order of nature. '\
Having looked some of the important differences

at
between the bodies of man and lower animals, we may

venture to ask the still harder question. How far do their
minds work like ours ? No full answer can be given, yet
there are some well ascertained points to judge by. To
begin, it is clear that the simple processes of sense, will,
and action, are carried on in man by the same bodily

machinery as in other high vertebrate animals. How like
their organs of sense are, is well illustrated by the anatomist

who dissects a bullock's eye as a substitute for a man's, to
show how the picture of the outer world is thrown by the
lenses on the retina or screen, into which spread the end-
fibres of the optic nerve leading into the brain. Not but
what the touch, sight, and other senses in the various orders
of animals have their special differences, as where the eagle's
eyes are focussed to see small objects far beyond man's
range, while the horse's eyes are so set in his head that
they do not converge like ours, and he must practically
have two pictures of the two sides of the road to deal
with. Such special differences, however, make the general 1
resemblance all the more striking. Next, the nervous system i
in beast and man shows the same common plan, the brain ^V
and spinal cord forming a central nervous organ, to which
the sensory nerves convey the messages of tlie senses, and

from which the motor nerves carry the currents causing
muscular contraction and movement. The involuntary acts
of animals are like our own, as when the sleeping dog draws
his leg back if it is touched, much as his master would do,
and when awake, both man and beast wink when a finger
pretends to strike at their eyes. If we go on to voluntary
actions, done with conscious will and thought, the lower
creatures can for some distance keep company with man-
kind. At the Zoological Gardens one may sometimes see
a handful of nuts divided between the monkeys inside the
bars and the children outside, and it is instructive to notice
how nearly both go through the same set of movements,
looking, approaching, elbowing, grasping, cracking, munch-
ing, swallowing, holding out their hands for more. Up to
this level, the monkeys show all the mental likeness to man
that their bodily likeness would lead us to expect. Now we
know that in the scramble, there passes in the children's
minds a great deal besides the mere sight and feel of
the nuts, and the will to take and eat them. Between the
sensation and action there takes place thought. To describe
it boy knows a nut by sight, wishes to renew the
simply, the
pleasant taste of former nuts, and directs his hands and
mouth to grasp, crack, and eat. But here are complicated
mental processes. Knowing a nut by sight, or having an idea
of a nut, means that there are grouped together in the child's
mind memories of a number of past sensations, which have
so become connected by experience that a particular form
and and weight, lead to the expectation of a
colour, feel
particular flavour.Of what here- takes place in the boy's
mind we can judge, though by no means clearly, from what
we know about our own thoughts and what others have told
us about theirs. What takes place in the monkeys' minds
we can only guess by watching their actions, but these are

so like the human as to be most readily explained by con-
sidering their brain-work also to be like the human, though
less clear and perfect. It seems as though a beast's idea or
thought of an object may be, as our own, a group of re-
membered sensations compacted into a whole. What makes

this the more likely is that when part of the sensations
present themselves, the animal seems to judge that the rest
must be there much as we ourselves are so apt to do.
also,
Thus a dog jump upon a scum-covered stream which it

will
takes for dry land, or when offered a sham biscuit will come
for it, turning away when smell and taste prove that the rest
of the idea does not agree with what sight suggested.
In much the same way, all people who attend to the
proceedings of animals, account for them by faculties more
or less like their own. Not only do creatures of all high
orders give unmistakable signs of pleasure and pain, but
our dealings with the brutes go on the ground of their
sharing with us suchmore complex emotions as fear, affec-
tion, anger, nay, curiosity, jealousy, and revenge. Some
even
of these show themselves in bodily symptoms which are
quite human, as every one must admit who has felt the
trembling limbs and throbbing heart of a frightened puppy,
or looked at the picture in Darwin's Expression of the
Emotions of the chimpanzee who has had his fruit taken
from him, and displays his sulkiness by a pout which is a

caricature of a child's. Again, the lower animals show a
well-marked will, which like man's is not simply wish, but
the resultant or balance of v.ashes, so that it is possible for
two people calling a dog different ways, or both offering him
bones, to distract his will in a way that reminds us of the
philosopher's imaginary ass that died of starvation between
its hay and its water. As to the power of memory in brutes,
E
we have had opportunities of noticing how lasting and

all
exact it is. the animals remember may be

Some things which
explained simply by their ideas becoming associated through
habit, as when the horse betrays its former owner's ways by
stopping at every public-house ; this m.ay only mean that
the familiar door suggests to the beast the memory of rest,
and he stops. But to watch a dog dreaming makes us

think that whole trains of ideas from the storehouse of
memory are passing before his consciousness, as in our
dream.s. A memory in which such a revival of the past
is possible, is a source of experience whence to extract
understanding of the present, and foresight of the future.
To make the memory of what has been, the means of con-
trolling what shall be, is the great intellectual faculty in
man, and in simple and elementary forms it comes into
view among lower creatures. To tell but one of the in-
numerable animal stories which show expectation and

design founded on experience. A certain Mr. Cops, who
had a young orang-utan, one day gave it half an orange,
put the other half away out of its sight on a high press,
and lay down himself on the sofa, but the ape's movements
attracting his attention, he only pretended to go to sleep ;
the creature came cautiously and sadsfied himself of his

master being asleep, then climbed up the press, ate the rest
of the orange, carefully hid the peel among some shavings
in examined the pretended sleeper again, and
the grate,
then went to down on his own bed. Such behaviour is
lie
only to be explained by a train of thought involving some-

thing of what in ourselves we call reason.
To measure the differences between beast and man is
really more difficult than tracing their resemblances. One
plain mark of the higher intellectual rank of man is that
he is less dependent on instinct than the animals which
ii.J MAN AND OTHER ANIMALS. 51 . - •
migrate at a fixed season, or build nests of a fixed and r^

'
;r h
complicated pattern peculiar to their kind. Man has some V /^^
instincts plainly agreeing with those of inferior animals, '
such as the child's untaught movements to ward off danger,

and the parental affection which preserves the offspring
during the first defenceless period of life. But if man
were possessed by a resistless longing to set off wandering
southward before winter, or to build a shelter of boughs
laid in a particular way, this would be less beneficial to his
species than the use of intelligent judgment adapting his
actions to climate, supply of food, danger from enemies,

and a multitude of circumstances differing from district to
and changing from year to year.
district, If man's remote
progenitors had instincts like the beavers' implanted in the
very structure of their brain, these instincts have long ago
fallen away, displaced by freer and higher reason. Man's
power of accommodating himself to the world he lives in,
and even of controlling it, is due to his faculty of

largely
gaining new knowledge. Yet must not be overlooked that
it
this faculty is in a less measure possessed by other animals.

We may catch them in the act of learning by experience,
which is indeed one of the most curious sights in natural
history, as when telegraph-wires are set up in a new district,
and after the second year partridges no longer kill themselves
by flying against them, or where in Canada the wily marten
baffles the trapper's ingenuity, finding out how to get the bait
away, even from a new kind of trap, without letting it fall.
The faculty of learning by imitation comes out in the apes

in an almost human way. The anthropoid ape Mafuka,
kept lately in the Zoological Gardens at Dresden, saw how
the door of her cage was unlocked, and not only did it
herself, but even stole the key and hid it under her arm
for future use; after watching the carpenter she seized
E 2
52 ANTHROPOLOGY. [chap,
his bradawl and bored holes with it through the little table
she had her meals on ; at her meals she not only filled her
own cup from the jug, but, what is more remarkable, she
carefully stopped pouring before it ran oven The death of
this ape had an almost human pathos; when her friend
the director of the gardens cam.e to her, she put her arms
round his neck, kissed him three times, and then lay down
on her bed and giving him her hand fell into her last sleep.
One cannot but think that creatures so sagacious must learn
in their wild state. Indeed less clever animals seem to some
extent to teach their young, birds to sing, wolves to hunt,
althouo;h it is most difficult for naturalists in such cases to
judge what comes by instinct and what is consciously leamt.
Philosophers have tried to draw a hard and fast line
between the animal and human mind. The most celebrated

of these attempts is Locke's, where in his Essay concerm?tg
Human Understanding he lays it down that beasts indeed
have ideas, but are without man's faculty of forming ab-
3tract or general ideas. Now it is true that we have learnt
to reason with abstract ideas, such as solidity and fluidity,
quantity and quality, vegetable and animal, courage and

cowardice ; and that there is not the least reason to suppose
that such abstractions are formed by dogs or apes. But
though the faculty of thus abstracting and generalising is
one which rises to the highest flights of philosophic thought,
it nmst be borne in mind that it begins in easy mental

acts which seem quite possible to animals. Abstraction is
noticing what several thoughts have in common, and neg-
lecting their differences ; thus a general idea is obtained by
not attending too closely to particulars. The simplest form
of this is when only one sense at a time is attended to, as
in Locke's example of the idea of whiteness, as being that
which chalk, snow, and milk, agree ' in. But, to judge by
animals' actions, they also will attend to one sense at a

time, as where a bull is excited by anything red. And
it is most interesting to watch animals comparing a new
object with their recollections or ideas of previous ones,
practically recognising in it what is already familiar, and
expecting it to behave like other individuals of its class.
Cats or monkeys do not require to be shown the use of a

fresh rug or cushion, when it is at all like the old one it is
put in place of, and the " dog of the regiment " will accept
any man in the uniform as a master, whether he has seen
him before or not. Thus, the very simplicity of animal
thought foreshadows the results of man's higher abstraction
and generalisation. Let us now read a few lines farther in
Locke, and we shall see why he concludes that animals have

not the power of forming abstract ideas. It is, he says,
because they have no use of words or other general signs.
But this itself is an easier point and far more worth arguing,
than the hard question whether brutes have abstract ideas.
'<-^
In fact the power of speech gives about the clearest
distinction that can be drawn between the action of mind
in beast and man. It is far more satisfactory than another
division attempted by philosophers who lay it down that
while other animals have consciousness, man alone has self-
consciousness, that is, he not only feels and thinks, but is
aware of himself as feeling and thinking. Man, we know,
is capable of this self-consciousness, which is cultivated by
his being able to talk about himself as he does about other

persons but it has never been proved that animals, who
;
we know are not apt to mistake their own bodies for

anything outside, have no consciousness of themselves.
When we study the rules of sign-making and language, we
really have some means of contrasting the animals with
ourselves. Evidently it is by means of language that the
luiman mind has been able to work out and mark the high
abstract ideas we deal with so easily ; without words, how
could we have reached results of combined and compared
thought such as momentum, plurality, righteousness ? The
great mental gap between us and the animals we study is well
measured by the difference between their feeble beginnings
in calling one another and knowing when they are called,
and man's capacity for perfect speech. It is not merely

that the highest anthropoid apes have no speech they have ;
not the brain-organisation enabling them to acquire even its

rudiments. Man's power of using a word, or even a
gesture, as the symbol of a thought and the means of con-
versing about it, is one of the points where we most
plainly see him parting company with all lower species, and
starting on his career of conquest through higher intellec-
tual regions.
In the comparison of man with other animals the
standard should naturally be the lowest man, or savage.
But the savage is possessed of human reason and speech,
while his brain-power, though it has not of itself raised him
to civilization, enables him to receive more or less of the
education which transforms him into a civilized man. To
show how man may have advanced from savagery to civiliza-
tion is a reasonable task, worked out to some extent in the
later chapters of this volume. But there is no such evidence
available for crossing the mental gulf that divides the lowest
savage from the highest ape. On the whole, the safest con-
clusion warranted by facts is that the mental machinery of
the lower animals is roughly similar to our own, up to a
limit. Beyond this limit the human mind opens out into
wide ranges of thought and feeling which the beast-mind
shows no sign of approaching. If we consider man's
course of life from birth to death, we see that it is, so to
speak, founded on functions which he has in common with

lower beings. Man, endowed with instinct and capable of
learning by experience, drawn by pleasure and driven by
pain, must like a beast maintain his life by food and
sleep, must save himself by flight, or fight it out with
his foes, must propagate his species and care for the next
generation. Upon this lower framework of animal life is
raised the wondrous edifice of human language, science,
art, and law.
CHAPTER III.
RACES OF MANKIND.
Differences of Race, 56 — Stature and Proportions, 56— Skull, 60 —

Features, 62— Colour, 66 — Hair, 71 — Constitution, 73 — Tempera-
ment, 74 — Types of Races, 75 — Permanence, 80 —Mixture, 80
Variation, 84 — Races of Mankind classified, 87.
In the first chapter something has been already said as

to the striking distinctions between the various races of
man, seen in looking closely at the African negro, the Coolie
of India, and the Chinese. Even among Europeans, the
broad contrast between the fair Dane and the dark Genoese
is recognised by all. Some further comparison has now to
be made of the special differences between race and race,
though the reader must understand that, without proper
anatomical examination, such comparison can only be slight
and imperfect. Anthropology finds race-differences most

clearly in stature and proportions of limbs, conformation of
the skull and the brain within, characters of features, skin,
eyes, and hair, pecuHarities of constitution, and mental and
moral temperament.
In comparing races as to their stature, we concern ourselves
not with the tallest or shortest men of each tribe, but with
the ordinary or average-sized men who may be taken as fair
representatives of their whole tribe. The difference of
I CHAP. III.]
general stature is
RACES OF MANKIND.
well shown where a tall and a short people
57
come together in one Thus in Australia the average

district.
EngUsh colonist of 5 ft. 8 in. looks clear over the heads of

the 5 ft. 4 in. Chinese labourers. Still more in Sweden
does the Swede of 5 ft. 7 in. tower over the stunted Lapps,
whose average measure is not much over 5 ft. Among the
tallest of mankind are the Patagonians, who seemed a race
of giants to the Europeans who first watched them striding

along their cliffs draped in their skin cloaks it was even ;
declared that the heads of Magalhaens' men hardly reached

the waist of the first Patagonian they met. Modern travel-
lers find, on measuring them, that they really often reach 6 ft.
4in., their mean height being about 5 ft. 11 in.— three or

four inches taller than average EngUshmen. The shortest
of mankind are the Bushmen and related tribes in South
Africa, with an average height not far exceeding 4 ft. 6 in.
A fair contrast between the tallest and shortest races of
mankind may be seen in Fig. 8, where a Patagonian is
drawn side by side with a Bushman, whose head only
reaches to his breast. Thus the tallest race of man is less 1
than one-fourth higher than the shortest, a fact which seems [

surprising to those not used to measurements. Struck by
the effect of such difference of stature one is apt to form
an exaggerated notion of its amount, which is really
small compared with the disproportion in size between
various breeds of other species of animals, as the toy pug
and the mastiff, or the Shetland pony and the dray-horse.
In general, the stature of the women of any race may be I
taken as about one-sixteenth less than that of the men.

Thus in England a man of 5ft. Sin. and a woman of
5ft. 4 in. look an ordinary well-matched couple.
Not only the stature, but the proportions of the body
differ in men of various races. Care must be taken not to
58 ANTHROPOLOGY. [CHAP.
confuse real race-differences with the alterations made by the

individual's early training or habit of life, such as the bow-
legs of grooms, and the still more crooked legs of the
Indians of British Columbia, whoget them misshaped by
continually sitting cramped up in their canoes. A man's
b'lG. 8 — ratagon.aii and Bushman.
measure round the chest depends a good deal on his way of

as do also the lengths of arm and leg, which are
life,
not
even the same in soldiers and sailors. But there are certain
distinctions which are inherited, and mark ditferent
races. Thus there are long-limbed and short-limbed tribes of
III.] RACES OF MANKIND. 59
mankind. The African negro is remarkable for length of

arm and leg, the Aymara Indian of Peru for shortness. Sup-
posing an ordinary Englishman to be altered to the build
of a negro, he would want 2 in. more in the arm and i in.
more in the leg, while to bring him to the proportions of

an Aymara his arm would have to be shortened J in. and
his leg 1 in. from their present lengths. An instructive
way of noticing these differences is to look back to the

skeletons of apes and man (Fig. 5). In an upright I
position and reaching down with the middle finger, the |
gibbon can touch its foot, the orang its ankle, the chim- \
panzee its knee, while man only reaches partly down his '
thigh. Here, however, there seems to be a real distinction *
among the races of man. Negro soldiers standing at drill
bring the middle finger-tip an inch or two nearer the knee

than white men can do, and some have been even known to
touch the knee-pan. Such differences, however, are less
remarkable than the general correspondence in bodily pro-
portions of a model of strength and beauty, to whatever race
he may belong. Even good judges have been led to forget
the niceties of race-type and to treat the form of the athlete
as everywhere one and the same. Thus Benjamin West, the
American painter, when he came to Rome and saw the
Belvedere Apollo, exclaimed, " It is a young Mohawk
warrior " !
Much the same has been said of the proportions
of Zulu athletes. Yet if fairly-chosen photographs of Kafirs
be compared with a classic model such as the Apollo, it will
be noticed that the trunk of the African has a somewhat

wall-sided straightness, wanting in the inward slope which
gives fineness to the waist, and in the expansion below
which gives breadth across the hips, these being two
of the most noticeable points in the classic model which
our painters recognise as an ideal of manly beauty. By this
6o ANTHROPOLOGY. [chap.
kind of comparison much may be done in distinguishing

standard types of races. Yet, while acknowledging the
reality of such varieties in the build of men of different race,
we have again to remark how slight they are compared with
the variation in the Umbs of different breeds of lower animals.
In comparing races, one of the first questions that occurs
is whether people who differ so much intellectually as
savage tribes and civilized nations, show any corresponding
difference in their brain. There is, in fact, a considerable
difference. The most usual way of ascertaining the quantity
of brain is to measure the capacity of the brain-case by
filling skulls with shot or seed. Professor Flower gives as
a mean estimate of the contents of skulls in cubic inches,
Australian, seventy-nine ; African, eighty-five ; European^,
ninety-one. Eminent anatomists also think that the brain of
the European is somewhat more complex in its convolutions
than the brain of a Negro or Hottentot. Thus, though these
observations are far from perfect, they show a connexion
between a more full and intricate system of brain-cells and
fibres, and a higher intellectual power, in the races which
have risen in the scale of civilization.
The form of the skull itself, so important in its relation

to the brain within and the expressive features without, has
been to the anatomist one of the best means of distin-
guishing races. It is often possible to tell by inspection of

a skull what race itbelongs to. The narrow cranium of the
negro (Fig. Cjo) would not be mistaken for the broad
cranium of the vSamoyed (Fig. 9^.) On taking down from
a museum shelf a certain narrow, wall-sided, roof-topped,
forward-jawed skull with unusually strong brow-ridges (Fig.
10^, there is no difficulty in recognising it as Australian.
In comparing skulls, some of the most easily noticeable
distinctions are the following
III.] RACES OF MANKIND. 6i
When looked at from the vertical or top view, the pro-

portion of breadth to length is seen as in Fig. 9. Taking
the diameter from back to front as 100, the cross diameter
gives the so-called index of breadth, which is here about
70 in the Negro {a)^ 80 in the European {b), and 85 in
the Samoyed {c). Such skulls are classed respectively as
;
dolichokep/ialtc, or " long-headed " mesokephalic^ or "middle-
headed ;
" and brachykephalic, or ''
short-headed." A model
skull of a flexible material like gutta-percha, if of the middle
Fig. 9 — Top view of skulJs. a, Negro, index 70, doHchokephaHc 3. European, ;
index 80, mesokephalic; c, Samoyed, index 85, brachykephalic.
shape, like that of an ordinary Englishman, might, by pres-

sure at the sides, be made long like a negro's, or by pressure
at back and front be brought to the broad Tatar form. In
the above figure it may be noticed that while some skulls,
as <5, have a somewhat elliptical form, others, as a^ are ovoid,
having the longest cross diameter considerably behind the
centre. Also in some classes of skulls, as in a, the zygo-
matic arches connecting the skull and face are fully seen
while in others, as b and r, the bulging of the skull almost
hides them. In the front and back view of skulls, the pro-
portion of width to height is taken in much the same way

as the index of breadth just described. Next^ Fig, lo,

which represents in profile the skulls of an Australian {d),
a negro (<?), and an Englishman (/), shows' the strong
difference in the facial angle between the two lov/er races
and our own. The Australian and African are prognathous,
or " for ward- jawed," while the European is orthognathous,
or " upright-jawed." At the same time the Australian and

African have more retreating foreheads than the European,
Fig. io. — Side view of skulls, d. A;-.: tralian, prognathous; f, African, prognathous
f, European, orthognathous.
to the disadvantage of the frontal lobes of their brain as

compared with ours. Thus the upper and lower parts of
the profilecombine to give the faces of these less-civilized
peoples a somewhat ape-like slope, as distinguished from
the more nearly upright European face.
Not to go into nicer distinctions of cranial measurement,
let us now glance at the evident points of the living face.
To some extent feature directly follows the shape of the
skull beneath. Thus the contrast just mentioned, between

the forward-sloping negro skull and its more upright form
in the white race, is as plainly seen in the portraits of a
Swaheli negro and a Persian, given in Fig. ii. On looking

at the female portraits in Fig. /^ the Barolong girl (South
Africa) may be selected as an example of the effect of
narrowness of skull {b), in contrast with the broader Tatar,
and North American faces (^, /). She also shows the
convex African forehead, while they, as well as the
Hottentot (c), show the effect of high cheek-bones. The

Tatar and Japanese faces {d, e) show the skew-eyeUds of the
Mongolian race. Much of the character of the human face
depends on the shape of the softer parts— nose, lips, cheeks,
chin, &c., which are often excellent marks to distinguish race.
Contrasts in the form of nose may even exceed that here
shown between the aquiline of the Persian and the snub
of the Negro in Figs, ii and 13. European travellers
in Tartary in the middle acres described its flat-nosed
h^: ..
Fig. 12. — Female portraits, a. Negro (W. Africa) ;b, Barolong (S. Africa); c, Hot-
tentot; d, Gilyak(N. Asia) ; e, Japanese ; / Colorado Indian (N. America^,
g, linglish.
III.] RACES OF MANKIND.
inhabitants as having no noses at all, but breathing
through holes in their faces. By pushing the tips of our
own noses upward, we can in some degree imitate the
manner in which various other races, notably the negro,
show the opening of the nostrils in full face. Our thin,
close-fitting lips, differ in the extreme from those of the
Fig. 13. —African negro.
negro, well seen in the portrait (Fig. 13) of Jacob Wain-

wright, Livingstone's faithful boy. We cannot imitate the
negrolip by mere pouting, but must push the edges up
and down with the fingers to show more of the inner lip.
The expression of the human face, on which intelligence
and feeling write themselves in visible characters, requires
an artist's training to understand and describe. The mere
F
66 ANTHROPOLOGY. [char
contour of the features, as taken by photography in an

unchanging attitude, has deUcate characters which we ap-
preciate by long experience in studying faces, but which
elude exact description or measurement. With the purpose
of calUng attention to some well-marked peculiarities of the
human face in different races, a small group of female faces

(Fig. 12) is here given, all young, and such as would be
considered among their own people as at least moderately
Fig. 14. — Section of negro skin, much magnified (after Kolliker). a, dermis, or true
5kin ; /', c, rete mucosum d, epidermis, or scarf-skin.
;
handsome. Setting aside hair and complexion, there is
still enough difference in the actual outline of the features

to distinguish the Negro, Kafir, Hottentot, Tatar, Japanese,
and North American faces from the English face below.
The colour of the skin, that important mark of race, may
be best understood by looking at the darkest variety. The
dark hue of the negro does not lie so deep as the innermost
Ill] RACES OF MANKIND. 67
or true skin, which is substantially alike among all races of

mankind. The seat of the colouring is well shown in Fig.
14, a highly magnified section of the skin of a negro. Here

a shows the surface of the true skin with its papillae ; this is
covered by the mucous layer, the innermost cells of which
{b) are deeply coloured by small grains of black or brown
pigment, the colour shading down to brownish or yellowish
toward the outer surface of this mucous layer {c), while even
the outside scarf-skin (^ is slightly tinged. The negro, in
spite of his name, is not black, but deep brown, and even
this darkest hue does not appear at the beginning of life,
for the new-born negro child is reddish brown, soon becom-

ing slaty grey, and then darkening. Nor does the darkest
tint ever extend over the negro's whole body, but his soles
and palms are brown. When Blumenbach, the anthropolo-
gist,saw Kemble play Othello (made up in the usual way,
with blackened face and black gloves, to represent a negro)
he complained that the whole illusion was spoilt for him
when the actor opened his hands. The brown races, such
as the native Americans, have the colouring of the skin in
a less degree than the Africans, and with them also it is not
till some time after birth that the full depth of complexion
is reached. The colouring of the dark races appears to be
similar- in nature to the temporary freckling and sun-burning
of the fair white race. Also, Europeans have permanent
dark colouring in some portions of the skin, though not ex-
posed to the sun ; the areola of the breast, for instance
while in certain affections, known by the medical name of
melanism, patches closely resembling negro skin appear on
the body. On the whole it seems that the distinction of
colour, from the fairest Englishman to the darkest African,
has no hard and fast lines, but varies gradually from one
tint to another. It is instructive to notice that there occur
F 2
68 ANTHROPOLCGY. [chap.
in the various races certain individuals in whom the colour-

ing matter of the skin is wanting, the so-called albinos. The
contrast between their morbid whiteness and any ordinary
fairness of complexion is most remarkable in the negro
albinos (to call them by this self-contradictory terra), who
have the well-known African features, but in dead white, as
it were a cast of a negro in plaster.
The natural hue of skin farthest from that of the negro

is the complexion of the fair race of Northern Europe, of
which perfect types are to be met with in Scandinavia,
North Germany, and England. In such fair or blonde
people the almost transparent skin has its pink tinge by
showing the small blood-vessels through it. In the nations
of Southern Europe, such as Italians and Spaniards, the
browner complexion to some extent hides this red, which
among darker peoples in other quarters of the world ceases
to be discernible. Thus the difference between light and
dark races is well observed in their blushing, which is
caused by the rush of hot red blood into the vessels near
the surface of the body. Albinos shows this with the
utmost intenseness, not only a general glow appearing, but
the patches of colour being clearly marked out. The blush,
vivid through the blonde skin of the Dane, is more ob-
scurely seen in the Spanish brunette ; but in the dark-
brown Peruvian, or the yet blacker African, though a hand
or a thermometer put to the cheek will detect the blush by
its heat, the somewhat increased depth of colour is hardly
perceptible to the eye. The contrary effect, paleness, caused

by retreat of blood from the surface, is in like manner
masked by dark tints of skin.
As a character of race, the colour of the skin has from
ancient times been reckoned the most distinctive of all.
The P^gyptian painters, three or four thousand years ago

used regular tints for this may be seen in paint-

purpose, as
ings at the British Museum. These colours do not pretend
to be exact, as is seen by. the native Egyptian gentlemen ^
being painted dark brick-red, but the ladies pale yellow, so
as to signify in an exaggerated way their lighter complexion.
It was in this conventional manner that they coloured the four |
principal races of mankind known to them, the Egyptians ^
themselves red-brown, the nations of Palestine yellow-brown, ;
the Libyans yellow-white, and the Ethiopians coal-black (see ;
page 4). In the history of the world, colour has often been
the sign by which nations accounting themselves the nobler
have marked off their inferiors. The Sanskrit word for caste \
;
is varna, that is, " colour " and this shows how their distinc-
tion of high and low caste arose. India was inhabited by

dark indigenous peoples before the fairer Aryan race in-
vaded the land, and the descendants of conquerors and
conquered are still in some measure to be traced among the
light-complexioned high-caste, and the dark-complexioned
low-caste families. Nor has the distinction of colour ceased
in the midst of modern civiUzation. The Englishman's
white skin is to him, as of old, a caste- mark of separation
from the ydlow, brown, or black " natives," as he con-
temptuously calls them, in other quarters of the globe.
The range of complexion among mankind, beginning with
the tint of the fair-whites of Northern Europe and the dark-
whites of Southern Europe, passes to the brownish -yellow
of the Malays, and the full-brown of American tribes, the
deep-brown of Australians, and the black-brown of Negros.
Until modern times these race-tints have generally been
described with too and named as conventionally
little care,
as the Egyptians painted them. Now, however, the traveller
by using Broca's set of pattern colours, records the colour
of any tribe he is observing, with the accuracy of a mercer
matching a piece of silk. The evaporation from the human

skin accompanied by a smell which differs in different
is
races. The peculiar rancid scent by which the African

negro may be detected even at a distance is the most
marked of tliese. The odour of the brown American tribes
is again different, while they have been known, to express
dislike at the white man's smell. This peculiarity, which
not only indicates difference in the secretions of the skin,
but seems connected with liability to certain fevers, &c., is
a race-character of some importance.

The part of the human body which shows the greatest
variety of colour in different individuals, is the iris of the
eye. This is the more noticeable because the adjacent
parts vary particularly little among mankind. The sclerotic
coat, which a healthy European is almost what it is
in
called, the " white " of the eye, only takes a slightly yellow
tinge among the darkest races, as the African negro. Again,

in ordinary eyes of all races, the pupil in the centre of the
iris appears absolutely black, being in fact transparent, and
showing through to the black pigment lining the choroid
coat at the back of the eye. But the iris itself, if examined
in a number of types of men, has most various colour. In
understanding the coloration of the eye, as of the skin, the
peculiarities of albinos are instructive. The pink of their
eyes (as of white rabbits) is caused by absence of the black
pigment above-mentioned, so that light passing out through
the iris and pupil is tinged red from the blood-vessels at
the back ; thus their eyes may be seen to blush with the
rest of the face. This want of the protecting black pig-
ment also accounts for the sensitiveness to light which
makes albinos avoid a glare it was for this reason that the
;
Dutch gave them the name of kakke7iaken^ or "cockroaches,"

these creatures also shunning the light. Prof. Broca, in
III.] RACES OF MAN^KIND. 71
his scale of colours of eyes, arranges shades of orange,

green, blue, and violet- grey. But one has only to look
closely into any eye to see the impossibility of recording its
complex pattern of colours ; indeed what is done is to
observe it from a distance so that
its tints blend into one
uniform hue. need hardly be said that what are popu-

It
larly called black eyes are far from having the iris really
black like the pupil ; eyes described as black are commonly
of the deepest shades of brown or These so-called
violet. 1
black eyes are by far the most numerous in the world, j
belonging not only to brown -black, brown, and yellow races,

but even prevailing among the darker varieties of the white
race, such as Greeks and Spaniards. Aristotle remarks
that the colour of the eyes follows that of the skin. Indeed
it is plain that there is a connection of the colours of the
skin, eyes, and hair among mankind. In races with the
darker skin and black hair, the darkest eyes generally pre-
vail, while a fair complexion is usually accompanied by
the lighter tints of iris, especially blue. A fair Saxon with
black eyes, or a full-grown negro with pale blue eyes, would
be looked at with surprise. Yet we know by our own coun-
try-people how difficult it is. to lay down exact rules as to
matching colours in Thus the combination of
complexion.
black hair with dark blue or grey eyes is frequent in some
districts of Great Britain. Dr. Barnard Davis and Dr.
Beddoe think it indicates Keltic blood.
From ancient times, the colour and form of the hair have
been noticed as distinctive marks of race. Thus Strabo
mentions the Ethiopians as black men with woolly hair,
and Tacitus describes the German warriors of his day with
their fierce blue eyes and tawny hair. As to colour of
hair, themost usual is black, or shades so dark as to be
taken for black, which belongs not only to the dark-skinned
Africans and Americans, but to the yellow Chinese and the

dark-whites such as Hindus or Jews. Mr. Sorby remarks
that blackness of hair is due to black pigment being present
in such quantity as to overpower whatever red or yellow
pigment the hair may also contain. In the fair-white
peoples of Northern Europe, on the contrary, flaxen or
chestnut hair prevails. Thus we see that there is a connec-
tion between fair hair and fair skin, and dark hair and dark
skin. But it is impossible to lay down a rule for interme-
diate tints, for the red-brown or auburn hair common in fair-
skinned peoples occurs among darker races, and dark-brown
hair has a still wider range. Our own extremely mixed
nation shows every variety from flaxen and golden to raven
black.As to the form of the hair, its well-known differences
may be seen in the female portraits in Fig. 12, where the
Africans on the left show the woolly or frizzy kind, where
the hair naturally curls into little corkscrew-spirals, while tiie
Asiatic and American heads on the right have straight hair

like a horse's mane. Between these extreme kinds are the
flowing or wavy hair, and the curly hair which winds in
large spirals ; the English hair in the figure is rather of
the latter variety. If cross sections of single hairs are
examined under the microscope, their differences of form
are seen as in four of the sections by Pruner-Bey (Fig. 15).
The almost circular Mongolian hair {a) hangs straight the ;
more curly European hair (b) has an oval or elliptical sec-
tion ; the woolly African hair (r) is more flattened ; while

the frizzy Papuan hair (i) is a yet more extreme example
of the flattened ribbon-like kind. Curly and woolly hair
has a loj)-sided growth from the root which gives the
twist. Not only the colour and form of the hair, but
its quantity, vary in different races. Thus the heads of
the Bushmen are more scantily furnished with hair than
ours, while among the Crow Indians it was common for

the warrior's coarse black hair to sweep on the ground
behind him. The body-hair also is scanty in some races
and plentiful in others. Thus the Ainos, the indigenes of
Yeso, are a shaggy people, while the Japanese possessors of
their island are comparatively hairless. So strong is the
contrast, that the Japanese have invented a legend that in
ancient times the Aino mothers suckled young bears, which
gradually developed into men.
That certain races are constitutionally fit and others
unfit for certain which the English
climates, is a fact
have but too good reason to know, when on the scorch-
ing plains of India they themselves become languid and
Fig. 15. —Sections of hair, highly magnified (after Pruner). a, Japanese ; d, German
c, African negro d, Papuan
;
sickly, while their children have soon to be removed

to some cooler climate that they may not pine and die.
It is well-known also that races are not affected alike
by certain diseases. While in Equatorial Africa or the
West Indies the coast-fever and yellow-fever are so fatal
or injurious to the new-come Europeans, the negros and
even mulattos are almost untouched by this scourge of
the white nations. On the other hand, we English look
upon measles as a trifling complaint, and hear with astonish-
ment of its being carried into Fiji, and there, aggravated no
doubt by improper treatment, sweeping away the natives by
thousands. It is plain that nations moving into a new
climate, if they are to flourish, must become adapted in
body to the new state of life ; thus in the rarefied air
of the high Andes more respiration is required than

in the plains, and in fact tribes living there have the
chest and lungs developed to extraordinary size. Races,
though capable of gradual acclimatization, must not change
too suddenly the climate they are adapted to. With
this adaptation to particular climates the complexion
has much to do, fitting the negro for the tropics and
the fair-white for the temperate zone ; though, indeed,
colour does not always vary with climate, as where in
America the brown race extends through hot and cold
regions alike. Fitness for a special climate, being matter
of life or death to a race, must be reckoned among the
chief of race-characters.
Travellers notice striking distinctions in the temper of
races. There seems no difference of condition between the
native Indian and the African negro in Brazil to make
the brown man and dull sullen, while the black is over-
flowing with eagerness and gaiety. So, in Europe, the un-

likeness between the melancholy Russian peasant and the
vivacious Italian can hardly depend altogether on climate
and food and government. There seems to be in mankind
inbred temperament and inbred capacity of mind. History
points the great lesson that some races have marched on
in civilization while others have stood still or fallen back,
and we should partly look for an explanation of this in
and moral powers between such
differences of intellectual
tribes as the nativeAmericans and Africans, and the Old
World nations who overmatch and subdue them. In mea-
suring the minds of the lower races, a good test is how far
their children are able to take a civilized education. The
account generally given by European teachers who have
111.] RACES OF MANKIND. 75
had the children of lower races in their schools is that,
though these often learn as well as the white children up to

about twelve years old, they then fall off, and are left behind
by the children of the ruling race. This fits with what
anatomy teaches of the less development of brain in the
Australian and African than in the European. It agrees
also with what the history of civilization teaches, that up to

a certain point savages and barbarians are like what our
ancestors were and our peasants still are, but from this
common level the superior intellect of the progressive
races has raised their nations to heights of culture. The
white man, though now dominant over the world, must
remember that intellectual progress has been by no means
the monopoly of his race. At the dawn of history, the
leaders of culture were the brown Egyptians, and the
Babylonians, whose Akkadian is not connected with the
language of white nations, while the yellow Chinese, whose
Tatar affinity is evident in their hair and features, have been
for four thousand years or more a civilized and literary nation.
The dark-whites, Assyrians, Phoenicians, Persians, Greeks,
Romans, did not start but carried on the forward move-
ment of culture, while since then the fair-whites, as part
of the population of France, Germany, and England, have
taken their share not meanly though latest in the world's
progress.
After thus noticing some of the chief points of difference
among races, it be well to examine more closely what
will
a race is. Single portraits of men and women can only in

a general way represent the nation they belong to, for no
two of its individuals are really alike, not even brothers.
What is looked for in such a race-portrait is the general
character belonging to the whole race. It is an often
repeated observation of travellers that a European landing
-j^ ANTHROPOLOGY. [chap.
among some people unlike his own, such as Chinese or

Mexican Indians, at first thinks them all alike. After days of
careful observation he makes out their individual pecuHari-
ties, but at first his attention was occupied with the broad
typical characters of the foreign race. It is just this broad
type that the anthropologist desires to sketch and describe,

and he selects as his examples such portraits of men and
women as show it best. It is even possible to measure the
type of a people. To give an idea of the working of this
problem, let us suppose ourselves to be examining Scotch-
men, and the first point to be settled how tall they are.
Obviously there are some few as short as Lapps, and some
as tall as Patagonians; these very short and tall men
DWARFS AVERAGE MEN C/ANTS

SFT8 /ii
Fig. i6. — Race or Population arranged by Stature (Galton's method).
belong to the race, and yet are not its ordinary members.
If, however, the whole population were measured and made
to stand in order of height, there would be a crowd of men
about five feet eight inches, but much fewer of either five
feet four inches or and so on till the numbers
six feet,
decreased on either side to one or two giants, and one or

two dwarfs. This is seen in Fig. i6, where each indi-
vidual is represented by a dot, and the dots representing
men of the mean or typical stature crowd into a mass.
After looking at this, the reader will more easily understand
Quetelet's diagram. Fig. 17, where the heights or ordinates
of the binomial curve show the numbers of men of each
stature, decreas'ing both ways from the central five feet eight
inches which is the ststure of the mean or typical man. h-
Here, in a total of near 2,600 men, there are 160 of five
feet eight inches, but only about 150 of five feet seven
inches or five feet nine inches, and so on, till not even ten
men are found so short as five feet or so tall as six feet four
inches. As the proverb says, " it takes all sorts to make a
world," so it thus appears that a race is a body of people
comprising a regular set of variations, which centre round
one representative type. In the same way a race or nation
is estimated as to other characters, as where a mean
/l\ ''
/ 1 \
'
1 \ r°
/ 1 \ ,^^
/ 1 \ ../^
/ 1 \ "^
/ i \ Krt
/ ' \
/ ! \ 'fr,
/ 1 1
i
\ 30
a'sT
.^ b'.o'
. ,.i.
5.4
.;! ...!,.
s'.8 6.0
. .>~^..
6.4 6.8
•"
Fig. -Race or Population arranged by Stature (Quetelet's method).
or typical Englishman may be said to measure ;^6 inches

round the chest, and weigh about 144 pounds. So it is
possible to fix on the typical shade of complexion in a
nation, such as the Zulu black-brown. The result of these
plans is to show that the rough-and-ready method of
the traveller is when he chooses as his
fairly accurate,
representative of a race the type of man and woman

which he finds to exist more numerously than any
other.
7-8
ANTHROPOLOGY [chap.
Fig. i8. — Carib,-,

The people whom itby single

is easiest to represent
portraits are uncivilised tribes, in whose food and way of

life there is little to cause difference between one man and
another, and who have lived together and intermarried for

many generations. Thus Fig. i8, taken from a photograph
of a party of Caribs, is remarkable for the close likeness
running through all. In such a nation the race-type is
peculiarly easy to make out. It is by no means always thus

easy to represent a whole population. To see how difficult
Fig. 19. — (<^) Head of Rameses II., Ancient Egypt. (i3) Sheikh's sen, Modera
Egypt. (After Hartmanii.)
it may be, one has only to look at an English crowd, with

its endless diversity. But to get a view of the problem
of human varieties, it is best to attend to the simplest
cases first, lookinf< at some uniform and well-marked
8o ANTHROPOLOGY. [cHAr.
race, and asking what in the course of ages may happen

to it.
The first thing to be noticed is its power of lasting.
Where a people lives on in its own district, without too

much change in habits, or mixture with other nations, there
seems no reason to expect its type to alter. The Egyptian
monuments show good instances of this permanence. In
Fig. ig, a drawn from the head of a statue of Rameses,
is
evidently a careful portrait, and dating from about 3,000
years ago, while l> is an Egyptian of the present day,

yet the ancient and modern are curiously alike. Indeed,
the ancient Egyptian race, who built the Pyramids, and
whose life of toil is pictured on the walls of the tombs,
are with little change represented by the fellahs of the
still
villages, who on the old labour under new tax-gatherers.

carry
Thus,, too, the Ethiopians on the early Egyptian bas-reliefs
may have their counterparts picked out still among the
White Nile tribes, while we recognise in the figures of
Phoenician or Israelite captives the familiar Jewish profile
of our own day. Thus there is proof that a race may keep
its special characters plainly recognizable for over thirty
centuries, or a hundred generations. And this permanence
of type may more or less remain when the race migrates
far from its early home, as when African negroes are
carried into America, or Israelites naturalize themselves
from Archangel to Singapore. Where marked change has
taken place in the appearance of a nation, the cause of this
change must be sought in intermarriage with foreigners, or

altered conditions of life, or both.
The result of intermarriage or crossing of races is familiar
to all English people in one of its most conspicuous examples,
the cross between white and negro called mulatto (Spanish
tnulato^ from mula^ a mule). The mulatto complexion and
III.] RACES OF MANKIND. 8i
hair are intermediate between those of the parents, and

new intermediate grades of complexion appear in the
children of white and mulatto, called quadroon or quarter-
blood (Spanish cuarkron), and so on on the other hand, the
;
descendants of negro and mulatto, called sambo (Spanish

zambc) return towards the full negro type. This intermediate
Fig. 20.— Malay Mother and Half-caste Daughters.
character is the general nature of crossed races, bit with

more or less tendency to revert to one or other of the parent
types. To illustrate this, Fig. 20 gives the portrait of a
Malay mother and her half-caste daughters, the father being
a Spaniard ; here, while all the children show their mixed
race, it is sometimes the European and sometimes the
G
Malay cast of features that prevails. The effect of mixture

is also traceable in the hair, as may often be well noticed in
a mulatto's crimped, curly locks, between the straighter
European and the woolly African kind. The Cafusos of
Brazil, a peculiar cross between the native tribes of the land
and the imported negro slaves, are remarkable for their hair,
which rises in a curly mass, forming a natural periwig which
obliges the wearers to stoop low in passing through their hut
doors. This is seen in the portrait of a Cafusa, Fig. 21,
Fig 21. — Cafusa Woman.

and seems easily accounted for by the long stiff hair of the
native American having acquired in some degree the negro
frizziness. The bodily temperament of mixed races also
partakes of the parent-characters, as is seen in the mulatto
who inherits from negro ancestry the power of bearing
his
a tropical climate, as well as freedom from yellow fever.
Not only does a mixed race arise wherever two races
inhabit the same district, but within the last few centuries
it is well known that a large fraction of the world's popula-
tion has actually come into existence by race-crossing.

This is nowhere so evident as on the American continent,

where since the Spanish conquest such districts as
Mexico are peopled by the mestizo descendants
largely
of Spaniards and native Americans, while the importation
of African slaves in the West Indies has given rise to
a mulatto population. By taking into account such inter-
crossing of races, anthropologists have a reason to give for
the endless shades of diversity among mankind, without
attempting the hopeless task of classifying every little
uncertain group of men into a special race. The water-

carrier from Cairo, in Fig. 22, may serve as an example of
the difficulty of making a systematic arrangement to set
each man down to his precise race. This man speaks
Arabic, and is a Moslem, but he is not an Arab proper,
neither is he an Egyptian of the old kingdom, but the child
of a land where the Nubian, Copt, Syrian, Bedouin, and
many other peoples have mingled for ages, and in fact his
ancestry may come out of three quarters of the globe.
Among the natives of India, a variety of complexion and
feature is found which cannot be classified exactly by race.
But it must be remembered that several very distinct
varieties of men have contributed to the population of the
country, namely the dark-brown indigenes or hill-tribes,
the yellow Mongolians who have crossed the frontiers from
Tibet, and the fairer ancient Aryans or Indo-Europeans
who poured in from the north-west not to mention others, ;
the mixture of these nations going on for ages has of course
produced numberless crosses. So in Europe, taking the

fair nations of the Baltic and the dark nations of the
Mediterranean as two distinct races or varieties, their inter-
crossing may explain the infinite diversity of brown hair
and intermediate complexion to be met with. If then it
may be considered that man was already divided into a few
G 2
S4 ANTHROPOLCGY. [chap.
great main races in remote antiquity, their intermarriage
through ages since will go far to account for the innumerable

slighter varieties which shade into one another.
It is not enough to look at a race of men as a mere body
Fig. 22.— Calrene.
of people happening to have a commontype or likeness. For

the reason of their likeness is and indeed our calling
plain,
them a race means that we consider them a breed whose
common nature is inherited from common ancestors. Now
experience of the animal world shows that a race or breed,
while capable of carrying on its likeness from generation to

generation, is also capable of varying. In fact, the skilful
cattle-breeder, by carefully choosing and pairing individuals
which vary in a particular direction, can within a few years
form a special breed of cattle or sheep. Without such direct
interference ofman, special races or breeds of animals form
themselves under new conditions of climate and food, as in
the familiar instances of the Shetland ponies, or the mustangs
of the Mexican plains which have bred from the horses
brought over by the Spaniards, It naturally suggests itself
that the races of man may be thus accounted for as breeds,

varied from one original stock. It may be strongly argued-
'n this direction that not only do the bodily and mental
varieties of mankind blend gradually into one another, but
that even the most dissimilar races can intermarry in all %•
directions, producing mixed or sub-races which, when left
to themselves, continue their own kind. Advocates of the
polygenist theory, that there are several distinct races of
man, sprung from independent origins, have denied that
certain races, such as the English and native Australians,
produce fertile half-breeds. But the evidence tends more
and more to establish crossing as possible between all races,
which goes to prove that all the varieties of mankind are

zoologically of one species. While this principle seems to
rest on firm ground, it must be admitted that our knowledge"!
of the manner and causes of race-variation among mankind is
'
still very imperfect. The great races, black, brown, yellow,

)^
white, had already settled into their well-known characters
before written record began, so that their formation is
hidden far back in the prae-historic period. Nor are

alterations of such amount known to have taken place in
any people within the range of history. It has been
plausibly argued that our rude primitive ancestors, being
less able than their posterity to make themselves inde-

pendent of climate by shelter and fireand stores of
food, were more exposed to alter in body under the in-
fluence of the new climates they migrated into. Even in
modern seems possible to trace something of
times, it
race-change going on under new conditions of life. Thus

Dr. Beddoe's measurements prove that in England the
manufacturing town-life has given rise to a population
an inch or two less in stature than their forefathers when
they came in from their country villages. So in the Rocky
Mountains there are clans of Snake Indians whose stunted
forms and low features, due to generations of needy outcast
life, mark them off from their better nourished kinsfolk in
the plains. It is asserted that the pure negro in the United

States has undergone a change in a few generations which
has left him a shade lighter in complexion and altered his
features, while the pure white in the same region has be-
come less rosy, with darker and more glossy hair, more
prominent cheek-bones and massive lower jaw. These are
]3erhaps the best authenticated cases of race-change. There
is great difficulty in watching a race undergoing variation,
which is everywhere masked by the greater changes caused
l)y new nations coming in to mingle and nitermarry with
the old. He who should argue from the Greek sculptures
that the national type has changed since the age of Perikles,
would be met with the answer that the remains of the old
stock have long been inextricably blended with others.
The points which have now been brought forward will
suffice show the uncertainty and difficulty of any
to
attempt to trace exactly the origin and course of the races
of man. Yet at the same time there is a ground-work
to go upon in the fact that these races are not found
spread indiscriminately over the earth's surface, but certain
races plainly belong to certain regions, seeming each to

have taken shape under the influences of climate and soil
in its proper district, where it flourished, and whence it
spread far and wide, modifying itself and mingling widi

other races as it went. The following brief sketch may
give an idea how the spreading and mixture of the great
races may have taken place. It embodies well-considered
views of eminent anatomists^ especially Professors Huxley
and Flower. Though such a scheme cannot be presented
as proved and certain^ it is desirable to clear and fix our
ideas by understanding that man's distribution over the
earth did not take place by promiscuous scattering of tribes,
but along great lines of movement whose regularity can be
often discerned, where it cannot be precisely followed out.
That there is a real connexion between the colour of
races and the climate they belong to, seems most likely from
the so-called black peoples. Ancient writers were satisfied
to account for the colour of the Ethiopians by saying that

the suVi had burnt them black, and though modern anthro-
pologists would not settle the question in this off-hand way,
yet the map of the world shows that this darkest race-type
is principally found in a tropical climate. The main line
of* black races stretches along the hot and fertile regions of
the equator, from Guinea in West Africa to that great island
of the Eastern Archipelago, which has its name of New
Guinea from its negro-like natives. In a former geological
period an equatorial continent (to v/hich Sclater has given
the name of Lemuria) may even have stretched across from
Africa to the far East, uniting these now separate lands.
The attention of anthropologists has been particularly
attracted by a line of islands in the Sea of Bengal, the
AndamanSy which might have been part of this former
continent, and were found inhabited by a scanty population
of rude and childlike savages. Tiiese Mincopis (Fig. 23)

are small in stature (the men under five feet), with skin of
blackness, and hair very flat in sectipn and frizzled, which
from their habit of shaving their heads must be imagined by
the reader. But while in these points resembling the African
FiG. 23. — Andaman Islanders.
negro, they are unlike him in having skulls not narrow, but
broad and rounded, nor have they lips so full, a nose so wide,
or jaws so projecting as his. It has occurred to anatomists,
and the opinion has been strengthened by Flower's study
of their skulls, that the Andaman tribes may be a remnant
of a very early human stock, perhaps the best representa-
tives of the primitive negro type which has since altered in |
various points in its spread over its wide district of the

world. The African negro race, with its special marks of
narrow skull, projecting jaws, black-brown skin, woolly
hair, flattened nose, full and out-turned lips, has already
been here described (see pages- 61 to 67). Its type
perhaps shows itself most perfectly in the nations near
the equator, as in Guinea, but it spreads far and wide
over the continent, shading off by crossing with lighter
coloured races on its borders, such as the Berbers in the

north, and the Arabs on the east coast. As the race
spreads southward into Congo and the Kafir regions, there is
noticed a less full negro complexion and feature, looking as
though migration from, the central region into new climates
had somewhat modified the type. In this respect the small-
grown Hottentot-Bushman tribes of §outh Africa (see Figs.
8, 12^) are most remarkable, for while keeping much negro
character in the narrow skull, frizzy hair, and cast of

features, their skin is of a lighter tint of brownish-yellow.
There is nothing to suggest that this came by crossing the
negro type with a fairer race, indeed there is no evidence
of such a race to cross with. If the Bushman is a
special modification of the Negro, then this is an excellent
case of the transformation of races when placed under
new conditions. To return now to Southern Asia, there
are found in the Malay Peninsula and the Philippines
scanty forest-tribes apparently allied to the Andamaners
and classed under the general term Negritos {i.e. "little
blacks "), seeming to belong to a race once widely spread
over this part of the world, whose remnants have been
driven by stronger new come races to find refuge in the
mountains. Fig. 24, represents one of them, an Aheta from
the island of Luzon. Lastly corne the wide-spread and
complicated varieties of the eastern negro race in the region

known as Melanesia, the "^ black islands," extending from
New Guinea to Fiji. The group of various islanders (Fig. 25)
belonging to Bishop Patteson's mission^ shows plainly the
resemblance to the African negro, though with some marked
points of difference, as in the brows being more strongly
Fig. 24. —Aheta (Negrito), PhiLppine Islands.

ridged, and the nose being more prominent, even aquiline
a striking contrast to the African. The Melanesians about
New Guinea are called Papuas from their woolly hair
(Malay
pap2iwah=.{nzzQd), which is often grown into enormous
mops. The great variety of colour in Melanesia, from
the full brown-black down to chocolate or nut-brown, shows
that there has been much crossing with lighter populations.

Such mixture is evident in the coast-people of Fiji, where
the dark Melanesian race is indeed predominant, but crossed
with the lighter Polynesian race to which much of the lan-
guage and civilization of the islands belongs. Lastly, the
Tasmanians were a distant outlying population belonging to
the eastern blacks.
ifl'ilM
Fig. 25. — Melanesians.
In Austraha, that vast island-continent, whose plants and .^^^
animals are not those of Asia, but seem as it were survivors

from a long-past period of the earth's history, there appears
a thin population of roaming savages, strongly distinct from
the blacker races of New Guinea at the north, and Tas-
mania at the south. The Australians, with skin of dark
> III.] RACES OF MANKIND. 93
Fig. 28. — Australian (Queensland) women.
chocolate-colour, may be taken as a special type of the brown

races of man. While their skull is narrow and prognathous
like the negro's, it differs from it in special points which have
been already mentioned (page 60), and has, indeed, pecu-

liarities which distinguish it very certainly from that of other
races. In the portraits of Australians, Figs. 26, 27, 28, there

may be noticed the heavy brows and projecting jaws, the
wide but not flat nose, the full lips, and the curly but not
woolly black hair. Looking at the map of the world to see
FiG. 29. — Dravldian hill-man (after Fryer).

where brown races next appear, good authorities define
one on the continent of India. There the hill-tribes present
the type of the old dwellers in south and central India before
the conquest by the Aryan Hindus, and its purest form
appears in tribes hardly tilling the soil, but living a wild
life in the jungle, while the great mass, more mixed in
race with the Hindus, under whose influence they have
been for ages, now form the great Dravidian nations of

the south, such as the Tamil and Telugu. Fig. 29 repre-
sents one of the- ruder Dravidians, from the Travancore
forests. Farther west, it has been thought that a brown
Fig. 30. — Kalmuk (after Goldsmid).
race may be distinguished in Africa, taking in Nubian

and less distinctly traceable in the Berbers of Algiers and
Tunis. If so, to this race the ancient Egyptians would seem
96 ANTfJROPOLCGY. [CHAP.
mainly to belong, though mixed with Asiatics, who from

remote antiquity came in over the Syrian border. The
Egyptian drawings of themselves (as in Chaps. IX. to XL)
require the eyes to be put in profile and the body coloured
reddish-brown to represent the race to us. None felt more
strongly than the Egyptian of ancient Thebes, that among
Fig. 31.— Goldi (Amur).
the chief distinctions between the races of mankind were

the complexion and feature which separated him from the
y4^2thiopian on the one hand, and the Assyrian or Israelite
on the other.
Turning to another district of the world, the Mongoloid
type of man has its best marked representatives on the vast
steppes of northern Asia. Their skin is brownish-yellow, /
their hair of the head black, coarse, and long, but face-
hair scanty. Their skull is characterized by breadth, pro-
jection of cheek-bones, and forward position of the outer
Fig. 32. — Siamese actresses.
edge of tlie orbits, which, as well as the slightness of

brow-ridges, the slanting and the
aperture of the eyes,
snub-nose, are observable in Figs. 30 and 31, and in
Fig. 12 d. The Mongoloid race is immense in range and
H
numbers. The great nations of south-east Asia show their

connexion with it in the familiar complexion and features ot
the Chinese and Japanese. Figs. 32, 33, 34 are portraits
from Siam, Cochin- China, and Corea. In his wide migra-
tions over the world, the Mongoloid, through change of
climate and life, and still farther by intermarriage with other
races, loses more and more of his special points. It is so
(.'ni-'iin-Chinese.
in the South-east, where in China and Japan the character-

istic breadth of skull is lessened. In Europe, where from
remotest antiquity hordes of Tatar race have poured in,
their descendants have often preserved in their languages,

such as Hungarian and Finnish, clearer traces of their Asiatic
home than can be made out in their present types of com-
plexion and feature. Yet the Finns, Figs. 35 and ^6, have
not lost the race-differences which mark them off from the
Swedes among whom they .dwell, and the stunted Lapps

show some points of likeness to their Siberian kinsfolk,
who wander like them with their reindeer on the limits of
the Arctic regions.
Fig. 34. — Coreans.
In pursuing beyond this point the examination of the

races of the world, the problem becomes more obscure.
On the Malay peninsula, at the extreme south-east corner
of Asia, appear the first members of the Malay race,
H 2
III.] RACES OF MANKIND. lOI
I02 ANTHROPOLOGY. [chap.
seemingly a distant branch of the Mongoloid, which spreads

over Sumatra, Java, and other islands of the Eastern
Archipelago. Figs. 37 and 38 give portraits of the more
civilised Malays, while Fig. 39 shows the Dayaks of Borneo,
who represent the race in a wilder and perhaps less mixed
state. From the Malay Archipelago there stretch into the
Pacific the island ranges first of Micronesia and then of
Polynesia, we reach Easter Island to the east and New
till
Zealand to the south. The Micronesians and Polynesians

show connexion with the Malays in language, and more or
less in bodily make. But they are not Malays proper, and
there are seen among them high faces, narrow noses, and
small mouths which remind us of the European face, as in
the Micronesian, Fig. 40, who stands here to represent this
varied group of peoples. The Maoris are still further from
being pure Malays, as is seen by their more curly hair, often
prominent and even aquiline noses. It seems hkely that an
Asiatic race closely allied to Malays may have spread over
the South Sea Islands, altering their special type by
crossing with the dark Melanesians, so that now the
populations of island groups often
different vary much
in appearance. This race of sailors even found their
way to Madagascar, where their descendants have more or
less blended with a population from the continent of Africa.
Turning now to the double continent of America, we find

in this New World a problem of race remarkably different
from that of the Old World. The traveller who should
cross the earth from Nova Zemlya to the Cape of Good
Hope or Van Diemen's Land would find in its various
climates various strongly-marked kinds of men, white,
and black. But if Columbus had surveyed
yellow, brown,
America from the Arctic to the Antarctic regions, he
would have found no such extreme unlikeness in the
lii] RACES OF MANKIND, 103
Fig. 39.— Dayaks.

inhabitants. Apart from the Europeans and Africans who

have poured in since the fifteenth century, the native
Fig. 40. — Kingsmill Islander.

Americans in general might be, as has often been said, of
one race. Not that they are all alike, but their differences
in stature, form of skull, feature, and complexion, though
considerable, seem variations of a secondary kind. It is
not as if several races had formed each its proper type in

its proper region, but as had been peopled by
if the country
migrating tribes of a ready-made race, who had only to
spread and acclimatise themselves over both tropical and
temperate zones, much as the European horses have done
since the time of Columbus, and less perfectly the white
men themselves. The race to which most anthropologists ^
refer the native Americans is the Mongoloid of East Asia,
who are capable of accommodating themselves to the ex-
tremest climates, and who by the form of skull, the light-
brown skin, straight black hair, and black eyes, show con-
siderable agreement with the American tribes.. Figs. 41
and 42 represent the wild hunting-tribes of North America
in one of the finest forms now existing, the Colorado
Indians, while in Fig. ^2) the Cauixana Indians may stand
as examples of the rude and sluggish forest-men of Brazil.
While tribes of America and Asia may thus be of one
original stock, we must look cautiously at theories as to
the ocean and island routes by which Asiatics may have
migrated to people the New World., It is probable that
man had appeared there, as. in the Old World, in an
earlier geological period than the present, so that the first
kinship between the Mongols and the North American

Indiansmay go back to a time when there was no ocean
between them. What looks like later communication be-
tween the two continents, is that the stunted Eskimo with
their narrow roof-topped skulls may be a branch of the
Japanese stock, while there are signs of the comparatively
civilized Mexicans and Peruvians having in some way
received arts and ideas from Asiatic nations.
We come last to the white men, whose nations have all
through history been growing more and more dominant

io6 ANTHROPOLOGY. [chap.
Fig. 41. — Colorado Indian (North America).
intellectually, morally, and politically on the earth. Though

commonly spoken of as one variety of mankind, it is plain
that they are not a single uniform race, but a varied and
III.] RACES OF MANKIND. id7
Fig. 42. — Colorado Indian (North America).
mixed population. It is a step toward classing them to

separate them into two great divisions, the dark-whites and
fair-whites (melanochroi, xanthochroi). Ancient portraits
io8 ANTHROPOLOGY. [chap.
Fig. 43. —Cauixana Indians (South America),
have come down to us of the dark-white nations, as Assy-

rians, Phoenicians, Persians, Greeks, Romans ; and when
beside these are placed moderns such as the Andakisians,

and the dark Welshmen or Bretons, and people from the
Caucasus, it will be evident that the resemblance running
through all these can only be in broad and general charac-
ters. They have a dusky or brownish-white skin, black or
deep brown eyes, black hair, mostly wavy or curly ; their
skulls vary much in proportions, though seldom extremely
broad or narrow, while the profile is upright, the nose
straight or aquiline, the lips less full than in other races.
Rather for form's sake than for a real type of the dark- whites,
a group of Georgians are shown in Fig. 44. Opposite them

Fig. 45, a group of Swedes, somewhat better represents the
fair-whites, whose transparent skin, flaxen hair, and blue
eyes may be seen as well, though not as often, in England
as in Scandinavia orNorth Germany. The earliest recorded
appearance of fair-whites may be in the paintings where
Egyptian artists represent with yellowish-white skin and
blue eyes certain natives of North Africa, a district where
remnants of blonde tribes are still known. These fair
Libyans, as well as the fair red-haired people who appear
about Syria, and are known to us as forming a type among
the Jews, may perhaps be connected in race with the fair
nations who were already settled over the north of Europe
when the classic writers begin to give accounts of its barbar-
ous inhabitants, from the Goths northward to the dwellers in
Thule. The intermarriage of the dark and fair varieties
which has gone on since these early times, has resulted in

numberless varieties of brown-haired people, between fair
and dark in complexion. But as to the origin and first home

of the and dark races themselves, it is hard to form an
fair
'opinion. Language does much toward tracing the early

history of the white nations, but it does not clear up the
difficulty of separating fair-whites from dark-whites. Both
no ANTHROPOLOGY. [cHAP.
sorts have been living united by national language, as at this

day German is spoken by the fair Hanoverian and the darker
Austrian. Among Keltic people, the Scotch Highlanders
often remind us of the tall red-haired Gauls described in
classical history, but there are also passages which prove
Fig. 44. — Georgians.
that smaller darker Kelts the modern Welsh and

like
Bretons existed then as well. As a help in clearing up this

problem, which so affects our own ancestry^ Huxley suggests
that the fair-whites were the original stock, and that these
crossing with the brown races of the far south may have
III.] RACES OF MANKIND. Ill
given rise to the various kinds of dark-whites. However

this may be, such mixture of the white and brown races
I seems indeed to have largely formed the population of
countries where they meet. The Moors of North Africa,
and many so-called Arabs who are darker than white men,
Fic;. -Swedes.
may be thus accounted for. It is thus that in India

millions who speak Hindu languages show by their tint that
their race is mixed between that of the Aryan conquerors
of the land and its darker indigenes. An instructive in-
stance of this very combination is to be seen in the
Gypsies, low-caste wanderers who found their way from

India and spread over Eurppe not many centuries since.
Fig, 46, a Gypsy woman from Wallachia, is a favourable

type of these latest incomers from the East, whose broken-
down Hindu dialect shows that part of their ancestry
Fig. 46.— Gypsy.
comes from our Aryan forefathers, while their complexion,
swarthiest in the population of our country, marks also

descent belonging to a darker zone of the human species.
Thus to map out the nations of the world among a few
III.] RACES OF MANKIND. 113^
main varieties of man, and their combinations, is, in spite

of its difficulty and uncertainty, a profitable task. But to
account for the origin of these great primary varieties or
races themselves, and exactly to assign to them their earliest
homes, cannot be usefully attempted in the present scan-

tiness of evidence. If man's first appearance was in a
geological period when and sea
the distribution of land
and the climates of the earth were not as now, then on
both sides of the globe, outside the present tropical zones,
there were regionswhose warmth and luxuriant vegetation
would have favoured man's life with least need of civilized
arts, and whence successive waves of population may have
spread over cooler climates. It may perhaps be reasonable

to imagine as latest-formed the white race of the temperate
region, least able to bear extreme heat or live without the
appliances of culture, but gifted with the powers of knowing
and ruling which give them sway over the world.
CHAPTER IV.
LANGUAGE.
Sign-making, 114 — Gesture-language, 114 — Sound-gestures, 120 — Na-

tural — Utterances of Animals, 122— Emotional and
Language, 122
Imitative Sounds in Language, 124 — Change of Sound and Sense,
127 — Other expression of Sense by Sound, 128 — Children's Words,
128 — Articulate Language, relation to Natural Language, 129
its
Origin of Language, 130.
There are various ways in which men can communicate

with one another. They can make gestures, utter C7'ies,
speak wo?-ds, ^x-^c^n pictures, write characters or letters. These

are signs of various sorts, a.nd to understand how they do
their work, let us begin by looking at such signs as are
most simple and natural.

When for any reason people cannot talk together by word
of mouth, they take to conversing by gestures, in what is
called dumb show or pantomime. Every reader of this has

been able from childhood to carry on conversation in this
way, more or less cleverly. Imagine a simple case. A boy
opens the parlour door, his brother sitting there beckons to
him to be quiet for his father is asleep ; the boy now inti-
mates by signs that he has come for the key of the box, to
which his brother answers by other signs t]]at it is in the
CH. IV] LANGUAGE. 115
pocket of his coat hanging in the hall, concluding with a

significant gesture to be off and shut the door quietly after
him. This is the gesture-language as we all know how to use
it. But to see what a and exact means of communica-
full
tion it may be worked up to, it should be watched in use

among the deaf-and-dumb, who have to depend so much
upon it. To give an idea how far gestures can be made to
do the work of spoken words, the signs may be described
in which a deaf-and-dumb man once told a child's story in
presence of the writer of this account. He began by
moving his hand, palm down, about a yard from the
ground, as we do to show the height of a child this —
meant that it was a child he was thinking of. Then he
tied an imaginary pair of bonnet-strings under his chin (his
usual sign for female), to make it understood that the child
was a little girl. The child's mother was then brought on
the scene in a similar way. She beckons to the child and
gives her twopence, these being indicated by pretending to
drop two coins from one hand into the other ; if there had
been any doubt as to whether they were copper or silver
coins, this would have been settled by pointing to some-
thing brown, or even by one's contemptuous w\ay of handling
coppers which at once distinguishes them from silver. The
mother also gives the child a jar, shown by sketching its
shape with the forefingers in the air, and going through the
act of handing it over. Then by imitating the unmistake-
able kind of twist with which one turns a treacle-spoon, it
is made known that it is treacle the child has to buy. Next,

a wave of the hand shows the child being sent off on her
errand, the usual sign of walking being added, which is
made by two fingers walking on the table. The turning of

an imaginary door-handle now takes us into the shop, where
the counter is shown by passing the flat hands as it were
I 2
ii6 ANTHROPOLOGY. [chap.
over it. Behind this counter a figure is pointed out ; he is
shown to be a man by the usual sign of putting one's hand

to one's chin and drawing it down where the beard is or
would be ; then the sign of tying an apron round one's
waist adds the information that the man is the shopman. To
liim the child gives her jar, dropping the money into his
hand, and moving her forefinger as if taking up treacle, to
show what she wants. Then we see the jar put into an
imaginary pair of scales which go up and down ; the great
treacle-jar is brought from the shelf and the little one filled,
with the proper twist to take up the last trickHng thread ;
the grocer puts the two coins in the till, and the little girl
sets off with the jar.The deaf-and-dumb story-teller went

on to show pantomime how the child, looking down
in
at the jar, saw a drop of treacle on the rim, wiped it off
with her finger and put the finger in her mouth, how she
was tempted to take more, how her mother found her out
by the spot of treacle on her pinafore, and so forth.
The student anxious to master the principles of language

will find this gesture-talk so instructive, that it will be well
to explain its working more closely. The signs used are of
two kinds. In the first kind things actually present are
shown. Thus if the deaf-mute wants to mention hand "
'•
or " shoe," he touches his own hand or shoe. Where a

speaking man would say " I," ^'
thou," " he," the deaf-mute
simply points to himself and the other persons. To express
" red " or " blue " he touches the inside of his own lip or
points to the sky. In the second kind of signs ideas are

conveyed by imitation. Thus pretending to drink may
mean "to drink," or "thirsty." Laying the
''water," or
cheek on the hand expresses "sleep" or "bedtime." A
significant jerk of the whip-hand suggests either "whip"
or "coachman," or "to drive," as the case may be. A
IV.] LANGUAGE. 117
"lucifer" is indicated by pretending to strike a match,

and " candle " by the act of holding up the forefinger like a
candle and pretending to blow it out. Also in the gesture-
language the symptoms of the temper one is in may be
imitated, and so become signs of the same temper in others.
Thus the act of shivering becomes an expressive sign for
^'cold"; smiles show "joy," "approval," "goodness," while
frowns show "anger," "disapproval," "badness." It might
seem that such various meanings to one sign would be
confusing, but there is a way of correcting this, for when a
single sign does not make the meaning clear, others are
brought in to supplement it. Thus if one wants to express
"a pen," it may not be sufficient to pretend to write with
one, as that might be intended for " writing " or " letter,"
but if one then pretends to wipe and hold up a pen, this
make it plain that the pen itself

will is meant.
The signs hitherto described are self-expressive, that is,
meaning is evident on the face of them, or at any

their rate
may be made out by a stranger who watches their use. Of
such self-expressive or natural signs, the gesture-language
mostly consists But where deaf-mutes live together, there
come into use among them signs which a stranger can

hardly make out until it is explained to him how they arose.
They will, for instance, mention one another by nickname- ^^^'
signs, as when a boy may bereferred to by the sign of
sewing, which on inquiry proves to have been given him
because his father was a tailor. Such signs may be very
far-fetched for instance, at the Berlin Deaf-and-dumb
;
Institution, the sign of chopping off a head means a

Frenchman, and on inquiry it appears that the children,
struck by reading of the death of Louis XVI. in the
history-book, had fixed on -this as a sign-name for the
whole nation. But to any new child who learnt these
n8 ANTHROPOLOGY. [chap,
signs without knowing why they were chosen, they would

seem artificial.
Next to studying the gesture-language among the deaf-
and-dumb, the most perfect way of making out its principles
is in its use by people who can talk but do not understand
one another's language. Thus the celebrated sign-languages

of the American prairies, in which conversation is carried on
between hunting-parties of whites and natives, and even be-
tween Indians of different tribes, are only dialects (so to
speak) of the gesture-language. Thus "water" is ex-
pressed by pretending to scoop up water in one's hand and
drinkit, ''stag" by putting one's thumbs to one's temples
and spreading out the fingers. There is a great deal of

variety in the signs among particular tribes, but such a way
of communication is so natural all the world over, that
when outlandish people, such as Laplanders, have been
brought to be exhibited in our great cities, they have been
comforted in their loneliness by meeting with deaf-and-
dumb children, with whom they at once fell to conversing
with deHght in the universal language of signs. Signs to be
understood in way must be of the natural self-expressive
this
sort. Yet here also there are some which a stranger might
suppose to be artificial, he learnt that they are old
till
signs which have lost their once plain intention. Thus a

North American sign for "dog" is to draw one's two first
fingers along like poles being trailed on the ground. This
seeniingly senseless sign really belongs to the days when the
Indians had few horses, and used to fasten the tent-poles
on the dogs to be dragged from place to place; though
the dogs no longer have to do this, custom keeps up
the sign.
It has to be noticed that the gesture-language by no
means matches, sign for word, with our spoken language.
IV.] LANGUAGE. 119
One reason is that it has so little power of expressing

abstract ideas. The deaf-mute can show particular ways of
making a wall or cutting out a coat,
things, such as building
but it is beyond him to make one sign include what is
quite
common to all these, as we use the abstract term to "make."
Even "in" and "out" must be expressed in some such
clumsy way as by pretending to put the thing talked of in,
and take it out. Next let us compare an English sentence
with the signs by which the same meaning would be ex-
pressed among the deaf-and dumb. It will at once be seen
that many words we use have no signs at all corresponding

to them. Thus when we should say in words, "77/^ hat
ivhich I left on the table is black," this statement can be
practically conveyed in gestures, and there will be signs for
what we may call the " real " words, such as hat, leave, black.
But for what may be called the " grammatical " words,
the, which, is, there will be no signs, for the gesture-language
has none. Again, grammars lay down distinctions between

substantives, adjectives, and verbs. But these distinctions
are not to be found in the gesture-language, where pointing
may mean "grass" or "green," and pre-
to a grass-plot
warm one's hands may suggest ''warm" or "to
tending to
warm oneself," or even "fireplace." Nor (unless v/here
artificial signs have been brought in by teachers) is there
anything in the gesture-language to correspond with the
inflexions of words, such as distinguish goest from go, liijii
from he, domum from domus. What is done is to callup a

picture in the minds of the spectators by first setting up
something to be thought about, and then adding to or
acting on it till the whole story is told. If the signs do not
follow in such order as to carry meaning as they go, the
looker-on will be perplexed. Thus in conveying to a deaf-
and-dumb child the thought of a green box, one must make
a sign for '^

box " first^ and then show, as by pointing to the
grass outside, that its colour is " green." The proper gesture-
syntax " box green," and if this order were reversed as it
is
is in the EngHsh language, the child might fail to see what

grass had to do with a box. Such a sentence as English
" cats kill mice " does not agree with the order of the deaf-
mute's signs, which would begin by showing the tiny mouse
running, then the cat with her smooth fur and whiskers, and
pouncing on the mouse as it were " mouse
lastly the cat's —
cat kill."
This account of the gesture-language will have made it
clear to the reader by what easy and reasonable means man

can express his thoughts in visible signs. The next step
will be to show the working of another sort of signs, namely,
the sounds of the human voice in language. Sounds of
voice may be spoken as signs to express our feelings and
thoughts on much the same jDrinciples as gestures are made,
except that they are heard instead of being seen.
One kind of sounds used by men as signs, consists of
emotional cries or tones. Men show pain by uttering
groans as well as by distortion of face ;
joy is expressed by
shouts as well as by jumping; when we laugh aloud, the
voice and the features go perfectly together. Such sounds
are gestures made with the voice, sound-gestures, and the
greater number of what are called interjections are of this
class. By means of such cries and tones, even the compli-
cated tempers of sympathy, or pity, or vexation, can be
shown with wonderful exactness. Let any one put on a
laughing, sneering, or cross face, and then talk, he may
notice how his tone of voice follows ; the attitude of
features belonging to each particular temper acts directly
on the voice, especially in affecting the musical quality of
the vowels. Thus the speaker's tones becom-e signs of the;
IV.] LANGUAGE. 121
emotion he feels, or pretends to feel. That this mode of

expression is in fact musical, is. shown by its being imitated
on the violin, which by altering its quality of tone can
change from pain to joy. The human voice uses other
means of expression belonging to music^ such as the con-
trast of low and loud, slow and quick, gentle and violent,
and the changes of pitch, now rising in the scale and now
falling. A speaker, by skilfully managing these various
means, can carry his hearer's mind through moods of mild
languor and sudden surprise, the lively movement of cheer-
fulness rising to eager joy, the burst of impetuous fury
gradually subsiding to calm. We can all do this, and what
is more, we do it without reference to the meaning of the
words used, for emotion can be expressed and even delicately
shaded off in pronouncing mere nonsense-syllables. For
instance, the words of an Italian opera in England are to a
great part of the audience mere nonsense-syllables serving
as a means of musical and emotional expression. Clearly
this kind of utterance ought to be understood by all man-
kind, whatever be the language they may happen to speak.
It is so, for the most savage and outlandish tribes know how
to make such interjections as ah ! oh ! express by their
tone such feelings as surprise, pain, entreaty, threatening,

disdain, and they understand as well as we do the growling
ur-r-r ! of anger, or the /z//^/ of contempt.
The next class of sounds used as expressive signs are
imitative. As a deaf-and-dumb child expresses the idea of
a cat by imitating the creature's act of washing its face, so
a speaking child will indicate it by imitating its miaou. If

the two children wish to show that they are thinking of a
clock, the dumb one will show with his hand the swinging of
the pendulum, while the speaking one will say ^'tick-tack"
Here again the sounds are gestures made with the voice, or
122
'
sound-gestures. In this way an endless variety of objects

and actions can be brought to mind by imitating their proper
sounds. Not only do children delight in such vocal imita-
tions, but they have come into ordinary language, as when
people speak of the coo of the pigeon, the hee-haw of the
donkey, the ding-dojtg of the bell, and the rat-iat of the
knocker. It need hardly be said that these ways of ex-
pression are understood by mankind all the world over.
Now joining gesture-actions and gesture-sounds, they will
form together what may be called a Natural Language.
This natural language really exists, and in wild regions even
has some practical value, as when a European traveller
makes shift to converse in it with a party of Australians
round their camp-fire, or with a Mongol family in their
felt tent. What he has to do is to act his most expressive
mimic gestures, with a running accompaniment of exclama-
tions and imitative noises. Here then is found a natural
means of intercourse, much fuller than mere pantomime of
gestures only. It is a common language of all mankind,
springing so directly from the human mind that it must have
belonged to our race from the most remote ages and most
primitive conditions in which man existed.
Here a very interesting question arises, on which every
student has the means of experimenting for himself. How
far are the communications of the lower animals, by their
actions and sounds, like this natural language of mankind ?
Every one who attends ways of beasts and birds is

to the
sure that many of their movements and cries are not made
as messages to one another, but are merely symptoms of the
creature's own state of mind ; for instance, v/hen lambs frisk
in the meadow, or eager horses paw in the stable, or beasts
moan when suffering severe pain. Animals do thus when
not aware that any other creature is present, just as when a
IV.] LANGUAGE. 123
man in a room by himself will clench his fist in anger, or

groan in pain, or laugh aloud. When gestures and cries serve
as signals to other creatures, they come nearer to real signs.
The lower animals as well as man do make gestures and
cries which act as communications, being perceived by
others, as when horses will gently bite one another to invite
rubbing, or rabbits stamp on the ground and other rabbits
answer, and birds and beasts plainly call one another,
especially males and females at pairing-time. So distinct
are the gestures and cries of animals under different cir-
cumstances, that by experience we know their meaning
almost certainly. Human language does not answer its
purpose more perfectly than the hen's cluck to call her

chickens, or the bellow of rage with which the bull, tossing
warns off a dog near his paddock. As yet, how-
his head,
ever,no observer has been able to follow the workings of
mind even in the dog that jumps up for food and barks for
the door to be opened. It is hard to say how far the dog's
mind merely associates jumping up with being fed, and

barking with being let in, or how far it forms a conception
like ours of what it is doing and why
it does it. Anyhow,
it is and birds go so far in the natural
clear that the beasts
language as to make and perceive gestures and cries as
signals. But a dog's mind seems not to go beyond this
point, that a good imitation of a mew leads it to look for a
cat in the room ; whereas a child can soon make out from
the nurse saying miaou that she means something about \V^
some cat, which need not even be near by. That is, a it ^
young child can understand what is not proved to have

entered into the mind of the cleverest dog, elephant, or ,
ape, that a sound may be used as the sign of a thought or /

idea. Thus, while the lower animals share with man the
beginnings of the natural language, they hardly get beyond
its rudiments, while the human mind easily goes on to higher
stages.
In describing the natural language of gestures and excla-
mations,we have as yet only looked at it as used alone
where more perfect language is not to be had. It has now
to be noticed that fragments of it are found in the midst of
ordinary language. A people may speak English, or Chinese,
or Choctaw, as their mother-tongue, but nevertheless they
will keep up the use of the expressive gestures and inter-
jections and imitations which belong to natural language.
Mothers and nurses use these in teaching little children to
think and speak. It is needless to print examples of this
nursery talk, for unless our readers' minds have already been
struck by it, they are not likely to study philology to much
purpose. In the conversation of grown people, the self-
expressive or natural sounds become more scanty, yet they

are real and unmistakable, as the following examples will
serve to show.
As for gestures, many in constant use among our own
and other nations must have come down from generation to
generation since primitive ages of mankind, as when the
orator bows his head, or holds up a threatening hand, or
thrusts from him an imaginary intruder, or points to the
sky, or counts his friends or enemies on his fingers.
Next, as to emotional sounds, a variety of these is
actually used in every language. For instances, a few

may be cited from among the interjections set down in
grammars
ILngYish—a/i I oh! ztgh ! fohl ha! ha I tut I {i-i) sh !
Sanskrit aho I (surprise), aha! (reproach), z/;;/ / (vexation).

Malay — t"/^ / (triumph), zueh! (compassion), chih! (dislike).
Galla o! woyo ! (sorrow), 7>ie! (entreaty).
Australian 7idh ! (.-surprise), pooh! (contempt).
IV.] LANGUAGE. 125
As for imitative words, all languages of mankind, ancient

and modern, savage and civilized, contain more or less of
them, and any English child can see how the following set
of animals and instruments were named by appropriate
sound :
Ass = eo (Egyptian).
Crow = kaka (Sanskrit).
Cat — mau (Chinese).
Nightingale — bulbul (Persian).
Hoopoe = uptipa (Latin).
Rattlesnake = shi-shi-giua (Algonquin).
Fly = bumberoo (Australian).
Drum = dundu (Sanskrit).

Flute = uhde (Galla).
Whistle =:/?)!>//' (Malay).
Bell = kwa-lal-kiva-lal (Yakama).
Blow-ture — ptib (Quiche).
Gun = pung (Botokudo).
Such words are always springing up afresh in dialect

or slang for instance English pop, meaning ginger-beer
;
;
German gaggele, an egg, from the cackle of the hen as she laid
it; French "maitre Jiji,'^ a scavenger (as it were ''master
fie-fie^'). same way many actions are expressed
In the
by appropriate sounds. Thus in the Tecuna language of
Brazil the verb to sneeze is haitscku, while the Welsh for
a sneeze is tis. In the Chinuk jargon, the expressive
sound humni means to stink, and the drover's- kish-kish
becomes a verb meaning to drive horses or cattle. It is
even possible to find a whole sentence made with imitative
words, for the Galla of Abyssinia, to express " the smith
blows the bellows," says, tiimtun bufa biifii, much as an
English child might say "the tumtum ptiffs the puffer
Such words being taken direct from nature, it is to be
expected that people of quite different language should
sometimes hit on nearly the same imitations. Thus the Ibo

language of West Africa has the word okoko for the bird we
call a cock. The English verbs to pat and to bang seem to
come from imitations of sound, much the same being found
elsewhere ; as when the Japanese say pata-pata to express
the sound of flapping or clapping, and the Yoruba negros
have the verb gbang, to beat.
Students whose attention is once directed to this class of
self-expressive words, will notice them at a glance in each

fresh language they master. It takes more careful observa-
tion to trace them when the sound has been transferred by

the process of metaphor (i.e. carrying over) to some new
meaning not close to the original sense, but there are plenty
of clear cases to choose illustrations from. In the Chinuk
jargon of the West Coast of America, a tavern is called a
''
keehee-\\o\\sQ,^' a term which puzzles a foreigner till he
understands that among the people who speak this curious
dialect the imitative word heehee signifies not only laughter
but the amusement which causes it, so that the term in fact
means "amusement-house." It might seem difficult to hit
upon an imitative word to denote a courtier, but the Basuto
of South x'Xfrica do this perfectly they .have a word ntsi-ntst\
;
which means a fly, being, indeed, an imitation of its buzz,

and they simply transfer this word to mean also the flattering
parasite who buzzes round the chief like a fly round meat.
These instances from uncivilized languages are like those
which appear among the most polished nations, as when we
English take the imitative verb to ///jf from its proper sense
of blowing, to express the idea of inflated, hollow praise.
Now if the pronunciation of such words becomes changed,
their origin may be only recognised by old records happen-
ing to preserve their first sound. Thus when F.nglish 7voe
is traced back to Anglo-Saxon wd, it is found to be an
IV.] LANGUAGE. 127
actual groan turned (like German weJi) into a substantive

expressing sorrow or So an Englishman would
distress.
hardly guess from the present pronunciation and meaning

of the word pipe^ what its origin was yet when he com-
;
pares it with the Low Latin pipa, French pipe^ pronounced

more like our word peep, to chirp, and meaning such
a reed-pipe as shepherds played on, he then sees how
cleverly the very sound of the musical pipe has been made
into a word for all kinds of tubes, such as tobacco-pipes
and water-pipes. Words like this travel like Indians on /-
the war-path, wiping out their footmarks as they go. For

all we know, multitudes of our ordinary words may have
thus been made from real sounds, but have now lost
beyond recovery the traces of their first expressiveness.
We have not yet come to the end of the intelligible ways
in which sound can be made to express sense. When
people want to show alteration in the meaning of a word,
it is enough to make some change in its pronunciation. It
is not difficult to see how, in the Wolof language of West

Africa, where dagou means to walk, ddgoii signifies to walk
proudly; dagana means to ask humbly, but dagdna to de-
mand. In the Mpongwe
language the meaning can be
actually reversed by changing the pronunciation: as ''mi
ionda^' I love, but "mi tonda" I love not. The English
reader can manage to do much the same tricks by varying
the tones of his own verbs wa/k, ask, love. This process of
expressing difference of sense by difference of sound may
be carried much farther. An instructive instance of clear
symbolism by sound is to be found in a word coined by the
chemist Guyton de Morveau. In his names for chemical
compounds he had already the term sulfate(made on a Latin
pattern like sulphumti(s\ but afterwards he wanted a word
to denote a sulphur-salt of different proportions, and there-
upon, to express the fact that there was an alteration, he

changed a vowel and made the term sulfite. He perhaps
did not know that he was here resorting to a device found in
many rude languages. Thus in Manchu, contrast of sound
"
serves to indicate difference of sex, chadia meaning " male
and cheche "female," ama "father" and erne "mother.^'
So distances are often expressed by altering the vowel,
as in Malagasy ao means a little way off, eo still nearer, io
close at hand. In this way it is easy to make sets of
expressive personal pronouns ; as in the Tumal language
ngo " thou," 7ig7i "he."
iigi " I," Another well-known pro-
cess is reduplication or doubling, which serves a number
of different purposes. It shows repetition or strengthening
of meaning, as where the Polynesian aka " to laugh," be-
comes akaaka "to laugh much," while loa "long," becomes
lololoa " very long." Our words haw-haw and bonbon are
like these. It is also easy to form plurals by reduplication,
as Malay orang "man," orang-07'ang "men;" Japanese

fito
" man," fito-bito " men." Among the kinds of redu-
plication best known to us is that which marks tenses in
verbs, like didomi and tetupha in Greek, movwrdi in Latin.
These clever but intelligible devices for making the
sound follow the sense, show how easily man gets beyond
mere imitation. Language is one branch of the great art of
sign-making or sign-choosing, and its business is to hit upon
some sound as a suitable sign or symbol for each thought.

Whenever a sound has been thus chosen there was no doubt
a reason for the choice. But it did not follow that each
language should choose the same sound. This is well
shown by the peculiar class of words belonging to children's
language or baby-language, of which the word baby itself is
one. These words are made up all over the world from the
few simple syllables which children first utter, chosen almost
iv;] LANGUAGE. 129
anyhow to express the nursery ideas of mother, father, nurse,

r &c. Thus while we have our way of using papa
toy, sleep,
and mama, the Chilians say papa for "mother," and the
Georgians ma7na for '' father," while in various languages
dada may mean " father," " cousin," " nurse " tata " father,^' ;
"son," "good-bye"! Such children's words often find

their way into the language of grown people, and any slight
change makes them look like ordinary words. Thus in
English one might hardly suspect pope and abbot of having
their origin in baby-words, yet this is evident when they are
» traced back to Latin papa and Syriac abba, both

"father."
meaning
These nursery words have already come beyond the

" natural language " of
self- expressive gestures and sounds.
From its simple and clear facts we thus pass to the more
and obscure principles of "articulate language."
difficult
On English, or any other of the thousand

examining
tongues spoken in the world, it is found that most of the
words used show no such connection between sound and
sense as is so plain in the natural or self-expressive words.
To illustrate the difference, when a child calls a pocket
timepiece a tick-tick, this is plainly self-expressive. But
when we call it a watch, this word does not show why it is
used. It is known had its
that the instrument name from
telling the hours like a whose name 'denotes his
watch-m.Si\-\,
duty to watch, Anglo-Saxon wosccan, from wacan, to move,

ivake ; but here explanation comes to a stop, for no philolo-
gist has succeeded in showing why the syllable wac came to
denote this particular idea. Or if the same child call a loco-
motive engine a puff-puff, this is self-expressive. Grown
people call it an engine, a term which came through French
from Latin ingenium, which meant that which is "in- born,"
thence natural ability or genius, thence an effort of genius,
K
invention or contrivance, and thence a machine. By going

fartherback and taking the Latin word to pieces, it is seen
that the syllables in and gen convey the ideas of " in " and
"birth"; but here again etymology breaks down, for why
these sounds were chosen for thesj meanings no one knows.
Thus it is with at least nine-tenths of the words in diction-
aries ; there is no apparent reason why the word go should
not have signified the idea of coming, and the word come
the idea of going; nor can the closest examination show
cause why in Llebrew cliay means live, and meth dead, or
why in Maori pai means good and kino bad. It is main-
tained by some philologists that emotiona-1 and imitative
sounds such as have been described in this chapter are
the very source of all language, and that although most
words now show no trace of such origin, this is because
they have quite lost it in the long change of pronuncia-
tion and meaning they have gone through, so that they
are now become mere symbols, which children have to
learn the meaning of from their teachers. Now all this
certainly has taken place, but it would be unscientific to

accept it as a complete explanation of the origin of language.
Besides the emotional and imitative ways, several other
devices have here been shown in which man chooses sounds
to express thoughts, and who knows what other causes may
liave helped ? All we have a right to say is, that from what
is known of man's ways of choosing signs, it is likely that
there was always some kind of fitness or connection which
led to each particular sound being taken to express a par-
ticular thought. This seems to be the most reasonable
opinion to be held as to the famous problem of the Origin
of Language.
At the same time, what little is known of man's ways
of making new words out of suitable sounds, is of great
IV.J LANGUAGE. 131
importance in the study of human nature. It proves that

so far as language can be traced to its actual source, that
source does not lie in some powers of man, but
lost gifts or
in a state of mind still acting, and not above the level of

children and savages. The origin of language was not an
event which took place long ago once for all, and then
ceased entirely. On the contrary, man still possesses, and
uses when he wants it, the faculty of making new original
words by choosing fit and proper sounds. But he now
seldom puts this faculty to serious use, for this good reason,
that whatever language he speaks has its stock of words
ready to furnish an expression for almost every fresh thought
that crosses his mind.
CHAPTER V.
LANGUAGE {co7itimted )
Articulate Speech, 130— Growth of Meanings, 131 Abstract Words, —

135 — Real —
and Grammatical Words, 136 Parts of Speech, 138
Sentences, 139 — —
Analytic Language, 139- Word Combination,
140 —Synthetic Language, 141 —
Affixes, 142- Sound-change, —
143 — Roots, 144 — Syntax, 146 — Government and Concord, 147
Gender, 149— Levelopment of Language, 150.
A SENTENCE being made up of its connected sounds as a

limb is made up of its joints, we call language articulate
or ^'jointed," to distinguish it from the inarticulate or

"unjointed" sounds uttered by the lower animals. Such
conversation by gestures and exclamations as was shown in
the last chapter to be a natural language common to man-
kind, is half-way between the communications of animals
and full human speech. Every peoj^le, even the smallest
and most savage tribe, has an articulate language, carried
on by a whole system of sounds and meanings, which serves
the speaker as a sort of catalogue of the contents of the
world he lives in, taking in every subject he thinks about,
and enabling him to say what he thinks about it. What a
complicated and ingenious apparatus a language may be,
the Greek and Latin grammars sufficiently show. Yet the
CH. v.] LANGUAGE. 133
more carefully such difficult languages are looked into, the

more plainly it is seen that they grew up out of earlier and
simpler kinds of speech. It is not our business here to
make a systematic survey of the structure of languages, such
as will be found in the treatises of Max Miiller, Sayce,
Whitney, and Peile. What we have to attend to, is that
many of the processes by which languages have been built
up are still to be found at work among men, and that
grammar is not a set of arbitrary rules framed by gram-
marians, but the result of man's efforts to get easier, fuller,
and exacter expression for his thoughts. It may be

noticed that our examples are oftener taken from English
than from any other tongue. The reason of this is not
merely the convenience of using the most familiar words
as instances, but that English is of all existing languages
perhaps the best for explaining the development of language
in general. While its words may in great part be traced to
high antiquity, its structure has passed through extreme
changes in coming down to modern times, and in its present
state the language at once keeps up relics of ancient forma-
tions, and has the freest growth actually going on. Thus,
in one way or another, English has something to show in
illustration of three out of four of the processes known to
have helped in the making of language, at any time and

anywhere.
As in the course of ages man's knowledge became wider
and his civilization more complex, his language had to keep
up with them. Comparatively few and plain expressions
had sufficed for his early rude condition, but now more and
more terms had to be added for the new notions, imple-
ments, arts, offices, and relations of more highly organized
society. Etymology shows how such new words are made
by altering and combining old ones, carrying on old words
from the old state of things to do duty in the new, shifting
their meanings, and finding in any new thought some resem-

blance to an old one that would serve to give it a name.
English is full of traces of these ways of word-making and
word-shifting. For instance, that spacious stone building is
still called, as its rough predecessors were, a barrack (that

is, liut) j in it a regiment (that is, a ruling or command) of
soldiers (that is, paid men) of the infantry (that is, lads, who
fought on foot) are being inspected (that is, looked into) ; each
company (that is, those who have bread together) being
under a captain (that is, head-man) and his lientena7its (that
is, place-holders). On the front of the building is a clock, a

machine which keeps on its old name, meaning a bell, from
the ages when its predecessor was only a bell on which a
watchman struck the hours in later times were added the;
weigJits, lumps of metal so-called from the weights of the

l)alance, \\\q pejiduluni (or hanger), and what are metaphor-
ically called the face and hands, for showing on a scale (or
ladder) the hours {or times), divided into minutes (or smalls),
and then again into seconds (or foUowings). These instances
are intentionally not drawn from the depths of etymology, but
are taken to show the ordinary ways in which language finds
means to supply the new terms of advancing society. It will
be worth while to give a few cases showing that the languages

of less civilized races do their duty in much the same ways.
The Aztecs called a boat a " water-house " {acalli), and
thence the censer in which they burnt copal as incense
came to be called a " little copal-boat " {copalacaltontli).
The Vancouver Islanders, when they saw how a screw-
steamer went, named it at once yetseh-yetsokleh, that is, the
" kick-kicker." The Hidatsas of the Missouri till lately had
only hard stone for their arrows and hatchets so when ;
they became acquainted with iron and copper they made

v.] LANGUAGE. 135
names for these metals uetsasipisa and uetsahistsi, that is
to say, " stone black " and " stone red," The horse, when
brought by the white men among peoples who had never
seen it, had to be named, and accordingly the Tahitians
called it " pig-carry-man," while the Sioux Indians said it
was a "magic-dog."
As a help to understand how words have come to ex-
press still more difficult thoughts, it is well to remember the
contrast between the gesture-language and spoken English

(p. 119). It was seen how the deaf-and-dumb fall short of
our power of expressing general and abstract ideas. Not
that they cannot conceive such ideas at all. They use signs
as general terms when they can lay hold of some quality or
action as the mark of a whole class. Thus flapping one's
arms like wings means any bird, or birds in general, and the
sign of legs-four, means beasts, or quadrupeds in general.
The pretence of pouring something out of a jug expresses the
notion of fluid, which they understand, as we do, to comprise
water, tea, quicksilver ; and they probably have, though
more dimly than we, such other abstract notions as the
whiteness common to all white things, and the length,
breadth, and thickness which all solid objects have. But
while the deaf-mute's sign must always make us think of the
very thing it imitates, the spoken word can shift its meaning
so as to follow thought wherever it goes. It is instructive
to look at words in this light, to see how, starting from

thoughts as plain as those shown by the signs of the Ameri-
can savage, they can come on to the most difficult terms of
the lawyer, the mathematician, and the philosopher. To
us words have become, as Lord Bacon said, counters for
notions. By means of words we are enabled to deal with
abstract ideas, got by comparing a number of thoughts, but
so as only to attend to what they have in common. The
reader of this no doubt uses easily, and perhaps correctly,
such words as soi't^ kind, thing, cause, to make, be, do, suffe?\
If he will try to get clear to his mind what is actually meant
by these words, that is, what sense they carry with them
wherever used, he may teach himself the best lesson he ever
learnt, either in language or philosophy. To Englishmen
who know no language but their own, these words are
indeed, as it were, counters, chosen at random to express
thoughts. Having by practice how and where to
learnt
apply them, they are seldom even conscious of their highly"
abstract nature. The philologist cannot trace the complete
history ofthem all, but he knows enough to satisfy him that
they came out of words easier to understand. As in the
Eornu language of Africa, tando, to " weave," has become a
general verb to "make," and in Hebrew bard, to " cut" or
" hew," has come to be used
for the making of the heavens
and earth ; so our word make may have meant originally
to
to fit, or join. The English word so7't comes from Latin
SOTS, a " lot," through such a set of meanings as allotment,
oracle, fate, condition, chance, portion ; kind meant of one
kindred or descent; to be may have meant to grow; to
suffer meant to bear as a burden. It belongs to high
metaphysics to talk of the apprehension of ideas) but these
now abstruse words originally meant " catching hold " of
"sights." One use of etymology is that it teaches how
men thus contrived, from words which expressed plain
and easy thoughts, to make terms for more complex
and abstruse thoughts. This is the high road along
which the human mind has travelled from ignorance to
knowledge.
The next
contrivance of language to be noticed is the use
of''grammatical" words, which serve to connect the "real"
words and show what they have to do with one another.
v.] LANGUAGE. I37
This again is by looking at the gesture-language

well seen
(p. 119). deaf-and-dumb

If a man wants to convey in ges-
tures ''John is come, he has brought the harness of the
pony and put it on a bench," he can communicate the sense
of this well enough, but he does it by merely giving the real
parts, as "John, harness, pony, carry, bench, put." But the

articles " a " and " the," the preposition "of," the conjunction
"and," the substantive verb "is," and the pronouns "he,"

"it," are grammatical devices which have not signs in his
natural system, and which he does not even learn the mean-
ing of till he is taught to read. Nevertheless, the deaf-mute,
if obliged to be very exact in his account, can actually give
us a good idea of the way in which we speaking-people have
come to use grammatical words. Though he cannot intimate
that it is a bench, he can hold up one finger to show that it
is one bench ; though he has no sign for the pony, he can as
it were point it out so as to show it is that pony ; instead of
expressing of the pony as we do, he can go farther by pre-
tending to take the harness off the pony. Now English
etymology often shows that our grammatical words were
made in very much this way out of real words ; an or a was
originally the numeral "one," still Scotch aiie; the is of
the same family of words with that and there ; of is derived
from the same source with off; the conjunction a7id may be
traced back to the more real meaning of " further " or
" thereto " ; the verb to have has become a mere auxiliary
in " I have come," yet it keeps its sense of to hold
old full
or grasp, when one man seizing another cries " I have him !
When an Englishman says he ^'stands corrected," this does

not mean that he is on his legs, but the verb has sunk into
a grammatical auxiliary, n'ow conveying little more than the

passive sense he "is corrected." It is curious to notice
pronouns being thus formed from more real words. As the
deaf-mute simply points with his finger to express "I "
and " thou," so the Greenlander's uvanga =^ "I/'zW///=^
" thou," are plainly derived from uv = "here," iv - "there."

Quite a different device appears in Malay, where d?nba —
"slave" is used as a pronoun " I," and tuwan = "lord''
as apronoun " thou." How this came to pass is plainly
shown by Hebrew, in such phrases as are translated in
"
the English Bible, "///>' se7'vant saith," ^^my /^r^ knoweth;
these terms are on the road to become mere personal
pronouns meaning " I " and " thou," as in the Malay they
actually have done. An exact line cannot be drawn between
real and grammatical words in English or any other language,
for the good reason that words pass so gradually from the
i-eal into the grammatical stage, that the same word may be
used in both ways. But though the distinction is not an

exact one, it should be noticed attentively. Any one who will
try to tell an intelligible story in English real words only,
without the help of the grammatical particles which are the
links and hinges of the sentence, will see how the use of
grammatical words was one of the greatest moves made by
man in the formation of articulate speech.
Philology goes still further in explaining how the com-

plicated devices of grammar arose from simple beginnings.
The distinction of "parts of speech," familiar to us in a
highly-developed state from the Greek and Latin grammars,
is a useful means of showing the relations among the several
thoughts talked of in the sentence. But it is possible to
do without parts of speech, and it is not to be supposed
that they existed in the earliest forms of language. In
the gesture language it has been already noticed that there
is no such distinction even betvêen noun and verb. In
classical Chinese, tJiwanmeans round, a ball, to make
round, to sit round, and so on ngan means
; quiet, quietly,
v.] LANGUAGE. 139
to quiet, to be quiet, &c. We English can quite enter

into this, for our language has so far dropped the ancient
inflexions break up distinctions between parts of
as to
speech in almost Chinese fashion, using a word either as
substantive, adjective, or verb, as the people's quiet, a quiet
people, to quiet the people, and without scruple turning a
verb into a substantive, as a workmen's strike, or a sub-
stantive into a verb, as to horse a coach. The very forma-
tion of new parts of speech may be seen going on, as
where Chinese shows how prepositions may be made out
of nouns or verbs. Thus ^^\mq chung,^^ that is "kingdom
middle^^ is used to mean "in the kingdom," and "sha jin
/thing," that is, "kill man use stick," expresses "to kill
a man with a stick." So an African language, the Man-

dingo, may be caught in the act of making prepositions out
of the nouns kang, "neck," and ko7io, "belly," when they
"
say " put table neck " for " on the table," and " house belly
for " in the house."
We have next to look at the way in which language grows
by combining its words to form new ones. To see this,
words have to be noticed not as they stand by them-
selves, but as they come together in actual speaking.
Language consists of sentences, and a sentence is made up
of words, each word being a distinct spoken sound carrying
a distinct meaning. The simplest notion of a sentence may
be had from such a language as Chinese, where it can be
taken apart into words which are each a single syllable.
Thus kou chi shi jin sse, that is "dog sow eat man food"
means that dogs and sows eat the food of men. The class
of languages which can be taken to pieces in this perfect
way are called analytic or isolating. In most languages
of the world, however, which are more or less synthetic or
compounding, the tendency is not so strong to keep words
separate, and they are apt to attach themselves together.

To bring clearly before our minds how the joining or com-
pounding of words takes place, let us notice rather more
closely than usual one of our English sentences. On
listening, it will appear that the spoken words have not
really breaks between them as in writing, but the syllables
run on continuously till the speaker pauses, and what marks
a word" is, not its being really separated, but its having an
emphasis, or stress (as itby Mr. Sweet). Now,
is called
from time to time, certain words may be noticed becoming
actually fixed together. How this joining gradually takes
place we sometimes try to show by writing them differently,

as hard ware, hard-ivare, hardware ; or steain ship, steam-
ship, steamship. On listening to such joined words, it is found
that one of the two has lost its stress, the whole compound
having now but one stress. This is how in talking English
our minds give a sign by our voices that two words have
become one. The next step is when the sound of one of
the part-words becomes slurred or broken down, as in the
end-words of ivaterman, wrongful. Or both the simple
words may have broken down, as in boatswain and cox-
swain, where writing keeps up the original meaning of the
swain in charge of the boat or cock-hoî, but in actual speak-
ing the words have shrunk to what may be spelt bosun,
COX717L Now this process of forming a new word by (so
to speak) welding together two or more old ones, is one of
the chief acts by which word-makers, ancient and modern,

have furnished themselves with more manageable terms,
which again as the meanings of the separate parts were less
cared for, were cut shorter in speaking. AVhen this has not
gone too far, philologists can still get back to the original
elements of such words, discerning the fourteen flight in
fortnight ; the u/ms and decern in undecim, shrunk still farther
v.] LANGUAGE. 141
in French onze , the jus^ dico, in Latin judex, which in

Enghsh comes down to judge.
As examples how word-compounding goes on in unfamiHar
tongues, may be taken the Malay term for " arrow," which
;
is anak-pa7iah, or ''
child-(of-the)-bow " and the native
Australian term for "unanimous," which is gurdugynyul, or
'•heart-one-come." To show how such compound words
become Mandingo word for " sister,"
shortened, take the
mbadingmuso, which is made up of mi bado dingo muso,
meaning "my-mother-child-female." The natives of Van-
couver's Island gave to a certain long-bearded Englishman
the name Yakpiis ; this appears to have come from
yakhpekukselkous, made up of words signifying "long-face-
hair-man," which in speaking had been cut down Xo yakpus.
No one who did not happen to be told the history of
this word could ever have guessed it. This is an important
lesson in the science of language, for it is likely that tens of
thousands of words in the languages of the. world may have
come into the state in which we find them by the shorten-
ing of long compound words, and when this has been done
recklessly as in the last example, and the history lost, all

reasonable hope is gone of ever getting back to the original
form and meaning. Nor does this process of contraction
affect only compound words, but it may act on a whole
sentence, fusing it as it were into one word. Here the
synthetic or compounding principle reaches its height. As
a contrast to the analytic Chinese sentence given at page
139, to show the perfect distinctness of their words, we may
take a sentence of an African language to show how utterly
that distinctness may be lost. When a Grebo negro wishes
to express that he is very angry, he says in his metaphorical
way "it has raised a bone in my breast." His full words
for expressing this would be e ya mu kra wudi, but in
speaking he runs them together so that what he actually

utters is Where such breaking down has gone
ya77iiikroure.
on unchecked, it is how the language of a

easy to see
barbaric tribe may alter so much in a few generations as
hardly to be recognised. Indeed, any one who will attend
to how EngHsh words run together in talking may satisfy
himself that his own language would undergo rapid changes

like those of barbaric tongues, were it not for the school-
master and the printer, who insist on keeping our words
lixed and separate.
The few examples here given of new words made by
compounding old ones may serve to illustrate the great prin-
ciple that such combination, far from being a mere source of
confusion, has been one of the great means of building up
language. Especially, in modern
one of the great discoveries
philology is how grammadcal formation and inflexion has
partly come about by a kind of word-compounding. It
must have seemed to the old scholars a mysterious and

arbitrary proceeding that Latin should have fixed upon a
set of meaningless affixes to inflect and make into different
parts of speech ago, agis, agit, agere, agens, actum, actor,

actio, activus, actrcc, (S:c. But the mystery to some extent
disappeared when it was noticed how in modern languages
the running together of words produced something of the
kind. Thus the Jiood of womanhood, priesthood, which is now
a mere grammatical suffix, was in old English a word of
itself, had, meaning form, order, state ; and the suffix-/^ was
once the distinct word " hke," as is seen by Anglo-Saxon
saying cwcn-//V, " queen-///(r," where modern English says
quecn/y. In Chaucer's English it is seen how the pronoun
thoiL had dwindled into a mere verb-ending,
" He pokyd Johan, and seyde, Slepistt77C'
.^
Herdist^w ever slik a sanir er now?"

v.] LANGUAGE. 143
In English the future tense of the verb to give is " I will

give," or, colloquially, " I'll Here writing separates
give."
what speaking joins, but the modern French future tense
donnerai, donneras^ is the verb donner with the auxiliary
verb ai, as, both spoken and written on to it, so that " je
donnerai "is a phrase like ''I have to give." The plural
dotmerons, donnerez, can no longer be thus taken to
pieces, for the remains of the auxiliary verb have passed
into meaningless grammatical affixes ons, ez. There is
reason to suppose that many of the affixes of Greek

and Latin grammar arose in this way by distinct words
combining together and then shrinking. Not that it would
be safe to assert that all affixes came into existence in
this particular way. As was pointed out in the last
chapter, men wanting to utter a thought are clever enough

to catch up in very far-fetched ways a sound to express
it. Thus the prefix ge^ which German uses to make past
participles with, seems to have originally signified"with"
or " together," which sense it still retains in such words as
gespiele^ " playfellow ;
" but by a curious shifting of purpose
it came to serve as a means of forming participles, as
spielen, to play, gespielt, played. It was so used also
in Anglo-Saxon, as dypian, to call, geclypod, called, which
word in its later form yckpt still keeps up among us a
trace of the old grammatical device. Philologists have
to keep their eyes open to this power which language-
'makers have of using sounds for some new purpose
they were not intended for. Thus, in English, the change
of vowels in foot, feet, and in find, found, now serves as
a means of declining the noun and conjugating the verb.
But history happens to show that the vowel change was
not originally made with this intention at all. The
Anglo-Saxon declension proves that the vowel was not
then a sign of number in the noun ; it was singular fot,
fdtes,fef, ^\Mm\ fit, fota, fotu??i. Nor was it a sign of tense

in the Anglo-Saxon verb, where the perfect of Jindan, to
find, had different vowels in its singular, ic /and, I found,
and its plural, we fundon, we found. It was the later

Englishmen who, knowing nothing of the real reasons
which brought about the variation of the vowels, took to
using them to mark singular from plural, and present from
perfect.
work of grammarians in examining any language
It is the
to take all itscombined words to pieces as far as possible.

Greek and Latin grammars now teach how to analyze words
by stripping off their affixes, so as to get down to the real
part or root, which is generally a simple sound expressing
a simple notion. A root is best understood by considering
it to have been once a separate word, as it would be in
such a language as English. Even in languages where the

roots seldom appear without some affix attached, they may
stand by themselves as imperative, like Latin die ! say !
Turkish sev ! love ! But in many languages roots can

only be found as imaginary forms, by comparing a group
of words and getting at the common part belonging to
them all. Thus in Latin it appears from gnosco, gnotus, &c.,
that there must be a root gno which carries the thought
of knowing. Going on to Greek, there is found in gignosko,
gnosis, gjiome, &c., the same root gno with the same mean-
ing. Turning next to Sanskrit, a similar sound, jnd, appears
as the root-form for knowing. In this wây, by com-
paring the whole set of Aryan or Indo-European lan-
guages, it appears that there must have been in ancient
times a word something like gna, meaning to know, which

is to be traced not only in Sanskrit, Greek, and Latin, but
in many other languages of the family, as Russian zfiat.
v.] LANGUAGE. 145
English know. A few more such Aryan roots, which the

reader recognises at once in well-known languages, are sta^
to stand, sad^ to sit, ga, to go, /, to go, ma, to measure, da^

to give, vid^ to see, rag, to rule, mar, to die. These simple
sounds seem to have already become fixed to carry their
meanings in the remote ages when the ancestors of the
Aryan peoples wandered with their herds on the highlands
of Central Asia. It is not needful to tell the student of an-
thropology how interesting it is to arrive thus at the earliest
known root-words of any family. But it should at the
same time be noticed that even in the earliest of these sets
of roots, we seldom come to anything like an actual origin
or beginning. Some few may indeed have been taken direct
from the natural language, for instance ru, to roar, and if
this was so here is a real origin. But most roots, to what-

ever languages of the world they may belong, are like the
group given above, where it is impossible to say con-
fidently how their sound came to express their meaning.
Unless this can be done, it is safest not to take such roots
as really primitive formations, for they may have a long
lost history of the utmost change. How this may happen,
our own language has a useful lesson to teach. Imagine

one who knows no language but English trying to get at
its roots. To him the verb to roll might seem a root-word,
a primitive element of language; indeed it actually has
been fancied a natural sound imitating the act of rolling.
Yet any philologist would tell him that English roll is a
comparatively modern form, which came through a long
series of earlier stages ; it was borrowed from French rolle,
roller, now role, rouler, all from Latin rotulus, diminutive

of rota, a wheel, even this coming from a more ancient
verb and signifying a runner or goer. more adven-
Still
turous is the history of another English word which has

L
now all the parts of a verb, to check, checking, checked,
besides such forms as a check in one's course, the check-

string to stop the coachman, the checks2XNt to stop the
water in a pipe. This word check has all the simplicity of
sound and sense which might belong to an original root-
word. Yet strange to say, it is really the Persian word
shah, meaning ''king," which came to Europe with the
game of chess as the word of challenge to the king, and
thence by a curious metaphor passed into a general word
for stopping anybody or anything. For all that is known,
many root-words among the Greeks or Jews, or even the
simple-looking monosyllables of the Chinese, may during
pre-historic ages have travelled as far from their real origin
as these English verbs. Thus the roots from which lan-
guage grows may often be themselves sprung as it were from
yet earlier seeds or cuttings, grown at home or imported
from abroad, and though in our time wôrds mostly come
from the ancient roots, the power of striking new roots is
not yet dead.

Having now, in such a broad way as suits the present
purpose, looked at the formation of words, something may
be said as to how language contrives show the relations|;o
among the words of a sentence. This is done by what

grammarians call syntax, concord, and government. It
has been seen (p. 119) that the gesture-language, though
wanting in grammatical forms, has a strongly marked syntax.
The deaf-mute's signs must follow one another in proper
order, otherwise they may convey a wrong meaning or seem
nonsense. So, in spoken languages which do not inflect
their words, such as the Chinese, syntax is the main part of
grammar thus 11 ping = sharp weapons, J>in§- li = weapons

;
(are) sharp ; chi kuo = to govern the kingdom, but kuo chi =
the kingdom is governed. This seems quite natural to us, for
v.] LANGUAGE. I47
modern English has come far towards the Chinese plan of

making the sense of the sentence depend on the order of the
words, thus marking the difference between rank offamilies
^nd families of rank, or between men kill lions and lions kill
7nen. In Latin it is very different, where words can be put
about with such freedom, that the English reader may be
hardly able to make sense of one of Tacitus' sentences
without fresh sorting the words into some order he can
think them in. Especially in Latin verses there is often
hardly more syntax than if the words were nonsense-
syllables arranged only to scan. The sense has to be made
out from the grammatical inflections, as where it is seen
that in ''vile potabis modicis Sabinum cantharis," the
cheapness has to do with the wine and the smallness
with the mugs. It is because so many of the inflections
have disappeared from English, that the English translation
has to obtain a proper understanding by stricter order of
words. Where the meaning of sentences depends on order
or syntax, that order must be followed, but must be borne it
in mind For a
that this order differs in different languages.
single instance, in Malay, where orang = man and tilan =
forest, savages and apes are called orang ulan, which is
just opposite to the English construction "forest man."

Every one who can construe Greek and Latin sees what
real service is done by government and agreement in show-
ing how the words of a sentence hang together, what quality

is stated of what thing, or who is asserted to act on what.
But even Greek and Latin have changed so much from their
show the scholar clearly

earlier state, that they often fail to
what they mean to do, and why. It is useful to make ac-
quaintance with the languages of ruder nations, which show
government and agreementîn earlier and plainer stages of
growth. One great object of grammatical construction is to
L 2
make dear which of two nouns concerned is subject

it quite
and which object, for instance, whether it was a chief who
killed a bear, or a bear who killed a chief. A particle
properly attached will do this, when the Algonquin

as
Indians put on the syllable un both to noun and verb, in

a way which we may try to translate by the pronoun him,
thus : —
Ogimau ogi ni.ssa«7z mukwz/«.
chief he-did kilI-//zV// bear-/«'w.
Mukwah ogi nissa?/« ogima//«.
bear he-did YxWhim chief-/^m.
This gives a notion of the natural manner in which gram-

matical government may have come into use to mark the
parts of the At the same time, it shows that
sentence.
different languages may go different ways to work, for here
the verb and object agree together, and the subject (so to
speak) governs both, which is quite unlike our familiar rule
of the verb agreeing with the nominative or subject. To
see the working of concord or agreement in a far clearer
and completer form than Latin can show it, we may look
at the Hottentot language, where a sentence may run some-
what thus, ''
That woman-i-/^(?, our tribe's-jr/^d', rich-being- j-/^^,
another village-in-dwelling-.<r/^^, praise-we-do cattle-of-j-/^^, she-
does present-US two calves-of-^/^^-from." Here the pronoun

running through the whole sentence makes it clear to the
dullest hearer that it is the woman who is rich, who dwells
in another village, whose cattle are praised, and who gives
two of her calves. The terminations in a Greek or Latin
sentence, which show the agreement of substantive and
adjective with their proper verb, are remains of affixes which
may have once carried their signification as plainly as they
still do in the language of the llottentots. A different plan
of concord, but even more instructive to the classical scholar,
v.] LANGUAGE. 149
appears in the Zulu language, which divides things into

classes, and then carries the marking syllable of the class right
through the sentence, so as to connect all the words it is
attached Thus *' u-3?/-kosi ^-etu o-^z^-kulu /^//-ya-bonakala

to.
si-/^2^-tanda," means " our great kingdom appears, we love
it." Here du, the mark of the class to which kingdom be-
longs, is repeated through every word referring to it. To
give an idea how this acts in holding the sentence together.
Dr. Bleek translates by repeating the dom of kingdom in
it
a similar way " the king-dopt, our dom, which dom is the
;
great dom, the dom appears, we love the dom.^' This is clumsy,
but it answers the great purpose of speech, that of making
one's meaning certain beyond mistake. So, by using different
for singular and plural, and carrying them
class-syllables
on through the whole sentence, the Zulu shows the agree-

ment in number more plainly than Greek or Latin can do.
But the Zulu language does not recognise by its class-
syllables what we call gender. It is in fact one of the
puzzles of philology, what can have led the speaker of
Aryan languages like Greek, or Semitic languages like
Hebrew, to classify things and thoughts by sex so un-
reasonably as they do. For Latin examples, take the
following groups : J>es (masc), maims (fem.), brachium
(neut.) ; amor (masc), virtus (fem.), delictum (neut),
German shows gender in as practically absurd a state, as
witness der Hund, die Ratte ; das Thier, die Pflanze. In
Anglo-Saxon, t^/z/" (English wife), was neuter, while wif-man
{i.e. "wife-man," English woman) was masculine. Modern
English, in discarding an old system of grammatical gender
that had come to be worse than useless, has set an example
which French and German might do well to follow. Yet it
must be borne in mind that the devices of language, though
they may decay into absurdity, were never originally absurd.
ISO ANTHROPOLCGY. [chap.
No doubt the gender-system of the classic languages is the

remains of an older and more consistent plan. There are
languages outside our classical education which show that
gender (that is genus, kind, class,) is by no means necessarily
according to sex. Thus in the Algonquin languages of North
America, and the Dravidian languages of South India, things
are divided not as male or female, but as alive or dead,
rational or irrational,and put accordingly in the animate or

major gender, or in the inanimate or minor gender. Having
noticed how the Zulu concord does its work by regularly
repeating the class-sign, we seem to understand how in the
Aryan languages the signs of number and gender may have
come to be used as a similar means of carrying through the
sentence the information that this substantive belongs to
that adjective and that verb. Yet even in Sanskrit, Greek,
Latin, and Gothic, such concord falls short of the fulness
and clearness it has among the barbarians of Africa, while
in the languages of modern Europe, especially our own, it
has mosdy disappeared, probably because with the advance
of intelligence it was no longer found necessary.
The facts in this chapter will have given the reader some
idea how man has been and still is at work building up
language. Any one who began by studying the gram-
mars of such languages as Greek or Arabic, or even of such
barbarous tongues as Zulu or Eskimo, would think them
wonderfully artificial systems. Indeed, had one of these
languages suddenly come into existence among a tribe of
men, this \vould have been an event mysterious and un-
accountable in the highest degree. But when one begins
by noticing the steps by which word-making
at the other end,
and composition, declension and conjugation, concord and
syntax, arise from the simplest and rudest beginnings, then
the formation of language is seen to be reasonable, purpose-
v.] LANGUAGE. 151
ful, and intelligible. It was shown in the last chapter that

man still possesses the faculty of bringing into use fresh
sounds to express thoughts, and now it may be added that
he still possesses the faculty of framing these sounds into
full articulate speech. Thus every human tribe has the
capabilities which, had they not inherited a language ready-
made from their parents, would have enabled them to make
a new language of their own.
CHAPTER VI.
LANGUAGE AND RACE.
Adoption and loss of Language, 152 —Ancestral Language, 153—

P'amilies of Language, 155— Aryan, 156— Semitic, 159— Egyptian,
Berber, &c. 160 — Tatar or Turanian, 161 — South-East Asian, 162
— Malayo-Polynesian, 163 — Dravidian, 164 — African, Bantu,
Hottentot, 164— American, 165 — Early Languages and Races, 165.
The next question is, What can be learnt from languages
as to the history of the nations speaking them, and the

races these nations belong to ?
In former chapters, in dividing mankind into stocks or

races according to their skulls, complexions, and other
bodily characters, language was not taken into account as
a mark of race. In fact, a man's language is no full and
certain proof of his parentage. There are even cases in
which it is totally misleading, as when some of us have seen
persons whose language is English, but their faces Chinese
or African,and who, on inquiry, are found to have been
brought away in infancy from their native countries. It is
within every one's experience how one parent language dis-

appears in intermarriage, as where persons called Boileau or
MuUer may be now absolutely English as to language, in
spite of theirFrench or Germ.an ancestry. Now not only
individuals but whole populations may have their nîtive
CH. VI.] LANGUAGE AND RACE. 153
languages thus lost or absorbed. The negroes shipped as

slaves toAmerica were taken from many tribes and had no
native tongue in common, so that they came to talk to one
another in the language of their white masters, and there is
now to be seen the curious spectacle of black woolly-haired
families talking broken-down dialects of English, French,
or Spanish. In our own country the Keltic language of the

Ancient Britons has not long since fallen out of use in
Cornwall, as in time it will in Wales. But whether the
Keltic language is spoken or not, the Keltic blood remains
in the mixed population of Cornwall, and to class the
modern Cornishmen as of pure English race because they
speak English, would be to misuse the evidence of language.
Much bad anthropology has been made by thus carelessly
taking language and race as though they went always and
exactly together. Yet they do go together to a great extent.
Although what a man's language really proves is not his
parentage but his bringing-up, yet most children are in fact
brought up by their own parents, and inherit their language
as well as their features. So long as people of one race and
speech live together in their own nation, their language will
remain a race-mark common to all. And although mi-
gration and intermarriage, conquest and slavery interfere,
from time to time, so that the native tongue of a nation can
never tell the whole story of their ancestry, still it tells a
part of it, and that a most important part. Thus in Corn-
wall the English tongue is a real record of the settlement
of the English there, though it fails to tell of the Keltic
race who were in the land before them, and with whom
they mixed. In a word, the information which the language
of a nation gives as to its race is something like what a
man's surname tells as to his family, by no means the whole
history, but one great line of it
It has next to be seen what the languages of the world

can show as to the early history of nations. Great care has
to be taken with the proofs of connexion between languages.
It is of little use to compare two languages as old-fashioned
philologists were too apt to do when, if they found half-a-
dozen words at all similar, they took these without more
ado to l)e remnants of one iDrimitive tongue, the origin of
both. In the more careful philological comparisons of the
present day many similarities of words have to be thrown
aside as not proving connexion at all. In any two lan-
guages a few words are sure to be similar by mere accident,
as where, in the Society Islands, tiputa means a cloak, like
tippet with us. Words must only be compared when there
is a real correspondence of meaning as well as sound, or the
way would be opened for fancies like that of a writer who
connects the well known Polynesian word tabu, sacred, with
tabut, the Arabic name of the ark of the covenant, appa-
rently because that was a very sacred object. Also, words
imitated from nature prove nothing in this way, as where
the Hindus and the savages of Vancouver's Island both call
a crow kaka, this being not because their languages are

connected, but because it is the bird's cry. What is most
important of all is to make sure that the words compared

really belong to the old stock of the language they are
found in. Before now a writer has proved to his own satis-
faction that Turkish, Arabic,and Persian are all branches of

one primitive language, his argument being that the Turks
call a man adam^ as the Arabs call the first man, and a
father pader, which is like the Persian word. The fact is
true enough, but what the argument omits to notice is

that the Turks have been for ages enriching their own
barbaric language by taking words from the cultured Arabic
and Persian, and adam and pader are such lately borrowed
VI.] LANGUAGE AND RACE. 155
words, not philologically Turkish at all. Borrowed words

like these are indeed valuable evidence, but what they
prove is not the common origin of languages, it is inter-
course between the nations speaking them. They often

give the clue to the country from which some new produce
was obtained, or some new instrument, or idea, or insti-
tution, was learnt. Thus in English it is seen by the very
words how Italy furnished us with opera, sonata, chiaroscuro,
while Spain gave gallina and mulaiio, how from the
Hebrews we have sabbath and jubilee, from the Arabs zei'o
and magazine, while Mexico has supplied chocolate and
tomato, Haiti hanmiock and hurricane, Peru guano and
quinine^ and even the languages of the South Sea Islands
are represented by taboo and tatoo. But in all this there is
not one particle of evidence that any one of these languages
is sprung from the same family with any other.
When two languages have such a common descent, the
philologist is not content to ascertain by merely looking
it
for a few words of similar sound. Indeed he expects to

find that the words of the ancestral language will not only
have changed in its descendant languages, but that they
will often have changed according to different rules. Thus
he knows that according to the rule called Grimm's law,
the English te7i, tame, should appear in German with a
different initial, zehn, zahm, while again these should be
represented in Latin by decern, domare. With the same
regularity of change, the sound which insome of the Poly-
nesian languages is k, in others has become // thus the word
man, Sandwich Islands kanaka (whence our sailors
in the
call any South Sea Islander a kanaker), appears in New
Zealand under the form of tangata. Going beyond the

sound of words into their structure, the comparative philo-
logist reckons that when two languages are allied, they
ought to show such similarity in the roots and in the putting

together, that neither chance nor borrowing can account for
the resemblance. In the first chapter, for another purpose,
examples were given of languages continuing to show their
intimate connexion while diverging from their parent tongues.
The reader may find it worth while to look back to these
illustrations (p. 8) before going on to the following sketch of
the families of language belonging to the various races of man.
The languages of white men mostly belong to two great
families, the Aryan and Semitic. First as to the Aryan
family, called also Indo-European, which takes in the lan-
guages of part of South and West Asia, and almost the whole
of Europe. The original tongue whence these are all
descended may be called the Primitive Aryan. What the

roots of this ancient language were like, and how they were
put together into words, the student gain an idea from may
Greek and Latin, but a still better from Sanskrit, where
both roots and inflexions have been kept up in a more per-
fect and regular state. As a rough illustration of the way
in which words of our familiar European languages may be
discerned in Sanskrit, one line of the first hymn of the Veda
is here given, where the worshippers entreat Agni, the divine
Fire, that he will be approachable to us as a father to a son,
and will be near for our happiness :
Sa nah pita-iva sunave Agne su-upayanah bhava : sachasva nah

svastaye.
Here may be more or less clearly made out words connected

with Latin, Greek, and English nos, pater, son, ignis, up, be,
segui, eiiesto, and others. Though the original Aryan is a

lost language, philologists try to reconstruct it by compar-
ing its oldest and most perfect descendants, Sanskrit, Old
Persian, Greek, Latin, Old Russian, Gothic, Old Irish, &c.
VI.] LANGUAGE AND RACE. '
157
Granting that a primitive Aryan tongue once existed, there

must once have been a nation who spoke it, and whose
descendants carried it down to later ages. It is hard to
draw any certain bodily picture of the primitive Aryans
themselves (see page 109), for in their course of migra-
tion and conquest they so mingled with other races, that
now the nations united by Aryan speech range through
the utmost varieties of white men, from the Icelander
to the Hindu. The early home of the Aryans is supposed
to have been in Inner Asia, perhaps in the present
Turkestan, in the region of the Oxus and Yaxartes, for
here the practicable way of migration for nomads with

flocks and herds lies open down into Persia on the one
side,and India on the other. As India and Persia have
preserved in their sacred languages the Aryan tongue
less changed than elsewhere, it may be judged that the
land whence the invading Aryans came was not far off.
But it may have been further east in Central Asia, or further
west on the Russian plains. In this home-land, wherever it
may have been, the Aryans lived in barbaric but not savage
clans, tilling the soil and grazing their flocks and herds,
workers in metal and skilled in many arts of life, a warlike
folk who went forth to fight in chariots, a people able to
govern and obey, to make laws and abide by them, a reli-
gious people earnest in the worship of the sun, and sky,

and fire, and waters, and with pious faith in the divine spirits
of their ancestors. Carrying with them their language, laws,
and religion, these nation-founders spread in radiating tracks
of migration over South-West Asia and all Europe. Where
they went they found the land peopled by Dravidians,
Tatars, and doubtless many
other stocks once spread far
and wide, like the Basques,whose language still lingers in
the Pyrenees. Where the old languages have vanished.
ANTHROPOLOGY.
'
158 [chap.
the record of the early populations of Europe is only to be

had from their tombs, and seen in the features of the pre-
sent nations, which may be often more those of the original
people than of the Aryan invaders. The earliest Aryan hordes
who started on their westward migration may have been

the ancestors of the Keltic nations, for their language has
undergone most change, and they are found in the far west
of Europe, as though they had been pressed on by the
Teuton-Scandinavian tribes who followed them, distant
kinsfolk but not friends. The ancestors of the Grseco-Italian
nations migrated westward till they reached the Mediter-
ranean, and lastcame the Slavonic peoples who now occupy
Eastern Europe. Thus much of the beginnings of the Aryan
nations may be learnt from their languages and their places
on the map. It is not in the earliest ages of history that
they appear on the world-stage where Egyptians and Baby-
lonians had long played the great parts. The Aryans become
prominent within a thousand years before the Christian era,
when in India there arises among them the religion of

Buddha, now reckoned the most numerous in the world ;
when the Medes and Persians come into power, and

Cyrus appears with his conquering host ; when the Greeks
bring their wondrous intellect to bear on art, science,
and philosophy ; and the Romans set up the military and
legal system which gave them their empire. In later ages
our Teutonic nations, who made their first appearance as
the ravagers of culture, come to be its promoters. The
Aryan nations have kept up in the modern world the career
of conquest and the union with other peoples which they
began in prs-historic ages. Outside the world known to
the ancients, Aryan languages are now spoken on far conti-
nents and islands, whether the men who speak tliem are
white colonists from Europe, who have slain or driven out
the old dwellers on the soil, or whether they have become

blended with the native nations as in Mexico and Peru.
To proceed now to the languages of the next family, the
Semitic, an idea of these can be most easily gained from
Hebrew. Any student seriously bent on the science of
language should learn at least enough Hebrew to spell out a
few chapters of Genesis, for all the other languages com-
monly taught in England being of the Aryan family, this
will serve to bring his mind out of that groove, by familiar-
izinghim with speech of a different material. A very
moderate number of roots, mostly of three consonants, by
altering their internal vowels and changing their affixes,
are made to form the greater part of the language so

regularly that Hebrew dictionaries are arranged throughout
by the roots. Thus from the root 7n-l-ch are derived verb
and noun forms with the sense of reigning, as malach = he
reigned, mdlchu = they reigned, yimloch = he shall reign,
ti7nloch = thou shalt reign, melech = king (familiar in the
name of Melchi-zedek^ " king of righteousness "), meldchim =
kings, malchenu = our king, malchdh = queen, mamldchdh
- kingdom, and so on. The principal languages belonging
to the Semitic family are the Assyrian,Hebrew and Phoe-
nician, Syrian, and Ethiopic. The Assyrian of
Arabic
the Nineveh inscriptions and the Arabic spoken by the
desert Beduins between them best represent the original
language they are all descended from. The ancient or
modern peoples speaking Semitic tongues belong mainly
to the dark-white race, the type in which they agree being
now most plainly seen in the Jewish countenance, with its
aquiline nose, full lips, and curly black hair. Yet by
features alone it would not have been possible to distinguish
the Jews, Assyrians, and Arabs, among mass of dark-
the
white nations. Here is seen the value of language, which
i6o ANTHROPOLOGY. [chap.
comes in to show that a certain group of nations are

connected by common ancestry from an ancient people,
who spoke the lost tongue whence Arabic and Hebrew are
offshoots, and who in the ages when history begins were
dwelling in South- West Asia, and sending forth their migrat-
ing tribes to found new nations, whose acts in the world
form one of the great chapters of history. The conquering
Assyrians took up and carried on the older Chaldsean
civilisation. The Phoenicians became the great merchants
of the old world, with trading colonies along the Mediter-
ranean and commerce in the far East, nor was it only stuffs
and spices that they carried, but they spread arts and
thoughts into new regions, and in their hands the clumsy
hieroglyphic writing became the alphabet. The Israelites,
though as a nation they never reached such power or

culture, made their conquests in the world of religion,
and while the crowd of deities worshipped in Assyrian
and Phoenician temples vanished away, the worship of
Jehovah passed on into Christianity, and overspread the
world. Latest, the warrior-tribes of Arabia carried the
banner of their prophet among the nations around, and
founded the faith of Islam, a civilizing power in the middle
ages, and even in these days of its decay an influence across
the world from Western Africa to the islands of the far East.
The language of the ancient Egyptians, though it cannot
be classed in the Semitic family with Hebrew, has im-
portant points of correspondence, whether due to the long
intercourse between the two races in Egypt, or to some
deeper ancestral connection ; and such analogies also appear
in the Berber languages of North Africa. These difficult
questions can merely be mentioned here. Attempts have

been made, though with little result, to prove the Aryan
and Semitic languages themselves to be descended from a
VI.] LANGUAGE AND RACE. i6i
single parent tongue. If it is so, then ages of change have

so wiped away the traces of common origin that philologi-
cal comparison fails to substantiate them. While speaking
of the Aryan and Semitic families of language, it should be
noticed that many philologists connect them as belonging
to one class, as being "inflecting" languages, or such as can
blend their roots and affixes, and alter the roots themselves
Greek grammar well
internally so that, as the beginner in
knows, it is often no easy matter to see where the root
ends and the terminaUon begins. The inflecting families
have certainly a power of compact word-formation which
has done much to give expressiveness and accuracy to such
poetical and philosophical languages as Greek and Arabic.
But the distinction is by no means clear between the struc-
ture of such inflecting languages and the agglutinating lan-
guages of other nations, as the Tatars. Could the Aryan
and Semitic families be both traced back to the same
family, this would not prove the whole white race to have
had one original language, for the Georgian of the Caucasus,
the Basque of the Pyrenees, and several more would still
lie outside, apparently unconnected with either of the great
families, or with one another.
In the middle and north of Asia, on the steppes or

among the swamps and forests of the bleak north, wandering
hordes of hunters or herdsmen show the squat-built brown-
yellow Tatar or Mongolian type, and speak languages of one
family, such as Mahchu and Mongol. Although principally
belonging to Asia, these Tatar or Turanian languages have
established themselves in Europe. At a remote period,
rude Tatar tribes had spread over northern Europe, but
they were followed up and encroached on by the invad-
ing Aryans, till now only much-mixed outlying remnants
of them, Esths, Finns, Lapps, are found speaking Tatar
M
languages. Id later ages, history records how armies of

Tatar race, Huns and Turks, poured into Europe in their
turn, subduing the Aryan peoples, so that now the Hun-
garian and Turkish languages remain records of these last
waves of invasion from Central Asia. The Tatar hordes
are first heard of in history as barbarians, as many tribes
are still, but their chief nations becoming Buddhists, Mo-

hammedans, or Christians, have adopted the civiHsation
belonging to these religions. The Tatar languages are of
the kind called words by putting
agglutinative, forming
first the root, which carries the sense and is followed by
suffixes strung on to modify it. Thus in Turkish the

root sev, to love, makes sevishdii-ilmediler, they were not to
be brought to love one another. In some languages of this
class, a remarkable law of vowel-harmony compels the

suffix to conform its vowel to that of the root it is attached
to, as if to make clear to the hearer that it belongs to it ;
thus in Hungarian hdz = house, forms hdzam = my house,

but szek = cliair, forms szckem = m.y chair.
The dense population of South-East Asia, comprising the
Burmese, the Siamese, and especially the Chinese, shows a
type of complexion and feature plainly related to the Tatar
or Mongolian, but the general character of their language is
different. The Chinese language is made up of mono-

syllables, each a word with its own real or grammatical
sense, so that our infant-school books in one syllable give
some notion of Chinese sentences. Other neighbouring
languages share this habit of using monosyllables, and as
this limits them to an inconveniently small number of words,
they have taken to the expedient of making the musical
pitch or intonation alter the meaning, as in Siamese, where
the syllable ha, according to the notes it is intoned on,
means a pestilence, or the number five, or the verb to seek.
VI] LANGUAGE AND RACE. 163
Thus the intoning which in England serves to express emotioi'^

or distinguish question -from answer is turned to account in
the far East for making actually different words, an example
how language catches at any available device when a means
of expression is Looking on the map of Asia at
wanted.
this south-east it is plainly not by accident
group of nations,
that the people of such neighbouring districts should have
come to talk in words of one syllable, but the habit seems
to have come from a common ancestral source, and gives
the whole set of languages a family character. These
monosyllable languages are often used to illustrate what the
simple childlike constructions of man's primitive speech
may have been like. But it is well to mention that Chinese
or Siamese, simple as they are, must not be relied on as
primitive languages. The childlike Chinese phrases may
be not primitive at may come
all, but of the falling away
of older complicated grammar, much as our own English
tends to cut short the long words and drop the inflexions
used by our ancestors. Chinese simplicity of grammar by
no means goes with simplicity of thought and life. The
Chinese nation, like the Egyptian and the Babylonian, had
been raised to a highly artificial civilisation in ages before
the Phoenicians and Greeks came out of barbarism. It is
not yet clear to what race the old Babylonians belonged who
spoke the Akkadian tongue, but this shows analogies which
may connect it with the Tatar or Mongolian languages.
It has been already seen (p. 102) how the Malays, Micro-
nesians, Polynesians, and Malagasy, a varied and mixed
population of partly Mongoloid race, are united over their
immense ocean-district half round the globe by languages of
one family, the Malayo-Polynesian. The parent language of
this family may have belonged to Asia, for in the Malay
region the grammar is more complex, and words are found

M 2
like tasik = sea and langit = sky, while in the distant islands
of New
Zealand and Hawaii these have come down to fai
and /ai, as though the language became shrunk and form-
less as the race migrated further from home, and sank into
the barbaric Hfe of ocean islanders.
The continent of India has not lost the languages of the
tribeswho were in the land before the Aryan invasion gave
rise to the Hindu population. Especially in the south
whole nations, though they have taken to Hindu civilisation,
speak languages belonging to the Dravidian family, such as

Tamil, Telugu, and Canarese. The importance of this
element of Indian population may be seen by these non-
Aryan tongues still extending over most of the great triangle
of India south of the Nerbudda, besides remnants *in dis-
tricts to the north. Yet Aryan dialects are spoken in India by

many mixed tribes who may have little of Aryan blood. In
the forests of Ceylon are found the only people in the world
leading a savage life who speak an Aryan language akin to
ours. These are the Veddas or " hunters," shy wild men who
build bough huts, and live on game and wild honey, the chil-
dren, as it seems, of forest-natives mingled with Singhalese
outcasts whose language in a broken-down state they speak.
Among the black races, whether or not the eastern negros
of Melanesia are connected by race with the African negros,
the Melanesian languages stand apart. Nor do all African
negros speak languages of one family, but some, such as the
Mandingo, seem separate from the great language-family of
Central and South Africa, named the Bantu from tribes
caUing themselves simply " men " {ba-nhi). One of the
chief peculiarities of the Bantu languages is their working
(just unlike the Tatar languages) by putting prefixes in front.
Thus the African magician is called 7nganga^ the plural of
which is waganga, magicians. The Kafirs of a certain
district bear the well-known name of the basuto, which is
a plural form, a single native being called niosuto, while his

country is lesuio, his language sesuto, and his character or
quality bosuto. In South Africa lies a very different language-
family, the Hottentot-Bushman, remarkable for the way in
which " clicks," much like what among us nurses make to
children and coachmen to horses, do duty as consonants in
words. Lastly, turning to America, the native languages
fall into a variety of families. Some of these are known to
English readers by a word or two, as the Eskimo of the
Arctic coasts by the name of the kayak or single boat on which
our sport canoes are modelled ; the Algonquin which pre-
vailed from New England to Virginia at the time of the
early colonists,and whence we have mocassin and to77ia-
hawk ; the Aztec of Mexico known by the ocelot 2Xi^ the cacao-
bean the Tupi-Carib of the West Indies and the Brazilian
;
forests, the home of the toucan and jaguar ; lastly the
Quichua or Peruvian, the language of the inca.

In concluding this account of the chief families of
language, it is to be noticed that there are many more,
some only consisting of a few dialects or a single one.
Altogether a list of fifty or a hundred might perhaps be made,
of which no one has been satisfactorily shown to be related
to any other. It may, indeed, be expected that often two
or three which now seem separate may prove on closer
examination to be branches of one family, but there seems
no prospect of the families all coming together in this way
as offshoots of one original language. The question whether
there was one primitive speech, or many, has been in past
times most useful in encouraging the scientific comparison
of languages. Both theories claim to account for the actual
state of language in the world. On the one hand it may

be argued that the languages descended from the primitive
i66 ANTHROPOLOGY. [chap, vi,
tongue have branched off so far apart as often no longer to
show their connection on the other hand, if there were

;
many primitive languages, of which those that survived have

given rise to families, this would come to much the same
state of things. But if, as seems likely, the original forma-
tion of language did not take place all at once, but was a
gradual process extending through ages, and not absolutely
stopped even now, then it is not a hopeful task to search
for primitive languages at all (see page 131). In the present
improved state of philology it answers better to work back
from known languages to the lost ancestral languages
whence they must have come down. It has been seen that
this study leads to excellent results as to the history, not
only of the languages themselves, but of the nations speak-
ing them, as when it gives the clue to the peopling of the
South Sea Islands, or proves some remote ancestral con-
nexion between the ancient Britons, and the Enghsh and
Danes who came after them to our land. Yet though language
is so valuable a help and guide in national history, it must
not be trusted as if it could give the whole origin of a race,
or go back to its beginning. All negroes do not speak
languages of one family, nor all yellow, or brown, or white
men. In exploring the early life of nations, their languages
may lead us far back, often much farther than historical
records, but they seem hardly to reach anywhere near the
origins of the great human races, still less to the general
orierin of mankind.
CHAPTER VIL
WRITING.
Picture-writing, — Sound-pictures, 169 — Chinese Writing, 170 —

i68
Cuneiform — Egyptian Writing, 173 — Alphabetic
Writing, 172
Writing, 175 — Spelling, 178 — Printing, 180.
Taught as we are to read and write in early childhood,

we hardly realize the place this wondrous double art fills in
civilized life, till we see how it strikes the barbarian who
has not even a notion that such a thing can be. John
Williams, the South Sea Island missionary, tells how once
being busy carpentering, and having forgotten his square^
he wrote a message for it with a bit of charcoal on a chip,
and sent this to his wife by a native chief, who, amazed to
find that the chip could talk without a mouth, for long after-
wards carried hung by a string round

it his neck, and told
his wondering countrymen what he saw it do. So in South
Africa a black messenger carrying a letter has been known
to hide it under a stone while he loitered by the way, lest it
should tell tales of him, as it did of whatever was going on.
Yet the art of writing, mysterious as it seemed to these
rude men, was itself developed by a few steps of invention,
which if not easy to make, are at any rate easy to understand
when made. Even uncivilized races have made the first
step, that of picture-writing. Had the missionary merely

made a sketch of his L"Square on the chip, it would have
carried his message, and the native would have understood
the whole business as a matter of course. Beginning at
this primitive stage, it will be possible to follow thence

through its whole course the history of writing and
printing.
Fig. 47 shows a specimen of picture-writing as used by
the hunting tribes of North America. It records an expedi-
tion across Lake Superior, led by a chief who is shown on
Fig. 47. — Picture-writing, rock near Lake Superior (after Schoolcraf:).
horseback with his magical drumstick in his hand. There were

in all fifty-one mencanoes, the first of them being
in five
led by the chiefs whose name, K^shkemunazee, that
ally,
is, Kingfisher, is shown by the drawing of this bird. Their

reaching the other side seems to be shown by the land-
tortoise, the well-known emblem of land, while by the picture
of three suns under the sky it is recorded that the crossing
took three days. Now most of this, childlike in its sim-
plicity, consists in making meant
pictures of the very objects
to be talked of. But there are devices which go beyond this
mere imitation. Thus when the tortoise is put to represent
VII.] Vv^RITING. 169
land, it is no longer a mere imitation, but has become an

emblem or symbol. And where the bird is drawn to mean
not a real kingfisher, but a man of that name, we see the
first step toward phonetic writing or sound writing, the
principle of which is to make a picture stand for the sound of
a spoken word. How men may have made the next move
toward writing may be learnt from the common child's
game of rebus^ that is, words by things." Like many

writing
'
'
other games, this one keeps up in child's sport what in earlier

ages was man's earnest. Thus if one writes the word
" waterman " by a picture of a water-jug and a man, this is
drawing the meaning of the word in a way hardly beyond

the American Indian's picture of the kingfisher. But it is
very different when in a child's book of puzzles one finds
P ^X3
pa- te noch te.
Fig. 48. Paternoster in Mexican picture-writing (after Aubin).
the drawing of a water-can, a man being shot, and a date-

fruit, this representing in rebus the word " can-di-date."
For now what the pictures have come to stand for is no
longer their meaning, but their mere sound. This is true
phonetic writing, though of a rude kind, and shows how the
practical came to be invented. This
art of writing really
invention seems to have been made more than once, and in
somewhat different ways. The old Mexicans, before the
arrival of the Spaniards, had got so far as to spell their
names of persons and places by pictures, rebus fashion.
Even when they began to be Christianized, they contrived
to use their picture-writing for the Latin words of their new
religion. Thus they painted a flag {pan), a stone {te), a
prickly-pear [fioch) (Fig. 48), which were together pronounced
and served to spell pater nosier, in a way

pa-te-noch-te,
thatwas tolerably exact for Mexicans who had no r in their
language. In the same way they ended the prayer with the
picture of water (^),and aloe {me), to express a??ien.
This leads on to a more important system of writing.
Looking at the ordinary Chinese characters on tea-chests or
vases, one would hardly think they ever had to do with pic-
tures of things. But there are fortunately preserved certain
early Chinese characters, known as the " ancient pictures,"
which show how what were at first distinctly formed sketches
of objects came to be dashed off in a few strokes of
the rabbit' s-hair pencil, till they passed into the mean-
ingless-looking cursive forms now in use, as is seen in
rig. 49.
sun moon mountain tree dog
A„c.,nQ
--0
1)^1^
n "^ -^ f:
Fig. 49. — Chinese ancient pictures and later cursive forms (after Endlicher).
The Chinese did not stop short at making such mere

pictures of objects, which goes but little way toward writing.
The inventors of the present mode of Chinese writing
wanted to represent the spoken sounds, but here th^y
v/ere put in a difficulty by their language consisting of
monosyllables, so that one word has many different meanings.
To meet this they devised an ingenious plan of making com-
pound characters, or " pictures and sounds," in which one
part gives the sound, while the other gives the sense. To
» give an idea of this, suppose it were agreed that a picture of
'
a box should stand for the sound box. As, however, this sound
has several meanings, some sign must be added to show
vii] WRITING. 171
which is intended. Thus a key might be drawn beside it
to show it is a box to put things in, or a leaf if it is to mean

the plant called box^ or a hand if it is intended for a box on
the ear, or a whip would show that it was to signify the box
of a coach. This would be for us a clumsy proceeding, but
itwould be a great advance beyond mere picture-writing,
as it would make sure at once of the sound and the
meaning. Thus in Chinese, the sound chow has various
meanings, as ship, fluff, flickering, basin, loquacity. There-
fore the character which represents a ship, choiv, which
is placed first in Fig. 50, is repeated afterwards with
additional characters to show which particular meaning
of cho7v is intended. A recognisable pair of feathers is
"k
ship
m
fluff
Wt
flickeriag
'M
bas'.ii
"^
loquacity
P'ici. 50.— Chinese compound characters, pictures and sounds.
placed by it to mean chow = fluff; next, the sign of fire

makes it chow = flickering next, the sign of water makes it"
;
chow = basin and lastly, the character for speech is joined

;
to it to make cho7u = loquacity. These examples, though

far from explaining the whole mystery of Chinese writing,
give some idea of the principles of its sound-characters and

keys or determinative signs, and show why a Chinese has to
master such an immensely complicated set of characters in
order to write his own language. To have introduced such
a method of writing was an effort of inventive genius in
the ancient Chinese, which their modern descendants show
their respect for by refusing to improve upon it. At the
same time it is not entirely through conservatism that they
have not taken to phonetic writing like that of the western
nations, for this would for instance confuse the various kinds
of chow which their present characters enable them to keep

separate. But the Japanese, whose language was better
suited than the Chinese for being written phonetically,
actually made themselves a phonetic system out of the
Chinese characters. Selecting certain of these, they cut
them down into signs to express sounds, one to stand for /,
another for ro^ another for fa, &c. Thus a set of forty-
seven such characters (which they call accordingly the

I'rofa), serve as the foundation of a system with which they
write Japanese by sound more accurately than our writing
conveys it.
Next, as to the cuneiform writing, such as

is to be seen
at the British Museum on man-headed bulls of

the huge
Nineveh, or on the fiat baked bricks which were pages of
books in the library of Sennacherib. The marks like
wedges or arrow-heads arranged in groups and rows do not
look much like pictures of objects. Yet there is evidence
that they came at first from picture-writing ; for instance, the
sun was repres'ented by a rude figure of it made by four

strokes arranged round. Of the groups of characters in an
some serve directly to represent objects, as man,
inscription,
woman, river, house, while other groups are read phonetically
as standing for syllables. The inventors of this ancient
system appear to have belonged to tlie Akkadian group of
nations, the founders of early Babylonian civiHzation. In
later ages the Assyrians and Persians learned to write their
languages by cuneiform characters, in inscriptions which
remain to day as their oldest records. But the cunei-
this
form writing was cumbrous in the extreme, and had to give

way when it came into competition with the alphabet. To
understand the origin of that invention, it is necessary to go
back to a plan of writing which dates from antiquity probably
VII. WRITING. ^n
even higher than the cuneiform of Babylonia, namely, the
hieroglyphics of Egypt.
The earliest known hieroglyphic inscriptions of Egypt
belong to a period approaching 3,000 B.C. Even at this
ancient time the plan of writing was so far developed that
the scribes had the means of spelling any word phonetically,
when they But though the Egyptians had thus come
chose.
to writing by sound, they only trusted to it in part, combin-
ing it with signs which are evidently remains of earlier
picture-writing. Thus the m.ere pictures of an ox, a star, a
pair of sandals, may stand for ox, Even where
star, sandals.
they spelt words by their sounds, they had a remarkable way

of adding what are called determinatives, which are pictures
to confirm or explain the meaning of the spelt word. One
short sentence given as an example from Renouf s Egyptian
Grammar^ shows all these devices. The meaning is "I :
o
T 1 J\ ^ I
N sun god
horizon
K one R M F enemy pi. F
one walk T one T.
nuk per em xut xeftu —
I sun god coming from horizon against enemies — his
forth
(am) the Sun-god coming forth from the horizon against his
enemies." Here part of the pictures of animals and things
are letters to be read into Egyptian words, as shown under-
neath. But others are still real pictures, intended to stand for
what they represent. The sun
shown by his picture, with
is
a one-mark below, and followed by the Ijattle-axe which is

the symbol of divinity, while further on comes a picture of
the horizon with the sun on it. Beside these, some of the
figures are determinative pictures to explain the words, the

verb to walk being, followed by an explanatory pair of legs,
and the word enemy having the picture of an enemy after it,
and then three strokes, the sign of plurality. It seems that
the Egyptians began Avith mere picture-writing like that of the
barbarous tribes of America, and though in after ages they
came to use some figures as phonetic characters or letters,
they never had the strength of mind to rely on them entirely,
but went on using the old pictures as well. How they were
led to make a picture stand for a sound is not hard to see.
In the figure a character may be noticed which is read r.
This is an outline of an open mouth, and indeed is often
used to represent a mouth ; but the Egyptian word for mouth
being ro, the sign came to be used as a character or letter
to spell the sound RO or r wherever it was wanted. So

much of the history of the art of writing may thus be read
in a single hieroglyphic sentence.
"
These carefully drawn hieroglyphic or " sacred-sculpture
pictures, used as they were for the solemn records of church
and state, were kept up for sacred purposes into the time of
the Greek dynasty, and even the Roman empire in Egypt.
Indeed them had been lost
after the secret of deciphering
formany ages, the names of Ptolemy and Cleopatra were

among the first identified by Dr. Thomas Young. But from
very ancient times the Egyptian scribes, finding the elaborate
pictures too troublesome for business writing on papyrus,
brought them down (much as the Chinese did theirs) to a
few quick strokes. These were the "hieratic" characters,
a few of which are seen in the second column of Fig. 5
following their hieroglyphic originals. Yet even when they
used these, the Egyptian scribes never freed themselves from
the trammels of their early picture-writing, so as to do away
with the unnecessary multitude of phonetic signs, and drop
VII.] WRITING. 175
the determinative pictures as useless. This great move was

made by foreigners.
Tacitus, in a passage of his Annals describing the origin
of letters, says that the Egyptians first depicted thoughts of
themind by figures of animals, which oldest monuments of
human memory are to be seen stamped on the rocks, so that
they (the Egyptians) appear as the invenjtors of letters, which
the Phoenician navigators brought thence to Greece, obtaining
the glory as if they had discovered what they really borrowed.
This account may be substantially true, but it does not give
the Phoenicians credit for their practical good sense, which
they were able to follow, being strangers and not bound by
the sacred traditions of Egypt. No doubt the Phoenicians (or
some other Semitic nation), when they learnt the Egyptian
hieroglyphics, saw that the picture-signs mixed with the
spelt words had become mere surplusage, and that all they
really wanted was a small number of signs to write the sound
of their words with. Thus was invented the earliest so-
called Phoenician alphabet. Some of its letters may have
been actually copied from the Egyptian characters, as is seen
by Fig. 51, which shows a selection from the compared set
drawn up by De Rouge, so arranged as to pass from the
original Egyptian hieroglyphic to its hieratic form in the
current writing, and thence to the corresponding letter of
the Phoenician alphabet, with its value in our letters and
examples of similar letters in other well known forms of the
alphabet.
It seems to have been about the tenth century B.C., that
the original alphabet was made, forms of which were
used by the Moabites, Phoenicians, Israelites, and other
nations of the Semitic family to write their languages. A
curious proof that it was among these Semitic nations that
the alphabet was first shaped, has come down to us in its
176 ANTHROPOLOGY [chap.
name. To understand this, it has to be noticed that the letters

were named, each by a word beginning with it. The Hebrew
forms of these names are famiHar to EngHsh readers from
Psalm cxix., where they stand in their order aleph or " ox " for
a^ heth or " house
" for h, gimel or ''
camel " for
g, and so on.
This is a natural way of naming letters ; indeed our Anglo-
Saxon ancestors had another such set of names belonging
Egyptian Lgyptian Phoenician

hieroglyphic. hieratic. alphabet.
\ D {Grreeh/S^
H V Qjcbrev^
^ a R {Greek^^
1L V I. [Hehrew
^)
'^ \Lf ÔrSW{l(ehrei!^)

Fig. 51. — Egyptian hieroglyphic and hieratic characters compared with letters of
Phoenician and later alphabets (after De Rouge).
to th'' rune-letters they used in old times, calling their

letter d, hcorc or " birch," their letter ;;/, ma7i, their letter th,
thor?i. Now what confirms the history that the Phoenicians
had the alphabet first and the Greeks learnt the art of writ-
ing from them, is that the Greeks actually borrowed the
Phoenician names for the letters, which were like the Hebrew
VII.] WRITING. 177
ones just given, and which in Greek passed into the well-
known forms alpha, beta, gamma, &c. Thence comes the
word which thus preserves the traces of the letters
alphabet,
having been made and named by the Phoenicians, having
passed from them to the Greeks and Latins, and at last came
down to us. It is interesting to look through a book of
alphabets, where not only may be traced the history of the
Greek and Latin letters^ and others plainly related to them,
such as the Gothic and Slavonic, but it may even be made
out that others at first sight so unlike as the Northmen's
runes and the Sanskrit characters, must all be descendants
of the primitive alphabet. Thus the Brahman writes his
Veda, the Moslem Koran, the Jew his Old and the
his
Christian his New Testament, in signs which had their origin
in the pictures on temple walls in ancient Egypt.
Such changes, however, have taken place in writing, that

it often requires most careful comparison to trace them. If
one showed a Chinese an English note scribbled in modern
handwriting, it would not be quite easy to prove to him that
the characters were derived from old Phoenician ones such
as those in Fig. 51. Our running-hand must be traced back
through copybook-hand, and from small letters to Roman
capitals, and so further back. Readers will find this worth
doing as an exercise. They may also be recommended to
look at old-fashioned English writing, such as a Parish
Register of the i6th century, which will show how much
more the writing of that period was like the crabbed hand in
which it is still thought proper to write German. We English
fortunately learnt a simpler and better style from the Italian
writing-masters, who taught us the " Roman hand " which
Malvolio recognizes in Twelfth Nîght. Alterations in letters
were not only made for convenience, but also for decoration.
Thus among the scribes of the middle ages there arose
N
fanciful varieties such as what we call Old English and

Black Letter, and still use for ornamental purposes. This
style of manuscript being in fashion when printing was
introduced in Europe, English books were at first printed
in it, as many German books are still. One has only to
read a page of a German book so printed to satisfy oneself
how great a gain of clearness it was to discard these letters
with forms broken by unmeaning lines, and return to the

more distinct Latin letters we now use.
Beside these general changes of alphabet, the history of
writing shows how from time to time alterations have been
made as to particular letters. The original Phoenician
alphabet was weak in vowels, in a way which the learner
of Hebrew can understand when he tries to read it
without the vowel points, which are more modern marks

put on for the benefit of those who do not know the
language well enough to tell how each word should be pro-
nounced. The Phoenician alphabet did not altogether suit
who altered some letters and
the writers of Greek and Latin,
made new ones in order to write their languages more per-
fectly, and thus other nations have made free in adding,
dropping, and altering letters and their sounds, to get the

means required for each to express its own tongue. To such
causes may be traced letters not known to the primitive alpha-
bet, such as Greek O and English w, which are explained by
their names of Omega or '' great-o," and " double-u/' The
digamma or F fell out of use in Greek, and the two valu-
able Anglo-Saxon //^letters, S and are lost to modern
]>,
English. The letters H and X are examples of letters which

in Greek served purposes other than those English uses
them for. By arranging their alphabets to suit the sounds
of their languages, nations contrive with more or fewer
letters to spell with some accuracy, Italian managing this
VII.] WRITING. 179
fairly with twenty-two letters, while Russian uses thirty-six.

English has an alphabet of twenty-six letters, but works
them without regular system, so that our spehing and
pronunciation disagree at every turn. One cause of this
state of things has been the attempt to keep up side by side
two different spellings, English and French, as where g is
used to spell both the English word ge^ and the French
word gentle. Another cause has been the attempt to keep up
ancient sounds in writing, although they have been dropped
in speaking; thus in throuGn, casile, scene, the now silent
of sounds which used to be really heard

I letters are
in
relics
Anglo-Saxon thum^ Latin casiellum^ Greek sYibie. What

makes this the more perplexing is, that in many words Eng-
lish writing does simply try to spell what is actually spoken
English tail does not keep up the lost guttural of Anglo-
Saxon t^gel^ nor does English palsy retain letters for the
sounds that have vanished in its derivation from French
paralysie. Our wrong spelling is the result not of rule but
of want of rule, and among its most curious cases are those
where the grammarians have managed to put both sound
and etymology wrong at once, writing island, rhyme, scythe,
where their forefathers rationally wrote Hand, rime, sithe. It
is reckoned that on an average, a year of an English child's
education is wasted in overcoming the defects of the

present mode of spelling.
The invention of writing was the great movement by
which mankind rose from barbarism to civilization. How
vast its effect was, may be best measured by looking at the
low condition of tribes still living without it, dependent on
memory for their traditions and rules of life, and unable to
amass knowledge as we do by keeping records of events,
and storing up new observations for the use of future genera-
tions. Thus it is no doubt right to draw the line between
N 2
i8o ANTHROPOLOGY. [chap.
barbarian and civilized where the art of writing comes in, for
this gives permanence to history, law, and science. Such

knowledge so goes with writing, that when a man is spoken
of as learned, we at once take it to mean that he has read
many books, which are the main source men learn from.
Already in ancient times, as compositions of value came to be
written, there sprang up a class of copyists or transcribers,
whose business was to multiply books. In Alexandria or

Rome one could go to the bibliopole or bookseller and buy
a manuscript of Demosthenes or Livy, and in later ages
the copying of religious books splendidly illuminated, be-
came a common occupation, especially in monasteries. But
manuscripts were costly, only the few scholars could read
them, and so no doubt it would have remained had not a
new art come in to multiply writing.
This was a process simple enough in itself, and indeed
well known from remote ages. Every Egyptian or Baby-
lonian who smeared some black on his signet-ring or en-
graved cylinder, and took off a copy, had made the first step
towards printing. But easy as the further application now
seems to us, no one in the Old World saw it. It appears
to have been the Chinese who invented the plan of engrav-
ing a whole page of characters on a wood-block and printing
off many copies. They may have begun as early as the sixth
century, and at any rate in the tenth century they were busy
printing books. The Chinese writing, from its enormous
diversity of characters, is not well suited to printing by
movable types, but there is a record that this plan was
early devised among them, having been carried on with
separate terra-cotta types in the eleventh century. Moslem
writers early in the fourteenth century describe Chinese
printing, so that it was probably through them that the art
found its way to Europe, where not long afterwards the
VII.] WRITING. i8i
so-called "block-books," printed from whole page wood-

blocks after the Chinese manner, make their appearance,
followed by books printed with movable types. Few ques-

tions have been more debated by antiquaries than the claims
of Gutenberg, Faust, and the others to their share of honour
as the inventors of printing. Great as was the service these
worthies did to the world, it is only fair to remember that
what they did was but to improve the practical application
of a Chinese invention. Since their time progress has been
made in cheapening types, making paper by machinery,
I improving the presses, and working them by steam-power,
but the idea remains the same. Such is, in few words, the
history of the art of printing, to which perhaps, more
than to any other influence, is due the difference of our
modern life from that of the middle ages.
In examining these methods of writing, we began with the
rude hunter's pictures, passing on to the Egyptian's use of
a picture to represent the sound of its name, then to the
breaking down of mere sound-sign, till in
the picture into a
this last stage the connexion between figure and sound
becomes so apparently arbitrary, that the child has to be
taught, this sign stands for A, this for B. In curious con-
trast with this is the modern invention of the phonograph,
where the actual sound spoken into the vibrating diaphragm
marks indentations in the travelling strip of tinfoil, by
which the diaphragm can be afterwards caused to repeat
the vibrations and re-utter the sound. AVhen one listens
to coming forth from the strip of foil, the
the tones
South Sea Islander's fancy of the talking chip seems hardly
unreasonable.
CHAPTER VIII.
ARTS OF LIFE.
Development of Instruments, 183 — Club, Hammer, 184— Stone-flake,

185 — Hatchet, 188 — Sabre, Knife, 189 — Spear, Dagger, Sword,
190 — Carpenter's Tools, 192 — Missiles, Javelin, 193 — Sling,
Spear-thrower, 194— Bow and Arrow, 195 — Rlow-tube, Gun, 196
Mechanical Power, 197 — Wheel-carriage, 198 — Hand-mill, 200
Drill, Lathe, 202 — Screv/, 203 —-Water-mill, Wind-mill, 204.
The by which man defends and maintains himself,

arts
and holds world he Hves in, depend so much

rule over the
on his use of instruments, that it will be well to begin with

some account of tools and weapons, tracing them from
their earliest and rudest forms.
Man is sometimes called, to distinguish him from all
lower creatures, the ''tool-using :inimal." This distinction
holds good in a general way, marking off man with his
spear and hatchet from the bull goring with his horns, or
the beaver carpentering with his teeth. But it is instructive
to see how plainly the ape tribes, coming nearest to

ourselves in having hands, have also rudiments of the
implement-using faculty. Untaught by man, they defend
themselves with missiles, as when orangs in the durian
trees furiously pelt passers-by with the thorny fruit.
CHAP. VIII.] ARTS OF LIFE. 183
The chimpanzee in the forests is said to crack nuts with a

stone, as in Gardens monkeys are often
our Zoological
taught to do by the keepers, where they take readily to
the use of these and more difficult implements, as soon as
the thought has been put into their minds.
The lowest order of implements are those which nature
provides ready-made, or wanting just a finish; such are
pebbles for slinging or hammering, sharp stone splinters
to cut or scrape with, branches for clubsand spears, thorns
or teeth to pierce with. These of course are oftenest found
in use among savages, yet they sometimes last on in the
civilized world, as when we catch up any stick to kill a rat
or snake with, or when in the south of France women
shell the almonds with a smooth pebble, much as the apes
at Regent's Park would do. The higher implements
used by mankind are often plainly improvements on
some natural object, but they are adapted by art in ways
that beasts have no notion of, so that it is a better definition
of man to call him the " tool-maker " than the " tool-user."
Looking at the various sorts of implements, we see that
they were not invented all at once by sudden flashes of
genius, but evolved, or one might almost say grown,
by small successive changes. It will be noticed also that
the instrument which at first did roughly several kinds of
work, afterwards varied off in different ways to suit each
particular purpose, so as to give rise to several different
instruments. A Zulu seen at work scraping the stick that
is to be the shaft of his assegai, with the very iron head
that is to be fixed on it,may give an idea what early tool-
making was like, before men clearly understood that the
pattern of instrument suitable for a lance-head was not the
best for cutting and scraping. We should be horrified at the
thought of the blacksmith pulling out one of our teeth
with his pincers, as our forefathers would have let him do ;
the forceps we expect the dentist to use is indeed a

variety of the smith's tool, but it is a special variety
for a special purpose. Thus in the history of instruments,
the tools of the mechanic cannot well be kept separate from

the weapons of the hunter or soldier, for in several cases it
be seen that both tool and weapon had their origin in

will
some earlier instrument that served aUke to break skulls

and cocoa-nuts, or to hack at the limbs of trees and
of men.
Among the simplest of weapons is the thick stick or
cudgel, which when heavier or knobbed passes into the
club. Rude champions have delighted in the ferocious
roughness of such a gnarled club as Herkules in the pictures
carries on his shoulder, while others spent their leisure hours
in elegant shaping and carving, like that of the South Sea
Island clubs to be seen in museums. From savage through
barbaric times the war-club lasted on into the middle ages
of Europe, when knights still smashed helmets in with
their heavy maces. Mostly used as a weapon, it only now
and then appears in peaceful arts, as in the ribbed clubs
with which the Polynesian women beat out bark cloth.
It is curious to see how the rudest of primitive weapons,

after its serious warlike use has ceased, survives as a
symbol of power, when the mace is carried as emblem
of the royal authority, and is laid on the table during
the sitting of Royal Society. While
Parliament or the
the club has been generally a weapon, the hammer has
been generally an implement. Its history begins with
the smooth heavy pebble held in the hand, such as
African blacksmiths to this day forge their iron with, on
another smooth stone as anvil. It was a great improve-
ment to fasten the stone hammer on a handle; this was
VIII. ARTS OF LIFE. 185
done in very ancient times, as is seen by the stone heads

being grooved or bored on purpose (see Fig. 54/). Though
the iron hammer has superseded these, a trace of the older
use of stone remains in our very name hammer, which is the
old Scandinavian hamarr, meaning both rock and hammer.
From we come to hacking and cutting. At the
beating
known of man's life on the earth, his pointed
earliest times
and edged instruments of sharp stone are among his chief

relics. Even in the mammoth-period he had already
learnt not to be content with accidental chips of flint, but
Fig. 52. — Gunflint-maker's core and flakes (Evans).

knew how to knock off two-edged flakes. This art of flaking
flint or other suitable stones is the foundation of stone-
implement making. Perhaps the best idea of it may be
gained from the Suffolk gunflint makers who at this day
carry on the primaeval craft, though with better tools and
for so different a purpose. Fig. 52 shows a gunflint-maker's
core of flint, with the flakes replaced where he has knocked
them off, and the mark of the blow is seen which brought
away each flake. The flakes made by Stone Age men for
1 86 ANTHROPOLOGY. [chap.
instruments may be three-sided like the Australian flake

in Fig. 53 b. Bat the more convenient flat-backed shape
a, c, has been used from the earliest known times. The
flint core, Fig. 54^ with the flakes e taken from it, shows
how by previous flaking or trimming it was prepared for
thenew flake to come off with a suitable back. The finest
Fig. 51. — Stone Flakes:—«, Palseolithic ; i^. Modern Australia; c, Ancient Denmark.
flakes are those not struck off", but forced ofl" by pressure
with a flaking-tool of wood or horn. The neat Danish flake,
Fig. 53 r, was no doubt made so, and the still more beautiful
sharp flakes of obsidian with which the native barbers of
Mexico, to the astonishment of Cortes' soldiers, used to
shave. A stone flake just as struck off" may be fit for use
as a knife, or as a spear head like that in Fig. 58 ^ ; or by
further chipping it may be made into a scraper, arrowhead,
or awl, like those in Fig. 54.
VIII.] ARTS OF LIFE. 187
The oldest known tribes of men have left in the drift

gravels of the quaternary or mammoth-period not only
—
Fig. 54. Later Stone Age (neolithic) implements, a, stone celt or hatchet b, flint ;
spear-head c, scraper; d, arrow-heads; e, flint flake-knives _/, core from which

; ;
flint-flakes taken off" ^, flint-awl

; k, flint saw
;. /, stone hammer-head,
;
rough flakes like Fig. 53 ^, but the stone implements already

mentioned in the first chapter, of which the drawing is here
Fig. 55.— Earlier Stone Age (paleolithic) flint picks or hatchets.
repeated in Fig. 55. Chipped to an edge a41 round, they

may have served with the pointed end as picks and the
broad end as hatchets. It is not clear whether any of
them were fixed in handles, but there are specimens found

which have only one end chipped to a point, but the other
end of the flint left smooth, so that they were evidently
grasped in the hand to hack with. There is nothing to show
that these men of the old drift-period ever ground a stone
implement to an edge. Thus their stone implements were
far inferior to the neatly-shaped and sharp-edged ground
celts of the later Stone Age, Fig. 54 a, Fig. 56 ^. The
Avord celt used for the various chisel-like instruments of rude
and ancient tribes is a convenient term, taken from Latin
P'lG. 56. —
Stone Axes, &c. a, polished stone celt (England); b, pebble ground to
edge and mounted in twig handle (modern Botocudo, Brazil); c, celt fixed in
wooden club (Ireland); d, stone axe bored for handle (England); e, stone adze
(modern Polynesia).
celtts, a chisel, in the Vulgate translation of Job xix. 24,

;
'' celte sculpantur in silice " but it has been thought that
"graven with a chisel {celfe) in the rock" is only a copyist's
blunder for " graven surely {certe) in the rock ; " and if so,
then celtis and celt are curious fictitious words. It may be
worth while to mention that the name of the implements
called celts has nothing to do with the name of the people
called Celts or Kelts. A stone celt only requires a handle
VIII. ARTS OF LIFE. 189
to make it into a hatchet. This was done very simply by

the forest Indians of Brazil, who would pick up a suitable
water-worn pebble, rub one end down to an edge, and bind
it in a twig, Fig. Another rude way of mounting a
56 <^.
celt was to stick it form a woodman's

into a club, so as to
or warrior's axe such as c, which shows one dug out of a
bog in Ireland. The most advanced method was to
drill a hole through the stone blade to take the handle
as in d. When the stone blade is fixed with the edge
across, the tool becomes a carpenter's adze, as e^ which is
the instrument used by the canoe -building Polynesians.
Fig. 57. a. Egyptian battle-axe b, Egyptian falchion; c, Asiatic sabre;

:
d, European sheaih-knife e, Roman ctilter f, Hindu bill-hook.

; ;
When metal came into use, the forms of the stone imple-
ments were imitated in copper, bronze, or iron, and though
the patterns were of course lightened and otherwise improved
to suit the new material, it may be plainly seen that the
stone hatchets and spear-heads in museums are the ancestors
(so to speak) of the metal ones made ever since. But also
the use of metal brought in new and useful forms Which
stone was not suited to. An idea of these important changes
may be gained by careful looking at the series of metal
cutting-instruments in Fig. 57. We begin with a, which is

an Egyptian bronze battle-axe, not very far changed from
the stone hatchet. But b, the bronze falchion carried also
by Egyptian warriors, is a sort of axe-blade with the handle
not at the back, but shifted down ; this convenient altera-
tion could not have been made in the stone hatchet, which
would have broken in the shank at the first blow, while in
metal it answers perfectly. It may very well have been such
transformed hatchets that led to the making of several most
important classes of weapons and tools, in which a blade
with stout back and front edge is fixed to a handle below it
for chopping, slashing, or cutting. Among these are all the

various forms of the sabre or scimitar, represented by c, all
our ordinary knives, represented here by the European

sheath-knife d, and all cleavers, represented by the Roman
culter e. Nor does the development stop here, for the group
of instruments to which our bill-hook belongs is made with
a concave edge, as in the Indian form, /, and this again
leads on to the still more curved forms of the sickle and
the scythe, which are not drawn here. Thus there is some
reason to suppose that all these instruments, whether tools
or weapons, or such as, like the bill-hooks of the early
English and the modern Malays, served alike for peace and
war, may have all originated from the early metal hatchet?
which itself is derived from the still earlier hatchet of stone.
From the early stone spear-heads another set of
weapons
seem to have gradually arisen, as may be seen in Fig. 58.
Looking at the spear from the Admiralty Islands, a, the
head of which is a large flake of obsidian, it is plain that
such a spear, when the shaft is bro-ken off short, becomes a
dagger. In fact one often cannot tell whether the flint
blades of shapes like h, which are dug up in Europe, were

intended for mounting as spears or as daggers. Now the
brittleness of stone was against the use of stone blades

more than a few inches long, but when metal came in, the
blades could be made long, taper, and sharp, thus developing
into two-edged daggers of deadly effect. In old Egyptian
pictures warriors are seen armed with spear and dagger,
these two weapons having blades of similar shape, so
that the dagger may be described as a large spear-head
with a hilt to grasp in the hand. It seems as though the
metal dagger, by further lengthening, passed into the two-

edged sword, a weapon impossible in stone. To give an
Fig. 58. a. Stone spear-head (Admiralty Is.) b, stone spear-head or dag.êr-blade

;
(England); c, bronze spear-head (Denmark); d, bronze dagger; e, bronze leaf-

shaped sword.
idea how this may have come about. Fig. 58 shows three
specimens from the bronze-period of Northern Europe,
where it is seen how the spear-head c may have been
lengthened into the dagger d, and that again into the leaf-
like sword e. Straight two-edged swords may of course
be used for cut or thrust, or both. But on placing side
by side a one-edged sabre and a two-edged broadsword
or rapier, it will now be seen that though both are called

swords, and are fitted up with similar hilts, hand-guards,
and sheaths, they are nevertheless two weapons of separate
nature and origin, the sabre being a transformed hatchet,
while the rapier is a transformed spear. This last spear-
type, of which one modern development is the bayonet,

has mostly served for warlike purposes. Yet it is not un-
known as a peaceful implement, as may be seen in African
two-edged knives, which are evidently derived from spear
heads ; and also in the instrument which our surgeons,
conscious of its original model, call the little spear
or lancet.
To proceed to other kinds of tools. Thorns, pointed
splinters of bone, or flint flakes worked to a point
(Fig.54 ^''), served early tribes of men as borers. The saw
probably invented itself from a jagged flint flake, which
afterwards became the more artificial flint saw. Fig. 54//.
Thus the men of the Stone Age had in rude and early forms
some of the principal tools, which were improved upon in
the ages of metal. It is interesting to look in Wilkinson's
Ancient Egyptians at the contents of the Egyptian car-
penter's tool-basket, where the bronze adze, saw, chisels,

&c. show traces of likeness to the old stone implements.
On the other hand, this Egyptian set of tools, and still more
those of the ancient Greek and Roman carpenters, come
remarkably near those we are using at this day. One
difference which kept the ancient carpenters below ours was
that they had not got beyond nails, never having seized the
idea of the screws which are so essential to modern con-
struction, nor of such tools as the screw-auger and gimlet,
which depend on the screw for their action. Among the
ancient cultured nations of Egypt and Assyria, handicrafts
had already come to a stage which could only have
viii.J ARTS OF LIFE. 193
been reached by thousands of years of progress. In

museums may still be examined the work of their joiners,
stonecutters, goldsmiths, wonderful in skill and finish, and
often putting to shame the modern artificer. Of course
these results were obtained by the ancient craftsman with
what we should consider a wasteful expenditure of labour.
The use of steel and other improvements have given the
modern workman great advantages, and what is more, the
modern world has utterly outstripped the ancient in the
use of machines, as will be more fully seen presently
when the examination of the simpler instruments has been
gone through.
To continue the survey of weapons. The cudgel or club
is hurled by the hunter or warrior, as when the Zulu vâll
bring down an antelope at a surprising distance with a

throw of his round-headed club or knob-kerry, and the
Turk till modern times used to throw his mace in battle.
The sporting use outlasts the warlike, and even in England
the fowler's throwing-cudgel is not unknown in country
parts, where it is called a squoyle. A flat thin club made
curved or crooked by following the branch it is cut out of
has been liked by sportsmen of various nations for its
destructive whirling flight, as where the old Egyptian fowler

may be seen in the pictures flinging his flat curved throw-
stick into the midst of a flight of wild-duck. The Australians
not only throw wooden clubs and blades as weapons in
this ordinary way, but make and throw with surprising skill
a peculiar light curved blade which has been called the
"come-back" boomerang, which veers in its course and
returns to the thrower, in ways which may be seen by
cutting boomerangs out of a visiting-card and flipping them.
Again, it is evident that stones flung by hand must have
been among man's first weapons. A simple instrument for
lengthening the arm and accumulating momentum is the

sling, which is so generally known even among the lowest
tribes of man, that it is probably of great antiquity.
The rudest spear, which is a mere pointed stick, is known
everywhere in the savage world, the point being often hard-
ened by thrusting it into the fire. Of spears, whether such

clumsy sticks or more artificially pointed weapons, the heavier
kinds serve for thrusting and the lighter for throwing, while
intermediate sizes are fit for both purposes. It is obvious
how, to prevent the spear from coming out of the wound,
it came to be barbed. Another device, known widely among
rude hunters and fishers, is to put the point loosely on to
the shaft, attaching it by a cord of some length which
uncoils when the points sticks in the animal and the shaft
Fig. 59. —Australian spear thrown with spear-thrower (after Erough Smyth)
drops off, so that the struck beast cannot break away the
shaft but drags it trailing, or the fish is held and marked
down by the floating wood. The distance to which the spear
can be hurled by hand is much increased by using a spear-
thrower, acting like a sling. In Captain Cook's time the New
Caledonians slung their spears with a short cord with an eye
for the finger, while the Roman soldiers had a thong (amen-
tmii) made fast to their javelins near the middle of the shaft
for the same purpose. But wooden spear-throwers from one
to three feet long, grasped at one end and with a peg or
notch at the other to take the butt of the spear, have been
more favourite with savage and barbaric races. Thus
Fig. 59 shows the Australian spear-thrower. This looks a
more primitive instrument than the bow, which indeed was

not known to these rude savages. It seems as though with
the progress of weapons the spear-thrower was discarded,
for it is not found among any nation higher than the
old Mexicans, and even among them it seems to have
been kept up ceremonially from old times, rather than
seriously used. The bow and arrow (as General Pitt-
Rivers suggests) may very likely have grown out of a simpler
contrivance, the spring-trap set in the woods by fitting a
dart to an elastic branch, so fastened back as to be let go
by a passing animal, in whose track it discharges the
weapon. However invented, the bow came into use in
ages before history. Its arrow is a miniature of the full-
sized javelin, and the old stone arrow-heads found in most

regions of the world (see Fig. 54^) show the existence of
the bow-and-arrow in the Stone Age, though hardly back
to the drift-period. The art of feathering the arrow goes
back as far as history, and we know not how much further.
The simplest kind of long-bow is like that we still use in
the sport of archery, made of one piece of tough wood.
Fig. 60 a shows a long-bow of the forest-tribes of South
America, unstrung, with its string hanging loose. What
may be called the Tatar or Scythian bow is formed of
several pieces of wood or horn, united with glue and sinews.
Shorter than the long-bow, it gets its spring by being
bent outside-in to string it ; thus the concave side of the
ancient Scythian-bow b would become the convex side when
strung. Bows of this class belong especially to northern
regions where there is a scarcity of tough wood suited to
making long-bows in one piece. As a warlike weapon,
the bow lasted on in Europe through the middle ages, and
as late as 1814 the world looked on with wonder to see the
Cossack cavalry ride armed with bows-and-arrows through
o 2
the streets of Paris. A further step in the history of the

bow was to mount it on a stock, so as to take aim at leisure
and touch a trigger to let go the string. Thus it became
the cross-bow, which seems to have been invented in the
East, and was known in Roman Europe about the sixth
century. In the figure, c represents it in its perfected form
with a winch to draw the bow, as soldiers used it in the
Fig. 60, -Bows, a. South American long-bow (unstrung) ; b, Tatar or Scythian

bow; c, European cross-bow.
sixteenth century. Cross-bows are still made in Italy for
shooting birds with a bolt or pellet.

To understand the next great move in missile weapons,
it is necessary to look back to savage life. The blow-tube,
through which the forest Indian of South America (Fig. 43)
blows his tiny poisoned plug-darts, or the similar Malay
weapon called the sumpitan, may have been easily invented
wherever long large reeds grew. With simple darts or

pellets the blow-tube served for shooting birds, and it is
often kept up as a toy, as in our boys' peashooters. When,

however, gunpowder was applied in warfare, its use was soon
adapted to make the blow-tube an instrument of tremendous
power, when instead of the puff of breath in a reed, the
explosion of powder in an iron barrel drove out the
missile. In the early guns of the middle ages, the powder
was fired by putting a coal or match to the touchhole, as
continued to be done till lately with cannon. For hand-
guns, this early match-lock was followed by the wheel-lock.
This led up to the flint-lock, which it is curious to compare
with the cross-bow, for the bent bow released by the trigger,
which in the cross-bow did the actual work of shooting

out the missile, has now come down, in the form of a spring
and trigger, to the subordinate use of striking the light to
ignite the powder which actually propels the ball. In more
modern guns, the trigger and spring still remain, the im-
provement lying in the use of fulminating silver in the cap,
ignited by the blow of the hammer. The rifling of the
bullet by means of grooves in the barrel is the modern
representative of the ancient plan of slightly twisting the
spear-head or feathering the arrow to cause it to rotate, this
giving increased steadiness of flight. The modern conical
shot shows a partial return from the spherical bullet towards
the ancient bolt or arrow, and at last breech-loading goes
back to the old plan of putting the arrows in at the butt-
end of the savage blow-tube.
As thus plainly appears, the ingenuity of man has been
eminent in the art of destroying his fellowmen. In survey-
ing the last group of deadly weapons, from the stone hurled
by hand to the rifled cannon, there comes well into view
one of the great advances of culture. This is the progress
I9S ANTHROPOLOGY. [chap.
from the simple tool or implement, such as the club or

knife, which enables man to strike or cut more effectively
than with hands or teeth, to the machine which, when

supplied with force, only needs to be set and directed by
man to do his work. Man often himself provides the power
which the machine distributes more conveniently, as when
the potter turns the wheel with his own foot, using his
hands to mould the whirling clay. The highest class of
machines are those which are driven by the stored-up forces
of nature, like the saw-mill where the running stream does
the hard labour, and the sawyer has only to provide the
timber and direct the cutting.
As to how simple mechanical powers were first learnt, it
is of no use to guess in what rude and early age men found

that stones or blocks too weighty to hft by hand could be
prized up and moved along stick, or rolled on
with a stout
two or three round poles, or got up a long gentle slope more
easily than up a short steep rise. Thus such discoveries as
those of the lever, roller, and inclined plane, are quite out of
historical reach. The ancient Egyptians used wedges to
split off their huge blocks of stone, and one wonders that,
knowing the pulley as they did, it never appears in the rigging

of their ships (see Fig. 71). A draw-well with a pulley is
to be seen in the Assyrian sculptures, where also a huge

winged bull is being heaved along with levers, and dragged
on a sledge with rollers laid underneath.
The is among the most important
wheel-carriage, which
machines ever contrived by man, must have been invented
in ages before history. To see what constructive skill the
leading nations had already attained to in times we reckon
as of high antiquity, it is worth while to examine closely
the Egyptian war-chariots, with their neatly-fitted and firmly-
tired spoke-wheels turning on their axles secured by linch-
pins, while the body, pole, and double harness show equal
technical skill. In looking for some hint as to how wheel-
carriages came to be invented, it is of little use to judge
from such high skilled work as was turned out by these
Egyptian chariot-builders, or by the Roman carpentarii or
carriage-builders from whom our carpenters inherit their
name. But as often happens, rude contrivances may be
found which look as though they belonged to the early
stages of the invention. The plaustrum or farm-cart
of the ancient world in its rudest form had for wheels two
Fig. 61. — Ancient bullock-waggon, from the Antonine Column.

solid wooden drums near a foot thick, and made from a
tree-trunk cut across, whichdrums or wheels did not turn
on the axle but were fixed to it the axle was kept in place
;
by wooden stops, or passed through rings at the bottom

of the cart, and went round together with its pair of wheels,
as children's toy carts are made. It is curious to notice
how, under changed conditions, the builders of railway-
carriages have returned to this early construction. In the
ancient cart, Fig. 61, the squared end of the axle shows
that it must turn with the wheels. In such countries as
Portugal the old classic bullock-cart on this principle is still
to be seen, and it has been reasonably guessed that sucn

carts tell the story how wheel-carriages came to be invented.
Rollers were early used, on which a block of stone or other

heavy weight was trundled. Suppose such a roller made of
a smoothed tree-trunk to be improved by cutting the middle
part smaller, so that it became an axle and pair of broad
wheels in one jîece, then by making this axle work under-
neath the rudest framework, the simplest imaginable wheel-
carriage is made. If the first notion of a cart were
thus suggested, the wheels might afterwards be made
separately and pinned on to the square axle, and provided
with tires. Then, for light wheels and smooth ground, the
wheels would at last be made to turn on fixed axles. This
is only conjecture, but at any rate it puts clearly before our
minds what the nature of a carriage is.
Another ancient machine is the mill. The rudest tribes

of savages had a simple and effective means ready to hand
for powdering charcoal and ochre to paint themselves with,
or for the more useful work of bruising wild seeds gathered
for food. The whole apparatus consists of a roundish stone
held in the hand, and a larger hollowed stone for a bed. It
is curious to notice how closely our pestle and mortar still
keeps to this primitive type. Now any one using the pestle
and mortar may notice that it works in two ways, the stuff
being either pounded by striking, or ground by rubbing

against the side of the mortar. When people took to
agriculture,and grain became a chief part of their food,
and mealing it the women's heavy work, forms of mealing-
stones came into use suited not for pounding but for grind-
ing only, and doing this m.ore perfectly. An example may
be seen in Fig.^62, a rude ancient corn-crusher dug up in
Anglesey, the stone muller or roller having its sides hollowed
VIII.] ARTS OF LIFE, 20
for the hands of the grinder, who worked it back and for-
ward on the bed-stone. The perfection of such a corn-
crusher may be seen in the " metate " with its neatly shaped
bed and rolHng-pin of lava, with which the Mexican women
crush the maize for their corn- cakes or tortillas. But it is
by one stone revolving upon the other that grain is best

ground, and here we have the principle of the mill. The
quern or hand-mill of the ancient world in its simple form
consisted of two circular flat mill stones, the upper being
turned by a handle, while the grain was poured in through
the hole in the centre, and came out as meal all round the
edge. This early hand-mill has lasted on into the modern
Fig. 62. — Corn-crushtr, Anglesey (after W. O. Stanley).
world, and Fig. 6^ shows " two women grinding at <-he mill,"
as they might be seen in the Hebrides in the last century

the long stick, which hangs from a branch above, has its end
in a hole in the upper stone, and a cloth is spread on the
ground to catch the meal. The quern is still used in north
Scotland and the islands. If the reader will notice the
construction of a modern flour-mill, it will be seen that the
neatly faced and grooved millstones are now of great weight,
and the upper one balanced on the pivot which give^ it rapid
rotation from below by means of water or steam-power,
but notwithstanding these mechanical improvements, the
essential principle of the primitive hand-mill is still there.
Another group of revolving tools and machines begins

with the drill. The simplest mode of twirling the boring-
stick between the hands is to be seen in fire-making (Fig.
72). In this clmxisy way rude tribes know how to bore

holes through hard stone by patiently twirling a reed or
stick with sharp sand and water. This primitive tool was
improved both for making fire and boring holes, by winding
Fig. 63.— Hebrides womea grinding with the quern or hand-mill (after Pennant).
round the stick a thong or cord, which by being pulled

backward and forward worked the drill, as the ancient ship-
wrights boring their timbers are described in the Odyssey
(ix. 384). The ingenious plan of using a bow with its string
to drive the drill, so that one man can manage it, was already
known in the old Egyptian workshops, but the still more
perfect Archimedean drill is modern. The turning-lathe
viii.J ARTS OF LIFE. 203
seems to have had its origin in the drill. To those who have
only seen the lathe in its improved modern forms this may
not be clear, but it is seen by lookmg at the old-fashioned

pole-lathe with which the turner used to shape his wooden
bowls and chair-legs, which were made to revolve by a cord
up and down, on somewhat the same principle as the
pulled
Homeric drill. The foot-lathe, with its crank and con-
tinuous revolution, superseded this, to be itself encroached
upon by the introduction of steam-power for driving, and
even for applying the tool in the self-acting lathe.
In examining these groups of instruments and machines,
the development of many
them has been traced back
of
till dim pras-historic ages, or to
their origins are lost in
where ancient history can show them arising from a fresh
idea or a new turn given to an old one. It is seldom pos-
sible to get at the real author of an ancisnt invention.

Thus no one knows exactly when and how that wonderful
mechanical contrivance, the screw, appeared. It was fami-
liar Greek mathematicians, and the screw linen-

to the
presses and oil-presses of classic times look almost modern
in their construction. In the period of ancient civilization
there appear the beginnings of thatimmense change which
is remodelling modern by inventions which set the
life,
forces of nature to do man's heavy work for him. This

great change seems to have been especially brought on by
contrivances to save the heavy toil of watering the fields.
A simple hand-labour contrivance of this kind is the shadoof

of the Nile valley, where a long pole with a counterpoise
at one end is supported on posts, and carries a bucket
hanging to the longer end to dip up water from below.
One need not travel to the East to watch this old con-
trivance, for it is to be seen atwork in our brickfields.
For irrigation, it was mechanically an improvement on
this to set a gang of slaves to turn a great wheel with

buckets or earthen jars at its circumference, which rose
full from the water below, and as they turned over
emptied themselves into a trough at a higher level. But
when such a wheel was built to dip in a running stream,
then the current itself would turn the wheel, and thus
would come into existence the noria or irrigating water-
wheel often mentioned in ancient literature, and to be
seen work both in the East and in Europe.- By

still at
these or some similar steps of invention the water-wheel
was made a source of power for doing other work, such as
grinding corn, instead of the women at the quern or the
slaves at the treadmill, or the mill-horse in his everlasting
round. As the Greek epigram says, " Cease your work, ye
maids who laboured at the mills, sleep and let the birds sing
to the returning dawn, for Demeter has bidden the water
nymphs do your task obedient to her call, they throw
to ;
themselves on the wheel and turn the axle and the heavy
mill." The classical corn-mill, with the cog-wheels driven
by the water-wheel, may have been a good deal like the
water-mills still working on our country streams. Such
machinery was early applied to grinding corn, and after-
wards to other manufactures, so that now the word mill
no longer means a grinding-mill only, but is also used
where machinery is driven by power for other purposes.
It was a great movement in civilization for the water-mill
and its companion contrivance the wind-mill to come into
use as force-providers, doing all sorts of labour, from the
heaviest work of the European factory down to turning the
Tibetan prayer-wheels, which go round repeating for ever
the sacred Buddhist formula. Within the la^ century
the civilized world has been drawing an immense supply of
power from a new source, the coal burnt in the furnace
of the steam-engine, which is already used so wastefuUy

that economists are uneasily calculating how long this
stored-up fossil force will last, and what must be turned to
next — tide force or sun's heat — to labour for us. Thus, in
modern times, man seeks more and more to change the
labourer's part he played in early ages, for the higher duly
of director or controller of the world's force.
CHAPTER IX.
ARTS OF LIFE {continued).
Quest of wild — Huntings, 207 — Trapping, 211 — Fishing,

food, 206
212— Agriculture, — Implements, 216 — Fields, 218 — Cattle,
214
pasturage, 219 — War, 221 — Weapons, 221 — Armour, 222 — War-
fare of lower 223 — of higher nations, 225.
tribes,
Having, in the last chapter, examined the instruments

used by man, we have next to look at the arts by which he
maintains and protects himself. His first need is to get his
daily food. In tropical forests, savagesmay easily live on
what nature provides, like the Andaman Islanders, who
gather and honey, hunt wild pigs in the jungle, and take
fruits
turtle and fish on the coast. Many forest tribes of Brazil,

though they cultivate a little, depend mostly on wild food.
Of such the rude man has no lack, for there is game in
plenty and the rivers swarm with fish, while the woods yield
him a supply of roots and bulbs, calabashes, palm-nuts,
beans, and many other fruits he collects wild honey, birds'
;
eggs, grubs out of rotten wood, nor does he despise insects,
even ants. In less fertile lands savage life goes on well

while game and fish abound, but when these fail it becomes
an unceasing quest for food, as where the Australians roam

over their deserts on the look-out for every eatable root or
CHAP. IX.] ARTS OF LIFE. 207
insect, or the low Rocky Mountain tribes gather pine-nuts
and berries, catch snakes, and drag lizards out of their

holes with a hooked stick. The Fuegians wander along
their bleak inhospitable shores feeding mostly on shell-fish,
so that in the course of ages their shells, with fish-bones

and other rubbish, have formed long banks above high-
water mark. Such shell-heaps or " kitchen-middens " are
found here and there all round the coasts of the world,
marking the old resorts of such tribes for instance on the
;
coast of Denmark, where archaeologists search them for

relics of rude Europeans, who, in the Stone age, led a life
somewhat like that of Tierra del Fuego. Hunting and

fishing go on through all levels of society, beginning with
the savages who have no
means of subsistence, till at
other
last among civilized nations game and fish hardly do more
than supplement the more regular supplies of grain and

meat from the farm. Looking at the devices of the hunter
and fisher, it will be seen how thoroughly most of them
belong to the ruder stages of culture.
The natives of the Brazilian forests, to whom tracking
game is the chief business of life, do it with a skill that
fiHs with wonder the white men who have watched them.
The Botocudo hunter, gliding stealthily through the under-
wood, knows every habit and sign of bird and beast ; the
remains of berries and pods show him what creature has
fed there ; he knows how high up an armadillo displaces
the leaves in passing, and so can distinguish its track from
the snake's or tortoise's,and follow it to its burrow by the
scratches of its scaly armour on the mud. Even the sense
of smell of this savage hunter is keen enough to help him
in tracking. Hidden behind the trunk of a tree, he can
imitate the cries of birds and beasts to bring them within
range of his deadly poisoned arrow, and he will even entice
2oS ANTHROPOLOGY. [chap.
the alligator by making her rough eggs grate together where

they lie under leaves on the river-bank. If an ape he has
shot high in the boughs of some immense tree remains
hanging by its tail, he will go up after it by a hanging
creeper where no white man v/ould dimb. At last, laden
withgame and useful forest things, such as palm-fibre to
make hammocks, or fruit to brew liquor, he finds his way
back to his hut by the sun and the lie of the ground, and
tlie twigs that he bent back for way-marks as he crept
through the thicket. In Australia, the native hunter will
lie in wait behind a screen of boughs near a water-hole till
the kangaroos come to drink, or will track one in the open

for days, camping by his little fire at night to be ready for
the pursuit again at dawn, keeping unseen and to the

leeward till at last he can creep near enough to hurl his
spear, seldom in vain. When the natives hunt together,

they will put up brush fence in two long wings converging
towards a pit, and so drive the kangaroos into it ; or they
will form a great hunting party for a battue, surrounding
half a mile of bush-land, and with shouts and clatter of
weapons driving all the game to the centre where they can
close round and despatch them with spears and waddies.
In fowling the Australians show equal expertness. A native
will swim under water breathing through a reed, or will
merely cover his head with water-weed till he gets among a
flock of ducks, which one by one he noiselessly pulls under
and tucks into his belt. This shows in a simple form a kind
of duck-hunting which is found in such distant parts of the
world, that travellers have been puzzled to guess whether
the idea spread from one tribe to another, or was invented
many times. It may be seen on the Nile, where a harmless-
looking calabash floats in among the water-fowl, with a
swimming Egyptian's head inside. The Australian hunter
IX] ARTS OF LIFE. 209
takes the wallaby (a small kangaroo) by fastening to a long

rod like a fishing-rod a hawk's skin and feathers, making the
sham bird hover with its proper cry till it drives the game
into a bush where it can be speared. Of devices of stalking
with an imitated animal, one of the most perfect is that of
the Dogrib Indians, when a pair of hunters go after rein-
deer; the foremost carries a reindeer's head, while in the

other hand he has a bunch of twigs against which he makes
the head rub its horns in a lifelike way, and the two men,
walking as the deer's fore and hind legs, get among the herd
and bring down the finest. In England, till of late years,
fowlers used to hide behind a wooden horse moved along
on wheels, and a relic of this survives in the phrase " to
make a stalking-horse of one," often now used by people
who have no idea what the word meant.
Hunting with dogs was very ancient, and was found
among uncivilized tribes ; thus the Australians seem to have
trained the dingo or native dog for the chase, and most of
the North American Indians had their native hunting-dogs.
Still dogs were not so universal among rude tribes as they
have been since European breeds were carried all over the
world j for instance, the natives of Newfoundland seem to
have had no dogs. The largest and fiercest animal whose
instinct of prey man has thus taken advantage of is the
hunting-leopard or cheetah, which in India or Persia is
carried in an iron cage to the field and let loose upon the
deerj when it has pounced on the game the huntsman
draws it off with the taste of blood and gives it a leg for
its share in the partnership. Already in classic times there
is mention of birds of prey trained to strike game-birds or

drive them into the net, or to pounce on hares. Hawking
or falconry reached its height as a royal sport in mediaeval
Tartary, where Marco Polo describes the Great Khan going
2IO ANTHROPOLOGY. [chap.
out, borne by two elephants in his litter hung with cloth

of gold and covered with lion-skins, to see the sport of
his ten thousand falconers flying their hawks at the pheasa,nts
and cranes. From the East hawking spread over Europe.

It was familiar to our early English ancestors, and if one
had to paint a symbolic picture of the middle ageS; one
could hardly choose more characteristic figures than the
knight and lady riding out with their hooded hawks on
their fists. Since then falconry has all but died out in
Europe, and nowadays the traveller may best see it in the
Asiatic district where it first came up, Persia or the neigh-

bouring countries. In such sports the quest of food (now
often contemptuously called " pot-hunting ") becomes sub-
ordinate to the excitement of the chase. It was so especially
where fleet animals like the deer were hunted on horseback,
till at last the royal stag-hunt became a court ceremony
with its cavalcades and its great officers of state in splendid
uniforms. Such pageantry is, indeed, declining in modern
Europe, but the place it used to hold in English court life is
shown by noblemen still occupying in the Royal household

the places of Master of the Buckhounds and Hereditary
Grand Falconer.
The modern hunter has a vastly increased power of killing
game, from the use of fire-arms instead of the bow and spear
which came down from savage times. The effect of bring-
ing in guns is seen among the native American buffalo-
hunters. They were always reckless in destruction when
they once came within reach of the herds, but now with
the help of the white man and the use of his rifles there
is such slaughter that travellers have found the ground and
air for miles foul with the carcases of bufi'alo killed merely
for the hides and tongues. In the civilized world, what
with killing off game, and what with the encroachment of
IX.] ARTS OF LIFE. 211
agriculture on the wild lands, both the supply and the need of
game for man's subsistence have much lessened. But the
hunter's Hfe has been from the earliest times man's school
of endurance and courage, where success and even trial
gives pleasure in one of its in tensest forms. Thus it has

come to be kept up artificially where its practical use has
fallen away. In civilized countries it is seen at its best(
where it keeps closest to barbaric fatigue and danger, like :
grouse-shooting in Scotland, or boar-hunting in Austria, but

at its meanest, where it has come down to shooting grain-fed
pheasants as tame as barn-door fowls.
Next, as to trapping game. This was seen in a curiously
simple form in Australia, where a native would lie on his
back on a rock in the sunshine with a bit of fish in his hand,

pretending to be fast asleep, till some hawk or crow pounced
on the bait, only to be itself pounced on by the hungry
man, who broiled and ate it then and there. A plan of
taking game which must have readily suggested itself to
rude hunters was the pitfall, in its simplest shape a mere
hole too deep for a heavy beast to get out of when it has
fallen in. The savage trapper will dig such a pit, and cover
it with brushwood or sods, as in Africa the bushmen take
the huge hippopotamus and elephant, while in fur-countries

the hunters arrange their pitfalls in various ways, the most
artificial plan being to cover them with a wooden floor which
upsetswhen trodden on. The word trap^ meaning originally

German treppe), may have come from its usually
step' (like
being some contrivance for the game to tread on. It is so
not only with the pitfall, but with other common kinds of
trap, which, when the animal steps on the catch, drop
down on it, or pull a noose round it, or let fly a dart at it,
all which are plans known in the uncivilized world. The

art of catching birds and beasts with a noose, held in the
p 2
hand or fastened to the end of a stick, is universal. Perhaps

the most skilful noosing is that done on horseback by the
herdsmen of Mexico, though it should be noticed that their
lazo is not a native American invention it was brought over
;
by the Spaniards with its name, which is simply Latin

laqueus^ a rope. To use the noose for trapping purposes, it
is only necessary to set it in the track where game pass,

for them to run their heads into, as the North American
Indians do. But the noose may also be attached to a bough
bent back so as to spring up when an animal touchesit, and
catch him. Or a spear may be arranged as the savages of

the Malay Peninsula do it, with an elastic bamboo so bent
back that when released by the animal it will spear him.
The suggestion has been already mentioned (p. 195) that
such a spring-trap first led to the invention of the bow
and arrow. Actual bows and arrows are set as traps in
such countries as Siberia, and the spring-gun is a modern
improvement on these.
Lastly, the net is one of the things known to almost all
men so far as history can tell. The native Australians net

game like ancient Assyrians or English poachers, and are
not less skilled in netting wild fowl. To see this art at its
height we may look at the pictures of fowling scenes on

the monuments of ancient Egypt, which show the great
clap-nets taking geese by scores; even the souls of the
dead are depicted rejoicing in this favourite sport in the
world beyond the tomb.
Among the various arts of the fisherman, one common
among rude tribes was Every day at the
easily hit upon.
turn of the tide at river-mouths and on low shores, and
inland near streams after a flood, fish are left behind in the
shallow pools. Led by this experience, the savage has wit
enough to assist nature, as where the Fuegians put up stake
fences on the coast at low-water mark, while in South Africa

near the rivers large flats are walled in with loose stones
ready for the floods. Thus our fish-weirs and fish-dams are
no novelties in civilization. Nor is the device of drugging
or narcotizing fish a civilized invention, but to be seen in
perfection among the tropical forest-tribes of South America,
who use for the purpose a score or so of different plants.
There is nothing surprising, however, in its being known to
men so rude, for it must often occur by accident, from the
branches or fruit of the right kind of euphorbia or paullinia
falling some forest pool, an experiment which the
into
observant native would not be slow to try again. Next, a
mode of fishing usual among savages, is spearing, the spear
for this being barbed, and often made more effective by the
head spreading into several barbed prongs. An account of
a native Australian fishing describes him lying athwart his
bark canoe, with his spear-point dipping into the water ready
to go down without splashing, and what is more remarkable,
the fisherman keeping his own eyes under water, so that not
only the ripple does not disturb his view, but his aim is not
interfered with by the refraction of light which makes it so
difficult for a man out of the water to hit an object below
the surface. The wilder races also know well how after dark
fish come to a light, so that salmon-spearing by torchlight,
now that it is no longer so frequent in Scotland or Norway,

may be seen in all its picturesqueness among the Indians of
Vancouver's Island. Shooting fish with the bow and arrow,
which many low tribes do with wonderful dexterity, may be
counted as a variety of fish-spearing. The fish-hook is a
contrivance not known to all savage tribes, but some have
it, as the AustraHans who cut their hooks out of shell, and
are even known to fish with a hawk's claw attached

to a line. The ancient Egyptian would sit like -a modern
European angler by a canal or pond, fishing with rod and

line; his hook was of bronze. Only fly-fishing seems not to
have been known in ancient times. On the whole it is

remarkable how little modern fishermen have moved from
the methods of the rudest and oldest men. The savage fish-
spear, with its three or four barbed prongs, is curiously like
that our sailors still use, and call a fish-gig. Only we make
the head of iron, not of wood and fish-teeth. So it is with
the harpoon used by American whalers, with its loosely
fitting point which comes off when the fish is struck, only
remaining attached by a long cord to the floating shaft ; this
is copied, but with a steel point, from the bone-headed
harpoon of the Aleutian Islanders. Our fishermen carry on
their business on a large scale, with their steam-trawlers and
seines which sweep a whole bay, but their net-fishing is
much of the same kinds as may be found among the

peoples from whom we have here taken our early examples
of spearing and angling.
Thus man, even while he feeds himself as the lower
animals do, by gathering wild fruit and catching game and
fisli, is led by his higher intelligence to more artificial means
of getting these. Rising to the next stage, he begins to grow

supplies of food for himself. Agriculture is not to be
looked on as a difficult or out-of-the-way invention, for the
rudest savage, skilled as he is in the habits of the food-plants
he gathers, must know enough that if seeds or roots
well
are put in a proper place in the ground they will grow.
Thus it is hardly through ignorance, but rather from roving
life, bad climate, or sheer idleness, that so many tribes
gather what nature gives, but plant nothing. Even very
rude people, when they live on one spot all the year round,
and the climate and soil are favourable, mostly plant a little,
like the Indians of Brazil, who clear a patch of forest round
their huts to grow a supply of maize, cassava, bananas, and

cotton. When we look at the food-plants of the world, it
appears that some few are grown much as in their wild state,
like the coco-nut and bread-fruit, but most are altered by
cultivation. Sometimes it is possible to find the wild plant
and show how man has improved it, as where the wild
potato is found growing on the cliffs of Chile. But the
origin of many cultivated plants is lost to tradition and has
become a subject for tale-tellers. This is the case with
those edible grasses which have been raised by cultivation
into the cereals, such as wheat, barley, rye, and by their
regular and plentiful supply have become the mainstay of
human life and the great moving power of civilization. It
is clear that the development of these grain-plants from
their wild state was before the earliest ages of history,
which throws back the beginnings of agriculture to
times older still. How ancient was the first tilling of the
soil, shown by ancient Egypt and Babylonia, with their
is
governments and armies, temples and palaces, for it could

have been only through carrying on agriculture for a
long series of ages that such populations •could have
grown up so closely packed together as to form a civi-
lized nation. Plants, when once brought into cultivation,

make their way from people to people across the globe.
Thus the European conquerors of America carried back the
maize or Indian corn which had been cultivated from un-
known antiquity over the New World, and which now
furnishes the Italian peasant with his daily meal of polenta
or porridge ; it is grown even in Japan, and down to the
south of Africa, where it is the "mealies" of the colonist.
An English vegetable garden is a curious study for the
botanist who assigns to each plant its proper home, and to
the philologist who traces its name. Sometimes this tells
2l6 ANTHROPOLOGY. [chap.
its story fairly^ as where damson and peach describe these

fruits as brought from Damascus and Persia. But the
potato, brought over in Queen EHzabeth's time, seems to
have borrowed the name of another
plant botanically different, the batata,
or sweet-potato. The luscious tro-
pical ananas has lost its native Malay

name except among botanists, and has
taken the name of the common fir-
cone or pine-apple, which in shape it
so closely resembles.
By noticing how rude tribes till the
soil, much is to be learnt as to the
invention of agricultural implements.
Wandering savages like the Australians
carry a pointed stick to dig up eatable

roots with, as in Fig. 64 a. Considering
liow nearly planting a root is the same
work as digging one up, it is likely that
a tribe beginning to till the soil would
use their root-digging sticks for the
new purpose ; indeed, a pointed stake
has been found as the rude husband-
man's implement both in the Old and
New World. It is an improvement
on this to dig with a flat-bladed tool
like a spear, sword, or paddle, and thus
digging-stick ; b, Swedish we have the civilized spade. A more
wooden hack.
important tool, the hoe, is derived from
the pick or hatchet. The wooden picks of the New Cale-
donians serve both as weapons and for planting yams, while
the African's hatchet — an iron blade stuck in a club — only
has to have the blade turned across to become his hoe. It
is curious to find in Europe the rudest imaginable hoe, less

artificial than the elk's shoulder-blade fastened to a stick,
with which the North American squaws hoed their Indian
corn. This is the Swedish " hack," Fig. 64 b, a mere stout
stake of spruce-fir with a bough sticking out at the lower
end cut short and pointed. With this primitive implement
in old times fields were tilled in Sweden, and it was to be seen
in forest farmhouses within a generation or two. Swedish
by which agriculture improved.
tradition records the steps
The wooden hack was made heavier and dragged by men
through the ground, thus ploughing a furrow in the simplest
way j then the implement was made in two pieces, with a
Fig. 65. —Ancient Egyptian hoe and plough.
handle for the ploughman and a pole for the men to drag
by, the sharewas shod with an iron point, and at last a pair
of cows or mares were yoked on instead of the men. This
seems nearly the way in which, thousands of years earlier,
the hoe first passed into the plough. Fig. 65 is from, a
picture of agriculture in ancient Egypt. Here the labourer
is seen following the plough to break up the clods with his
peculiar hoe, with its long, curved, wooden blade roped to
the handle. Now looking at the plough itself, it is seen to
be such a hoe, rope and all, only heavier and provided with
a pair of handles for the ploughman to guide and keep it
down, while a yoke of oxen drag it through the ground. The

2i8 ANTHROPOLOGY. [chap.
valley of the Nile was one of the districts where high agri-
culture earliest arose, and in the picture here copied we may

almost fancy ourselves seeing at its birth the great invention
of the plough. To arm it with a heavy metal ploughshare,
to shape this so that it shall turn the sod over in a continu-
ous ridge, to fix a coulter or " knife " in front to give the
and to mount the whole on wheels all these were
first cut, ;
improvements known in Rome in the classical period. In

modern times we have the self-acting plough no longer
needing the ploughman to follow at the plough-tail, and the
steam-plough has a more powerful draught than oxen or
horses. Yet those who have looked at the earlier stages
can still discern in the most perfect modern plough the
original hoe dragged through the ground.
There survives even now in the world a barbaric mode
of bringing land under cultivation, which seems to show us
man much as he was when he began to subdue the primaeval
forest,where till then he had only wandered, gathering wild
roots and nuts and berries. This primitive agriculture was
noticed by Columbus, when landing in the West Indies he
found the natives clearing patches of soil by cutting the
brushwood and burning it on the spot. This simple plan,
where the wood is not only got out of the way, but the
ashes serve for dressing, may still be seen among the hill-
tribes of India, who till these plots of land for a couple
of years and then move on to a new spot. In Sweden this
brand-tillage, as it may be called, is not only remembered
as the old agriculture of the land, but in outlying dis-
tricts it has lasted on into modern days, giving us an idea
what the rough agriculture of the early tribes may have
been like when they migrated into Europe. It is not to be
supposed, on looking at an English farm of the present day,
that its improvements were made all at once. The modern
farming system has a long and changing history behind it.

One interesting point in its growth is that in long-past ages
much of Europe was brought under cultivation by village-
communities. A clan of settlers would possess themselves
of a wide tract of land, and near their huts they would
lay out great common fields, which at first they perhaps
tilled and reaped in common as one family. It became
usual to parcel out this tillage land every few years into
family lots, but the whole village-field was still cultivated
by the whole community, working together in the time
and way settled by the village elders. This early com-
munistic system of husbandry may still be seen not much
changed in the villages of such countries as Russia. Even
in England its traces have out-lasted the feudal system,
and remain in the present days of landlord and tenant. In
several English counties there may still be noticed the
boundaries of the great common-fields, divided lengthwise
into three strips, which again were divided crosswise into
lots, held by the villagers ; the three divisions were man-
aged on the old three-field system, one lying fallow while
the other two bore two kinds of crops.
Next, as to the history of domesticating animals for food.
The taming of sociable creatures like parrots and monkeys
is done by low forest tribes, who delight in such pets and
;
very rude tribes keep dogs for guard and hunting. But it
marks a more artificial way of life when men come to keep

and breed animals for food. The move upwards from the
life of the hunter to that of the herdsman is well seen
in the far north, the home of the reindeer. Among the
Esquimaux the reindeer was only hunted. But Siberian
tribes not only hunt them wild, but tame them. Thus the
Tunguz live by these herds, which provide them not only
with milk and meat, but with skins for clothing and tents,
sinews for cord, bone and horn for implements, while as

they move from place to place the deer even serve as beasts
of draught and burden. Here is seen a specimen of pastoral
life of a simple rude kind, and it is needless to go on de-
scribing at length the well-known life of higher nomade
tribes, who shift their tents from place to place on the
steppes of Central Asia or the deserts of Arabia, seeking
pasture for their oxen and sheep, their camels and horses.
There is a strong distinction between the life of the wander-
ing hunter and the wandering herdsman. Both move from
place to place, but their circumstances are widely different.
The hunter leads a life of few appliances or comforts, and
exposed at times to starvation ; his place in civilization is
below that of the settled tiller of the soil. But to the
pastoral nomade, the hunting which is the subsistence of the
ruder wanderer, has come to be only an extra means of life.
His flocks and herds provide him for the morrow, he has
valuable cattle to exchange with the dwellers in towns for
their weapons and stuffs, there are smiths in his caravan,
and the wool is spun and woven by the women. What best
marks the place in civilization which the higher pastoral life
attains to, is that the patriarchal herdsman may belong to
one of the great religions of the world thus the Kalmuks ;
of the steppes are Buddhists, the Arabs are Moslems. A yet

higher stage of prosperity and comfort is reached where the
agricultural and pastoral life combine, as they already did
among our forefathers in the village communities of old
Europe just described. Here, while the fields were culti-
vated near the village, the cattle pastured in summer on

the hills and in the woodlands belonging to the com-
munity, where also the hunter went for game, while nearer
home there were common meadows for pasture and to
provide the hay for the winter weather, when the cattle were
IX. 1 ARTS OP LIFE. 221
brought under shelter in the stalls. In countries so thickly

populated as ours is now, the last traces of the ancient
nomade life disappear when the herds are no longer driven
off to the hills in summer.
After the quest of food, man's next great need is to defend
himself. The savage has to drive off the wild beasts which
attack him, and in turn he hunts and destroys them. But
his most dangerous foes are those of his own species, and
thus in the lowest known levels of civilization war has al-
ready begun, and is carried on against man with the same
club, spear, and bow used against wild beasts. General
Pitt- Rivers has shown how closely man follows in war the
devices he learnt from the lower animals ; how his weapons

imitate their horns, claws, teeth, and stings,even to their
venom ; how man protects himself with armour imitated
from animals' hides and scales ; and how his warlike strata-
gems are copied from those of the birds and beasts, such
as setting ambushes and sentinels, attacking in bodies under
a leader, and rushing on with war-cries to the fight.
We have already in the last chapter examined the principal

offensive weapons. The daubing on of venom to make
them more deadly is found among low tribes far over the
world. Thus the Bushman mixes serpent's poison with the
euphorbia juice, and the South American native poison-
maker, prepared by a long fast for the mysterious act, con-
cocts the paralysing urari or curare in the secret depths
of the forest, where no woman's eye may fall on the fearful
process. Poisoned arrows were known to the ancient world,
as witness the lines which tell of Odysseus going to Ephyra
for the man-slaying drug to smear his bronze-tipped arrows ;
but Ilos would not give it, he feared the ever-living gods.
for
Thus it seems that in eacrly ages the moral sense of the
higher nations had already condemned the poisoned weapons
,*
of the savage, with something of the horror Europeans now

feel in examining the Itahan bravo's daggers of the middle
ages, with their poison-grooves imitated from the serpent's
tooth.
How the warrior's armour comes from the natural armour
of animals is plainly to be seen. The beast's own hide
may be used, as where one sees in museums the armour of
bear-skins from Borneo, or breast-plates of crocodile's skin
from Egypt. The name of the cuirass shows that it was at
first of leather, like the buff jerkin. The Bugis of Sumatra

would make a breastplate by sewing upon bark the cast-
off scales of the ant-eater, overlapping as the animal wore

them and so the natural armour of animals was imitated
;
by the Sarmatians, with their slices of horses's hoofs

sewed together in overlapping scales like a fir-cone. Such
devices, when metal came in, would lead to the scale
armour of the Greeks, imitated from fish-scales and serpent-
scales, while their chain-mail is a sort of netted garment
made in metal. The armour of the middle ages con-

tinued the ancient kinds, no¥/ protecting the whole body
with a suit from head to foot {cap-a-pee) of iron scales, or
mail (that is, meshes) or of jointed plates of iron copied
from the crab and lobster, suits of armour
such as the later
which decorate our manorial With the introduction
halls.
of gunpowder, armour began to be cast aside, and except

the helmet, what remains of it in military equipment is
more for show than use. The shield also, once so im-
portant a part of the soldier's panoply, has been discarded
since the days of musketry. Our modern notion of a shield
is that of a large screen behind which the warrior can shelter
himself, but this does not appear to have been the original
intention. The primitive shield was probably the parrying-
shield, used like the narrow Australian parrying-stick, which
is only four inches across in the middle where it is grasped,

but with which the natives ward off darts with wonderful
dexterity. The small round Highland target, one of the
varieties of shield which remained latest in civilized Europe,
is made to be thus dexterously handled as a weapon of
defence, to ward off javelins, or parry the thrust of spear
or sword. It is easy to see that such parrying-shields belong
to the early kind of warfare where the battle was a skirmish,
and every warrior took care of himself But when fighting
in close ranks began, then the great screen-shields would
come in, serving as a wall behind which the old Egyptian
soldiers could ensconce themselves, or the Greek or Roman
storming-party creep up to the foot of the wall in spite of
stones and darts hurled down on them.
The savage or barbarian is apt to fall on his enemy un-
awares, seeking to kill him like a wild beast, especially
where there is bitter personal hatred or blood-vengeance.
But even among low tribes we find a strong distinction drawn

between such manslaughter and regular war, which is waged
not so much for mutual destruction as for a victory to settle
a quarrel between two parties. For instance, the natives of
Australia have come
beyond mere murder when one
far
tribe sends another a bunch of emu-feathers tied to the end

of a spear, as' a challenge to fight next day. Then the two
sides meet in naked bodies terrific with
battle array, their
painted patterns, brandishing their spears and clubs, and
clamouring with taunts and yells. Each warrior is paired
with an opponent, so that the fight is really a set of duels,
where spear aftei spear is hurled and dodged or parried
with wonderful dexterity, till at last perhaps a man is killed,
which generally brings the fray to an end. Among the rude

Botocudos of Brazil, a quarrel arising from one tribe hunting
hogs on another's ground might be settled by a solemn
ciidgelling-match, where pairs of warriors belaboured one

another with heavy stakes, while the women fought by
scratching faces and tearing hair, till one side gave in. But
if in such an encounter the beaten party take to their bows
and arrows, the scene may change into a real battle. When
it comes to regular war, the Botocudos will draw up their
men fronting the enemy, pouring in arrows, and then rush-

ing together with war-whoops to fight it out tooth and nail,
killing man, woman, and child. They make expeditions to

plunder the villages of their settled neighbours, and when
enemies are near in the forest they will stick spUnters in the
ground as caltrops to lame them, and shoot from ambush

behind fallen trunks or shelters of boughs. The slain in
cook and devour at the

battle they will carry off to feast,
where with wild drunken dancing their warlike zeal is in-

flamed to frenzied rage. Thus to excite courage is the
purpose of the frantic war-songs and war-dances, which are
common to mankind, among savages and even far more
cultured nations. Low tribes also keep up the fierce hatred
and pride of battle by trophies of the enemy — his head dried
and hung as an ornament of the hut, or his skull fashioned
into a drinking-cup. The wars of the North American
Indians have picturesque incidents often described in our
books, the braves smoking in solemn council of war, the
declaration of war by the bundle of arrows wrapped in a
rattlesnake's skin, or the blood-red war-hatchet struck into
the war-post, the recruiting-feast where the dog was eaten as
emblem of fidelity, the war-party creeping through thewoods
in single line (which we thence call " Indian file ") the stealthy
attack on the enemy's camp or village, the wild scalp-dance
of the returning victors, the torturing of the captives at the
stake, where the very children were set to shoot arrows at
the helpless foe, who bore his torments without a groan,
boasting of his own fiercedeeds and taunting his conquerors

in his death-agony. Indian war was " to creep like a fox,
fly Hke a bird."
attack like a panther, and Yet at times the
warriors of two tribeswould meet in fair battle, standing
to watch duels between pairs of champions, or all rushing
together in a general melee.
In the warfare of rude races, it is to be noticed how
fighting for quarrel or vengeance begins to pass into fighting
for gain. Among some tribes the captives, instead of being
slain, are brought back for slaves, and especially set to till
the ground. By this agriculture is much increased, and also

a new division of society takes place, to be seen still arising
among such warlike tribes as the Caribs, where the captives
with their children come to form a hereditary lower class.
Thus we see how in old times the original equality of men

broke up, a nation dividing into an aristocracy of warlike
freemen, and an inferior labouring caste. Also forays are
made for the warriors to bring home wives, who are the
slaves and property of their captors. With this wife-capture
is connected the law widely prevailing among the ruder

peoples of the world, and lasting on even among the more
civilized, that a man may not take a wife from his own clan
or tribe, but from some other. As property increases, there
appears with it warfare carried on as a business, by tribes

living more or less by plunder, glorying in their murderous
profession, and despising the mean-spirited farming villagers
whose labour provides them with corn and cattle. A per-
fect example of such a robber-tribe were the Mbayas of
South Arrierica, whose simple religion it was that their deity,
the Great Eagle, had bidden them live by making war on
all other tribes, slaying the men, taking the women for wives,
and carrying off the goods.

War among civilized nations differs from that of savage
Q
tribes in being carriedon with better weapons and appliances,

and by warriors being trained to fight in regular order. The
superiority of a regular army to a straggling savage war-party
may be well seen by looking at the pictures in Wilkinson's
Ancient Egyptians, of troops marching in rank and step to
sound of trumpet, especially noticing the solid phalanx of
heavy infantry with spear and shield. The strength of
such Egyptian solid squares of 10,000 men is described in
the Cyropsedia (probably with truth as to military tactics if
not to actual history), how they could not be broken even

by the victorious Persians, but amid the rout of man and
horse the survivors still held out, sitting under their shields,
till Cyrus granted them honourable surrender. An Egyptian
army had its various corps divided into companies,
and commanded by officers of regular grades. In batde
the heavy immovable phalanx held the centre, the archers
and light infantry in the wings acted in line or open order,
there were bodies of slingers, and the noble warriors drove
their chariots into the thick of the opposing host. This
was attained by having a standing army
military efficiency
formed by a regular military class, trained from youth in the
art of war, and maintained by eight acres of land assigned
to every soldier. From an early time also we find the

Egyptians employing foreign mercenary troops, whose
peculiar costumes and faces are conspicuous in the battle-
pictures. Thus also the Assyrian war-scenes show that their
military system was on a level with that of Egypt. The rise
of the science of war to a higher stage belongs to Greece,

and the whole history of its growth is told in Greek litera-
ture. Beginning with the show

Iliad, the descriptions there
war and armies in a state more barbaric than in Egypt, with
little discipline and less generalship, and encounters of Greek
and Trojan champions with the armies lookini
would do. But when we come to later ages of Greek

history, it is seen that they had by that time not only learnt
what the older civilization had to teach, but had brought
their own genius to develop it further. Their corps of all
arms, archers, charioteers, cavalry, and the phalanx of spear-

men, were disciplined and ranged in order of battle much
after the ancient Egyptian and Assyrian manner. But where-
as in old times a battle had been a trial of mere strength
between two armies drawn up facing one another, the
military historian Xenophon describes the change made in
the art of war by the Theban leader, Epaminondas, when at
Leuktra, with forces fewer than the Spartans, he charged

with his men
in column fifty deep against their twelve deep
right wing, and by breaking them threw the whole line into
disorder, and won the battle. At Mantineia, carrying out
this plan yet more skilfully, he arranged his troops in a
wedge-shaped body with the weaker divisions slanting off

behind so as to come up when the enemy's front was
already broken. In such ways was developed the science
of military tactics, which made skilful manoeuvring as im-
portant as actual fighting. The Romans, a nation drilled
to battle and conquest, came at last to rule the world by
the mere force of military discipline. In the middle ages
the introduction ofgunpowder increased the killing-power
of troops whose artillery from bows and arrows became
muskets and heavy cannon. The reader's attention has
been already drawn to the military scenes of Egypt and
Assyria. If now, fresh from watching the manoeuvres of a
modern army in sham fight, he will look at these pictures
to see war as it was three or four thousand years ago, he
will observe how substantially the new system is founded
on the old, with developments due to two new ideas,
namely, tactics and the use of fire-arms.
o 2
228 ANTHROPOLOGY. [chap. ix.
Somewhat the same lesson may be learnt by comparing

the older and ruder kinds of fortification and siege with
those of modern times. Tribes at the level of the Kam-
chatkans and the North American Indians knew how to
fortify their villages with embankments and palisades. In

ancient Egypt and Assyria and neighbouring countries,
strong and high fortress-walls and towers were defended by
archers and slingers, and attacked by storming-parties with
scaling-ladders. Old sieges were unscientific, as is so
curiously seen in the Homeric poems, where the Greeks
encamp over against Troy, but seem to have no notion
of regularly investing it, inuch less of attack by sap and
trench. The Greeks and Romans came on to use higher
art in fortification and siege, and there appear among them
machines of war such as the ancient battering-ram, heavy

and skilfully engineered, while contrivances of the nature
of huge bows like the catapult led up to the cannon of
later ages which superseded them.
Lastly, looking at the army system as it is modern
in our
world, one favourable change is to be noticed. The employ-
ment of foreign mercenary troops, which almost through
the whole stretch of historical record has been a national
evil alike in war and peace, is at last dying out. It is not
so with the system of standing armies which drain the life
and wealth of the world on a scale more enormous even than

in past times, and stand as the great obstacle to harmony
between nations. The student of politics can but hope

that in time the pressure of vast armies kept on a war-
footing may prove unbearable to the European nations which
maintain them, and that the time may come when the
standing army may shrink to a nucleus ready for the
exigencies of actual war if it shall arise, while serving in
peace time as a branch of the national police.
CHAPTER X.
ARTS OF LIFE {coiitiniied).
Dwellings: — Caves, — Hut?, 230 — Tents, 231— Houses, 231 — Stone

229
and Brick Building, 232 — Arch, 235 — Development of Architec-
ture, 235. Dress — Painting skin, 236— Tattooing, 237 — Defor-
:
mation of Skull, &c., 240 — Ornaments, 241 — Clothing of Bark,

Skin, &c., 244 — Mats, 246 — Spinning, Weaving, 246 — Sewing,
249 — Garments, 249, Navigation — Floats, 252 — Boats, 253
:
Rafts, 255 — Outriggers, 255 — Paddles and Oars, 256— 256 Sails,
Galleys and Ships, 257.
We have next to examine the dwellings of mankind.

Thinking of the nests of birds, the dams of beavers, the
tree-platforms of apes, it can scarcely be supposed that
man at any time was unable to build 'himself a shelter.
That he does not always do so is mostly because while on
the move from place to place he may be content to sleep in
the open, or take to the natural shelter of a tree or rock.
Thus in the Andaman Islands the roving savages have been
noticed to resort to the sea-shore, where, under some over-
hanging cliff that kept off the wind, they would scoop
themselves out each a hole in the sand to lie in. Rock-
shelters under the cliffs were in Europe the resort of the
ancient savages, as is proved by the bones and flint flakes
and other remains that are found lying there in the ground.
230 anthropology: [chap.
Caves are ready-made houses for beast or man. It has

been already mentioned (p. 31) how in such countries as Eng-
land and France, caverns were the abodes of the old tribes
of the reindeer and mammoth period, and the Bushmen of
South Africa are a modern example of rude tribes thus given
to dwelling in caves in the rocks. But caverns are so con-

now and then still used in the civilized
venient, that they are
world,and most of us have seen some cave in a cliff forming
the back of a fisherman's cottage, or at least a storehouse.
It is not so much with these natural dwellings that we are
here concerned as with artificial structures, however rude,
set up by man for his shelter.
In the depths of Brazilian forests, travellers have come

upon the dwellings of the naked Puris, which are not even
huts, -only sloping screens made by setting up a row of huge
palm-leaves some eight feet long, leaning against a cross-
pole. Being put up to windward, this shelters the lazy
Indian as he lolls in his hammock slung between two trees,
and with the dense foliage overhead life is not comfortless on
fine days, though in bad weather the family and dogs have
to crouch defenceless round the wood fire on the ground.
Even in these tropical forests, what is generally met with is
a real hut, thougli it may be such a rude one as the Boto-
cudos make with these same great palm-leaves, sticking a
number of them with their stalks in the ground in a circle,
and bringing their points together, so as to form a roof
overhead. The Patachos go to work more artificially, bend-
ing together young growing trees and poles stuck in the
ground, so that by binding their tops together they form a
framework which is then thatched over with large leaves.
Much the same lesson in primitive architecture may be
leaint from the natives of Australia, among whom a party
camping out will be content to set up a line of leafy boughs
f.
X.] ARTS OF LIFE. 231
in the ground to form a screen or breakwind for the night

but when they take the pains to interlace such boughs over-
head, the screen becomes a hut, and where they stay for a
while they will make a regular framework of branches,
covering them in with sheets of bark, or leaves and grass,
and even laying on sods or daubing the outside with clay.
The invention of the simple round hut is thus easily under-
stood. It is plain, too, how a conical hut, when roving
tribes like the American Indians carry from place to place

its poles and skins or sheets of bark, becomes in fact a
portable tent, and this shows how tents came to be invented.

The more cultured herdsmen of the East carry for their
tent-coverings sheets of felted hair or wool, and we ourselves
use for temporary shelter tents of canvas. Indeed one has
only to look at the common bell-tent of the soldier to see
that it is a transformed savage hut. Now the circular hut,
whether beehive or conical, is low to creep into and small
to lie or crouch in. More room is often got by digging the
earth out some feet deep within, but a greater improvement in
construction is to raise the hut itself on posts or a wall, so
that what was at first the whole house now becomes the
roof. Thus is round hut with its side-posts filled

built the
in with wattle and mud, or its solid earthen wall carrying

the thatched roof which may reach beyond in shady eaves.
Such were in ancient times common peasants' dwellings in
Europe, as they still are in other quarters of the world, and
indeed we perhaps keep up a memory of them in the round
thatched summer-houses in our gardens, which are curiously
like the real huts of barbarians. Next, as African travellers
remark, one great sign of higher civilization is when people
begin to build their houses square-cornered instead of round.
The circular hut to be easily built must be small, and room
is best gained by building the house oblong, with a ridge
pole along the roof where the sloping poles from the sides
meet. By being able to build to any required length, it
became possible for many families, often twenty, to live

together in village-houses as rude peoples often do. In
barbaric countries spacious houses are built with the roofs
carried on lofty pgsts with cross-timbers, or on solid walls
of earth or stones ; in fact they are constructed on much the

same principles as our modern houses, though more rudely.
It does not seem difficult tomake out how stone and
brick architecture came into use. Where wood is scarce,
men readily take to building walls of stones, turf, or earth.
Thus the Australians are known to build shelters by heaping
up loose stones as a wall, and roofing with sticks laid across.
Rough stones, though they make good embankments and
low walls, would be too unsteady for high walls, except
slaty and stratified slabs which form natural building-stones.
With mere stones out of the ground dwellings would
hardly be built of a higher kind than the curious beehive-
houses of the Hebrides, whose small rudely vaulted cham-
bers are formed by the piled stones overlapping inwards
till they almost meet above, and covered in with growing
turf, so that they look like grassy hillocks with passages for
the dwellers to creep in. This primitive building is very
ancient,and though such houses are no longer made, the
old ones still serve as shealings in summer. The ancient
Scotch underground dwellings or "weems," {i.e. caves) have
chambers of rough stones, and remind antiquaries of Tacitus'
account of the caves dug by the ancient Germans and
heaped over with dirt, where they stored their grain and
took refuge themselves from the cold, and in time of war
from the enemy. When the craft of the mason is brought
in, buildings of a higher order begin. The stones may
at first be merely trimmed to fit one another like the
X.] ARTS OF LIPÊ. 233
pieces of a mosaic, as in the so-called Cyclopean stone-

work of old Etruscan and Roman walls. But the world
soon adopts a higher way, not arranging the plan to suit
the stones, but shaping the stones to fit the work,

especially using rectangular blocks of stone to lay down
in regular courses of masonry. In ancient Egypt, the
masons hewed and smoothed even granite and porphyry to
a finish which is envied by the architects of our own day,
and the pyramids of Gizeh are as wonderful for the fine
masonry of their slopes, chambers, and passages, as for
their prodigious size. Our modern notion of a stone build-
ing is that the blocks of stone are to be fixed together with
a layer of mortar to bind them, but in the old and beautiful
architecture of Egypt and Greece the faced stone blocks lie
on one another, having no cement to hold them, and needing
none. Clamps of metal were used when required to hold
the stones together. Cement or mortar (so called from the
mortar or trough in which it was mixed) was also well known
in the ancient world. The Roman builders not only used
the common lime-and-sand mortar, which hardens by absorb-
ing carbonic acid from the air, but they also knew how by
adding volcanic ash or pozzolana to make a water-resisting
cement, whence the name of " Roman cement " given to a
composition used by our masons. Mention has been already
made of the practice of coating the sides of the savage
bough-hut with clay. The ancient people who built their
settlements on piles out in the Swiss lakes used to do this,
as is proved by bits of the clay coating which were acci-
dentally baked when the huts were burnt down, and fell
into the water, where they may still be found, showing the
impressions of the long-perished reed cabins on which the
moist clay was plastered. We still have something of the
kind in what cottage-builders call " wattle and daub." One
also sees now and then in an English country lane a cottage

or cowhouse which is a relic of another sort of primitive
architecture, its walls being simply built of "
cob ", that is,
clay mixed with Such hut-walls of clay or mud are
straw.
very usual in dry climates such as Egypt, where they are
cheaper and better than timber. This being so, there is no
difficulty in understanding how sun-dried bricks came into
use, these being simply convenient blocks of the same mud
or loam mixed with straw which was used to build the
cottage walls. These sun-dried bricks were used, in the
East from high antiquity. Some of the Egyptian pyramids
still standing are built of them, and the pictures show how
the clay was tempered and the large bricks formed in wooden
moulds much as in modern brickfields. With these the
architects of Nineveh built the palace walls ten or fifteen
feet thick, which were panelled with the slabs of sculptured
alabaster. For such sun-dried bricks, clay and water form
a sufiicient cement. Building with mud-bricks, which indeed
suits the climate well, goes on in these countries as of old.
They were used also in America, and to this day the traveller
in such districts as Mexico will often find himself lodged in
a house built of them. The sun-dried brick is there called
adobe, a word which is actually their ancient Egyptian name
tobj which when adopted into Arabic became with the
article, at-tob, and thence was adopted into Spanish as adobe.
Baked bricks seem to have been a later invention, easy

enough to nations who baked earthen pots, but only wanted
in more rainy climates. Thus the Romans, whom mere
mud-bricks would not have suited, carried to great perfection
the making of kiln-burnt bricks and tiles.
For ordinary house-building, we now have recourse to the
mason or bricklayer to build the walls, and tiles or slates
are an improvement on the old thatch. But we so far
keep to the old wooden architecture, that the floors

and the timbering of the roof are still wood-work. For
tombs and temples, however, built to last for ages, means
were early wanted of roofing over spaces with the bricks
or stones themselves without trusting to wooden beams.
There are two modes of doing this, the false arch and
the real arch, which are both ancient. The false arch is
an arrangement which would occur to any builder, in fact it
is what children make in building wooden with bricks,

when they set them overlapping more and more
till the
top ones come near enough for one brick to cover the
gap. Passages and chambers roofed in like this with
projecting blocks of stone may be seen in the pyramids
of Egypt, in ancient tombs of Greece and Italy, in the
ruined palaces of Central America ; and thus are built the
domes of the Jain temples in India. It does not follow
that the architects were ignorant of the real arch ; they
may have objected to it from its tendency to thrust the
walls out. It is not known exactly how and when the
arch was invented, but the idea might present itself even
in roofing over doorways with rough stones. In the
tombs of ancient Egypt real arches are to be seen, con-
structed in mud-bricks, or later in stone, by architects who
quite understood the though the arch
principle. Yet
was known in what we call ancient times, it was not at once
accepted by the world. It is remarkable that the Greek
architects of the classic period never took to it. It was left
to the Romans, who applied it with admirable skill, and
from whose vaulted roofs, bridges, and domes, those of the

mediaeval and modern world are derived.
In thus looking over the architecture of the world, we
see that its origins lie^too far back for history to record its
beginning and earliest progress. Still there is reason to

believe that, in architecture as in other arts, man began with

the simple and easy before he came on to the complex and
There are many signs of stone architecture having
difficult.
grown out of an earlier wooden architecture. Thus on

looking at the Lykian tombs in the entrance-hall of the
British Museum, it will be seen that though they are of
hewn stone, their forms are copied from wooden beams
and joists, so that the mason shows by his very patterns
that he has taken the place of an earlier carpenter. Even
in the early stone-work of Egypt, traces of wooden forms
are to be seen. In India there are stone buildings whose
columns and architraves are not less plainly copied from
wooden posts, and horizontal beams resting on them. It
is possible that when men first took to setting up stone

columns and supporting stone blocks upon them, this idea
may have come into their minds from the wooden posts
and beams they had been used to. But when it is said, as
it often has been, that the porticos of Greek temples are

copies in stone of older wooden structures, practical archi-
tects object that the Parthenon is not really like carpenter's
work. Indeed it is known that the Greeks did not invent
their own column-architecture, but taking the idea of it
from what they saw in Egypt and other countries, carried

it out according to their own genius.
After dwellings, we come to examine clothing. It has
first to be noticed that some low tribes, especially in the
tropical forests of South America, have been found by
travellers living quite naked. But even among the rudest
of our race, and in hot districts where clothing is of least
practical use, something is generally worn, either from ideas
of decency or for ornament. Where little or no clothing
is worn, it is common to paint the body. The Andaman
islanders, who plaster themselves with a mixture of lard and
X.] ARTS OF life:. 237
coloured earth, have a practical reason for so doing, this

coat of paint protecting their skin from heat and mosquitos ;
but they go off into love of display when they proceed to

draw lines on the paint with their fingers, or when a dandy
will colour one side of and the other olive-

his face red,
green, and make an ornamental border-line where the two
colours meet down his chest and stomach. Among the
relics of the ancient cave-men of Europe are hollowed
stones, which were their primitive mortars for grinding the

ochre and other calours for painting themselves. Indeed,
few habits mark the lower stages of human life so well as
the delight in body-patterns of bold spots and stripes in
striking colours, familiar to us in pictures of Australians
dancing at a corroboree^, or Americans working themselves
up to frenzy in the scalp-dance. The primitive sign of
mourning also makes its appearance where savage mourners
blacken (or whiten) themselves over. In the higher civiliza-
tion, faded beauties may still make a poor attempt to

revive youthful bloom with touches of red and white. But
the ancient war-paint is now looked down on as a sign of
utter barbarism ; so much so that the ancient Britons, though

a nation of considerable civilization, have been treated by
many historians as mere savages because they kept up this

rude practice, as Caesar says, staining themselves blue with
woad, and so being of horrider aspect in war. Among our-
selves the guise which was so terrific in the Red Indian
warrior has come down to make the circus-clown a pattern
of folly. It is very likely that his paint-striped face may
represent a fashion come down from the ancient times when
paint was worn by the barbarians of Europe, much as in
Japan actors paint their faces with bright streaks of red,
doubtless keeping up what was once an ordinary decoration.
When the skin is tattooed, the chief purpose of this is no
238 ANTHROPOLOGY. [cHA-P.
doubt beauty, as where the New Zealander had himself

covered with patterns of curved Hnes such as he would
adorn his club or his canoe with ; it was considered shame-
ful for a woman not to have her mouth tattooed, for people
would say with disgust " she has red lips." Tattooing
prevails as widely among the lower races of the world as
painting, and the fashionable designs range from a few blue
lines on the face or arms, up to the flower-patterns with
which the skins of the Formosans are covered like damask.
Where the art is carried to perfection as in Polynesia, the
skin is punctured, and the charcoal-colour introduced, by
tapping rows of little prickers. But a rougher mode is
common, as in Australia or Africa, where gashes are made
and wood-ashes rubbed in so that the wound heals in a
knob or a ridge. Marks on the skin often serve other
purposes than ornament, as in Africa, where a long scar
on a man's thigh may mean that he has done valiantly in
battle, or the tribe or nation a negro belongs to may be
indicated by his mark, for instance, a pair of long cuts down
both cheeks, or a row of raised pimples down his forehead
to the tip of his nose. Higher up in civilization, tattooing
still lasts on, as where Arab women will slightly touch up
their faces, arms, or ankles with the needle, and our sailors
amuse themselves with having an anchor or a ship in full
sail done with gunpowder on their arms, but in this last
case the original purpose is lost, for the picture is hidden

under the sleeve. Naturally, as clothing comes more and
more to cover the body, the primitive skin-decorations cease,
for what is the use of adorning oneself out of sight?
The head is frequently cropped or shaved close as a sign
of mourning. Some tribes thus go bsld always, like the
Andaman islanders ; or let the hair grow in tonsure-fashion
in a ring round the shaved crown, like the Coroado (that is.
''crowned") Indians of Brazil; or wear a shaven head with

a long scalp-lock or pigtail like the North American Indians,
or the Manchus of Tartary, from whom the modern Chinese
Fig. 66,— Natives of Lepers' Island (New Hebrides.)
have adopted this habit. A curious mode of twisting the

hair with strips of bark into hundreds of long thin ringlets
is seen in the portraits of natives of Lepers' Island, Fig. 66.
240 ANTHROPOLOGY. [chaP.
Various tribes grind their front teeth to points, or cut

them away in angular patterns, so that in Africa and else-
where a man's tribe is often known by the cut of his teeth.
Long finger-nails are noticed even among ourselves as show-
ing that the owner does no manual
labour, and in China
and neighbouring countries they are allowed to grow to a
monstrous length as a symbol of nobility, ladies wearing
silver cases to protect them^ or at least as a pretence that
they are there (see the portraits of Siamese actresses in
royal dress, Fig. ^2)^ Or the nails may be grow as a
let to
sign that the wearer leads a religious life, and does no

worldly work, as in the accompanying figure of the hand of
a Chinese ascetic. Fig. 67.
As any nation's idea of beauty is apt to be according to
the type of their own race, they like to see their distinctive
features exaggerated. Looking at a Hottentot face, Fig. 12 ^,

one understands why the mothers would squeeze the
babies' snub noses yet further in, while in ancient times a
little Persian prince would have a bold aquiline nose shaped
for him, to come like Fig. 11 /^ In all quarters of the
globe is found the custom of compressing infants' heads by
bandages and pads to make the little plastic skull grow to
an approved shape. But as to what that shape ought to be,
tastes differ extremely. Li the Columbia River district,
some Flathead tribes will so flatten out the forehead that

tlieir front faces look like a pear with the large end upper-
most, while neighbouring tribes press in the upper part of
the skull so that their faces look like the pear with the
small end up. Hippokrates, the ancient physician, mentions
the artificially deformed skulls of the Makrokephali or
"long-heads" of the Black Sea district. The genuine
Turkish skull is of the broad Tatar form, while the nations
of Greece and Asia Minor have oval skulls, which gives the
reason why at Constantinople it became the fashion to

mould the babies' skulls round, so ,that they grew up with
the broad head of the conquering race. Relics of such
barbarism linger on in the midst of civilization, and not
long ago a French physician surprised the world by the fact
that nurses in Normandy were still giving the children's
heads a sugar-loaf shape by bandages and a tight cap.
Fig. 67. — Hand of Chinese ascetic.

while in Brittany they preferred to press it round. No
doubt they are doing so to this day.
The propensity to beautify the body with ornaments
belongs to human nature as low down as we can follow it.
In South America the naked people were adorned with rings

on legs and arms, and one tribe had as their only apparel
R
a macaw's feather stuck in a hole at each corner

of their mouths, and strings of shells hanging from their
noses^ ears, and under-lips. This latter case is a good
example of the ornaments being fastened into the body,
which is pierced or cut to receive them. Various tribes
wear labrets or lip-ornaments, some gradually enlarging the
hole through the under-lip till it will take a wooden plug
two or three inches across, as in the portrait (Fig. 68) of a
woman of the Botocudos, a Brazilian tribe who owe their
Fig. 68. — Botocudo woman with lip-and ear-ornaments.
name to this labret, which the Portuguese compared to a

hotoque or bung. Ear-ornaments, as the figure shows, are
put in the same way in the lobe of the ear, which they
stretch so that when the disc of wood is taken out it falls
in a loop and even reaches the shoulder. Thus it is possible

that there may be some truth in the favourite wonder-tale
of the old geographers, about the tribes whose great ears
reached down to their shoulders^ though the story had to
be stretched a good deal farther when it was declared that
X] ARTS OF LIFE. 243
they lay down on one ear and covered themselves with the
other for a blanket. The great interest to us in these
savage ornaments is in the tendency of higher civilization to
give them up. In Persia one still finds the nose-ring through
one side of a woman's nostril, but European taste would be
shocked by this, though it allows the ear to be pierced to
carry an ear-ring. As to ornaments which are merely put
on, they are mostly feathers, flowers, or trinkets worn in
the hair, or strung-ornaments or rings on the neck, arms, and
legs. In what remote times man had begun to take pleasure
in such decorations may be seen by the periwinkle-shells
bored for stringing found in the cave of Cro-Magnon,
which no doubt made necklaces and bracelets for the
girls of the mammoth-period. In the modern world neck-
laces and bracelets remain in unchanged use, though anklets,
such as the bangles of the Hindu dancing-girl, have of course
disappeared from the costume of civilized wearers of shoes
and stockings. It would not suit our customs to keep an
affectionate memory of dead relatives by wearing their finger
and toe bones strung as beads, as the Andaman women
do, but our ladies keep in fashion barbaric necklaces of such
things as shells, seeds, tigers' claws, and especially polished
stones. The wearing of shining stones as ornaments lasts
on, whether they have come to be precious pearls or rubies,
or glass beads which are imitation stones. Where metal
becomes known it at once comes into use for ornament,
and this reaches its height where amused travellers describe
some Dayak girl with her arms sheathed in a coil of stout
brass wire, or some African belle whose great copper rings
on her limbs get so hot in the sun that an attendant carries
a water-pot to sluice them down now and then. To see
gold jewelry of the highest order, the student should
examine that of the ancients, such as the Egyptian,
R 2
244 ANTHROPOLOGY. [chap
Greek, and Etruscan in the British Museum, and that of

mediaeval Europe. The art seems now to have passed its
prime, and become a manufacture, of which the best pro-

ducts are imitations from the antique. The cutting of
precious stones such as diamonds into facets is, however, a
modern art. As to finger-rings, if their use arose out of
the signet-rings of Egypt and Babylon, then the few which
are still engraved as seals keep up the original idea, while
those which only carry pearls or diamonds have turned into
mere ornaments.
To come now to clothing proper. The man who wants
a garment gets it in the simplest way when he takes the
covering off a tree or a beast, and puts it on himself.
The bark of trees provides clothes for rude races in many
districts, as for instance in the curious use which natives of
the Brazilian forests have long made of the so-called " shirt-
tree" (lecythis), A man cuts a four or live feet length of
the trunk, or a large branch, and gets the bark off in an
entire tube, which he has then only to soak and beat soft
and to cut slits for armholes, to be able to slip it on as
a ready-made shirt ; or a short length will make a woman's
skirt. The wearing of bark has sometimes been kept up as
a sign of primitive simplicity. Thus in India it is written in
the laws of Manu that when the grey-haired Brahman retires
into the forest to end his days in religious meditation, he

shall wear a skin or a garment of bark. A ruder people,
the Kayans of Borneo, while in common life they like the
smart foreign stuffs of the trader, when they go into mourn-
ing throw them off and return to the rude native garment of
bark-cloth. In Polynesia the manufacture of tapa from the
bark of the paper-mulberry was carried to great perfection,
the women beating it out with grooved clubs into a sort of
vegetable felt, and ornamenting it with coloured patterns
X.J arts' OF LIFE 245
stamped on. The people were delighted with the white

paper of the Europeans, and dressed themselves in it as a
fine variety of tapa, till they found that the first shower of
rain spoilt it. Leaves, also, are made into aprons or skirts
which clothe various rude tribes. Not only are there " leaf-
wearers " in India, but at a yearly festival in Madras the
whole low-caste population cast off their ordinary clothing,
and put on aprons of leafy twigs.
The skin garments worn by the savages of the ancient
world have rotted away these many thousand years, but we
may see how generally they used to be worn, by the vast
numbers of skin-dressing implements of sharp stone (see
Fig. 54, c), found in the ground. Till lately the Patagonians,
when they came on their journeys to a place where suitable

flint or obsidian was to be found, would load themselves with
a supply of lumps to chip into these primitive currier's
scrapers. Savages, that their fur robes or deer-skin shirts
should not dry stiff, know how to dress the leather skilfully
by such processes as rubbing in fat or marrow, and suppling
with the hands they also smoke it, to keep.
; Thus the
North Americans know how to prepare deer-skin for
garments into something like what we call chamois leather.
But it hardly seems as though the lower races had taught
themselves the process of actual tanning with bark or
galls, where the tannic acid forms in the substance of
the skin insoluble compounds which resist change for ages,
so that the beautiful cut and embossed work in tanned
leather from ancient Egypt may still be seen perfectly
preserved in our museums. In such riding countries as
Mexico, suits of leather are still worn, while in Europe the
buff jerkin and the huntsman's buckskins are disappearing ;
but it is still everywhere acknowledged that there is nothing

like leather for covering the feet. In wearing furs, our
height of luxury keeps curiously close to the savage fashion

of the primitive world.
Plaiting and matting are arts of such simplicity that they
are known to savages. In hot countries matting is convenient
for dress, as when South Sea Islanders make gowns of plaited
grass, and the old art still provides the civilized world with
hats and bonnets of straw or chip. Next, if we pull a scrap
of woven cloth to pieces, we see that it is in fact a piece of
matting done with thread. Therefore, to understand weav-
ing, we have to begin with the making of string or thread.
All mankind can twist string, but some tribes do it in a

far lower way than we are accustomed to. They take
vegetable fibre, wool or hair, and twist it by rolling between
their flat palms, or with one hand on the thigh. It is quite
worth the reader's while to try to imitate this process, by

twisting two strands of tow, and then rolling these into
one with the reverse movement. At any rate he will find
liow much practice he would take to do it as cleverly as
the Australians when they have the women's hair cut to
furnish a supply of fishing-lines, or the New Zealanders when
they run out a handful of native flax by inches into a neat
and perfect cord. But the higher nations use a mechanical
contrivance, the spindle, for thread-making, and the question
is how this came to be invented. Fig. 69 shows what may
have happened. At a is figured a cross-stick, form-
ing a simple reel on which the Australians
or winder,
wind their hair-string just mentioned. Now if it had
occurred to one of these savages to secure his thread by
drawing it into a split at the end of the stick, he might
have seen that by giving the hanging reel a twirl he could
make it twist a new strand for him much faster than he
could do between his hands. The Australian never saw
how to do this. But looking at b in the figure, which
represents an ancient Egyptian woman spinning, it is
evident that such a spindle as she is working with may have

been invented by turning a mere reel to this new use.
Such spindles were known over the ancient civilized world,
and among the commonest objects dug up near old dwell-
ings are the spindle-whorls of stone or terra-cotta, Hke
great buttons, which with a stick through the middle formed
the whole simple implement. Spindles may still be seen in
the hands of peasant women in Italy or Switzerland. The
spinning-wheel of the middle ages was a little machine to
Fig. 69. a, Australian winder for hand-twisted cord ; b, Egyptian woman spinning
with the spindle.
drive a spindle, and the spinning-frames in factories show

the ancient instrument worked with still more modern im-
provements, a hundred spindles in a row being driven
rapidly by steam-power, and all tended by a single operative.
The next point is how people provided with thread or
yarn taught themselves to weave it into cloth. As has just
been said, cloth is a sort of matting made with threads,
but as these cannot be held stiff like rushes, a number of
them may be stretched in a frame to form a warp, and
then the cross-thread or woof worked in and out with the
fingers, or on a stick, as the Mexican girl is doing in Fig.

70. This toilsome method still suits the difficult patterns
of the tapestry-weaver. But time-saving contrivances were
invented very early. The ancient Egyptian pictures already
show the alternate threads of the warp being lifted by
cross-bars, so as to allow the woof-thread carried by a
shuttle to be sent right across the piece of cloth at one
throw. The looms of classic Greece and Rome were
much the same, and little improvement was made in the
machine during the middle ages. Indeed in out-of-the-
way places such as the Hebrides, the tourist may still see
Fig. 70. — Girl weaving. (From an Aztec picture.)
the old cottage-loom which, except in being horizontal so

that the weaver sits to it instead of standing, hardly differs
from the loom which Penelope may be imagined weaving
at
the famous shroud that she undid at night. Only about a
century ago improvement began again, when the "flying
shuttle" was invented, which instead of being thrown by
hand, was driven swifdy across by a pair of levers or arti-
ficial arms. Of late years this improved loom has passed
into the power-loom, the steam-engine now doing the hard
labour instead of the weaver's hands and feet. The
ingenious device of the Jacquard loom with its perforated

cards arranging the threads, has made it possible to weave
even landscapes and portraits.
The primitive tailor ox "cutter" {tailleur) had not only

to cut his skin or bark into shape, but to join pieces by
means of sinew or thread. This art of sewing makes its
appearance among savages, and is seen in its rudest form

among the Fuegians who pierce their guanaco-skins with
a pointed bone, push the thread through, and make a tie at
each hole. Among tribes who have only such bone awls,
or stiff thorns, to work beyond the
with, sewing cannot get
shoemaker's fashion of making a row of holes and then
first
pushing and pulling the thread through. But bone needles

with eyes are found in the reindeer-caves of France, so
that possibly the seamstresses of the mammoth- period may
already have known how to stitch and embroider their soft
skins. When came

the metal-period began, bronze needles
into use such as are to museums, and in modern
be seen in
times the fine steel needles have become an example how

finish and cheapness may be gained by division of labour,
one set of workpeople being entirely occupied in grinding

the points, another in drilling the eyes, and so on. But the
sewing-needle is still in principle that of the ancient world,
and hand-sewing, after holding its place for thousands of
had to compete with the work of the
years, has suddenly
new sewing-machine, which runs its more rapid seams in a
mechanically different way.
Next, as to the shape of garments. If we knew of no
costume but what we commonly wear now, we might think
it more a product of mere fancy than it really is. But on
looking carefully at the dresses of various nations, it is seen
that most garments are variations of a few principal kinds,
each made for a particular purpose in clothing the body.
The simplest and no doubt earliest garments are v/raps

wound or hung on the body, and by noticing how these
are worn it may be guessed how they led to the later use
of garments fitted to the wearer's shape. To begin with the
simplest mantles, a skin or blanket with a hole through
the middle forms a ready-made garment of the poncho
kind. When one throws a rug or blanket over one's
shoulders, becomes a garment which requires fastening
it
on one shoulder, to leave the arm free. This

in front, or
fastening may be done with a thorn or bone pin, the
primitive brooch^ that is, "skewer" (French broche) we \
now use the word brooch to mean the more civiHzed metal
pin with a safety-clasp, the \.2X\xv fibula or " fixer." Now if
one stands thus draped in a blanket or sheet, one has only

to raise the arms to show how naturally sleeves came to be
made by sewing together under the arms. Next, putting
the blanket over the headand holding it under the chin, it
is seen how head will make a hood, which
the part over the
can be thrown back when not wanted. When it was found
convenient to make the hood separate, there arose various
kinds of head-covering, whose baggy shape often shows
their origin, for instance the pointed "fool's-cap." When
the mantle thrown over the shoulders is short, it forms the
cape or cope ; when long, it becomes the cloak, which owes
its name to its likeness to a bell (French cloche). For
convenience, many varieties of the mantle are cut into
shape, as for instance the toga in which the ancient
Roman draped himself was rounded off. But ever since
the invention of weaving, certain garments have been worn
just as they came from the loom, such as the Scotch plaid,
and that ancient Eastern wrapper which we still know by
its Persian name of shawl {shdl). Such woven garments

are apt to keep a mark of their origin in the fringe, which
x] ARTS OF LIFE. 251
in its original form is the ends of the warp-threads left on

by the weaver, and when these threads are tied together
in bundles they give rise to tassels. Another great group
of garments are tunics, seen in a simple form in the chiton
of ancient Greek female dress, which has been compared
to a linen sack open at both ends, and was held up by
a brooch on each shoulder, leaving openings for the arms.
The tunic, closed at the shoulders and generally provided
with sleeves, is the most universal of civilized garments,
whether worn hanging loose like a shirt, or drawn in at the
waist by a girdle or belt. In its various forms it is seen

as the tunic of the Roman legionary and the "red shirt"
of the Garibaldian volunteer, the coat of the mediaeval
noble, the smock-frock of the English peasant, the
blouse of the French workman, and lastly, it led to our
modern and waistcoats, which are tunics made to
coats
open and close with buttons. One of the great
in front
steps in personal cleanliness and therefore in culture made
by our forefathers, was the adoption of a linen tunic next
the skin, the ^' short" garment, or shirt. Again, a piece
of cloth wrapped round the body and held up by a girdle
forms the skirt or kilt, and the way in which Eastern
women fasten their skirts together between the feet for
convenience of walking, shows how trousers were invented.

Many ancient nations wore trousers, as the Sarmatians,
whose modern-looking costume may be seen on Trajan's
column, and the Gauls and Britons, so that it is a mistake
to call the present Highland costume the "garb of old
Gaul." The classic Greeks and Romans looked on the
bracccB or breeches as belonging to barbarism, but their
opinion has not been accepted by the civilized world.

These remarks may lead readers to look attentively
into books of costume, which indeed are full of curious
of the way in which things are not invented

illustrations
outrightby mere fancy, but come by gradual alterations of
what was already there. To account for our present absurd
"chimney-pot" hat, we must see how it came by successive
changes from the conical Puritan hat and the slouched
Smart hat, and these again from earlier forms. The sense
of the hat-band must be found in its once having been a
real cord to draw in the mere round piece of felt which
was the primitive hat and to understand why our hat is
;
covered with silk must be remembered that this is an

nap, it
imitation of the earlier beaver-fur hat, which would stand

rain. Even the now useless seams and buttons on modern
clothes (see page 15) are bits of past history.
This chapter may be concluded with an account of boats
and ships. He who first, laying hold of a floating bough,
found it would bear him up in the water, had made a be-
ginning in navigation. Naturally, history has kept no record
of the origin of such an art. Yet the rudest forms of floats,
rafts, and boats, may still be seen in use among savages, and
even the civilized traveller coming to a stream or lake may
be glad to make shift with a log or a bundle of bulrushes to
help him across, and carry his gun and clothes over dry.
Comparing these rough-and-ready means with the contri-
vances made with skill and care for permanent use, a fair
idea may be had of the stages through which the shipwrights'
art grew up.
The mere float comes lowest, as where a South Sea Island
child goes into the water with an unhusked coco-nut to hold
on by ; or a Hottentot will swim his goats across the river,
supporting his body by sprawling on one end of a drift-log
of willow, which he calls his "wooden-horse." Australians
have been known to come out to our ships sitting astride
logs pointed at the ends, and paddling with their hands,
x] ARTS OF LIFE. 253
while native fishermen of CaHfornia will sit on a bundle of

rushes tied rp in the shape of a sailor's hammock. Rude
as these are, they at any rate show that the makers have
noticed the advantage which the craft with a sharp bow has
over the blunt-ended log in getting through the water. In
all quarters of the glotje, men improve on the float by
making it hollow for buoyancy; it thus becomes a boat.
One way of doing this is to scoop out a log. Any one who
happens to have been up country in America may have
paddled himself in such a "dug-out" across a pond or
river and after experience of the care required to keep a
;
cylinder from rolling over in the water, he will know how

great animprovement it was in boat-building when a keel-
was put on to steady the craft. To savages with their stone
hatchets, the hollowing out of a log is a laborious business
when the wood is of a hard kind, and they are apt to use
fire to help them, setting the tree-trunk alight along the
proper line and hacking away the burning wood. Colambus
was struck with the size of such vessels made by the natives
of the West Indies, mentioning in his letters many canoes
of sohd wood, " multas scaphas solidi ligni," some so large

as to hold seventy to eighty rowers. The Spaniards adopted
their Haitian name canpa, whence our canoe. Yet this dug-
out, or monoxyle (" one-tree "), to use its Greek name, was
well known and had been com-
in other barbaric countries,
mon in Europe may be seen by
in ages before history, as
the specimens in museums, preserved by the peat or sand
in which they were found imbedded. Even the Latin word
scapha, used above, carries the record of this early boat-
building ;Greek skap/ie, which corresponds so exactly
it is
in meaning term " dug-out," as to be an evident relic

to the
of the time when boats were really scooped out of solid
trunks ; related to these words are English skiff and ship, so
that the line of connexion in names runs through from first
to last.Another very simple way of making a boat is that

seen among the Australians, where a man will strip a sheet
of bark off the stringy-bark tree, tie it together at the ends,
and paddle off in this improvised bark-canoe. If, however,
it is to be used more than once, he sews the ends together,
and puts in stretchers or cross-pieces of wood to keep it in
shape. Thus appears the bark-canoe, not unknown in Asia

and Africa, and attaining in North America its greatest
perfection, with its framework of cedar and sheathing of
sheets of birch-bark sewed together with fibrous cedar-roots.
Such canoes are still in full use in districts like the Hudson^s
Bay territory, being well suited to a broken navigation where
rapids make it needful to carry boat and cargo overland, or
a ''
portage " has to be made from one river to another.
The principle of skin-canoes is much the same, using hide
for bark. North American Indians crossing rivers have been
known to turn the skins of their tents into vessels by means
of a few twigs to keep them stretched. Scarcely above this
are the round skin-covered boats of boughs of Mesopo-
tamia, and the portable coracles of the ancient Britons on ;
the Severn and the Shannon fishermen still go down to the

river carrying on their backs their coracles, now made of
tarred canvas on a frame, but modelled on the ancient
type. The Esquimaux kayak has its framework of bone or
drift-wood on which are stretched the seal-skins which
convert it into a water-tight life-buoy, in which the skin-clad
paddler can even turn over sideways and bring his boat up
right on the other side. Our modern so-called canoes are
imitations of this in wood.
Next, when the barbaric shipwright comes to improving a
dug-out canoe by sewing or lacing on a strip of thin board
as a gunwale, or making his whole boat by sewing thin
boards together over the ribs, instead of skins or sheets of

bark, he brings his vessel a stage nearer to our boats.
From Africa across to the Malay Archipelago, such sewn
ships used to be, and often still are, the ordinary native
craft. The South Sea Island canoes, thus laced together
with sinnet or coco-nut fibre braid so neatly that the joints
hardly show, are marvels of barbaric carpentry.
,
In the
gulf of Oman, men used to go across to the coco-nut
islands with their tools, cut down a few palms, make the
wood into planks, sew these together with cord made from
the bark, make sails of the leaves, load the new-made ships
with the nuts, and set sail.
Before coming to the ships of civilized nations, let us look

back for a moment to the ruder floats. Two or three logs
fastened together form a raft, which though clumsy to move
has the advantage of not upsetting, and carrying a heavy
load. At the time of the discovery of Peru, the Spaniards
were amazed to meet with a native raft out in the ocean,
and with a sail set. The rafts which bring goods down
the Euphrates and Tigris are buoyed with blown sheep-
skins at the end of the voyage the raft is broken up
;
and the wood sold, so that only the empty skins have to
go back to serve another time. With still more perfect
economy, the rafts down the Nile are buoyed with earthen pots
for sale in the bazar, so that nothing goes back. Timber-
rafts, like those on the Rhine, are well arranged for merely
floatingdown stream. But when a raft has to be driven
through the water by oars or sails, its resistance is excessive,
and it has occurred to the Fijians and other islanders
that a raft parallel logs united by cross-poles
formed by two
and carrying a raised platform, would go more easily. Look-
ing at this simple contrivance, it has been reasonably
thought that it led up to the invention of the outrigger
256 ANTHROPOLOGY. chap.
canoe, known in ancient Europe, and now prevailing in the

Pacific and as far as Ceylon. One of the two logs is now
represented by the canoe, the second remaining as the out-
rigger log, fastened to the ends of the two projecting poles,
so as to steady the whole in rough weather. Or indeed the
two logs may both become canoes, and the platform be
retained ; thus we have the Polynesian double-canoe,
whose principle has been lately turned to account in the
double -steamboat to smooth the passage between Dover
and Calais.
Next, as to the ways by which boats are propelled

through the water. The origin of rowing is plainly shown
by the Australian straddling his pointed log and paddling
with his hands, or by the fisherman of the Upper Nile
propelling with his feet the bundle of stalks he sits astride
on. The primitive wooden paddle, imitating the form and
doing the wôrk of the flat hand or foot, is well known to
savages, who mostly use the single paddle with a blade
or shovel end ; the double-ended paddle, such as our
canoeists have borrowed from the Esquimaux, is a peculiar
improved form. The paddle used free-handed to dig or
sweep at the water, is best suited to the narrow bark-
canoe or hollowed trunk, but for larger craft it is a rude
contrivance as compared with the civilized oar, which is a
lever pulled against a fulcrum so as to use more of the
rower's force, and in a steadier pull. The difference between
barbaric and civilized knowledge of mechanical principles,
is well seen by comparing a large South Sea Island canoe
with twenty paddlers shovelling the water, to one of our
eight-oared launches. Of sails, perhaps the simplest idea
is to be seen in Catlin's sketch of North American Indians
standing up each in his canoe, holding up his blanket
with outstretched arms with its lower end tied to his leg,
X.]
'
ARTS OF LIFE. 257
and so going before the wind. The rudest regular sail

used anywhere is a mat or cloth held up by two sticks as
stays at the upper corners and made fast below, or sup-
ported by an upright pole and cross-piece, the primitive
mast and yard. It is so common for the lower tribes of
men never to sail their boats, that it is difficult to imagine
that their ancestors ever knew how. Surely they would
have kept it up, for the art of saving so much labour with
so little pains would not easily have fallen out of mind.
It seems more likely that the invention of the sailing vessel
belongs to a period when civilization was far advanced.

Yet this period was very ancient.
Up making out how the simpler kinds of
to this point, in
boats came no help. Not only
into existence, history gives
does their origin mostly lie beyond record, but by the time
we come fairly into history we find the ancient nations
knowing how to build vessels of more advanced order,
framed with keel and ribs, and sheathed with nailed
planks, in fact the direct predecessors of our own ships.
Egypt, or somewhere else in that Old World region of

ancient culture, may have been the original centre whence
the higher shipwrights' craft spread over the world. It is
instructive tostudy the ancient Egyptian vessel (Fig. 71)

depicted on the wall of a Theban tomb, and to see how
far it already has in a rudimentary state the parts which
we recognise as belonging to the fully-developed ship. As
was common, was a combination of rowing-galley and
it
sailing-ship. The rowers sit on cross benches, pulling at

the oars which pass through loops, while at the stern is
worked the great steei-ing-oar which is the ancestor of
our rudder (this used to be merely an oar, which its
name originally meant, like ruder in German). There
is a mast held up by stays and carrying yards, with
s
ropes rigged to hoist them and to furl the sail. The

forecastle and poop are already represented by raised struc-
tures on the deck. In the Egyptian pictures of war-ships
it is seen how these served as stations for the archers,
while the fighting-men were also protected behind a bul-
wark, and there is even the "crow's nest" on the top of
the mast serving as a place for slingers to hurl stones from
at the enemy, from which comes our *'
mast-head." Com-
paring with the Egyptian vessels the ancient galleys and
ships of the Mediterranean, whether Phoenician, Greek,
Fig. 71. —Ancient Nile-boat, from wall-painting, Thebes.

orRoman, it is impossible to think these can have
come into existence by separate lines of invention ; the
family likeness among them is too strong. Even farther off,
the likeness of the craft used in the Ganges to the ancient

still
Nile-boats is surprising, and the eye of Osiris painted on

the Egyptian funeral bark that carried the dead across the
lake to the western burial-place, may perhaps have first
suggested the painting of eyes as ornaments on the bows of

boats, from the barks in Valetta harbour in the west to the
junks of Canton in the east. In following the course of
X J
ARTS OF LIFE. 259
development from the ancient to tlie modern ship, we

notice that from time to time new appliances come in, as
metal sheathing to protect the planks from the boring teredo,
the iron fluked anchor instead of a great stone, the capstan
for hauling, &c.More masts and spars now served to carry-
more and tier above tier of rowers impelled the classic
sails,
bireme and trireme. The war-galley lasted on into our

own time in the Venetian navy, kept in use in spite of
its bad sea-going quality, for its power of dashing upon
sailing-vessels helpless in a calm. The galley-slaves who
laboured at the huge oars were captives or criminals, and
though the French galleys no longer remain for penal
servitude, the term galerien or galley-slave still means a
convict. The vast improvement of European sailing-vessels
in the middle ages is in great measure due to an invention
learnt from the far east — the mariner's cofupass. Ships, now
on long voyages out of sight of
able to steer their courses
land, were improved in build and rigging, while the men-
of-war with several decks armed with tiers of cannon
became floating castles. Lastly, during the present century,
steam-power has been appHed to propel the ship from
within, the paddle-wheel or screw in fact taking the place
of the old banks of oars, and the changeable wind-power
being now only turned to account as an occasional aid and
means of saving fuel. It is needless to describe the changes
which modern armour-plating and huge guns have made
in the construction of ships of war, but even these still
show plainly enough how they were formed by successive
alterations from the primitive canoe.
s 2
CHAPTER XL
ARTS OF \.\Y^^{concluded).
Fire, 260 — Cookery, 264— Bread, &c., 266 — Liquor?, 268 — Fuel, 270
— Lighting, 272 —Vessel?, 274— Pottery, 274— Glass, 276 — Metals,
277 — Bronze and Iron Ages, 278 — Barter, 281 — Money, 282
Commerce, 285.
The subject next to be considered is Fire and its uses.

Man understands fire and deals witli it in ways quite beyond
the intelligence of the lower animals. There is an old story
how, in the forests of equatorial Africa, when travellers had
gone away in the morning and left their fires burning, the
huge manlike apes called pongos (probably our gorillas)
would come and sit round the burning logs till they went
out, not having the sagacity to lay more wood on. This
story is often repeated to contrast human intelligence with
the dulness of even the highest apes. Of course there had
been forest-fires in ages before man, as when the trees had
been set in flames by lightning or by a lava stream. But
of all creatures man alone has known how to manage fire,
to carry it from place to place with burning brands, and

when it went out to produce it afresh. No savage tribe
seems really to have been found so low as to be without
fire. In the limestone caverns, among the relics of the
CH. XI.] ARTS OF LIFE. 261
mammoth period, morsels of charcoal and burnt bones are

found imbedded, which show that even in that remote
antiquity the rude cave-men made fires to cook their food
and warm themselves by.
As to the art of producing fire, the savage way was mostly
by the friction of two pieces of wood, and to this day
travellers may now and then see the simple apparatus at
work. The hand fire-drill consists of a stick like an arrow-

shaft cut to a blunt point, which is twirled like a chocolate-
muUer between the hands (shifted up when they get too
far down) with such speed and pressure as to bore a
hole into an under-piece of wood, till the charred dust
made by the boring takes fire. Fig. 72 shows a Bushman
thus drilling fire while his companion attends to the tinder.
The Polynesian way is different, pushing the pointed stick
along a groove of own making in the under-piece of
its
wood. Either method will make fire in a few minutes,

but knack and proper choice of wood are needed, and
one of us will hardly succeed. For easier working, some
nations have long had a mechanical improvement on the
simple savage fire-drill, by driving it with a thong wound
a couple of turns round the stick, and pulled to and
fro ; also, working it with a bow like the common bow-
drill of our tool-shops is not unknown. In either case a
top-piece is required to keep the drill down (not too hard)
on its bearing.
Among civilized nations, the old fire-drill had already in
ancient times been superseded in common use by better
contrivances, especially the flint and steel. But although
discarded from practical life, it has been kept up for
ceremonial purposes. As has been already mentioned,
(p. 16) the Brahmans may be still seen "churning" with
a fire-drill driven by a hair- cord the pure divine fire for
262 ANTHROPOLOGY, [chap.
their sacrifices, thus rehgiously keeping to the old-fashioned

instrument used in daily life by the early Aryans. The
ancient Romans had such a survival of their past state of
.arts in the law that if the vestal virgins let out the sacred
fire, it was to be made afresh by drilling into a wooden
board. The old art lias even lasted on in Europe to our
own day as the orthodox means of kindhng the *'
need-fire,"
wdth which, when there was a murrain, the peasants in
many parts used to light bonfires to drive the horses and
cattle through, to save them from the pestilence. This
rite, inherited from the religion of pra^-Christian times,
Fig. 72. — Bushman drilling fire (after Chapman).
requires new wild- fire made by friction, not the tame fire
of the hearth. The last need-fire on record in Great

Britain is perhaps one that was made in Perth in 1826, but
they may still be seen in Sweden and elsewhere when there
is cholera or other pestilence about. In the last century
there was a law passed forbidding the superstitious friction-
fire in Jonkoping, the very district now famous for its
cheap tandstickor or tinder-sticks, that is, lucifer-matches.

So curiously do the extremes of civilization come together
in the world.
The fire-drill is a means of converting mechanical force

XI.] ARTS OF LIFE. 263
into heat till the burning-point of wood is reached. But all
that is really wanted is a glowing hot particle or spark, and

thiscan be far more easily got in other ways. Breaking a
nodule of iron pyrites picked up on the sea-shore, and witli
a bit of flint striking sparks from it on tinder, is a way of
fire-making quite superior to the use of the wooden drill.

It was known to some modern savages, even the miserable
natives of Tierra del Fuego to the prae-historic men of
;
Europe, as appears from the bits of pyrites found in their

caves ; and of course to the old civilized world, as witness
the Greek name of the mineral, purites ox "fiery." Sub-

stitute for this a piece of iron, and we have the flint-and-
steel, the ordinary apparatus of nations from their entry

into the iron age till modern times. Yet even this has now
been so discarded that the old-fashioned kitchen tinder-box
with its flint and U-shaped steel, and damper for preparing
the tinder from scraps of burnt linen to light the brimstone-
match become a curiosity worth securing when
with, has
found by chance some farmhouse. Mention need hardly
in
be made here of the burning-lens and the concave mirror

known in ancient Greece, nor of the wooden condensing
syringe (much like that described in our books on physics)
known in the Chinese region these are rather curious than
;
practically important. Quite otherwise with the invention

of the lucifer-match, dating from about 1840, Its action
depends on phosphorus igniting by being rubbed, the head
of an ordinary lucifer being of an inflammable composition,
containing chlorate or nitrate of potash, which is fired by
particles of phosphorus mixed in with it , for the safety-
match, these particles of phosphorus are put, not in the

match-head, but on the rubber instead.
In the low levels of civilization the hut is often so small
that the fire has to be made outside. But when it becomes
spacious enough, the fire of logs burns on the hard-trodden

earth in the middle of the hut, the smoke finding its
way out as it can by door and cracks. Those who have
chanced spend a night lying on the ground with their
to
such a dwelling, know both what place the
feet to the fire in
fire has in barbaric comfort, and how that comfort was
increased when builders took the trouble to make a smoke-

hole in the roof, and afterwards came to a real chimne3^
The history of artificial warming from this point lies so
plainly before us as not to need a long description. From
the fire of a few sticks on the cottage hearth, we come to
the wide fire-places in the halls of country houses, with their
fire-dogs, after the fashion of the middle ages.^ Then come
the coal- fires in open grates, the closed stoves, and the
arrangements for warming the house with currents of hot
air, or circulating pipes of hot water.
From house-warming we come to cookery The heat
applied in cooking food, bursting the cells and softening the
tissues so as to make it easier to chew, is an important aid
to digestion, saving energy which would be wasted on as-
similating raw flesh or vegetables. It would not indeed be
impossible for man
on uncooked food, and perhaps
to live
the nearest approach to this is found on some coral islands
of the Pacific, where raw fish and coco-nuts form a great
part of the native diet. Low tribes, especially half-starved
wanderers of the deserts, such as the Australians, eat

insects, grubs, shellfish, and small reptiles, raw as they find
them ; and Brazilian forest-men have
been seen to imitate
the ant-bear by poking a stick into an ant-hill, and letting
the ants run up it into their mouths. These practices shock
Europeans, who themselves however have no scruples as
to oysters and cheese-mites, to which they happen to be
accustomed. But these rude tribes know how to cook, as

indeed all mankind do, the familiar definition of man as

the "cooking animal" having no proved exception, ancient
or modern. Civilized nations have come so thoroughly to
» this way of assisting nature, that they cook almost every-
thing they eat, only keeping up primitive habits in eating
nuts, berries, and other fruit raw as more pleasing to the
taste. It has long been looked on as a sign of low culture
to eat raw meat, like the Eurytanes of the interior of Greece
whom Thukydides mentions as " most ignorant in their
speech, and said to be raw-eaters {o7iiophagoi)y Even the
native tribes of New England were struck with this habit
among the roving race of the far north, whom they called
accordingly Eskimantsic or " raw-flesh-eaters," a name they
still bear in its French form Esquimaux.
The roughest ways of cooking are to be seen among
savages, who broil their meat on the burning logs, or roast
it stuck on the primitive spit, a pointed stake planted
sloping over the fire, or bury it in the hot embers as boys
do chestnuts or potatoes. From this latter mode comes
the invention of the oven, which in its simplest form may
be a hollow tree set on fire and smouldering inside, or a
pit dug in the ground and heated by a wood-fire, often
with red-hot stones put in to help the baking. Brazilian
tribes set up four posts with a grating of branches across,
on which they laid their game and fish with a slow fire
underneath. Meat prepared on such a boucan will keep
a long while the pirates of the West Indies used thus to
;
prepare their stores of meat, whence comes the word

biicaneer. To the buffalo-hunting tribes of North America
belongs the invention oi pem77iican, meat dried and pounded
for keeping, while in many parts of the world people
know how to dry sheets or strips of meat in the hot sun ;
this is called jerked meat, and will keep. The use of hot
stones in baking has just been mentioned. From this the

important art of boiUng food may have been derived. In
many parts of the world, among tribes who do not know
how to make an earthen pot, there is found the curious
art of stone-boiHng, which is a sort of wet baking. The
Assinaboins of North America have their name, which
means ''stone-boilers," from their old practice of digging a
hole in the ground, lining it with a piece of the slaughtered
animal's hide, and then putting in the meat with water, and
hot stones to boil it. Tribes of the far West actually managed
by means of red-hot stones to boil salmon and acorn-
porridge in their baskets made of close-plaited roots of the
spruce fir. The process of stone-boiling has lasted on even in
Europe where found convenient for heating water in wooden
tubs. Linnaeus on his northern tour found the Both-
land people brewing beer in this way, and to this day
the "rude Carinthian boor" drinks such "stone-beer," as it
is called. As soon as the cooks anywhere are provided
with earthen pots or metal kettles, boiling over the fire
becomes easy. Yet it is curious to notice the absence

of boiled meats from the feasts of the Homeric heroes,
where there is so much about the joints stuck on spits to
roast,and the vengeful Odysseus rolling to and fro on his
bed is compared to an eager roaster turning a stuffed
paunch before the blazing fire. Among the old Northmen
it was otherwise, for it is told in the Edda how the
warriors feast every night in Walhalla on the sodden
flesh of the boar Saehrimnir, who is daily boiled in the huge
kettle, and comes to life again ready for the morrow's hunt.
The simplest ways of making bread, such as seem to
have come in with the earliest cultivation of grain, answer
so well for some purposes that they may still be seen
almost unchanged. Thus in a north country cottage the
XI. ARTS OF LIFE. 267
housewife moistens the oatmeal and kneads it into dough,

which spread out thin is baked on the hot
into oatcakes
iron girdle (it and the damper of
u sed to b e a hot stone) ;
the Australian colonist is as simply made with flour and

water in thick cakes, baked in the embers. These take us
back near the primitive stages of an art which almost more
than any other has civilized mankind. Such unleavened
bread being first in use, the invention of leavened bread
would follow as a matter of course, by the sour dough on
the uncleaned vessel fermenting into leaven (French levain,
lightening), which starts fermentation through the fresh
dough, disengaging bubbles of carbonic acid within it
which expand it into a spongy mass. In later times the

yeast from brewing was found to be a better means than
leaven and there are modern processes of introducing the
;
gas by means of baking-powder (such as sal-aeratus or

aerated salt, bicarbonate of soda), or the bread may be
aerated by mixing the carbonic acid gas mechanically.
The other great means of preparing farinaceous or starchy
food is by boiling, which lets the starch out to mix with
the water by bursting the tiny granules in which it is
enclosed. Rice boiled whole furnishes about half the food

of mankind, and among other staple articles of vegetable
food are the various kinds of pap or porridge made

with wheat, barley, oats, maize, sago, cassava, &c. Look-
ing over a modern cookery-book, it is seen what an
endless list of dishes and sauces have been contrived by
clever cooks, to please the palate and make one wish for
more. As to progress in cookery in this way, no doubt the
moderns have left the ancients behind. But, after all, the
main purpose of cooking food is to bring it into a proper
condition for keeping up and working the human machine,
body and mind. Examining it from this point of view, it
is curious to notice what an old-world business it is. Its
main processes of roasting, baking, and boiling, belong to

the barbaric stage of culture, and had their origin in ages
before history.
The liquors drunk by man may next be noticed. Savage
tribes such as the Australians were water-drinkers when
discovered by the Europeans, and even the Hottentots and
North American Indians knew no fermented drinks. It is
difficult to suppose that an indulgence so tempting wo'uld

ever be forgotten, if once known ; so that possibly the
ancestors of these peoples may have from the first been
ignorant of the art of fermenting liquor. But in most
countries, especially where grain and fruit were cultivated,
one would think that the process must sooner or later
discover itself, by the accident of some suitable juice or

mash being left to stand. In Mexico the milky juice of
the aloe is fermented into pulque ; in Asia and Africa
palms are tapped for palm- wine or toddy ; cider from
apple -juice, and mead from honey and water, are well
known ; the Tatars ferment their mares' milk into kumiss.
Especially liquors of the beer kind prevail widely; the first
mentioned in history is the beer brewed from barley by the

ancient Egyptians, whence may perhaps be traced the
ancient ale or beer of Europe ; allied to it are the kvass
or rye-beer of Russia, the pombe or millet- beer of Africa,
the so-called rice-wine of the Chinese, the chicha made
with maize or cassava by the natives of America. Wine
seems not less ancient, and the Egyptian paintings show
the vineyards, the wine-presses, the wine-jars ; indeed,
wine-making is still much what it was in those early ages
of history. In ancient times it is curious to notice

the frank undoubting delight of men in intoxicating
drink, as a divinely given means of drowning care and
stimulating dulness into wild joy. They drank it solemnly

and offered it to their gods. The
in their religious feasts
ancient bards of the Vedic hymns thought no ill in singing
of Indra the Heaven-god, reeling drunk with the libations
of the sacred soma poured out by his worshippers, and in
later ages the Greeks chanted in bacchanal processions the
praises of the beneficent Dionysos, who made all nations
happy with the care-dispelling juice of the grape. But in
early times also there comes into view an opposite doctrine.
The guardians of religion, sensible of the evil of drunken-
ness, begin to proclaim not only excess as hateful, but the
very tasting of strong drink a sin. The Brahmans, although
the libation of the soma remains by old tradition among
their sacred rites, yet account the drinking of spirituous
liquors one of the five great sins; while in the old rival
Buddha, one of the ten precepts or command-
religion of
ments which the novice promises to obey, is that forbidding
the use of intoxicating liquor. Though the religion of
Mohammed arose in great measure out of Judaism and
Christianity, he cast off their ancient honour for wine and
its use in sacred rites, forbidding it as an abomination. It
was not till the middle ages that distilled spirit, though
more ancient in the East, came into use among the western
nations. It was generally accepted as beneficial, as is well
seen in the name of "water of life," Latin aquavitce, French
eau-de-vie, Irish usqicehaiigh (for shortness ivhisky). Alco-
holic spirit is now produced in immense quantities from the
refuse of wine-making, brewing, sugar-refining, &c. Its
employment as a habitual stimulant is among the greatest

evils of the modern world, bringing about in the low levels
of the population a state of degradation hardly matched in

the worst ages of history. On thp other hand, modern
civilized life has gained in comfort by taking to the use of
warm slightly stimulant drinks. Tea, at first valued by the

Buddhist monks in Central Asia as a drug to keep the
ascetic awake for his nightly religious duties, seems to have
been introduced as a beverage in China at about the
Christian era, and has spread from thence all over the
world. Coffee is at home in Arabia, and the world owes
its general use to the Moslems. Chocolate was brought by
the Spaniards from old Mexico, where it was a favourite
drink. With these, mention has to be made of tobacco,
also an importation from America, where at the time of
the discovery it was smoked by natives of both the north
and south continent.

In here describing fires and fire-places (p. 264), wood
has been taken as the primitive fuel. Indeed, the fire of
fallen boughs made at a picnic in the woods may take our
minds fairly back to prge-historic life. When in the savage
hut the logs are piled on the earthen floor, this simple
hearth already becomes the gathering-place of the family
and the type of home. But in treeless districts the want of
fuel is one of the difficulties of life, as where on the desert
plains the buffalo-hunter has to pick up for the evening fire
the droppings which he calls ''
buffalo-chips " or ''
bois de
vache." Even in woodland countries, as soon as people
collect in villages, the fire-wood near by is apt to run short.
When some American Indians were asked what reason they
supposed had brought the white men to their country, they
answered quite simply that no doubt we had burnt up all
our wood at home, and had to move. The guess was so

far good, that something of the kind must really have
happened had we depended on the fuel from our forests
and peat-bogs, for the supply in England was giving out.
Thus what was in old times the forest-land of Kent and
Sussex, and has still kept its name of the Weald {i.e. wood),
is not now well timbered, but this is because in Queen

Elizabeth's time it had been stripped to make charcoal for
the iron furnaces. Indeed, there then seemed danger that
as population increasedand manufactures throve, England
might become North China now, where in the cold
like
weather people huddle at home wrapped in furs, fuel being

too scarce except for the cooking-stove. But instead of
this to pass, there took place an industrial change
coming
in England, which multiplied the population and brought
on our present prosperity. This was the use of coal, on
which our modern manufacturing system depends. Even
for household purposes the coal-cellar has almost superseded
the wood-stack, and the blazing yule-log has become a
picturesque relic of the past. The very word coal, which
in the English Bible keeps its original sense of burning
wood, has since been usurped by the mineral. It must not,
however, be supposed that the use of coal was only dis-
covered in modern times. The Chinese have mined it
from time immemorial. In the thirteenth century, the

famous Venetian traveller, Marco Polo, related that in
Cathay there is a kind of black stones, which dug out are

of veins in the mountains, and burn like faggots and I ;
can tell you (he says) that if you put them on the fire in
the evening so that they catch well, they will burn all night
and even be alight in the morning. That this was told and
received as a wonder in Europe, shows how unfamiliar the
use of coal then was. Though lithanthrax or " stone-coal
was not unknown to the ancients, its full importance to
modern life only came gradually into view. Having first
been brought economy to meet the scarcity of wood,

in for
it afterwards became, when applied to the steam-engine, an
almost boundless source of power for all mechanical
work. A steam-engine, for every few shovelfuls of coal
its furnace is fed with, will do the day's work of a

horse. Thus the yearly output of millions of tons of steam-
coal in Great Britain alone, furnishes a supply of force in
comparison with which what was formerly available from
windmills and watermills and the labour of men and beasts
was quite small, while the workman's task becomes more
and more that of directing this brute force to grind and
hammer, to spin and weave, to carry across land and sea.
It is like the difference between driving the waggon and
carrying the sacks of corn to market on one's own back. It
isan interesting problem in political economy to reckon the
means of subsistence in our country during the agricultural
and pastoral period, and to compare them with the re-
sources we now gain from coal, in doing home-work and
manufacturing goods to exchange for foreign produce.
Perhaps the best means of realizing what coal is to us, will
be to consider, that of three Englishmen now, one at least
may be reckoned to live by coal, inasmuch as without it
the population would have been so much less.
The up a blazing brand

Australian savage would catch
from the camp-fire, to him into the dark forest and
light
scare away the demons. Thus there is as yet no difference

between his primitive means of artificial heat and light.
The two begin to separate when resinous pine-splints or the
like are set aside to serve as natural flambeaux, and from
this the next step is to make artificial flambeaux, of which
the commonest is the twist or torch (from Latin torquere) of
oakum dipped in pitch or wax. Till this century we used
much as the ancient Romans did, but they are now
torches
seldom to be seen, and by their disuse the picturesque side
of life loses many and
striking effects of torchlight glare
shadow on banquet and procession the delight of painters—
and poets. Not half the passers-by in old-fashioned streets
XL] ARTS OF LIFE. 273
now know that the extinguishers on the iron raiUngs were to

put out the links or torches carried to hght the company
to their coaches. The candle looks as though it might
have been invented from the torch. The rushlight, made
of the pith of the rush dipped in melted fat, was in com-
mon use in Pliny's time, as was wax or tallow
also the
candle with its yarn wick. The old classic lamp 'was a
flattish oval vessel with a nozzle (;>., nostril) at one end
for the wick to come out at. Simple as this construction

is, it has had a long unchanged use. Museums have few
Greek and Roman objects more plentiful than such earthen-
ware lamps, nor more exquisite specimens of metal-work
than the bronze ones and to this day the traveller off the
;
main road in Spain or Italy is lighted to his bedroom with

a brass stand-lamp much after the manner of the ancients,
with its pick-wick hanging to it by a chain. The lamp only
came into its improved modern make about a century ago,
when Argand let the air in from below, and put on the glass
chimney to set up a draught. The gas-lamp is still later,
only having come into practical use during the last sixty
years. But it is curious to notice that natural gas-lighting
had long been known in places where decomposing bi-
tuminous beds underground set free carburetted hydrogen.
Thus at the famous fire-temples of Baku (west of the
Caspian), a hollow cane was stuck in the ground near the
altar, through which the gas rose and burnt at its mouth,
while the pilgrini fire-worshippers prostrated themselves and
adored the sacred flame. In China, at salt springs where
such a supply of natural gas comes up, the practical-
minded people are content to lay it on through bamboos
into the buildings, to boil the brine-kettles and light up the
works.
The examination here made of the modes of cooking
T
requires some notice of vessels. For water-vessels men

can make shift without the art of the potter, using joints of
bamboo, coco-nut shells, calabash rinds, buckets scooped
out of wood, pails of bark, bottles of skin. The horseman
in desert regions carries his water-gourd at his saddle-bow,
and even where a glass imitation has come in, the French go
on calling it d. gourde^ just as we keep up the name of the old
leather bottle for the glass ones we use now. It was one of
the greatest household inventions to make earthen pots

to stand the fire for boiling. When and where pottery was
invented, is too far back to say. On the sites of ancient
dwellings, wherever earthenware was in use, potsherds
may be picked up in the ground. Where they are not
to be found, as among the relics of tribes of the rein-
deer-period in the caves of France, it may be safely
concluded that these early savages had not come so far in
civilization.The same is true of the Australians, Fuegians,

and many other modern savages who had no pottery, and
no broken bits in their soil to show that their predecessors
ever had. One asks, how did men first hit upon the idea of
making an earthen pot? It may not look a great stretch of
invention, but invention moved by slow steps in early cul-
ture, and there are some facts which lead to the guess that
even pots were not made all at once. There are accounts of
rude tribes plastering their wooden vessels with clay to stand
the fire, while others, more advanced, moulded clay over
gourds, or inside baskets, which being then burnt away left
an earthen vase, and the marks of the plaiting remained as

an ornamental pattern. It may well have been through such
intermediate stages that the earliest potters came to see that
they could shape the clay alone and burn it hard. This
shaping was doubtless at first done by hand, America
as in
or Africa the native women may still be seen building up
largeand shapely jars or kettles from the bottom, moulding

on the clay bit by bit. So in Europe, as any museum of an-
tiquities shows, the funeral urns and other earthen vessels
of the stone and bronze ages were hand-made ; and even
now tourists who visit buy earthen cups and
the Hebrides
bowls of an old woman who makes them in ancestral
fashion without a potter's wheel, and ornaments them with
lines drawn with a pointed stick. Yet the potter's wheel
was known in the world from high antiquity. Fig. 73 re-
presents Egyptian potters at work, as shown in the wall-
paintings of the Tombs of the Kings. It is seen that they
turned the wheel by hand. So the Hindu potter is described
' • Fig. 73.—Ancient Egyptian Potter's Wheel (Beni Hassan).
as now going down to the river side when a flood has

brought him a deposit of fine clay, when all he has to do is
to knead a batch of it, stick up his pivot in the ground,

balance the heavy wooden table on the top, give it a spin
round, and set to work. It was an improvement on this
simplest wheel to work it from below by the foot, and in our

potteries a labourer drives it with a wheel and band, but the
principle remains unchanged. As we watch with untiring
pleasure the potter with this simple machine so easily bring-
ing shape out of shapelessness, we can well understand how
in the ancient world it seemed the very type of creation,
so that the Egyptians pictured one of their deities as a

T oi
276 ANTHROPOLOGY. [ciiap.
potter moulding Man on the wheel. Fine art made son-;e
of its and most successful efforts in shaping the

earliest
earthen vase, engraving and moulding patterns or figures

on it. and painting it with pictures of gods and heroes, or
scenes from myth or daily life, so that much of our know-
ledge of such nations as Etruscans and even Greeks is
derived from the paintings on their vases, art-relics almost
everlasting though so fragile. A great part of the pottery
of the world is still of the first and simplest kind, mere
baked clay (Italian terra cottd) without glaze like our flower-
pots, and therefore porous. To cure this fault, some people,
as the Peruvians, varnished it, while even the Greeks often
burnt in bitumen. The great improvement of glazing, that
is, melting on a glassy coating in the furnace, was already
known in ancient Egypt and Babylonia, while in later ages
glazed earthenware reached high artistic excellence in the
Persian ware and the majolica (from Majorca). In China a
more perfect ware had been made above a thousand years
before European potters got at the secret of imitating it.
We call it chma^ or by the curious name porcelain, which

originallymeant a kind of oriental nacre or mother-of-pearl.
China -or porcelain dishes are made of fine white kaolin or
porcelain clay, and fired so intensely that the ware becomes
vitrified not only at the glazed surface but through the sub-
stance. The common principle in all these varieties of
earthenware is that silica (which with alumina is present in
all clay) forms fusible glassy silicates, which in terra cotta
bind the mass together, and in glazed earthenware and china

coat it on the surface or through.
Glass itself is a fusible silicate of this kind, the base being
potash, soda, and sometimes lead. There is a fanciful
story told by Pliny, describing its invention as having taken
place on a sandy shore of Phoenicia, where a ship happening
to be moored, the merchants finding no stones to boil

their kettle on, brought on shore lumps of nitre with which
the ship happened to be laden, whereupon the fire melted
the silica and alkali into glass. But the fact is that glass-
making was an Egyptian art ages before the rise of Phoenician
commerce, and to all appearance the Phoenicians and other
nations learnt it from thence. Fig. 74 shows an Egyptian
glass-blower. Among other things he would have made
flasks to be covered with reed, much like our present
oil-flasks. The ancient Egyptians made glass beads, and
variegated glass cups, which even the Venetian glassworks
Fic 7^. — Ancii-nt Egyptian Glass-blowing (Benl Hassan).
can hardly match. But modern Europe may claim the

clever art making crown glass for window-panes by
of
twhUng the red-hot blown globe till it opens in a circular
sheet, and also the polishing of sheets of plate-glass, which
make possible our great looking-glasses with their backs of
brilliant tin amalgam.
Fire is so important a means in extracting metal from the
ore and working it afterwards, that some account of the use
of metal may properly come in this chapter. But in
thinking how men were led to the difficult processes of
smelting ores to extract the metal, it has to be remembered
that some metals are found in the metallic state. Thus the
native copper near Lake Superior was used in long-past ages
by the tribes then living in the country, who treated bits

of the metal as a kind of malleable stone, hammering it
cold into hatchets, knives, and bracelets. The same is
true of gold, natural nuggets of which can be beaten cold

into ornaments. It is only a guess that metal-working
may have begun in this simple way ; still it seems a
likely guess. Iron also is found in the metallic state,
especially in the aerolites or meteoric stones which fall
on the earth from time to time. Though in many of

these the metal is apt to shiver to bits under the hammer,
there is some meteoric and other native iron fit to
be made into implements when heated white-hot in the
forge, and it can even be to some extent worked cold.
Some of the ores of metal are. themselves so metallic-
looking that the smith would attempt to wôrk them in the
fire, and this may have led to proper smelting. Thus
magnetic iron ore not only looks like iron, but can be
heated in the forge, and then and there hammered into
such things as horse-shoes.
It is a question whether men first worked copper or iron.
In classic times, indeed, people felt certain that bronze was

in use before iron. This bronze is an alloy of copper with
about a ninth of tin to harden it, what an English mechanic
would now call "gun-metal." An often-quoted line of
Hesiod's tells how the men of old worked in bronze when
as yet black iron was not ; and Lucretius, the Epicurean
poet, taught that after the primitive time when men fought
with sticks and stones, iron and bronze were discovered,
known before iron. However, the Greeks
but bronze was
and Romans did not really remember very ancient times,
and in some countries the use of iron was early.
Egyptian and Babylonian inscriptions make mention of
iron as well as copper. A piece of wrought iron taken
XI.] . ARTS OF LIFE. 279
out of the masonry of the great pyramid may be seen in

the British Museum, and there are Egyptian pictures even
showing the blue steel which the butcher had hanging
at his side to sharpen his knife on. Now what is to be
particularly noticed is that the Egyptians, though tliey thus
had iron, mostly made their carpenters' tools of bronze.
Among the Homeric Greeks, the smiths knew of iron, and
even of steel or steely iron, if one may judge so from the
famous passage in the Odyssey (ix. 391), about the hissing
of the axe as the smith dips it in the cold water to
strengthen the iron. Yet all the while bronze was the
ordinary material not only for the warrior's armour and
shield, but for his spear and sword. Clearly we have here
a state of arts very unlike our own now, and it is worth
while to try to understand tlie difference. An instructive
remark in Kaempfer's account of Japan near two cen-
turies ago, may help to explain it, where he says that both
copper and iron were smelted in the country, and were
about the same price, so that iron tools cost as much as
copper or brass ones. The state of things far back in the
ancient world may have been something like this. Iron,
though known, was hard to smelt from the ore, and
Homer's calling it the " much-wrought iron " shows how
difficult found it to forge.
the smiths But copper was
one well-known source being the island of Cyprus,
plentiful,
whence its name of ces Cyprium {copper). Tin had not to
be fetched from the ends of the world there were mines in ;
Georgia, Khorassan, and elsewhere in inner Asia, where

perhaps the discovery was made of using it to harden copper
into bronze. When once this had been hit upon, the ease
with which bronze could be melted, and such things as
hatchets cast in stone moulds, would make it more con-
venient than iron to the ancient artificer. This may have
28o ANTHROPOLOGY. . [chap.
been the real reason why the ''

bronze age " set in over a
great part of Europe and Asia, and was only followed by the
" iron age " when iron coming to be better worked, cheaper
and more plentiful, and steel especially being improved,

brought out that superiority to bronze for tools and weapons
which to us seems a matter of course. The remains of the
lake-dwellings of Switzerland show how central Europe was
once inhabited by rude tribes using stone implements, how
at a later period bronze hatchets and spears prevailed, and
lastly iron came
in. Such, too, has been the history of the
stone, bronze, and iron ages, traced by archaeologists in the
burial-places of old Scandinavia, whether the use of the
new metals was learnt by the native nations or brought in
by conquering invaders. Nations living in the bronze age
are known to history, especially the Mexicans and Peruvians,
whom the Spaniards at the conquest found working in bronze
with some skill, but knowing nothing of iron ; their state
was like that of the Massagetae of central Asia, described
by Herodotus some two thousand years earlier. Most of

Africa, on the other hand, seems to have had no bronze
age, but to have passed directly from the stone age to the
iron age. Iron-smelting seems to have com.e into Africa in
the north, and only spread lately down to the Hottentots,
w^ho still remember in their stories the time when their
ancestors used to cut down trees with stones. The Africans
easily dig up their rich iron ore and smelt it with wood in
simple furnaces which may be mere holes in the ground, the
draught being generally by bellows. The primitive pair of
bellows may there be seen, made of whole skins of goats or
other animals, of which the one full of air is pressed or
trodden on, while the empty one is pulled up to fill itself
through a slit or valve. This shows iron-smelting not far
from its rudest and probably earliest state. Among the

various improvements which have now made iron more

plentiful than in ancient times are the use of coke instead
of charcoal for smelting; the introduction of cast-iron,
which seems old in China, but was not common in England
till the last century ; the use of machinery for rolling and
forging. The progress of steel-making has been such as
lately to make it possible for railways to be laid down with
steel at apenny a pound.
Other metals and their effect oncivilization may be spoken
of briefly. from ancient times been the companion
Silver has
of gold, as precious metals. Lead was easily extracted, and
served the Romans for roofs and water-pipes. The alloy of
copper and zinc was made by the Romans not by fusing
together the two metals, but by heating copper with the zinc
ore called calamine ; the result was brass, an inferior kind
of bronze. Quicksilver was known to the ancients, who
distilled it from the red cinnabar, and understood its use in
extracting gold and silver, and for gilding. Of the many
metals which have become known in modern times some
have practical uses. Thus platinum is valuable for vessels
which have to bear extreme heat or resist the action of
acids, and aluminium is useful for its remarkable lightness.
But we still mostly depend on the metals whose origin is
lost in antiquity —
iron, copper, tin, lead, silver, and gold.
The mention of these last precious metals leads us to
notice the important part which coin has had in developing
civiUzation, and this again belongs to the general history of
trade or commerce. The modern Englishman, accustomed
to shops and counting-houses, hardly realises from what
rude beginnings our comiplex commercial system arose.
It is instructive to see trade in its lowest form among such
tribes as the Australians. The tough greenstone, valuable
for making hatchets, is carried hundreds of miles by natives
who receive from other tribes in return the prized products

of their districts, such as red ochre to paint their bodies
with ; they have even got so far as to let peaceful traders
pass unharmed through tribes at war, so that trains of youths
might be met, each lad with a slab of sandstone on his
head to be carried to his distant hom.e and shaped into a
seed-crusher. When strangers visit a tribe, they are re-
ceived at a friendly gathering or corrobboree, and presents
are given on both sides. No doubt there is a general sense
that the gifts are to be fair exchanges, and if either side is
not satisfied there will be grumbling and quarrelling. But

in this roughest kind of barter we do not yet find that clear
notion of a unit of value which is the great step in trading.
This higher stage is found among the Indians of British
Columbia, whose strings of haiqua-shells, worn as orna-
mental borders to their dresses, serve them also as currency
to trade with, a string of ordinary quality being reckoned
as worth one beaver's skin. In the Old World many traces
have come down of the times when value was regularly
reckoned in cattle ; as where in the Iliad, in the description
of the funeral games, we read of the great prize tripod that

was valued at twelve oxen, while the female slave who was
the second prize was only worth four oxen. Here the
principle of unit of value is already recognised, for not
only could the owner of oxen buy tripods and slaves with
them, but also he who had a twelve-ox tripod to sell could
take in exchange three slaves reckoned at four oxen each.
To this day various objects of use or ornament pass as
currency, especially where money is scarce. Thus the
traveller in Abyssinia may have to buy what he wants with
cakes of salt, while elsewhere in Africa he has to carry iron
hoe-blades, pieces of cloth, and strings of beads as money.
Cowry-shells are still small change in South Asia, as they
have been since time immemorial. These things do more

or less clumsily what metal money does so conveniently.
The use of money arose out of gold and silver being in old
times bartered by weight for goods, as may be seen in the
pictures of the ancient Egyptians weighing in scales heaps
of rings of gold and silver, which shows that these were
not yet real money. It is thus still with much of the gold
and silver traded with in the East, where the little ingots
have to be weighed and reckoned for what each is worth.
The invention of coin comes in when pieces of metal are
made of a fixed weight and standard, and marked with a
figure or inscription to certify them, so that they may be
taken without weighing or testing. This looks a simple
thing to do, but the old Egyptians and Babylonians are not
known to have hit upon it. Perhaps the earliest money
may have been the Chinese little marked cubes of gold,
and the pieces of copper in the shapes of shirts and
knives, as though intended to represent real shirts or
knives. Coins appear in Lydia and ^gina, in their early
form, as rude dumps of precious metal stamped on one
side only with a symbol such as the tortoise, the other
side showing the mark of the anvil or tool they were
placed on to be struck, which accidental back-pattern
came to be improved in later coins into the ornamental re-
verse. Art came on fast in coinage, so that among the most

beautiful coins in the world are the gold staters of Philip of
Macedon, with the laurel-crowned head on one side and
the two-horse charioton the other. But one reason why
coins are no longer struck in such high relief is because
they would be rubbed down by wear. The Roman as was
not stamped but cast it seems to have been at first a pound
;
of copper, its name meaning " one " (as ace at cards still
does). From early ages the coinage has been a government

monopoly, and the practice soon began of lowering the

standard and lessening the weight for the profit of the royal
treasury. How this debasing the coinage was carried on in
Europe by one king after another may be seen in the fact
that the libra or pound of silver came down in value to the
French livre or franc, worth tenpence, and to the ''pound
Scots," worth twenty pence. Though changed in value, the
coinage of old times may be traced on to the present day,
in our still keeping accounts in the £^ s. d. (librae, solidi,
denarii) of the Romans.

For small trading and at home, metal money answers
well. But there is great trouble and risk in sending coin
hundreds of miles to pay for goods bought at a distance.
An easily carried substitute for gold and silver is the bank-
note, a promise to pay so much, issued by the treasury or
some banker, and passing as money from hand to hand. The
Emperor of China appears to have issued such notes in
exchange for treasure about the eighth century, and in the
thirteenth century Marco Polo, the famous merchant-traveller
in Tartary, describes the Great Khan's money of stam.ped
pieces of mulberry-bark. It is plain from this account that
the notion of paper-money was still strange to the mind of
an European trader, but since then bank-notes have be-
come an important part of the world's currency. Even
more useful to commerce was t'lie invention of bills of ex-
change. Suppose a merchant of Genoa to have sent silks to
a merchant in London. He does not send for his money
in return, but gives an order on a slip of paper that his cor-
respondent in London, who owes him so much, is to pay
it in so many days. This slip of paper is a bill of exchange,
and is bought by another Genoese merchant who happens
to owe money in London, and pays it by sending over the
bill which claims the payment of the money there. Thus,
instead of gold being sent backwards and forwards to pay

for siiipments between London and Genoa, one debt is set
off against another. This is describing in its simplest form
the system which is so worked in the exchanges of mer-
immense transac-
cantile cities all over the world, that the
tions of commerce on by mutual credit, with
are carried
only so much actual travelling of gold and silver as is
I necessary to adjust the balances between the different

countries.
The main principle of modern commerce is still just
what it was among the rude Indians of Brazil, where the
tribes who make the deadly arrow-poison prepare more
than they want for their own use, so as to exchange the rest
for spears of the hard wood that grov/s in other districts,
or the hammocks of palm-fibre netted by tribes elsewhere.
Wealth is created by trade as well as by manufactures.
The Canadian trapper wants for his own use but few of his
plentiful furs, but all he can take are wealth to him, because
the trader brings him
in exchange the clothes and groceries
and other things he wants. The general history of com-
merce in the world, which is the development of this simple
principle, need not be dwelt on here by giving details of
the ancient traffic of Egypt with Assyria and India, the
Phoenician trading colonies on the Mediterranean, the old
trade-routes across Asia and Europe, the rise of the mer-
chant princes of Genoa and Venice, the first voyages round
the Cape to the East Indies, the discovery of America, the
rise of ocean steam-navigation. It is specially interesting to
the student of civilization to notice that the travelling

merchant had in early ages another business hardly less im-
portant than conveying ivory and incense and fine linen from
where they were plentiful to where they were scarce. He
was the bringer of foreign knowledge and the explorer of
286 ANTHROPOLOGY. [chap; xi.
when nations were more shut up than

distant regions in days
now within their own them only as
borders, or went across
enemies to ravage and destroy. The merchants did much
to break down the everlasting jealousy and strife between
nations into peaceful and profitable intercourse. More-
over it may be plainly proved that the old hostile system of
nations is kept up by every kind of restriction on trade,
every protective duty imposed to force the production of
commodities in countries ill-suited to them, to prevent their
coming in cheap and good from where they are raised with
least labour. There is no agent of civilization more
beneficial than the free trader, who gives the inhabitants of
every region the advantages of all other regions, and whose
business work out the law that what serves the general
is to
profit of mankind serves also the private profit of the
individual man.
CHAPTER XII.
ARTS OF PLEASURE.
Poetry, 287 —Verse —

Alliteration and Rhyme, 289
and Metre, 28S
Poetic Metaphor, 289 — Speech,
Melody, Harmony, 290 Musical —
Instruments, 293 —
Dancing, 296— Drama, 298 Sculpture and —
Painting, 300 —
Ancient and Modern Art, 301 Games, 305. —
To those who have not thought particularly about straight-
forward prose and poetry which is
talk, set in metre and
rhyme, and song which is chanted to a tune, it may seem
that these are three clearly distinct things. But on careful
examination it is found that they shade into one another,
and it can be made out how human speech passed into all
three states. Savage tribes have some set form in their

chants, which shows they feel them different from common
talk. Thus Australians, to work themselves into fury before
a fight, will chant, "Spear his forehead! — Spear his breast!
;—Spear his liver !

— Spear his heart!" and so on with the
other parts of the enemy's body. Another Australian chant
is sung at native funerals, the young women taking the first
line, the old women the second, and all together the third
and fourth.
" Kardang garro *' Young-brother again

Mammul garro Son again
Mela nadjo Hereafter I-shall
Nunga broo." See never."
2S8 ANTHROPOLOGY. [chap.
Here the words of the savage chant are no longer mere

prose, but have passed into a rude kind of verse. All bar-
baric tribes hand down such songs by memory, and make
new ones. The North American hunter has chants which
will bring him on the bear's track next morning, or give him
victory over an enemy. The following is the translation of a

New Zealand song :
" Thy body is at Waitemata,

But thy spirit came hither
And aroused me from my sleep.
—
Chorus Ha-ah, ha-ah, ha-ah, ha " !
This last shows a feature extremely common in barbaric

songs, the refrain of generally meaningless syllables. We
moderns are often struck with the absurdity of the nonsense-
chorus in many of our own songs, but the habit is one which
seems to have been kept up from the stages of culture in
which the Australian savage sings " Abang abang " over !
!
and over at the end of his verse, or a Red Indian hunting-

party enjoy singing in chorus " Nyah eh wa nyah eh wa " ! !
to an accompaniment of rattles Hke thosj which children

use with us.
It is among nations at a higher stage of culture that

there appears regular metre, where the verses are measured
accurately in syllables. The ancient hymns of the Veda are
in regular metre, and this is proof how far the old Aryans
had advanced beyond the savage state. Indeed the re-
semblances between the metre of the most ancient Indian
and Persian and Greek poetry show that in the remote ages
of their national connection their measured verse had already
begun. Metre is best known to us from Greek and Latin
verses, but there are more metres in the world than Horace
knew of For instance, when Longfellow versified a collection
XII.] ARTS OF PLEASURE. 289
of American native tales in his "Song of Hiawatha,"

he found no metre among the Indians themselves, who were
not cultured enough to have such a device ; so he imitated
the peculiar metre of the Kalewala, the epic poem chanted
by the native bards of Finland. Our own poetry, where
the verses are scanned by accent, differs in its nature from
the classic metres whose syllables are measured by quantity
or length. Later than the invention of metre, came other
means by which the poet could please his hearers with new
effects of matched and balanced sounds. Thus our early
English forefathers rejoiced in alliteration, where the same
consonant comes in again and again, with a frequency which
would weary our modern taste, though our ear is pleased
*
with occasional touches of it, as
" Sober he seerade, and very sagely sad." Spenser.

" He rushed into the field, and, foremost fighting, fell." Byron.
Rhyme, seems comparatively modern in the world's

too,
history of poetry. Its clumsy beginnings may be judged
from such lines as these of an old Latin poet (perhaps
Ennius) quoted by Cicero : —
" Coelum nitescere, arbores fi-ondescere,
Vites Isetificas pampinis pubescere,
Rami bacarum ubertate incurvescere."
Thus the Christian hymns of the middle ages, such as the

famous "Dies Irae," did not bring in rhyme as quite a
novelty, but they used it and made it common, and
skilfully
it was taken up also by the Troubadours, the masters and
teachers of Europe in the poetic art.
The best poetry of our own day is full of quaint fancy

and delicate melody, the setting of lovely thought in har-
monious language, at once pictures for the imagination and
V
music for the ear. But besides this, it has a curious interest
to the student of history, as keeping aUve in our midst the
ways of thought of the most ancient world. Much of poetic
art Ues in imitating the expressions of earHer stages of culture,
when poetry was the natural utterance of any strong emotion,
the natural means to convey any solemn address or ancestral
tradition. The modern poet still uses for picturesqueness
the metaphors which to the barbarian were real helps to
express his sense. This may be seen in analyzing a poem
of Shelley's :
—
" How wonderful is Death,
Death and his brother, Sleep !
One, pale as yonder waning moon,

With lips of lurid blue ;
The other, rosy as the morn

When throned on ocean's wave
It blushes o'er the world."
Here the likeness of death and sleep is expressed by the

metaphor of calling them brothers, the moon is brought in
and the dawn of redness
to illustrate the notion of paleness,
while to convey the idea of the dawn shining over the sea
the simile of its sitting on a throne is introduced, and its
reddening is compared on the one hand to a rose, and on
the other to blushing. Now this is the very way in
which early barbaric man, not for poetic affectation, but
simply to find the plainest words to convey his thoughts,
would talk in metaphors taken from nature. Even our daily
prose is full of words, now come down to ordinary use,
which show vestiges of this old nature-poetry, and the
etymologist may, if he will, set up again the pictures of the
old poetic thoughts which made the words.
To read or recite poetry as we moderns do is to alter its
proper nature, for the purpose of poetry was to be chanted.

But this very chanting or singing grew out of talking. On

listening carefully to the talk going on around us, we may
observe that it does not run in an unchanged monotone, but
that all sentences are intoned to an imperfect tune, a rise
and fall of pitch marking the phrases, distinguishing question
and answer, and touching emphatic words with a m.usical
accent. This half-melody of common speech may be
roughly written down in notes; it is not the same in EngHsh
and German ; and indeed one way in which a Scotchman's
talking is known from an Englishman's is the different in-
toning of his phrases. When speech becomes solemn or
impassioned, it passes more and more into natural chanting,
which at devotional meetings may be heard nearly passing
into distinct tune. The intoning in churches arose from the
same natural utterance of religious feeling, but in course of
time it became fixed by custom, and was forced into the
regular intervals of the musical scale. So the artificial

recitative of the opera is a modern musical working up of
what has come down by tradition of the ancient tragic
declamation, which- once swayed the listening throng of the

Greek theatre.
We are apt to take it as a matter of course that all music
must be made up of notes in scale, and that scale the one
we have been used to from childhood. But the chants of
rude tribes, which perhaps best represent singing in its early
stages, run in less fixed tones, so that it is difiicult to write
down their airs. The human voice is not bound to a scale
of notes, for its pitch can glide up and down. Nor among
nations who sing and play by musical scales are the tones
of these scales always the same. The question how m.en
were led to exact scales of tones is not easy to answer fully.
But one of the simplest scales was forced upon their atten-
tion by that early musical instrument the trumpet, rude
u 2
292" ANTHROPOLOGY. [chap.
forms of which are seen in the long tubes of wood or bark

blown by forest tribes in South America and Africa. A
trumpet (a six feet length of iron gas- pipe will do) will sound
the successive notes of the "common chord," which maybe
written c e g c, on which the trumpeter performs the simple
tunes known so well as trumpet-calls. This natural scale,
perfect so far as it goes, contains the most important of
musical intervals, the octave, fifth, fourth, and third. Another
scale, of more notes than this, though of fewer than our full
scale, is not less familiar to English ears. This is the old

five-tone scale, without semitones, which can be played on
the five black keys of the pianoforte, and the best-known
form of which may be written c, d^ <?, g^ a, c. Old Scotch
airs are on the five-tone scale, which indeed may sdll be
met with across the world, as where some traveller in China
watching a funeral procession has been surprised to hear a
melancholy dirge like what he last heard played by a piper
on the shore of a Highland loch. Engel, in his Music of

Ancient Nations, shows that music of this pentatonic or
five-toned kind has belonged since early times to other
Eastern nations, so that any genuine Scotch melody like
'Âuld Lang-syne" may give some idea of the music of anti-
quity. The more advanced seven-tone scale which prevails
in the modern world is nearly taken from that of the
musicians of classic Greece, who accompanied the singer's
voice on the eight-stringed lyre. Pythagoras, who first
brought musical tones under arithmetical rule, had the
curious fancy that the distances of the seven planets are
related as the seven tones of octave, an idea which
the
still dimly survives among us in the phrase " music of the
spheres."
Modern music is thus plainly derived from ancient. But
there has arisen in it a great new development. The music
of the ancients scarcely went beyond melody. The voice

might be accompanied by an instrument in unison or at an
octave interval, but harmony as understood by modern
musicians was as yet unknown. Its feeble beginnings may
be traced in the middle ages, when musicians were struck
by the effects got by singing two different tunes at once,
when one formed a harmony to the other. It is still a joke

among musicians to sing together in this old-fashioned
way two absurdly incongruous tunes, for instance, " The
Campbells are coming" and **The Vesper hymn," so
arranged that one makes a sort of accompaniment to the
other. The old rounds and catches, still popular, thus make
one part of the tune serve as a harmony for the other.
The Roman church part-music, and the Protestant singing
by the congregation, with the organ to accompany them,
had great effect in making the change by which the mere
melody of the ancients grew into the harmonized melody
of the moderns. This great step once understood, the
student can follow in the history of music its successive
stages in part-singingand orchestral composition, in the
church and the concert-room, till in the hands of the great
composers of the last three centuries the full resources of
modern musical art were developed.
The musical instruments of the present day may all be
traced back to rude and early forms. The rattle and the
drum are serious instruments among savages the rattle has ;
come down to a child's toy with us, but the drum holds its
own in peace and war. Above these monotonous instru-
ments comes the trumpet, which, as has just been seen, brings
barbaric music a long step further on. The pipe or flageolet
appears in its simplest form in the common whistle, and is
improved by holes, by which the player alters the length of
the pipe so as to give several notes. From very remote

times, and far and wide over the earth, the familiar pipe is
found, played single or double, and sometimes blown with

the nostril instead of the mouth. Already in the ancient
world it was often provided with a skin wind-bag which
made it into the bagpipe or, held sideways and blown across
,
the mouth-hole, it became the flute. Another way of bring-

ing out a range of notes is seen in the Pan's pipes, the row
of reeds of different lengths, in old classic days associated
with the grac2 of rural poetry, but now come down to sound
the vulgar pipings of the street showman. In the modern
orchestra, the cornet is a trumpet provided with stops. The
clarionet is a development of the grass-stem with a vibrating
slit or tongue such as children cut in the fields in spring.
The whole class of musical instruments to which the har-
monium belongs, work with these vibrating tongues, which
by their name of "reeds" still keep up the memory of their
origin. The organ carries out in the widest range and grandest
proportions the principle of the simple pipe or whistle, so
that there is scientific correctness in the disrespectful name
of " kist o' whistles " given it by the Scotch, who disliked its
use in church. Not less primitive are the rudest forms in

which stringed instruments appear. It is told in the Odyssey
(xxi. how the avenging hero, when he has strung his
410)
mighty bow compact of wood and horn, gives the stretched
string a twang that makes it sing like a swallow in a soft
tone beautifully. One might well guess that the strung bow
of the warrior would naturally become a musical instrument,
but what is more, it really is so used. The Damara in South
Africa finds pleasure in the faint tones heard by striking the
tight bowstring with a little stick. The Zulu despises the
bow as a cowardly weapon, but he still uses it for music
his music-bow, shown in Fig. 75 a, has a ring slid along the
string to alter the note, and is also provided with a hollow
XII. ARTS OF PLEASURE. 295
gourd acting as a resonator or sounding-box to strengthen

the feeble twang. Next, looking at b in the figure, it is seen
how the ancient Egyptian harp may have been developed
from such a rude music-bow, the wooden back being now
made hollow so as to be bow and resonator in one, while
across it are strung several strings of different lengths.
All ancient harps, Assyrian, Persian, even old Irish,
Fig. 75. — Development of the Harp, a, music-bow with gourd resonator (South
Africa) ; b, ancient harp (Egypt) ; c, mediaeval harp with front-pillar (England).
were made on this plan, yet we can see at a glance

that it was defective, wooden back
the bending of the
putting the strings out of tune. It was not till modern
ages that the improvement was made of completing the

harp with the front-pillar, as seen in which makes the <r,
whole frame rigid and firm. Looking at the three figures, it

is seen how the course of invention was by gradual growth ;
the harp with the pillar could not have been first invented,
for no men could have been so stupid as to go on making
harps and leave out the front-pillar when once the idea of it
had come into their minds. The harp, though now made
more perfect than of old, is losing its ancient place in music ;
but the reason of this is easy to see, it has been supplanted

by modern instruments which have come from it. The very
form of a grand piano shows that it is a harp laid on one
side in a case, and its strings not plucked with the fingers
but struck with hammers worked from a keyboard. It is
the latest development from the bowstring of the prsehistoric

warrior.
Dancing may seem moderns a frivolous amusement
to us ;
but in the infancy of civilizationit was full of passionate
and solemn meaning. Savages and barbarians dance their

joy and sorrow, their love and rage, even their magic and
religion. The forest Indians of Brazil, whose sluggish
temper few other excitements can stir, rouse themselves at
their moonlight gatherings, when, rattle in hand, they stamp
in one-two-three time round the great earthen pot of intoxi-
cating kawi-liquor ; or men and women dance a rude courting
dance, advancing in lines with a kind of primitive polka
step ; or the ferocious war-dance is performed by armed
warriors in paint, marching in ranks hither and thither with
a growling chant terrific to hear. We have enough of the
savage left in us to feel how Australians leaping and yelling
at a corrobboree by firelight in the forest can work themselves
up into frenzy for next day's fight. But with our civiHzed
notions it is not so easy to understand that barbarians'
dancing may mean still more than this it seems to them
;
so real that they expect it to act on the world outside.

Thus among the Mandan Indians, when the hunters failed
to find the buffalos on which the tribe depended for food,

every man brought out of his lodge the mask made of a
buffalo's head and horns, with the tail hanging down behind,
which he kept for such an emergency, and they all set to
dance buffalo. Ten masked dancers at a time
or fifteen
formed the ring, drumming and rattling, chanting and
yelling;when one was tired out he went through the
pantomime of being shot with bow and arrow, skinned, and
cut up while another, who stood ready with his buffalo-head
;
on, took his place in the dance. So it would go on, without

stopping day or night, sometimes for two or three weeks,
till at last these persevering efforts to bring the buffalo
succeeded, and a herd came
on the prairie. The
in sight
description and sketch of the scene will be found in Catlin's

North American Indians. Such an example shows how, in
the lower levels of culture, men dance to express their
feelings and wishes. All this explains how in ancient
religion dancing came
be one of the chief acts of worship.
to
Religious processions went with song and dance to the
Egyptian temples, and Plato said that all dancing ought to
be thus an act of religion. In fact, it was so to a great
extent in Greece, as where the Cretan chorus, moving in
measured pace, sang hymns to Apollo, and in Rome, where
the Salian priests sang and danced, beating their shields,
along the streets at the yearly festival of Mars. Modern

civilization, in which sacred music flourishes more than
ever, has mostly cast off the sacred dance. To see this
near its old state the traveller may visit the temples of India,
or among the lamas of Tibet watch the mummers in animal
masks dancing the demons out, or the new year in, to wild
music of drums and shell-trumpets. Remnants of such
ceremonies, come down from the religion of England
before Christian times, are still som.etimes to be seen
in the dances of boys and girls round the Midsummer

bonfire, or of the mummers at Yuletide ; but even these
are dying out. The dances of choristers in plumed hats
and the dress of pages of Philip III.'s time, still performed
before the high altar of Seville Cathedral, are now among
the quaintest relics of a rite all but vanished from Christen-
dom. Even sportive dancing, as a graceful exercise, is
falling off in the modern world. The pictures from ancient

Egypt show that the professional dancers were already
skilful in their art, which perhaps reached its highest artistic
pitch in classic Greece and Rome. Something of the old-

fashioned picturesque village-dancing may still be seen at
festivals in most countries of Europe except England, but
the ball-room dances of modern society have lost much of
the old art and grace.
At low levels in civilization it is clear that dancing and
play-acting are one. The North American dog-dance and
bear-dance are mimic performances with ludicrously faithful
imitations of the creatures' pawing and rolling and biting.
So the scenes of hunting and war furnish barbarians with
subjects for dances, as when the Gold Coast negroes have
gone out to war, and their wives at home dance a fetish-
dance in imitation of battle, to give their absent husbands
strength and courage. Historians trace from the sacred
dances of ancient Greece the dramatic art of the civilized
world. Thus, in the festivals of the Dionysia, the wondrous
life of the Wine-god was danced and sung, and from its
solemn hymns and laughable jests arose tragedy and comedy.

In the classic ages the player's art divided into several
branches. The pantomimes kept up the earliest form, where
the dancer acted in dumb show such pieces as the labours
of Herakles, or Kadmos sowing the dragon's teeth, while the
chorus below accompanied the play by singing the story
the modern pantomime ballets, which keep up remains of

these ancient performances, show how grotesque the old
stage gods and heroes must have looked in their painted
masks. In Greek tragedy and comedy the business of the
dancers and chorus was separated from that of the actors,
who recited or chanted each his proper part in the
dialogue, so that the player could now move his audience
by words of passion or wit, delivered with such tone and
gesture as laid hold on all who listened and looked. Greek
tragedy, once begun, soon reached its height among the
^schylos and Sophokles are
fine arts, so that the plays of
read as examples of the higher poetry, and the modern
acted imitations like the Ph^dre of Racine give an idea of
their power when the genius of the actors can rise to their
height of emotion. The modern drama belongs not so
much to the sacred mystery-plays of the middle ages as to
the classic revival or renaissance of four centuries ago.
Those who have seen the ruins of classic theatres at
Syracuse, or on the hill-side of Tusculum, will best under-
stand how a modern playhouse shows its Greek origin
not only in the arrangement, but in the Greek names of its
parts — the theatre^ ox spectators' place, which still keeps its
well-planned horse-shoe shape ; the scene with its painted

background and curtain in front \ while the orchestra or
dancing-place, which was formerly for the choi'ns, is now
given up to the musicians. The change in the tragedy and
comedy performed in the modern theatre from those of the
classic world is partly due to their having dropped the stiff
solemn declamation which belonged to tlx^m while they were

still religious ceremonies, and their personages divine. In
the hands of modern dramatists, of Shakspere above all, the
characters came to be more human, though representing
human nature in its most picturesque extremes, and life in
its intensest moments. Modern plays are not indeed bound

to be strictly natural, but can still call in the supernatural,
as where now fairies or angels may hover over the scene

where in classic days the gods used to pass in mid-air
borne in their machines. In the modern comedy the per-
sons dress and talk as near as may be like daily life
yet, even here, when the audience gravely fall in with the
pretence that some of the speeches, though spoken aloud,

are "asides" not heard by the actors close by, this shows
that the modern world has not lost the power to make-
believe, on which all dramatic art is founded.
On this same power of make-believe or imagination are
founded the two other fine arts, sculpture and painting.
Their proper purpose is not to produce exact imitations,

but what the artist strives to bring out is the idea that
strikes the beholder. Thus there is often more real art in
a caricature done with a few strokes of the pencil, or in a
rough image hacked out of a log, than in a minutely painted
portrait, or a figure at a waxwork show which is so like life
that visitors beg its pardon when they walk up against it.
The painter's and sculptor's art seems to have arisen in

the world from the same sort of rude beginnings which
are still to be seen in children's attempts to draw and carve.
The sheets of bark or skins on which barbarous tribes have
drawn men and animals, guns and boats, remind us of the
slates and barn doors on which English children make their
early trials in outline. Many of these children will grow up

and go through their lives without getting much beyond
this childish stage. The clergyman of a country parish
some years ago set the cottagers to amuse themselves with
carving in wood such figures as men digging or reaping.
They produced figures so curiously uncouth, and in style so
like the idols of barbarous tribes, that they wêre kept as
XII ]
ARTS OF PLEASURE. 301
examples of the infancy of sculpture, and are now to be

seen in the museum of Kew Gardens. Yet mankind, under
favourable circumstances, especially with long leisure time
on their hands, began in remote antiquity to train themselves
to skill in art. Especially the sketches and carvings of
animals done by the old cave-men of Europe have so
artistic a touch that some have supposed them modern
forgeries. But they are admitted to be genuine and found
over a wide^ district, while forgeries which have been really
done to palm oif on collectors are just wanting in the pecu-
liar skill who

with which the savages lived among the rein-
deer and mammoths knew how to catch their forms and
attitudes. Two
of these ancient carvings are drawn in
Figs. 3 and others in Lubbock's Prehistoric Times.
and 4,
The art of colouring would naturally arise, for savages who
paint their own bodies with charcoal, pipeclay, and red and
yellow ochre, would daub their carved figures and fill in
their outline drawings with the same colours. Travellers in
Australia sheltering from the storm in caves, wonder at the
cleverness of the rude frescos on the cavern-walls of kan-

garoos and emus and natives, dancing, while in South Africa
the Bushmen's caves show paintings of themselves with
bows and arrows, and the bullock-waggons of the white
men, and the dreaded figure of the Dutch boer with his
broad-brimmed hat and pipe. Among such people as the
West Africans and Polynesians, the native sculptor's best
skill has been used on images of demons and gods, made
to receive worship and serve as bodies in which the

spiritual beings are to take up their abode. Thus the idols
of barbarians, as specimens of early stages of sculpture,
have a value in the history of art as well as of religion.
In the ancient nations of Egypt and Babylonia art had

already risen to higher levels. Indeed Egyptian sculpture
reached its best in the earlier rather than the later ages, for
the stone statues of the older time stand and step with
more and the calm proud
free life in their limbs, faces of
the colossal Thothmes and Rameses portraits (like Fig. 19)
show the grandest ideal of an eastern despot, half tyrant,

half deity. In the sculpture halls of the British Museum,
it is seen that the early school of Egyptian sculptors were
on _their way to Greek perfection, but they stopped short
With trained mechanical skill they wrought statues by tens
of thousands, hewing gigantic figures of the hardest granite
and porphyry which amaze the modern stone-cutter, but
their art, bound by tradition, grew not freer but more stiff and
formal. They might divide their plans into measured squares,
and set out faces and limbs by line and rule, but their
conventional forms seldom come up to the Greek lines of
beauty, and their monuments are now prized, not as models
of art, but as records of old-world history. In the British
Museum also, the alabaster bas-reliefs that adorned the
palace-courts of Nineveh give a wonderfully clear idea of
what Assyrian life was like, how the king rode in his chariot,
or let fly his arrows at the lior^ at bay, or walked with the
state umbrella held over his head ; how the soldiers swam
the rivers on blown skins and the storming party scaled the
fortress, while the archers shot down among them from the
battlements, and the impaled captives hung in rows full in
view outside the walls. But in such scenes proportion did

not much matter if only the meaning were conveyed. It did
not seem artistically absurd to the Assyrians to make archers
so big that two fill a whole parapet ; nor did the Egyptians
feel the comic impression made on our modern minds by
the gigantic figure of the king striding half across the
battle-field and grasping a dozen pigmy barbarians at a
grip, to slash their heads off wilh one sweep of his mighty
falchion. It was in Greece that the rules of art were
developed which reject the figures of the older nations as

stifif in form and unlifelike in grouping. Greek art is
sometimes written of as though it had itself begun in the
rudest stage, with clumsy idols of wood and clay, till by
efforts of their own surpassing genius the Greek sculptors
came to hew
marble the forms which are still the wonders
in
of the world. But great as Greek genius was, it never did
this. The Greek nations had been for ages in contact with
the older civiHzatione of the Mediterranean ; their starting-
point was to learn what art could do in Egypt, Phoenicia,
Babylonia, and then their genius set them free from the
hard old conventional forms, leading them to model life
straight from nature, and even to fashion in marble shapes of

ideal strength and grace. The Egyptian sculptors would not
spoil polished granite with paint, but many of their statues
were coloured, and there are traces of paint left on the
Assyrian sculptures and on Greek statues, so that we are
apt to have a wrong idea of a Greek temple, as though its
marble gods and goddesses used to be of the glaring white-

ness of a modern sculpture-gallery. The Greek terracotta
statuettes in the British Museum are models of antique
female grace in form and costume, only wanting the lost
colour restored to make them the prettiest things in the
world.
In colour-drawing, or painting, the Egyptian wall-paint-
ings show a style half-way between the lowest and the
highest Here the scenes of old Egyptian life are caught
at their characteristic moments, the shoemaker is seen
drawing his thread, the fowler throwing at the ducks, the

lords and and the flute-players and tumblers
ladies feasting
performing before them. Yet with all their clever expres-
siveness, the Egyptian paintings have not quite left behind
the savage stage of art. In fact they are still picture-

writings rather than pictures, repeating rows of figures with
heads, legs, and arms drawn to pattern, and coloured in
childish daubs of colour — hair all black, skin all red-brown,
clothing white,and so on. The change from these to the
Greek paintings is surprising now we have no more rows
;
of man-patterns, but grouped studies of real men. The best

works of the Greek painters are only known to moderns by
the admiring descriptions of the ancients, but more ordi-
nary specimens which have been preserved give an idea
what the paintings of Zeuxis and Apelles may have been.
The tourist visiting for the first time the museum of Naples
comes with a shock of surprise in face of Alexander of
Athens' picture of the goddesses at play, the boldly drawn
and the groups of dancers
frescos of scenes from the Iliad,
elegant in drawing and Most of these pictures
colouring.
from Herculaneum and Pompeii were done by mere house
decorators, but these tenth-rate Greek painters had the
traditions of the great classic school, and they show plainly
that from the same source we also have inherited the art of
design. Modern European painting comes in two ways from
ancient art. On the one hand, Greek painting spread over
the Roman Empire and into the East, and for ages found
its chief home in the Christian art of Constantinople, whence
arose the Byzantine style, often called pre-Raffaelite, which
though wanting in the older freedom of classic Athens,
was expressive and rich in colour. On the other hand,
when in the fifteenth century the knowledge of classic
art and thought revived in Europe, the stiff pictures of
saints and martyrs gave place to more natural and graceful
forms, and modern painting arose under Raffaelle and
Michael Angelo, Titian and Murillo, in whom the two
streams from the fountain-head of Greek art, so long
XII. ARTS OF PLEASURE. 305
separated, joined again. The ancients mostly painted on

walls like the present fresco-painting, or on waxed wooden
panels ; they did not know the use of oil to mix the ground
colours with. This is just mentioned in the tenth century,
so that the story of the brothers Van Eyck inventing oil-
painting in the fifteenth century is not quite true. But they

turned it to practical use, and from their time painters
brought the substance and play of colour to a perfection
which there is no reason to suppose the ancients ever
approached. In modern times water-colour painting, used
by the old masters for light sketches and studies, has
also become an art of itself, especially in England. One
branch of painting in which the moderns unquestionably
surpass the ancients is landscape. Of old, however admi-
rably the figures might be drawn, the hard conventional
mountains, forests, and houses behind were still in the picture-
writing stage, they rather stood as signs of the world outside

than depicted it as it is. But now the artist's eyes are turned
on nature, which he renders with a truthfulness unknown to
the old masters who first gave living form to gods and heroes,
apostles and martyrs.
Something has now to be said of games, for play is one
of the arts of pleasure. It is doing for the sake of doing,
not for what is done. One class of games is spontaneous
everywhere, the sports in which children imitate the life
they will afterwards have to act in earnest. Eskimo

children play at building snow huts, and their mothers
provide them with a tiny oil-lamp with a bit of wick to set
burning inside. Among the savages whose custom it is to
carry off their wives by force from neighbouring tribes,

the children play at the game of wife-catching, just as
with us children play at weddings with a clergyman and
bridesmaids. All through civilization, toy weapons and
X
3o6 ANTHROPOLOGY. [chap.
implements furnish children at once play and education ;
the North American warrior made hisboy a little bow and

arrow as soon as he could draw it, and the young South
Sea Islander learnt by throwing a reed at a rolling ring how
in after-life to hurl his spear. It is curious to see that
when growing civilization has cast aside the practical use
of some ancient contrivance, it may still survive as a toy,
as where Swiss children to this day play at making fire by
the old-world plan of drilling one piece of wood into
another and in our country lanes the children play with
;
bows and arrows and slings, the serious weapons of their

forefathers.
It is not quite easy to say whether man in a low savage

state ever goes beyond these practical sports, and invents
games of mere play. But higher up in civilization, such
games are known from very ancient times. A trifling game,
if it exactly takes hold of the playful mind, may last on in
the world almost for ever. The ancient Egyptians, as their
old paintings show, used to play our childish game of hot-
cockles, where the blind-man who stoops down has to
guess who thumped him on the back. These Egyp-
tians played also the game of guessing the sum of the
fingers held up by the two players, which is still popular in
China, and in Italy, where one hears it half the night
through with shouts of " three " " seven " " five! !
1
" 7/wra I " ; it is a pity we have not this as a children's

game in England, for it trains a sharp eye and a quick
hand. While some of our games, such as hoops and
whipping-tops, have gone on in the Old World for thousands
of years, others are modern importations thus it was only ;
about Stuart times that English children learnt from the

Chinese, or some other nation in the far East, the art of
flying kites. Or modern sports may be late improvements
on old ones ; the split shank-bones fastened under the

shoes for going on the ice delighted the London 'prentices
for centuries before they were displaced by steel skates.
How a game may sometimes go on for ages unchanged,
and then suddenly turn into a higher form, is curiously seen
in the game of ball. The ancients tossed and caught balls
like children now, and a famous Greek and Roman lad's
game was '•
common ball," where there were two sides, and
each tried to get the ball and throw it to the opposite goal.
This is still played in a few country-places in England ; its
proper name is "hurling," and football with the great

leather ball is a variety of it. The ancients never seem to
have used a stick or bat in their ball-play. But some 1,000
or 1,500 years ago the Persians began to play ball on horse-
back, which of course could only be done with a long stick,
mallet, or racket ; in this way there came into existence the

fine sport of chaugdn, which has lasted ever since in the
East, and lately established itself in England under the
name oi polo. When once the club or racket had been in-
vented for horseback, it was easy to use it on foot, and thus

in the middle ages there began the whole set of games in
which balls are hit with bats, such as pall-mall and croquet,
tennis, hockey and golf, rounders and cricket.
Indoor games, too, have their curious history. Throwing
lots or dice is far too ancient for any record to remain of
its beginning, and the very draught-boards and men which
the old Egyptians used to play on are still to be seen. The
Greeks and Romans were draught-players, but their games
were not like our modern game of draughts. On the other '
hand our merells or morris belongs to an old classical group

of games, and Ovid alludes to the childish game of tit-tat-to.
These games are played in China as well, and it is not known
at which end of the earth they were first devised. The great
X 2
3o8 ANTHROPOLOGY. [chap. xir.
invention in games may have been made a

intellectual
thousand years or so ago, when some Hindu, whose name
is lost, set to work upon the old draught-board and men,
and developed out of them a war-game, where on each side

a king and his general, with elephants, chariots, and cavalry,
and the foot-soldiers in front, met in battle array. This was
some little change passed into
the earliest chess, which with
the modern European chess that still holds pre-eminence
among sports, taxing the mind to its utmost stretch of fore-
sight and combination. Our modern draughts is a sort
of simplified chess, where the pieces are all pawns till they
get across the board and become queens." The story in
the history-books that cards were invented in France to
amuse Charles VI. is a fiction, for they were known in the
East centuries earlier. any rate the Europeans make
But at
with them combinations of skill and chance which excel

anything contrived by their Asiatic inventors. Games which
exercise either body or mind have been of high value in
civilization as trainers of man's faculties. Games of pure
chance played for money stand on quite a different footing
they have been from the first a delusion and a curse. In
our own time, there is perhaps no more pitiable sign of the
slowness with which scientific ideas spread, than to hear
the well-dressed crowds round the gaming-table at Monaco
talking about runs of luck, and fancying that it makes a
difference whether one backs the black or the red. This
goes on although schoolboys are now taught the real
doctrine of chances, and how to reckon the fixed percentage
of each week's stakes that will be raked in by the croupier,
and not come back.
CHAPTER XIII.
SCIENCE.
Science, 309 — Counting and Arithmetic, 310— Measuring and Weigh-

ing, — Geonaetry, 318 — Algebra, 322 — Physics, 323 — Chemistry,
316
328 — Biology, 329 — Astronomy, 332 — Geography and Geology, 335
— Methods of Reasoning, 336 —Magic, 338.
Science is exact, regular, arranged knowledge. Of com-
mon knowledge savages and barbarians have a vast deal,
indeed the struggle of life could not be carried on without
it. The rude man knows much of the properties of matter,
how fire burns and water soaks, the heavy sinks and the
light floats, what stone will serve for the hatchet and what
wood for its handle, which plants are food and which are
poison, what are the habits of the animals that he hunts or
may fall upon him. He
that has notions hov\r to cure, and
much better notions how to kill. In a rude way he is a
physicist in making fire, a chemist in cooking, a surgeon in
binding up wounds, a geographer in knowing his rivers and
mountains, a mathematician in counting on his fingers. All
this is knowledge, and it was on these foundations that
science proper began to be built up, when the art of writing
had come in and societyhad entered on the civilized stage.
We have to trace here in outline the rise and progress of
3IO ANTHROPOLOGY. [chap.
science. And as it has been especially through counting

and measuring that scientific methods have come into use,
the first thing to do is to examine how men learnt to count
and measure.
Even those who cannot talk can count, as was well shown
by the deaf-and-dumb lad Massieu, who wrote down among
the recollections of his childhood before the Abbe Sicard
educated him, " I knew the numbers before my instruction
my fingers had taught me them." We ourselves as children
began arithmetic on our fingers and now and then take to
them still, so that there is no difficulty in understanding
how a savage whose language has no word for a number
above three will manage to reckon perhaps a list of
and wounded, how he will check off one finger
fifteen killed
for each man, and at last hold up his hand three times to
show the result. The next question is, how numeral words
came to be invented. This is answered by many languages,
which show in the plainest way how counting on
fingers and
toes led to making numerals. When a Zulu wants to ex-

press the number six, he says tatisitupa, which means " taking
the thumb " this signifies that the speaker has counted all
;
the fingers of his left hand, and begun with the thumb of
the right. When he comes to seven, for instance when he
has to express that his master bought seven oxen, he will
say II kombile^ that is, " he pointed " ; this signifies that in
counting he had come to the pointing-finger or forefinger.

In this way the words "hand," ''foot," "man," have in
various parts of the world become numerals. An example
how they are worked may be taken from the language of the
Tamanacs of the Orinoco ; here the term for five means
" whole hand," six is " one of the other hand," and so on up
to ten or"both hands " then " one to the foot " is eleven,
;
and so on to whole foot" or fifteen, "one to the other

'^
xiii.J SCIENCE. 311
foot " or sixteen, and thence to " one man," which signifies
twenty, " one to the hands of the next man "
being twenty-
one, and the counting going on in the same way to " two
men " which stands for forty, &c. &c. Now this state of
things teaches a truth which has sometimes been denied,
that the lower races of men have, like ourselves, the faculty
of progress or self-improvement. It is evident that there
was a time when the ancestors of these people had in their
languages no word for fifteen or sixteen, nor even for five or
six, for if they had they could not have been so stupid as
to change them for their present clumsy phrases about hands
and feet and men. We see back to the time when, having
no means of reckoning such numbers except on their fingers
and toes, they found they had only to describe in words
"
what they were doing, and such a phrase as " both hands
would serve them as a numeral for ten. Then they would
keep up these as numerals after their original sense was lost,
like the Vei negros who called the number twenty mo ba7ide^
but had forgotten that this must have meant *'a person
finished." The languages of nations long civiHzed seldom
show such plain meaning in their numerals, perhaps because
they are so ancient and have undergone such change. But
all through the languages of the world, savage or civilized,
with exceptions too slight to notice here, there is ineffaceable

proof that the numerals arose out of the primitive counting
on fingers and toes. This always led men to reckon by fives,
tens, and twenties, and so they reckon still. The quinary
kind of counting (by fives) is that of tribes like the negros
of Senegal, who count one, two, three, four, five, five-one,
five-two, &c.; we never count numbers thus in words, but

we write them so in the Roman numerals. The decimal
counting (by tens) is the most usual in the world, and our
ordinary counting is done by it, thus eighty-three is " eight
tens and three." The vigesimal counting (by twenties)

which is the regular mode in many languages, has its traces
left in the midst of the decimal counting of civilized Europe,
as in English "fourscore and three," French " quatre-vingt
trois," that is "four twenties and three." Thus it can hardly
be doubted that the modern world has inherited direct from
primitive man his earliest arithmetic worked on nature's
counting-board — the hands and feet. This also explains
(p. 1 8) why the civilized world uses a numeral system based
on the inconvenient number ten, which will not divide
either by three or four. Were we starting our arithmetic
afresh, we should more likely base it on the duodecimal
notation, and use dozens and grosses instead of tens and
hundreds.
To have named the numbers was a great step, but words
hardly serve beyond the very simplest arithmetic, as any one
may himself by trying to multiply " seven thousand
satisfy
"
eight hundred and three " by " two hundred and seventeen
in words, without helping himself by turning them in
thought into figures. How did men come to the use of
numeral figures ? To this question the beginning of an
answer may be had from barbaric picture-writing, as where a
North American warrior will make four little marks 1 1 1 1 to
show that he has taken four scalps. This is very well for
the small numbers, butbecomes clumsy for higher ones. So
already when writing was in its infancy, the ancients had
fallen upon the device of making special marks for their
fives, tens, hundreds, &c., leaving the simple strokes to be
used only for the few units over. This is well seen in Fig. 76
which shows how numeration was worked in ancient Egypt
and Assyria. Nor has this old method died out in the world,
for the Roman numerals I., V., X., L., still in common use
among ourselves, are arranged on much the same principle.
XIII.] SCIENCE. 313
Another device, which arose out of the alphabet, was to

take the letters in their order to stand for numbers. Thus
the sections of Psalm cxix. are numbered by the letters
of the Hebrew alphabet, and the books of the Iliad by the

letters of the Greek alphabet. By these various plans the
arithmetic of the ancient civilized nations made great
progress. Still their numeration was very cumbrous in com-

parison with that of the modern world. Let us put down
MMDCLXIX. and multiply by CCCXLVIII., or (^xi'e'hy
EGYPT.
1 = 1 n= 10 (^ = 100
1=
(^(^ nnn 1 1
^
Q.
^^111=
nn 1 1
4359
ASSYRIA.
= ^=10 ^°° 1*^ ^^° ~ ^°°°

1 1 T*~~ \ '^ ^°°^
Fig. 76. — Ancient Egyptian and Assyrian numeration.
Tfirj, and a few minutes' trial will not fail to convince us of

the superiority of our ciphers.
To understand how the art of ciphering came to be in-
vented, it is necessary to go back to a ruder state of things.

In Africa, negro traders may be seen at market reckoning
with pebbles, and when they come to five, putting them
aside in a little heap. In the South Sea Islands it has
been noticed that people reckoning, when they came to ten,
would not put aside a heap of ten things, but only a single
bit of coco-nut stalk to stand for ten, and then a bigger
piece when they wanted to represent ten tens or a hundred.
Now to us it is plain that this use of different kinds of
markers is unnecessary, but all that the reckoner with little
stones or beans has to do, is to keep separate his unit-heap,

his ten-heap, his hundred-heap, &c. This use of such
things as pebbles for "counters," which still survives in
England among the ignorant, was so common in the ancient
world, that the Greek word for reckoning was psephizein^
from psephos, a pebble, and the corresponding Latin word
was calculare from calculus, a pebble, so that our word calcu-
late is a relic of very early arithmetic. Now to work such
pebble-counting in an orderly manner, what is wanted is
some kind of abacus or counting-board with divisions.
These have been made in various forms, as the Roman
abacus with lines of holes for knobs or pegs, or the Chinese
swan-pan with balls strung on wires, on which the native
calculators in the merchants' counting-houses reckon with a
speed and exactness that fairly beats the European clerk
with his pencil and paper. It may have been from China
that the Russian traders borrowed the ball-frame on which
they also do their accounts, and it is said that a Frenchman
noticing it in Russia at the time of Napoleon's invasion
was struck with the idea that it would serve perfectly to
teach Uttle children arithmetic; so he introduced it in
France, and thence it found its way into English infants'
schools. Now whatever sort of abacus is used, its principle
is always the same, to divide the board or tray into columns,
so that in one column the stones, beans, pegs, or balls,
stand for units, in the next column they are tens, in the
next hundreds, and so on, Fig. 77. Here the three stones
column stand for 3, the nine in the next
in the right-hand
column for 90, the one in the fourth column for 1,000
and so on. The next improvement was to get rid of the
troublesome stones or beans, and write down numbers in
the columns, as is here shown with Greek and Roman
xiir.] SCIENCE. 315
numerals. But now the calculator could do without the

clumsy board, and had only to rule Hnes on his paper, to
make columns for units, tens, hundreds, &c. The reader
should notice that it is hot necessary to the principle of the
abacus that each column should stand for ten times the one
next it. It may be twelve or twenty or any other number of
times, and in fact the columns in our account-books for
^ s. d. or cwts. qrs. lbs., are surviving representatives of
the old method of the abacus. Such reckoning had still
the defect that the numbers could not be taken out of
the columns, for even when each number from one to
« 4
«
B A A r
n W I IX HI
2 4 1 9 3
Fig. 77 —Mode of calculation by counters and by figures on Abacus.

nine has a single figure to stand for it, there would
still be here and there an empty column (as is purposely
left in Fig. 77) which would throw the whole into con-
fusion. To us now
seems a very simple thing to put
it
a sign to show an empty column, as we have learned to do

with the zero or o, so that the number expressed in the
picture of the abacus can be written down without any
columns, 241093. This invention of a sign for nothing,
was practically one of the greatest moves ever made in
science. It is the use of the zero which makes the ,4î
ference between the old arithmetic and our easy ciphi

^R,iÂ«^
.^4.
We give the credit of the invention to the Arabs by using

the term Arabic numerals, while the Arabs call them Indian,
and there is truth in both acknowledgments of the nations
having been scholars in arithmetic o'ne to the other. But
this does not go to the root of the matter, and it is still
unsettled whether ciphering was first devised in Asia, or

may be traced further back in Europe to the arithmeticians
of the school of Pythagoras. As to the main point, how-
ever, there is no doubt, that modern arithmetic comes out of
ancient counting on the columns of the abacus, improved by
writing a dot or a round o to show the empty column,
and by this means young children now work calculations
which would have been serious labour to the arithmeticians
of the ancient world.
Next as to the art of measuring. Here it may be fairly
guessed that man first measured, as he first counted, on

hisown body. When barbarians tried by finger-breadths
how much one spear was longer than another, or when in
building huts they saw how to put one foot before the
other to get the distance right between two stakes, they
had brought mensuration to its first stage. We sometimes
use this method still for rough work, as in taking a horse's
height by hands, or stepping out the size of a carpet.
If care is taken to choose men of average size as measurers,
some approach may be made to fair measurement in this
way. That it was the primitive way can hardly be doubted,

for civilized nations who have more exact means still use
the names of the body-measures. Besides the cubit, hand,
foot, span, nail, already mentioned in p. 17, we have in
English the ell, (of which the early meaning of arm or fore-
arm is seen in <?/-bow, the arm -bend), also the fatho7n or
cord stretched by the outspread arms in sailors' fashion, and
the pace or double step (Latin passus) of which a thousand
xiii.] SCIENCE. 317
{milk) made the vitle. But though these names keep up the
recollection of early measurement by men's limbs, they are
now only used as convenient names for standard measures
which they happen to come tolerably near to, as for instance
one may go a long way to find a man's foot a foot long by
the rule. Our modern measurements are made by standard
lengths, which we have inherited with more or less change
from the ancients. It was a great step in civilization when
nations such as the Egyptians and Babylonians made pieces
of wood or metal of exact lengths to serve as standards. The
Egyptian cubit-rules with their divisions may still be seen,
and the King's Chamber in the Great Pyramid measures very
exactly 20 cubits by 10, the cubit being 20*63 of our inches.
Our foot has scarcely altered for some centuries, and is not
very different from the ancient Greek and Roman feet.
The French at the first Revolution made a bold attempt to

cast off the old traditional standards and go straight to
nature, so they established the vietre^ which was to be a
ten-millionth of the distance from the pole to the equator.
The calculation however proved inexact, so that the metre is
now really a standard measure of the old sort, but so great is
the convenience of using the same measures, that the metre

and its coming more and more into use for
fractions are
scientificwork all over the world. The use of scales and
weights, and of wet and dry measures, had already begun
among the civilized nations in the earliest known times.
Our modern standards can even to some extent be traced
back to those of the old world, as for instance the pound
and ounce, gallon and pint, come from the ancient Roman
weights and measures.
From measuring feet in length, men would soon come to
reckoning the contents, say of an oblong floor, in square feet.
But to calculate the contents of less simple figures required

more difficult geometrical rules. The Greeks acknowledged

the Egyptians as having invented geometry, that is, " land-
measuring," and there may be truth in the old story that
the art was invented in order to parcel out the plots of

fertile mud on the banks of the Nile. There is in the
British Museum an ancient Egyptian manual of mensuration
(the Rhind papyrus), one of the oldest books in the world,
Fig. 78. — Rudimentary practical Geometry. 1, scalene triangle ; 2, folded right

angle ; ^, folded triangle; 4, rectangle folded in c.rcle.
originally written more than i, coo years before Euklid's time,

and which shows what the Egyptians then knew and did not
know about geometry. From its figures and examples it
appears that they used square measure, but reckoned it
roughly ; for instance, to get the area of the triangular field

ABC Fig. 78 (i) they multiplied half ac by ab, which would
only be correct when bac is a right angle. When the
XIII] SCIENCE. 319
Egyptians wanted the area of a circular field, they sub-

tracted one-ninth from the diameter and squared ; thus if
the diameter were 9 perches, they estimated that the circle

contained 64 square perches, which the reader will find
on trial is a good approximation. All this was admirable
for the beginnings of geometry, and the record may well
be believed that Greek philosophers such as Thales and
Pythagoras, when they came to Egypt, gained wisdom
from the geometer-priests of the land. But these Egyptian
mathematicians, being a priestly order, had come to regard
their rules as sacred, and therefore not to be improved on,
while their Greek disciples, bound by no such scientific
orthodoxy, were free to go on further to more perfect
methods. Greek geometry thus reached results which have
come down to us in the great work of Euklid, who used the
theorems known to his predecessors, adding new ones and
proving the whole in a logical series. It must be clearly
understood that elementary geometry was not actually in-
vented by means of definitions, axioms, and demonstrations

like Euklid's. Its beginnings really arose out of the daily
practical work of land-measurers, masons, carpenters, tailors.
This may be seen in the geometrical rules of the altar-builders

of ancient India, -which do not tell the bricklayer to draw
a plan of such and such lines, but to set up poles at certain
distances, and stretch cords between them. It is instructive
to see that our term sti-aight line still shov/s traces of such
an early practical meaning ; line is lijien thread, and straight
is the participle of the old verb to stretch. If we stretch a
thread tight between two pegs, we see that the stretched
thread must be the shortest possible ; which suggests how
the straight line came to be defined as the shortest distance
between two points. Also, every carpenter knows the
nature of a right angle, and he is accustomed to parallel
lines, or such as keep the same distance from one another.

To the tailor, the right angle presents itself in another way.
Suppose him cutting a doubled piece of cloth to open out
into the gore orwedge-shaped piece bag in Fig. 78 (2). He
must cut ADB a right angle, or his piece when he opens it will
have a projection or a recess, as seen in the figure. When
he has cut it right, so that bdc opens in a straight line, then
he cannot but see that the sides ab, ac, and the angles
ABC, ACB must exactly match, having in fact been cut out
on one another. Thus he arrives, by what may be called
tailor's geometry, at the result of Euklid I. 5, which now
often goes by the name of the " asses' bridge." Such easy
properties of figures must have been practically known very
early. But it is also true that the ancients, were long
ignorant of some of the problems which now belong to
elementary teaching. Thus it has just been mentioned how
the Egyptian land-surveyors failed to make out an exact
rule to measure a triangular field. Yet had it occurred
to them to cut out the diagram of a triangle from a sheet of
papyrus, as we may do with the triangle abc in Fig. 78 (3),
and double it up as shown in the figure, then they would have
found that it folds into the rectangle efhg, and, therefore, its
area is the product of the height by half the base. It would

be seen that no accident, but a property of all
this is
triangles, while at the same time it would appear that the

three angles at a, b, c, all folding together at d, makeup two
right angles. Though the more ancient Egyptian geometers
do not seem to have got at either of these properties of
the triangle, the Greek geometers had in some way become
well aware of them before Euklid's time. The old historians
who tell the origin of mathematical discoveries do not
always seem to have understood what they were talking of.
Thus it is said of Thales that he was the first to inscribe
XIII.] SCIENCE. 321
the right-angled triangle in the circle, and thereupon sacri-
ficed a bull. But a matliematician of such eminence could

hardly have been ignorant of what any intelligent carpenter
has reason to know, how an oblong board fits into a circle
symmetrically ; the problem of the right-angled triangle in
the semicircle is involved in this, as is seen by (4) in the
present figure. Perhaps the story really meant that Thales
was the first to work out a strict geometrical demonstration
of the problem. The tale is also told of Pythagoras, and
another version is that he sacrificed a hekatomb on discover-
ing that the square On the hypothenuse of a right-angled
triangle is equal to the sum of the squares on the other two
sides (Euklid I. 47). The story is not a Hkely one of a
philosopher who forbad the sacrifice of any animal. As for
the proposition, it is one which may present itself practically
to masons working with square paving-stones or tiles thus, ;
when the base is 3 tiles long, and the perpendicular 4,

the hypothenuse will be 5, and the tiles which form a square
on it will just be as many as together- form squares on the
other two sides. Whether Pythagoras got a hint from such
practical rules, or whether he was led by studying arithmetical
squares, at any rate he may have been the first to estabHsh
as a general law this property of the right-angled triangle,
on which the whole systems of trigonometry and analytical
geometry depend.
The early history of mathematics seems so far clear, that
its founders were the Egyptians with their practical survey-

ing, and the Babylonians whose skill in arithmetic is plain
from the tables of square and cube numbers drawn up by
them, which are still to be' seen. Then the Greek philo-
sophers, beginning as disciples of these older schools, soon
left their teachers behind, and raised inathematics to be,
as its name implies, the "learning" or "discipfine" of the
Y
human mind in strict and exact thought. In its first stages,
mathematics chiefly consisted of arithmetic and geometry,

and so had to do with known numbers and quantities.
But in ancient times the Egyptians and Greeks had
already begun methods of dealing with a number without as
yet knowing what it was, and the Hindu mathematicians,
going further in the same direction, introduced the method
now called algebra. It is to be noticed that the use of
letters as symbols in algebra was not reached all at once
by a happy thought, but grew out of an earlier and clum-
sier device. It appears from a Sanskrit book that the venera-
ble teachers began by expressing unknown quantities by the

term " so-much-as," or by the names of colours, as "black,"
" blue," " yellow," and then the first syllables of these words
came to be used fur shortness. Thus if we had to express
twice the square of an unknown quantity, and called it "so
much squared twice," and then abbreviated this to so sq 2,
this would be very much as the Hindus did in working out the
following problem, given in Colebrooke's Hi7idii, Algebra
" The square root of half the number of a swarm of bees is
gone to a shrub of jasmin :and so are eight-ninths of the

whole swarm : a female is buzzing to one remaining male,
that is humming within a lotus, in which he is confined,
having been allured to it by its fragrance at night. Say, lovely
woman, the number of bees." This Hindu equation is
worked out clumsily from the want of the convenient set of

signs =: H which were invented later in Europe, but the
,
minus numbers are marked, and the solution is in principle an

ordinary quadratic. The Arab mathematicians learnt from
India this admirable method, and through them it became
known in Europe in the middle ages. The Arabic name
given to it is al-jahr wa-l-imikabalah^ that is, " consolidation
and opposition," this meaning what is now done by transposing

XIII.] SCIENCE. 323
quantities on the two sides of an equation ; thence comes the

present word algebra. It was not till about the 17th century
in Europe that the higher mathematics were thoroughly estab-
lished, when Descartes worked into a system the application
of algebra to geometry, and Galileo's researches on the path
of a ball or flung stone brought in the ideas which led up
to Newton's fluxions and Leibnitz's differential calculus,
with the aid of which mathematics have risen to their modern
range and power. Mathematical symbols have not lost the
traces of their first beginnings as abbreviated words, as

where n still stands for number and r for radius, while >/>
which is a running-hand r, does duty for root {radix), and
f, which is an old fashioned s, stands for the sum {summa)
in integration.
Mechanics and Physics, worked mathematically, now form
the very foundation of our knowledge of the universe. But
in the old barbaric life, men had only rudimentary notions of
them. The savage understands the path of a projectile
well enough to aim it, and how to profit by momentum
wlien he mounts his axe on a long rather than a short
handle. But he hardly comes to bringing these practical
ideas to a principle or law. Even the old civifized nations
of the East, though they could lift stones with the lever, set
their masonry upright with the plumb-line, and weigh gold in
the balance, are not known to have come co scientific study
of mechanical laws. What makes this more sure is that if
they had, the Greeks would have learnt it of them, whereas
it is among the Greek philosophers that the science is found
just coming into existence. In Aristotle's time they were
thinking about mechanical problems, though by no means
always rightly; it was considered that a body is drawn
toward the centre of the world, but the greater its weight
the faster it will fall. The chief founder of mechanical
Y 2
324 ANTHROPOLOGY, [chap,
science was Archimedes, who worked out from the steel-
yard the law of the lever, and deduced thence cases of all the
particles of a body balancing on a common centre, now
called its centre of gravity , he even gave the general theory
of floating bodies, which mathematicians far on in the
middle ages could hardly be brought to understand. In-
deed, mechanical science, after the classical period, shared
the general fate of knowledge during the long dead time
when so much was forgotten, and what was left was in
bondage to the theology of the schoolmen. It sometimes
surprises a modern reader that the '' wisdom of the ancients "
should still now and then be set up as an authority in
science. But the scholars of the middle ages, who on
many scientific points knew less than the ancient Greeks,
might well look up to them. It is curious to look at the
book of Gerbert (Pope Sylvester II.) who was a leading
mathematician in the tenth century, and who bungles like
an early Egyptian over the measurement of the area of a
triangle, though the exact method as stated by Euklid had
been well known in classical times. Physical science might

almost have disappeared if it had not been that while the
ancient treasure of knowledge was lost to Christendom, the
Mohammedan philosophers were its guardians, and even
added to its store. For this they have not always had due
praise. A pretty story is told of Galileo inventing the pen-
dulum, being led to by watching the great hanging lamp
it
in the cathedral of Pisa swinging steadily to and fro ; but as

a matter of fact, it appears that six centuries earlier Ebn
Yunis and other Moorish astronomers were already using the
pendulum as a time-measurer in their observations. Of all
the services which Galileo did for science, perhaps the

greatest was his teaching clearer ideas of force and motion.
People had of old times been deceived by the evidence of
XIII.] SCIENCE. 32s
moving body
their senses into the belief that the force of a
would gradually become exhausted and it would stop of
itself, but this idea of force was changed by the new prin-
ciple that force is as much required to stop a moving body as

to set it in motion, and that did no opposing force retard
the arrow or the wheel, the one would fly and the other roll
on for ever. In that age of mathematics applied to science

If Archimedes could have come
new discoveries followed fast.
to life would have seen progress going on at last,
again, he
when the pressure of the air was weighed with Torricelli's
barometer, and Stevin of Bruges made out the principle of
the parallelogram of forces. The notion of an attractive
force had come into the minds of philosophers by observing
how the magnet attracts iron at a distance, and glass and
when rubbed become attractive. Thus the
other substances
way was open for Newton to calculate the effect of gra-
vitation as such an attractive force, and by it to ex-
plain the movements of the heavenly bodies, thus brmging
the visible world within the sway of one universal law. In
the present day, among the great laws w^hich have been
established in physical science, is that of the conservation
of energy, that power is not created and destroyed in
the processes of nature or the machines of man, but is
transformed into new manifestations equivalent to those

which were before. Philosophers' minds used often to be
set on tha invention of a perpetual moving power, that
should go on creating irs own force. But nowadays this

idea is so discarded that, when some projector plans
an absurd machine, he is sufficiently answered by being
shown that if his machine could work, the perpetual
motion would be possible. The modern mechanician
has only to apply in the most desirable way the stores
of force placed at his disposal by nature, and within
this well-understood boundary his business flourishes more

and more.
Among the forms or manifestations of energy are sound,
light, heat, electricity. The classic philosophers knew in a
vague way that sound spreads like waves ; and the relation
between the length of a harpstring and its note was laid down
in arithmetical rule by Pythagoras, who measured it with
the instrument we still use, the monochord. But it
was the moderns who measured the velocity of sound, ex-
plained musical pitch by the rate of vibration, and made the
science of tone. About light the ancients knew more. Their
polished metal mirrors, flat and curved, had taught them the
first principles of reflexion. Nor were they ignorant of
refraction ; they already knew the familiar experiment of
putting'a ring in a basin and pouring in water till it becomes
visible. A rock-crystal lens has been dug up at Nineveh,
and the Greeks and Romans were well acquainted with glass
One is surprised
lenses^ that neither the Arab astronomers,
who knew a good deal of optics, nor Roger Bacon, who
in the thirteenth century gave an intelligent account of
their science, ever seem to have combined two lenses into
a telescope. It was not till the seventeenth century that a
telescope is plainly mentioned in Holland, and Galileo,

hearing of it, made the famous instrument with which he
saw Jupiter's moons, and revolutionized men's ideas of the
universe. The microscope and telescope may be called
inverted forms of one another, and their inventions came
nearly together. By these two instruments the range of
man's vision has been so vastly extended beyond his
unaided eyesight, that animalcules under a ten-thousandth
of an inch long can now be watched through all the stages
of their life, while stars whose distance from the earth is
hundreds of thousands of billions of miles, are within the

XIII.] SCIENCE. 327
maps of the universe. The rainbow led to the problem of

the decomposition of light and the theory of colour. The
doctrine that light was as were bright particles emitted
it
in straight lines from the luminous body, failed to explain

effects such as light extinguishing light by interference, and
it has yielded to the undulatory theory, of ethereal light-
waves of extreme smallness and speed. In our own day
the lines of the spectrum have become the means of re-
cognising a glowing substance, so that the astronomer
whose telescope reveals the faint shine of a nebula in the
depths of the heavens, may test its composition with the
spectroscope, as if it were a gas-jet on the laboratory table.
Closely connected with the science of light, is the science of
heat. Not only do heat and light proceed together from the
sun or fire, but the two were seen to be subject to the
same laws, when it was noticed that the mirror or lens
which concentrated a bright spot of light, also brought to
the same focus heat that would set wood on fire. The
great -step in the study of heat was the invention of the
heat-measurer or thermometer. Who first made it is not
known, but it was about three centuries ago, and its earliest
form may have been the air-flask with its tube in which
coloured water rises and falls, which is still the most striking
way of showing a class the principle of thermometers. The
doctrine of heat as due to vibration explains how heat is
transformed force, so that the steam-hammer worked by the

heat used m the furnace can be set to beat cold iron till it
IS white-hot ; thus part of the force which came from heat

has gone back into heat, and with the heat re-appears the
other form of radiant energy, light. Lastly, the history of
comes from the time when the ancients wondered

electricity
to see amber when rubbed pick up morsels of straw, and

the loadstone draw bits of iron. The pointing of the
loadstone south and north seems to have been earUest

noticed by the Chinese, whence in the middle ages came
its world-wide use in navigation. The electrical machine
is only an enlarged form of the old experiment of rubbing
the bit of amber. But the discoveries associated with the
name of Volta and Galvani brought in a new method of
generating electricity by chemical action in the battery.
Franklin's kite proved the lightning-flash to be but a great

electric spark.
" Oersted's current-wire deflecting a magnetic
needle showed the relation between electricity and mag-
netism, and set on foot the line of invention to which the
world owes the electric telegraph and much besides.
Next, as to chemistry. Its beginnings lie in practical
processes such as smelting metal from the ore, fusing sand
and soda and tanning leather with astringent pods
into glass,
or bark. The knew these and m'any
oldest civilized nations
other chemical arts, which not only were learnt by the
artificers of Greece and Rome, but from time to time new
processes were added to the store of knowledge, as when

we hear of their distilling mercury from cinnabar, or treating
copper with vinegar to make verdigris. In early civilized
ages also there arose beside these practical recipes the first
dim-outhnes of scientific chemistry. The Greek philosophers

expressed their ideas of the states of matter by the four
elements, fire, air, water, earth ; and they also had learnt or
invented the doctrine of matter being made up of atoms —

now more influential than ever in modern lecture-
principle
rooms. The successors of the Greeks were the Arabic alche-
mists, and their disciples in mediaeval Christendom. Their
belief that matter might be transmuted or transformed led
many of them to spend their lives among their furnaces and
alembics in the attempt to turn baser metals into gold. To
modern chemists, who would not be surprised to find all the
XIII.] SCIENCE. 329
many so-called elements proved to be forms of one matter,

the alchemists' idea does not seem quite unreasonable in
itself, and practically it led them to the pursuit of truth by
experiment, so that though they found no philosophers'
stone, they were repaid by discoveries such as alcohol,
ammonia, sulphuric acid. Their method, being founded on
trials of real fact, cleared itself more and more from the
magical folly it had grown up with, and the alchemist pre-

pared the way for the later chemist. What of all things
brought on the new chemical knowledge, was the explana-
tion of what takes place in burning, rusting, and breathing.
How is it that the air in a receiver is spoilt by a burning
candle or a mouse within, so that it no longer allows flame
or life ? How is it that while some substances, like char-
coal, seem to be dissipated by fire, others, like lead or iron,
turn into matter heavier than before ? The answers to

such questions led the way to clearer notions of chemical
combination, but it was long before it was understood by what
fixed laws of affinity and proportion this combination takes
place. The advanced student of chemistry may spend an

instructive hour in looking over old chemistry books, where
the catalogue of substances is a confused chaos, not as
yet brought into form and order on the lines of Dalton's
atomic theory.
From the chemical nature of matter we pass to the nature
of living things. The more evident parts of biology or the
science of life, have come under man's attentive observation
from the So far as zoology and botany consist in
first.
noticing the formsand habits of animals and plants, savages

and barbarians are skilled in them. Such people, for in-
stance, as the natives of the South American forests, have
names for each bird and beast, whose voices, resorts, and
migrations they know with an accuracy that astonishes the
European naturalist whom they guide through the jungle.

The catalogue of the Brazilian native names of animals and
plants, often curiously descriptive of their natures, would
inake a small book. Thus the jaguara pimina or painted
jaguar is distinguished from the jaguarete or great jaguar ;
the capybara signifies the creature " living in the grass," the
ipe-caa-goene^ or "little wayside-plant-emetic," is our ipeca-
cuanha. Mankind everywhere possesses this sort of popular
Natural History. So it is with anatomy. When the savage
kills a deer, cuts it up, cooks the joints, heart, and liver,
makes clothes and straps of the hide, cuts harpoon-heads

arid awls out of the long bones, and uses the sinews for
thread, it stands to reason that he must have a good rough
knowledge of the anatomy of an animal. The barbaric
warrior and doctor have beyond such butchers' anatomy an
acquaintance with the structure of man's body, as may be
seen in the description of the wounds of the heroes in the
Iliad, where the spear takes one in the diaphragm below the
heart, and another has the shoulder-tendon broken which
makes his arm drop helpless. Among the Greeks such rough
knowledge passed into the scientific stage when Aristotle
wrote his book on animals, and Hippokrates took medicine
away from the priests and sorcerers to make it a method of
treatment by diet and drugs. The action of the body came
to be better understood during this classical period, as, for in-
stance, is seen in the nerves leading to and from the brain
being no longer confounded with the sinews which pull the
limbs, although the same Greek word neuron {nerve) still
continued to be used for both. It is curious how long it took

the ancients to get at the notion of what muscle is, and how
it acts. They never understood the circulation of the blood,
though they had ideas about it, as in Plato's celebrated
passage in the Timaios which compares the heart to a foun-
XIII.] SCIENCE. 331
tain sending the blood round to nourish the body, which is
like a garden laid out with irrigating channels. Imperfect

as ancient knowledge was, it may be plainly seen how
modern science is based upon it. Thus the medical terms
of Galen's system, such as the diagnosis of disease, are
still used; and indeed many old physician's words have
passed into common talk, as when one is said to be in
a sanguine humour, which carries us back to the time when

the humours or fluids of the body were thought to cause
the state of mind, the humour which is sanguine, or "of
the blood," being lively and impetuous. But in knowledge
of the body the moderns have left the ancients quite behind,
now that the microscope shows its minute vessels and tissues,
and there have been made out the circulation of the blood,
the process of respiration, the chemistry of digestion, and
the travelUng of currents along the nerves. Natural History
still goes on the principles of Aristotle, when he traces life on
from lifeless matter through the series of plants and animals.
Modern naturalists like Linnaeus so improved the old classi-
fication, that it became possible to take a plant or animal one

had never seen before and did not know the name of, and
make out by examination that it must belong to such and
such a genus and species. Moreover, naturalists have long
been seeking to understand why the thousands of species
should arrange themselves in groups or genera, the species
in each genus being connected by a common likeness, and
the genera themselves falling into higher groups, or orders.
The thought that the likeness among the species forming a
genus is a family likeness, due to these species being in
fact the varied descendants of one race or stock, is the
foundation of that theory of development or evolution
which for many ages has been in the minds of naturalists,
and now so largely prevails. This is not the place to discuss
the doctrine of descent or development (see page 38),

but it is worth while to remember that the very word genus
meant originally birth or race, so that the naturalist who sets
down the horse, ass, zebra, quagga, as all belonging to one
genus Equus, is really suggesting that they are all descended
from one kind of animal, and are in fact distant cousins,
which is the first principle of the development-theory.
The world we live in is the subject of astronomy, geo-
graphy, geology. seems plain how the rudiments of
It
these sciences began from the evidence of men's senses.

Children living unschooled in some wild woodland would
take it as a matter of course that the earth is a circular
floor, more or less uneven, arched over with a dome or
firmament springing from the horizon. Thus the natural
and primitive notion of the world is that it is like a round
dish with a cover. Rude tribes in many countries are found
thinking so, and working out the idea so as to account for
such phenomena as rain, which is water from above dripping
in through holes in the sky-roof. This firmament is studded

with stars, and is a few miles off. There is nothing to
suggest to the savage that the sun should be enormously
more distant than the cloud it seems to plunge into. The
sun seems to go down in the west into the sea, or through
an opening in the horizon, and to rise in like manner in
the east, so that sunset and sunrise force on the minds of
the first rude astronomers the belief in an under-world or
infernal region, through which the sun travels in the night,
and which to many a nation has seemed also the abode of
departed souls, when after their bright day of life they sink
like the sun into the night of death. The sun and moon
move as living gods in the heaven, or at least are drawn or
driven by such celestial powers, while the presence of living
beings in the sky seems peculiarly manifest in eclipses, when
XIII.] SCIENCE. 333
invisible monsters seize or swallow the sun and moon. All

this is very natural, so natural indeed that more correct
astronomy has not yet rooted it out of Europe. Not many
years ago a schoolmaster who ventured to on
lecture
astronomy in the west of England roused the displeasure
of the country young man should tell them
folk, that this
the world was round and went about, when they had lived
on it all their lives and knew it was flat and stood still.
One part of the earUest astronomy, which was so sound as
to have held its own ever since, was the measurement of
time by the sun, moon, and stars. The day and the month
fix themselves at once. In a less exact way the seasons of
the year, such as the rainy season, or the icy season, or the
growing season, furnish a means of reckoning, as where a
savage tells of his father's death having been three rains or
three winters ago. Rude tribes, who observe the stars to
find their way by, notice also that the rising and setting of
particular stars .or constellations mark the seasons. Thus
the natives of South Australia call the constellation Lyra
the Loan -bird, for they notice that when it sets with the sun,
the season for getting loan-birds' eggs has begun. It stands

to reason that the great facts of the year's course, the change
of the sun's height at noon, and the lengthening and shorten-
ing of the days, would be noticed, so that even among
people who have not as yet measured them with any ac-
curacy, there exists in a loose way the notion of the year.
Within the year, too, the successive moons or months come
to be arranged with some regularity, as where the Ojibwas
reckoned in order the wild-rice moon, the leaves-falling
moon, the ice-moon, the snow-shoes moon, and so forth.
But such lunar months have to be got into the year as
they best may. Indeed what distinguishes the uncivilized
calendar, is that though days, months, and years are known,
the days are not yet fitted regularly into the months, nor is
it settled how many months, much less how many days,

the year is to consist of.
When we look from this to the astronomy of the ancient
cultured nations, we find great progress made in observing
and calculating. Yet the astronomer-priests who for ages
watched and recorded the aspect of the heavens, had not
yet cut themselves free from the ideas of their barbarian
forefathers as to what the world as a whole was like. In
the Egyptian Book of the Dead, the departed souls descend
with the sun- god through the western gate, and travel with
him among the fields and rivers of the under-world, and
the Assyrian records also tell of the regions below, where
Ishtar descends into the dark abode of fluttering ghosts,
the house men enter but cannot depart from. Yet the
Egyptians who held to this primitive astronomy had set the
Great Pyramid by the cardinal points with remarkable ex-

actness. In reckoning the year, they not only added to the
12 solarmonths of 30 days 5 intercalary days to make 365,
but becoming aware that even this was not accurate, they
recorded its variation till it should come round in a cycle of
1,461 years, as determined by the rising of Sirius. Even
more advanced was the astronomy of the Chaldseans, with
its records of eclipses extending over 2,000 years. In the
astronomy of barbarians the five planets Mercury, Venus^
Mars, Jupiter, and Saturn, are not thought much of in com-
parison with the Sun and Moon. But among the Chaldaeans
all the seven planets were classed together as objects of
worship and observation, starting the ideas of the sacred
number seven, which thence pervaded the mystical philosophy
of the ancients. It may have been among the Babylonian
astronomers that the study of the motions of the planets

led to the theory that they were carried round on seven
XIII.] SCIENCE. 335
crystal spheres ; to this day people talk of being " in the

seventh heaven." The next and great step in astronomy
was when the long-treasured knowledge of Babylon and
Egypt was taken up by the Greeks, to be carried on by the
exact methods of the geometer. The Greek astronomers
were familiar with the idea of the earth being a sphere ; they
calculated its circumference, and usually taking it as the centre
of the universe, they measured the apparent movements of the
heavenly bodies. This system, in its most perfect form
known as the Ptolemaic, held its place into the middle ages,
when it came into rivalry with the Copernican system of a
central sun round which revolve the earth and other planets.
How this became in the hands of Kepler and Newton a
mechanical theory of the universe, and how man was at
last stripped of the fond conceit that his little planet was
the centre of all things, need not be re-told here.
Geography is a practical kind of knowledge in which the
rudest tribes are well skilled, so far as it consists in
the lie own land, the course of the streams, the passes
of their
over the mountains, how many days' marches through forest
and desert to reach some distant hunting-ground, or the hill-
side where hard stone for hatchets is to be found. However
uncivilized a people may be, they name their mountains and
rivers in such term.s as "red hill" or " beaver brook." In-
deed the atlas contains hundreds of names of places that once
had meanings in tongues which no man any longer speaks.
Scientific geography begins when men come to drawing
maps, an art which perhaps no savage takes to untaught,
but which was known to the early the civilized nations ;
oldestknown map is an Egyptian plan of the gold-mines

of Ethiopia. The earUest known mention of a geographer
attempting a map of the world is by Herodotus, who
tells of Aristagoras's bronze tablet inscribed with the
circuit of the whole earth, the sea and all rivers. But to
the ancients the known world was a very limited district
round their own countries. It brings the growth of geography
well before our minds to look at the map in Gladstone's
Juventus Mu7idi, representing the world according to the
Homeric poems, with its group of nations round the
Mediterranean, and the great Ocean River encircling the
whole. Later, in the world as known to geographers such
as Strabo, the lands of men form a vast oval, reaching
from the pillars of Herakles across to far India, and
from tropical Africa up to polar Europe. How land and
sea came to lie as they do, it is the business of geology
to explain. This is among the most modern of sciences,
yet its problems had long set rude men thinking. Even the
Greenlanders and the South Sea Islanders have noticed the
fossilsinland and high on the mountains, and account for
them by declaring that the earth was once tilted over, or
that the sea rose in a great flood and covered the mountains,
leaving at their very tops the remains of fishes. In the
infancy of Greek science, Herodotus speculated more
rightly as to how Egypt had been formed by
the valley of
deposits of mud from the Nile, while the shells on the
mountains proved to him that the sea had once been where
dry land now is. But two thousand years had to pass
before these lines of thought were followed up by the
modern geologists, to whom the earth is now revealing the
long history of the deposit and removal, rising and sinking
of its beds, and the succession of plants and animals which
from remote ages have lived upon it.
From this survey of the various branches of science, it is
clear that their progress has been made in age after age by
facts being more fully observed and more carefully reasoned
on. Reasoning or logic is itself a science, but like other
XIII.] SCIENCE. 337
sciences, it began as an art which man practised without

stopping to ask himself why or how. He worked out his
conclusions by thinking and talking, untold ages before it
occurred to him to lay down rules how to argue^ Indeed,

speech and reason work together. A language which dis-
tinguishes substantive, and verb, is already a

adjective,
powerful reasoning-apparatus. Men had made no mean
advance toward scientific method when their language
enabled them to class wood as heavy or light, and to form
such propositions as, light wood floats, heavy wood sinks.
The rise of reasoning into the scientific stage was chiefly

due to the Greek philosophers, and Aristotle brought argu-
ment into a regular system by the method of syllogisms.
Of course the simpler forms of these had always belonged
to practical reasoning, and a savage, aware that red-hot
coals burn flesh, would not thank a logician for explaining
to him that in consequence of this principle a particular red-
hot coal will burn his fingers. It must not be supposed
that the introduction of logic as a science had the efi'ect of
at once stopping bad argument, and
it was rather by setting
work on exact reasoning, especially in mathe-

practically to
matics, that the Greeks brought on a general advance in
knowledge. The importance of science was recognised
when the famous Museum of Alexandria flourished, the
type of later universities, with its great libraries, its labora-
tories, its zoological and botanical gardens. Hither students
came by thousands to follow mathematics, chemistry,
anatomy, under professors who resorted there at once to
teach others and to learn themselves. Looking at the his-
tory of science for eighteen hundred years after this flourish-
ing time, thoughsome progress was made, it was not what
might have been expected, and on the whole things went
wrong. The so-called scholastic period which prevailed in
Europe was unfavourable, partly because excessive reverence

for the authority of the past fettered men's minds, and
partly because the learned successors of Aristotle had come
to believe so utterly in argumentation as to fancy that the
problems of the world could be dealt with by arguing
about them, without increasing the stock of real know-
ledge. The great movement of modern philosophy with
which the name of Bacon is associated as a chief ex-
pounder, brought men back to the sound old method of
working experience and thought together, only now the
experience was more carefully sought and observed, and
thought arranged it more systematically. We who live in
an age when every week shows new riches of nature's facts,
and new shapeliness in the laws that connect them, have

the best of practical proof that science is now moving on
a right track.
The student who wishes to compare the mental habits
of rude and ancient peoples with our own, may look
into a subject which has now fallen into contempt from
its practical uselessness, but which is most instructive in
showing how the unscientific mind works. This is Magic.
In the earlier days of knowledge men relied far more than
we moderns do on reasoning by analogy or mere associa-
tion of ideas. In getting on from what is known already
to something new, analogy or reasoning by resemblance
always was, as it still is, the mind's natural guide in the
quest of truth. Only its resultsmust be put under the
control of experience. When the Australians picked up the
bits of broken bottles left by the European sailors, the like-
ness of the new material to their own stone flakes at once
led them to try it for teeth to their spears ; experience
proved that in this case the argument from analogy held
good, for the broken glass answered perfectly. So the
XIII.] SCIENCE. 339
North American Indian, in default of tobacco, finds some

more or less similar plant to serve instead, such as willow-
bark.. The practical knowledge of nature possessed by
savages is so great, that it cannot have been gained by mere
chance observations ; they must have been for ages con-

stantly noticing and trying new things, to see how far their
behaviour corresponded with that of things partly like them.

And where the matter can be brought to practical trial by
experiment, this is a thoroughly scientific method. But the
rude man wants to learn and do far more difficult things
how to find where there is plenty of game, or whether his

enemies are coming, how to save himself from the lightning,
or how to hurt some one he hates, but cannot safely throw a
spear at. In such matters beyond his limited knowledge, he
contents himself with working on resemblances or analogies
of thought, which thus the foundation of magic. On
become
looking into the " occult sciences," it is easy to make out in
them principles which are intelligible if one can only bring
one's mind down to the childish state they belong to.
Nothing shows this better than the rules of astrology,

although this is far from the rudest kind of magic. Accord-
ing to the astrologers, a man born under the sign Taurus is
likely to have a broad brow and thick and lips, to be brutal

and unfeeling, but when enraged, violent and
furious. If
he had been born under the sign Libra, he would have

had a just and well-balanced mind. All this is because two
particular groups of stars happen to have been called the bull
and the balance the ; child whose hour of birth has some sort
of astronomical relation to these constellations is imagined
to have a character resembling that of a real bull or a real
pair of scales. So with the planets. He over whom Mars

presides in his better aspect will be bold and but
fearless,
where the planet is " ill-dignified," then he will be a boastful

Z 2
shameless bully, ready to rob and murder. Had he but

been born when Venus was in the ascendant, how different
would he have been, with dimpled cheek and soft voice apt
to speak of love. Practically foolish as all this is, it is not
unintelhgible. There is in it a train of thought w^hich can
be followed quite easily, though it is a train of thought
hardly strong enough for a joke, much less for a serious
argument. Yet such is the magic which still pervades the
barbaric world. The North American Indian, eager to kill
a bear to-morrow, will hang up a rude grass image of one
and shoot it, reckoning that this symbolic act will make the
real one happen. The Australians at a burial, to know in
what direction they may find the wicked sorcerer who has
killed their friend, will take as their omen the direction of
the flames of the grave-fire. The Zulu who has to buy
cattle may be seen chewing a bit of wood, in order to
soften the hard heart of the seller he is dealing with. The
accounts of such practices would fill a volume, and they do
not seem broken-down remains of old ideas, for there is no
reason to suppose they ever had more sense in them than
is to be plainly seen now. They may be derived from some
such loose savage logic as this : — Things which are like one
another behave in the same way — shooting this image of a
bear is like shooting a real bear — therefore, if I shoot the
image I shall shoot a real bear. It is true that such
magical proceedings, if tested by facts, prove to be worth-
less. if we wonder that nevertheless they should so
But
prevail among mankind, it may be answered that they last
on even m our own country among those who are too
ignorant to test them by facts- the rustics who believe a —
neighbour's ill-wishing has killed their cow, and who, on
true savage principles, try to punish the evil-doer by putting
a heart spitefully stuck full of pins up the chimney to shrivel
XIII.] SCIENCE. 341
in the smoke, that in like manner sharp pangs may pierce

him and he may waste away.
In another and very different way the student of science
is interested in magic. Loose and illogical as man's early
reasonings may be, and slow as he may be to improve them
under the check of experience, it is a law of human pro-
gress that thought tends to work itself clear. Thus even
the fancies of magic have been sources of real knowledge.
Few magical superstitions are more troublesome than the
Chinese geomancy or rules of "wind and water," by which
a lucky site has to be chosen for building a house. Absurd
as this ancient art is, its professors appear to have been
the earliest to use the magnetic compass to determine the
aspects of the heavens, so that it seems the magician gave
the navigator his guide in exploring the world. What
exact science owes to astrology is well known, how in
Chaldsea the places of the stars were systematically ob-
served and recorded for portents of battle and pestilence,
and registers of lucky and unlucky days. The old magical
character' hung to astronomy even into modern ages, when
astrologers like Tycho Brahe and Kepler, who believed that
the destinies of men were foretold by the planets, helped
by their observation and calculation to foretell the motions
of the planets themselves. Thus man has but to go
on observing and thinking, secure that in time his errors
will fall away, while the truth he attains to will abide
and grow.
CHAPTER XIV.
THE S PIR I T - W O RL D.
Religion of Lower Races, 342 Souls,—343 Burial, 347 Future — —
Life, — —
349 Transmigration, 350 Divine Ancestors, 351 Demons, —
352 — —
Nature Spirits, 357 Gods, 358— Worship, 364 Moral In- —
fluence, 368.
It does not belong to the plan of this book to give

a general account of the many faiths of mankind. The
anthropologist, who has to look at the religions of nation's as
a main part of their life, may best become acquainted with
their general principles by beginning with the simple notions
of the lower races as to the spirit-world. That is, he has to
examine how and why they beheve in the soul and its
existence after death, the spirits who do good and evil in
the world, and the greater gods who pervade, actuate, and
rule the universe. Any one who learns from savages and
barbarians what their belief in spiritual beings means to
them, will come into view of that stage of culture where
the religion of rude tribes is at the same time their philo-
sophy, containing such explanation of themselves and the
world they live in as their uneducated minds are able to
receive.
The idea of the soul which is held by uncultured races,
and is the foundation of their religion, is not difficult to us
CHAP, XIV.] THE SPIRIT-WORLD. 343
to understand, if we can fancy ourselves in their place,

ignorant of tlie very rudiments of science, and trying to get
at the meaning of life by what the senses seem to tell. The
great question that forces itself on their
minds is one that we
v^ with all our knowledge cannot half answer, what the life is
which is sometimes in us, but not always. A person who a
few minutes ago was walking and talking, with all his senses
active, goes off motionless and unconscious in a deep sleep,
to wake after a while with renewed vigour. In other con-

ditions the life ceases more entirely, when one is stunned
or falls swoon or trance, where the beating of the
into a
heart and breathing seem to stop, and the body, lying deadly
pale and insensible, cannot be awakened this may last for ;
minutes or hours, or even days, and yet after all the patient
revives. Barbarians are apt to say that such a one died for
a while, but his soul came back again. They have great
difficulty in distinguishing real death from such trances.
They will talk to a corpse, try to rouse it and even feed
it, and only when it becomes noisome and must be got rid
of from among the living, they are at last certain that the
life has gone never to return. What, then, is this soul or
life which thus goes and comes in sleep, trance, and death ?
To the rude philosopher, the question seems to be answered
by the very evidence of his senses. When the sleeper
awakens from a dream, he believes he has really somehow-
been away, or that other people have come to him. As it
is well known by experience that men's bodies do not go on
these excursions, the natural explanation is that every man's

living self or soul is his phantom or image, which can go out
of his body and see and be seen itself in dreams. Even
waking men in broad daylight sometimes see these human
phantoms, in what are called visions or hallucinations. They
are further led to believe that the soul does not die with the
body, but lives on after quitting it, for although a man may
be dead and buried, his phantom-figure continues to appear
to the survivors in dreams and visions. That men have such
unsubstantial images belonging to them is familiar in other
ways to the savage philosopher, who has watched their
reflexions in still water, or their shadows following them
about, fading out of sight to reappear presently somewhere
else, while sometimes for a moment he has seen their living
breath as a faint cloud, vanishing though one can feel that it
is still there. Here then in few words is the savage and

barbaric theory of souls, where life, mind, breath, shadow,
reflexion, dream, vision, come together and account for one
another in some such vague confused way as satisfies the
untaught reasoner. The Zulu v/ill say that at death a man's
shadow departs from his body and becomes an ancestral
ghost, and the widow will relate how her husband has
come in her sleep and threatened to kill her for not taking
care of his children ; or the son will describe how his
father's ghost stood before him in a dream, and the souls
of the two, the living and the dead, went off together
to visit some far-off kraal of their people. The Malays
do not like to wake a sleeper, lest they should hurt
him by disturbing his body while his soul is out. The
Ojibwas describe how one of their chiefs died, but while
they were watching the body, on the third night his shadow
came back into it, and he sat up and told them how
he had travelled to the River of Death, but was stopped
there and sent back to his people. The Nicaraguans, when
questioned by the Spaniards as to their religion, said that
when a man or woman dies, there comes out of their mouth
something that resembles a person and does not die, but the
body remains here — it is not precisely the heart that goes
above, but the breath that comes from their mouth and is
XIV.] THE SPIRIT-WORLD. 345
called the life. The lower races sometimes avoid such

confusion of thoughts as this, by treating the breath, the
dream-ghost, and other appearances, as being separate souls.
Thus, some Greenlanders reckoned man as having two souls,
his shadow and his breath ; and the Fijian s said that the
" dark spirit " or shadow goes down to the world below, but
the " light spirit " or reflexion seen in water stays near where
he dies. The reader may call to mind examples how such
notions of the soul lasted on hardly changed in the classic
world ; how in the Iliad the dead Patroklos comes to the
sleeping Achilles, who tries in vain to grasp him with loving
hands, but the soul like smoke flits away below the earth ; or
how Hermotimos, the seer, used to go out from his body, till
coming back from a spirit-journey, found that

at last his soul,
his wifehad burnt his corpse on the funeral pile, and tliat he
had become a bodiless ghost. At this stage the idea of the
soul was taken up by the Greek philosophers and refined
into more metaphysical forms ; the life and mind were
separated by dividing the soul into two, the animal and
the rational soul, and the conception of the soul as of thin
ethereal substance gave place to the definition of the
immaterial soul, which is mind without matter. To follow
the discussion of these transcendental problems in ancient
and modern philosophy occupy the student of meta-
will
physics, but the best proof how

the earlier and grosser soul-
theory satisfied the uncultured mind is that to this day it
remains substantially the belief of the majority of the human
race. Even among the most civilized nations language still
plainly shows its traces, as when we speak of a person being
in an ecstasy or " out of himself" and " coming back to
himself," or when the souls of the dead are called shades
(that is, " shadows ") or spirits or ghosts (that is, " breaths "),
terras which are relics of men's earliest theories of life.

It may have occurred to some readers that the savage

philosopher ought, on precisely the same grounds, to believe
his horse or dog to have a soul, a phantom-likeness of its
body. This is in fact what the lower races always have

thought and think still, and they follow the reasoning out in
a way that surprises the modern mind, though it is quite
consistent from the barbarian's point of view. If a human
soul seen in a dream is a real object, then the spear and
shield it carries and the mantle over its shoulders are real
objects too, and all lifeless things must have their thin flitting
shadow-souls. Such are the souls of canoes and weapons
and earthen pots that the Fijians fancy they see swimming
down the stream pellmell into the life to come, and the
ghostly funeral gifts with which the Ojibwas imagine the
souls of the dead laden on their journey to the spirit-land
the men carrying their shadowy guns and pipes, the women
their baskets and paddles, the little boys their toy bows and
arrows. The funeral sacrifices, which in one shape or other
are remembered or carried on still in every part of the globe,
give us the clearest idea how barbaric religion takes in
together the souls of men, animals, and things. In Peru,
where a dead prince's wives would hang themselves in order
to continue in his service, and many of his attendants would
be buried for him to take their souls with him, people
declared that they had seen those who had long been dead
walking about with their sacrificed wives, and adorned with
the things that were put in the grave for them. So only a
few years since in Madagascar it was said that the ghost of
King Radama had been seen dressed in a uniform buried
with him, and mounted on one of the horses that were
killed at his tomb. With such modern instances before us,
we understand the ancient funeral rites of which the traces

remain in the burial-mounds on our own hills, with their
XIV] THE SPIRIT-WORLD. 347
skeletons of attendants lying round the chief, and the bronze

weapohs and golden arm-rings. Classic literature abounds
in passageswhich show how truly the modern barbarian
represents the ancient ; such are the burning of Patroklos
with the Trojan captives and the horses and hounds, the ac-
count of the Scythian funerals by Herodotus, and his story of
Melissa's ghost coming back shivering because the clothes
had not been burnt for her at her burial. There are dis-
tricts in India where the suttee or "good wife" is even now
burnt on her husband's funeral pile. In Europe, long after

the wives and slaves ceased thus to follow their master,
the warrior's horse was still solemnly killed at his grave
and buried with him. This was done as lately as 1781
at Treves, when a general named Friedrich Kasimir was
buried according to the the Teutonic Order;
rites of
and in England the pathetic ceremony of leading the horse
in the soldier's funeral is the last remnant of the ancient
sacrifice. Other quaint relics of the old funeral customs
are to be metwith. There are German villages where the
peasants put shoes on the feet of the corpse (the "hell-
shoon " with which the old Northmen were provided for the
dread journey to the next world), and elsewhere a needle

and thread is put in for them to mend their torn clothes,
while all over Europe, at an Irish wake for instance, the
dead has a piece of money put in his hand to pay his
way with.
Mention has just been made of ancient burial-mounds.
Seeing how barbarians reverence and fear the souls of
the dead, we may understand the care they take of their
bodies, leaving the hut as a dwelling for the dead, or drying
the corpse and setting it up on a scaffold, or burying it
in a canoe or coffin, or building up a strong tomb over it,
or for the ashes, if the people have taken to cremation.

Prehistoric burial-places in our own country are still won-

ders to us for the labour they must have cost their barbaric
builders. Most conspicuous are the great burial-mounds
of earth or cairns of stones. Some of the largest of these
appear to date from the stone-age. But their use lasted on
through the bronze-age into the iron-age ; and to this day
in the Highlands of Scotland the memory of the old cus-
tom is so strong, that the mourners, as they may not build
a cairn over the grave in the churchyard, will sometimes set
up a little one where the funeral procession stops on the
way. Within the old burial-mounds or barrows, there may
be a cist or rude chest of stone slabs for the interment, or
a chamber of rude stones, sometimes with galleries. Many
such stone structures are to be seen above ground, especially
the dolmens, i.e. stone tables, formed of three or four great
upright stones, with a top-stone resting on them, such as
Kit's Coty House, not far from Rochester. The remains
dug up show that the dolmens were tombs. Another kind
of early stone monuments are the menhirs, i.e. long stones
set up singly. It happens that the Khasias of north-east
India have gone on to modern times setting up such rude

pillars as memorials of the dead, so that it may be reasonably
guessed that those in Brittany for instance had the same
purpose. Another kind of rude stone structures well known in
Europe are the cromlechs, or stone circles, formed of upright

stones in a ring, such as Stanton Drew, not far from Bristol.
There is proof that the stone circles have often to do with
burials, for they may surround a burial-mound, or have a
dolmen in the middle. J But considering how tombs are apt
to become temples where the ghost of the buried chief or
prophet is worshipped, it is likely that such stone circles
should also serve as temples,^ as in the case of South India
at the present time, where cocks are actually sacrificed to
the village deity, who is represented by the large stone in

the centre of a cromlech. Rude stone monuments may be
traced in a remarkable line on the map, from India across
to North Africa, and up the west side of Europe {see
Fergusson's map.) The purpose of them all is not fully

understood, especially the lines of great stones at Camac
and Abury, and Stonehenge with its great hewn upright
and cross stones. But, as has been here shown, there
are facts which go far to explain the meaning of dol-
mens, menhirs, and cromlechs. The fanciful speculations
of the old-fashioned antiquaries, such as that the dol-
mens were " Druid's altars," are givmg place to sober
examination such as the reader may find in Lubbock's
Prehistoric Tiines.
In the barbaric religion, which has left such clear traces in
our midst, what supposed to become of the soul after
is
death ? The answers are many, but they agree in this, that
the ghosts must be somewhere whence they can come to visit
the living, especially at night time. Some tribes say that
the soul continues to haunt the hut where it died, which
is accordingly deserted for it ; or it hovers near the burial-
ground, which is sometimes the place of village resort, so
that the souls of ancestors can look on kindly, like the old
people sitting round the village green watching the
youngsters at their sports j or the ghosts flit away to some
region of the dead in the deep forests or on mountain-tops
or far-away islands over the sea, or up on the plains above
the sky, or down in the depths below the ground where the
sun descends at night. Such people as the Zulus can show
the holes where one can descend by a cavern into the
under-world of the dead, an idea well known in the classic
lake Avernus, and which has lasted on to our own day in

St. Patrick's Purgatory in Lough Dearg. By a train of fancy
easy to follow, it is often held that the home of the dead has
to do with that far-west region where the sun dies at
night. Islanders like the Maoris imagine the souls speed-
ing away from the westernmost cape of New Zealand, just
as on the coast of Brittany, where Cape Raz stands out
westward into the ocean, there is the " bay of souls," the
launching-place where the departed spirits sail off across the
sea. Many rude tribes think the spirit-world to be the
pleasant land they see in dreams, where the dead live in
their spirit-villages, and there is game and fish in plenty, and
the sun always shines ; but others fancy it the dim land of
shadows, the cavernous under-world of night. Both ideas
are familiar to us in poetry — one in the earthly paradise of
the legends, the other in such passages as describe Odysseus'

visit to the bloodless ghosts in the dreary dusk of Hades, or
the shadows of the dead in Purgatory wondering to see
Dante there, whose fleshly body, unlike their own phantom
forms, stops the sunlight and casts a shadow.
Hitherto we have been speaking of the bodiless souls or
ghosts of tlie dead, but it also agrees with their nature that
they may enter into new bodies and live again on earth. In
fact one of the most usual beliefs of the lower races is that
the souls of dead ancestors are re-born in children, an idea
which explains the fact of children having a likeness to the
father's or mother's family. For instance, the Yoruba negroes
greetanew-born child with the salute, *'Thou art come!"
and then set themselves to decide what ancestral soul has
returned. It does not, however, follow that the body in
which the soul takes up its new abode should be human : it
may enter into a bear or jackal, or fly away in a bird, or, as

the Zulus think, it may pass into one of those harmless
snakes which creep about in the huts, liking the warmth of
the family hearth, as they did while they were old people,
I XIV.] THE SPIRIT-WORLD. 351
and still kindly taking the food given by their grandchildren.

In such simple forms there appears among the- lower races
the notion of transmigration which in Brahmanism and
Buddhism becomes a great religious doctrine.
. To return to the souls of the dead which flit to and fro as
ghosts. These, wherever they dwell, are naturally believed
to keep up their interest in the living, and their families hold
kindly intercourse with them. Thus, in North America a

Mandan woman will talk by the hour to her dead husband
or child ; and a Chinese is bound to announce any family
event, such as a wedding, to the spirits of his ancestors,

present in their memorial tablets. The ghosts of dead
kinsfolk are not only talked to but fed ; the family offer them
morsels of food at their own meals, and hold once a year a
feast of the dead, when the souls of ancestors for genera-
tions back are fancied present and invisibly partaking of the
food. Such offerings to the dead not only go on through

the savage and barbaric world, but last on into higher
civilization, their traces still remaining in Europe. The
Russian peasant, who fancies the souls of his forefathers
creeping in and out behind the saints' pictures on the little
icon-shelf, puts crumbs of cake there for them. One has

only to cross the Channel to see how the ancient feast of the
dead still keeps its primitive character in the festival of All
Souls, which is its modern representative; even at the
cemetery of Pere-Lachaise they still put cakes and sweet-
meats on the graves, and in Brittany the peasants that night

do not forget to make up the fire and leave the fragments of
the supper on the table, for the souls of the dead of the
family who will come to visit their home. All this belongs
to the ancestor-worship or religion of the divine dead, which
from remote antiquity has been, as it is even now, the main
faith of the larger half of mankind. But this worship does
not come only from family affection, for the ghosts of the
dead are looked upon as divine beings, powerful both for

good and harm. The North American Indian, who prays to
the spirits of his forefathers to give him good weather or
luck in hunting, if he happens to fall into the fire will believe
he has neglected to make some offering to the spirits, and
they have pushed him in to punish him. In Guinea the
negroes who regularly bring food and drink to the images of
their dead relatives look to them for help in the trials of life,
and in times of peril or distress crowds of men and women

may be seen on the hill-tops or the skirts of the forest, calling
in the most piteous and touching tones on the spirits of their
ancestors. Such accounts help us to understand what real
meaning there is in the ancestor-worship which to a Chinese

or Hindu is the first business of life, and how the pious rites
for the dead ancestors or lares formed the very bond which
held a Roman family together. Our modern minds have
rather lost the sense of this, and people often think the
apotheosis of a dead Roman emperor to have been a mere
act of insane pride, whereas in fact it was an idea under-
stood by any barbarian, that at death the great chief should
pass into as great a deity.
That barbarians should imagine the manes or ghosts of
their dead to be such active powerful beings, arises naturally
from their notions of the soul but this requires a word of
;
explanation. As during life the soul exercises power over

the body, so after death when become a ghost it is believed
to keep its activity and power. Such ghosts interfering in the
affairs of the living are usually called good and evil spirits, or
demons. There is no clear distinction made between ghosts

and demons in fact, savages generally consider the demons
;
who help or plague them to be souls of dead men. Good or

evil, the man keeps after death the temper he had in mortal
life. Not long ago, in South India,

where the natives are
demon-worshippers, was found that they had lately built a
it
shrine of which the deity was the ghost of a British officer, a

mighty hunter, whose votaries, mindful of his tastes in life,
were laying on his altar offerings of cheroots
and brandy.
The same man willbe a good spirit to his friends and an
evil spirit to his enemies, and even to his own people he
may be sometimes kind and sometimes cruel, as when the
Zulus believe that the shades of dead warriors of their tribe
are among them in battle and lead them to victory; but if
these ghostly allies are angry and turn their backs, the fight
will go against them. When people like the American
Indians or the African negroes believe that the air around
them is swarming with invisible spirits, this is not nonsense.
They mean life is full of accidents which do not happen
that
of themselves and when in their rude philosophy they say
;
the spirits make them happen, this is finding the most dis-
tinct causes which their minds can understand. This is
most plainly seen in what uncivilized men believe about
disease. We have noticed already that they account for
fainting or trance by supposing the soul to leave the body
for a time, and here it may be added that weakness or
failure of health is in the same way thought to be caused
by the soul or part of it going out. In these cases, to

bring the soul back is the ordinary method of cure, as
where the North American medicine-man will pretend to
catch his patient's truant soul and put it back into his
head, or in Fiji a sick native has been seen lying on his
back, bawling to his own soul to come back to him.
But in other conditions of disease the patient's behaviour
seems rather that of a man who has got a soul in him that
is not his proper soul. In any painful illness, especially
when the sick man is tossing and shaking in fever, or
A A
writhing in convulsions on the ground, or when in delirium
or delusion he no longer thinks his own thoughts or speaks

with his own voice, but with distorted features and strange,
unearthly tones breaks into wild raving, then the explanation
which naturally suggests itself is that another spirit has
entered into or possessed him. Any one who watches the
symptoms of a hysterical-epileptic patient, or a maniac,
will see how naturally in the infancy of medical science
demoniacal possession came to be the accepted theory of
disease, and the exorcism or expulsion of these demons
the ordinary method of treatment. It is so among savages,
as v/hen a sick Australian will believe that the angry ghost
of a dead man has got into him and is gnawing his liver ;
or when in a Patagonian skin hut the wizards may be seen

dancing, shouting, and drumming to drive out the evil
demon from a man down with fever. Such ideas were
at home in ancient history, as in the well-known Egyptian
memorial tablet of the time of Rameses XII (12th cen-
tury B.C.) to be seen in the Paris Library, and translated
in Reco7'ds of the Fast, where the Egyptian god Khons
was sent in his ark to cure the little princess Bentaresh
of the evil movement in her limbs. When he came, the
demon said, "Great god who chasest demons, I am thy
slave, I will go to the place whence I came." Then they
made a sacrifice for that spirit, and he went in peace, leav-
ing the patient cured. As far back as the history of medicine
reaches, we find the contest between this old spirit-theory of
diseaseand the newer ideas of the physicians, with their diet
and drugs ; and though the doctors have now taken the upper
hand, yet in any nation short of the most civilized the
earlier notions may still be found unchanged. When Prof.
Bastian, the anthropologist, was travelling in Burma, his cook
had an apoplectic fit, and the wife was doing her best to
appease the offended demon who had brought it on, by-

putting little heaps of coloured and prayers,
rice for him,
" Oh, ride him not ! Ah, let him go Grip him not so
!
hard ! Thou shalt have rice ! Ah, how good that tastes !
In countries where this theory of disease prevails, the patients'

own delusions work in with and confirm it in most striking
ways. As fully persuaded as the bystanders of the reaHty of
their demons, they will recognise them in the figures they
dream of or see in their delirium, and what is more, under
delusion or diseased imagination they so lose their sense of
being themselves, as to talk with what they believe to be the
voice of the demon within them, answering in its name, just
as the sick princess did in Syria three thousand years ago.
Englishmen in India and the far East often have the
opportunity of being present at these strange old-world
scenes, and hearing the demon-voice whisper, or squeak, or
roar, out of the patient's mouth, that he is the spirit so-and-
so, and tell what he is come for at last, when satisfied with
;
what he wants, or subdued by the exorcist's charms and

threats, the demon consents to go, and then the patient
leaves off his frantic screams and raving, his convulsive
writhing quiets down, and he sinks into an exhausted sleep,
often relieved for a time when the malady is one where
mental treatment is effective. Nor is it necessary to go to
India or China for illustrations of this early theory of disease.
In Spain the priests still go on exorcising devils out of
the mouths and feet of epileptic patients, though this will
probably cease in a few years, when it isknown how

successfully that hitherto intractable disease may be treated
with potassium bromide.
In other ways the notion of spirits serves to account for
whatever happens. That certain unusually fierce wolves or
tigers are " man-eaters " is explained by the belief that the
A A 2
souls of wicked men go out at night and enter into wild-

beast bodies to prey on their fellow-men; these are the
man-tigers and were- wolves —
that is, " man-wolves " which —
still live in the popular superstition of India and Russia.
Again, we all know that many living people grow pale
and bloodless and pine away; in Slavonic countries this
is thought to be caused by blood-sucking nightmares,
whose dreadful visits the patient is conscious of in his
sleep, and these creatures are ingeniously accounted for
as demon-souls dwelhng in corpses, whose blood accord-

ingly keeps fluid long after death; they call them vam-
pires. It has been suggested that primitive men gained
from their ideas of souls and spirits their first clear notions
of a cause of anything, and this is at any rate so far true
that rude tribes do find in the doings
spirits around of
them a reason for every stumble over a stone, every odd
sound or feeling, every time they lose their way in the
woods. Thus, in the scores of good and evil chances which
meet the barbarian from hour to hour, he finds work for
many friendly or unfriendly spirits. Especially his own
luck or fortune takes shape in a guardian who
spirit
belongs to him and goes about with him. This may be,
as the rude Tasmanians have thought, a dead father's soul
looking after his son, or such a patron-spirit as the North
American warrior fasts for till he sees it in a dream; or
it may be, like the genius of the ancienr Roman, a spirit
born with him companion and guardian through life.

for a
The genius of Augustus was a divine being to be prayed and
sacrificed to, but how we moderns have left behind the
thoughts of the ancients, while still using their words, is
curiously seen in the changed meaning with which we now

talk of the genius of Handel or Turner. Not less striking
is the change which has come in our thoughts about the
world around us, the sky and the sea, the mountains and
the forests. We have learnt to watch the operation of
physical laws of gravity and heat, of growth and decomposi-
tion, and it is only with an effort that we can get our
imagination back to the remote days when men looked to
an infinite multitude of spiritual beings as the causes of
nature. Yet this belief arises plainly from the theory of the
soul, for these spirits are looked upon as souls working
nature much as human souls work human bodies. It is they
who cast up the fire in the volcano, tear up the forest in the
hurricane, spin the canoe round in the whirlpool, inhabit the
trees and make them grow. The lower races not only talk
of such nature-spirits, but deal with them in a thoroughly
personal way which shows how they are modelled on
human souls. Modern travellers have seen North Americans
paddling their canoes past a dangerous place on the river
and throwing in a bit of tobacco with a prayer to the river-
spirit to let them pass.- An African woodcutter who has made

the first known to take the precau-
cut at a great tree has been
tion of pouring some palm-oil on the ground, that the angry
tree-spirit coming out may stop to lick it up, while the
man runs for his life. The state of mind to which these
nature-spirits belong must have been almost as clearly
remembered by the Greeks, when they could still fancy the
nymphs of the lovely groves, and springs, and grassy mea-
dows, coming up to the council of the Olympian gods and
sitting around on the polished seats, or the dryads growing
with the leafy pines and oaks, and uttering screams of pain
when the woodman's axe strikes the trunk. The Anglo-Saxon
dictionary preserves the curious word wood?nare for an echo
[wudu-mcer = wood-nymph), a record of the time when
Englishmen believed, as barbarians do still, that the echo is
the voice of an answering spirit ; the word j?iare, for spirit or
demon, appears also in nightmare^ the throttling dream-

demon who was as real to our forefathers as he is to the
natives of Australia now. Superseded by physical science,
the old nature -spirits still find a home in poetry and folk-
lore ; the Loreley is only a modernized version of the river-

demon who drowns the swimmer in the whirlpool ; the heal-
ing water-spirits of the old sacred wells have only taken
saints' names, the little elves and fairies of the woods are
only dim recollections of the old forest-spirits. It may surprise
the readers of Huxley's Physiography to recognise in fairy-

tales the nature-spirits in whose personal shape prehistoric
man imagined the forces of nature.

Above the commonalty of souls, demons, and nature-
spirits, the religions of all tribes recognise higher spirits, or
gods. Where ancestor-worship prevails, the souls of great
chiefs and warriors or any celebrated persons may take this

divine rank. Thus, the Mongols worship as good deities the
great Genghis Khan and his princely family. The Chinese
declare that Pang, who is worshipped by carpenters and
builders as their patron divinity, was a famous artificer who
lived long ago in the province of Shangtung, while Kwang-tae,
the War-god, was a distinguished soldier who lived under
the Han dynasty. The idea of the divine ancestor may even
be carried far enough to reach supreme deity, as where the
Zulus, working back from ghostly ancestor to ancestor, talk
of Unkulunkulu, the Old-Old-one, as the creator of the world
or the Brazilian tribes say that Tamoi the Grandfather, the
first man, dwelt among them and taught them to till the soil,
at last rising to the sky, where he will receive their souls
after death. Among the nature-spirits also the barbarian

plainly perceives great gods who rule the universe. The
highest deity of the African negroes is the Sky, who gives the
rain and makes the grass grow, and when they wake in the
xiv] THE SPIRIT-WORLD. 359
morning they thank him for opening the door to let the
sun Thus they are at the same stage of thought as our
in.
Aryan ancestors, whose great deity Dyu, sung of in the

hymns of the Veda, was at once the solid personal Sky that
rains and thunders, and the Heaven-god who animates it.
This deity remains even in name in the Greek Zeus, and
Latin Jupiter, the Heaven-father, both religions keeping
up its double sense of sky and sky-god, belonging to the
barbaric theology which could see massive life in the over-
arching firmament, and could explain that life by an in-
dwelling deity, modelled on the human soul. We may

best understand what was meant by the Heaven-god, if we
think of him as the soul of the sky. Among all the relics
of barbaric religion which surround us, few are more striking
than the phrases which still recognise as a deity the living

sky, as *'
Heaven forgive me !
" " The vengeance of Heaven
will overtake him." The
and thunder are mostly taken
rain
as acts of the Heaven-god, as where Zeus hurls the thunder-
bolt and sends the showers. But some peoples have a
special Rain-god, like the Khonds of Orissa, who pray to
Pidzu Pennu that he will pour down the waters through his
sieve upon their fields. Others have a special Thunder-

god, like the Yorubas, who say it is Shango who casts down
with the lightning-flash and the thunder-clap his thunder-
axes, which are the stone celts they dig up in the ground
we English keep up the memory of the god Thunder or
Thor in our word Thursday, which is a translation of
Dies Jovis. In barbaric theology, Earth, the mother of
all things, takes her place, as when the pious Ojibwa
Indian digging up his medicine-plants is careful to leave
an offering for great-grandmother Earth. No fancy of

nature can be plainer than that the Heaven-father and
the Earth-mother are the universal parents, nor could
any ceremony acknowledge them more naturally than the

Chinese marriage when bride and bridegroom prostrate
themselves before Heaven and Earth. The Earth-goddess
is clear in classic religion, Demeter, Terra Mater, and per-
haps the last trace of her worship among ourselves may be
the leaving of the last handful of corn-ears standing in the
field or the carrying it in triumph in the harvest-home. In
modern times it is among the negroes of the Guinea coast
that the clearest idea ot the Sea-god is to be found, when
the native kings, praying him not to be boisterous, would
have rice and cloth and bottles of rum, and even slaves, cast
into the sea as sacrifices. So a Greek or Roman general,
before embarking on the dangerous waves, would sacrifice a
bull to Poseidon or Neptune. To men who could thus look
on the and sea as animated, intelligent beings,
sky, earth,
the Sun, giver of light and life to the v/orld, rising and crossing
the sky and descending at night into the under-world whence
he arose, has the clearest divine personality. There is a
quaint simplicity in the account which not many years ago
a Samoyed woman gave of her daily prayers ; at sunrise,
bowing to the sun, she said, "When thou, God, risest, I too
rise from my bed !
" and in the evening, ''When thou, God,
goest down, I too get me to rest." As far back as ancient
history reaches, the Sun-god appears, as where, in the pictures
on Egyptian mummy-cases, Ra, the Sun, is seen travelling
in his boat throughthe upper and lower regions of the
universe. Every morning those modern ancients, the
Brahmans, may be seen standing on one foot with their
hands held out before them and their faces turned to the east,
adoring the Sun : among the oldest prayers which have come
down unchanged from the old Aryan world is that which
they daily repeat, •'
Let us meditate on the desirable light
of the divine Sun ; may he rouse our minds " The Moon- I
god or goddess marks the festivals of rude forest tribes

who dance by the light of the full moon. It is not un-
common for the Moon to rank above the Sun, as perhaps
for astronomical reasons was the case in ancient Babylonia
but more usually the Sun stands first, as seem.s to us more
natural ; and commonly Sun and Moon are looked on as a
pair, brother and sister, or husband and wife. It is easy to
understand why at the famous temple in Syria, Sun and

Moon had no images like the other gods, because they
themselves were to be seen by all men. No doubt this is
why of all the old nature-gods they alone still have personal
obeisance done to them among us to this day ; in Germany
or France one may still see the peasant take off his hat to
the rising sun, and in England the new moon is saluted with
a bow or curtsey, as well as the curious practice of " turning
one's silver/' which seems a relic of the offering of the
moon's proper metal. Fire, though hardly a deity of the
first order, is looked upon as a personal being, and wor-
shipped both for the good and harm it does to man^ and as
minister of the greater gods. Among the Aryan nations,
the first word of the Veda is the name of Jpti, the Fire-
god (Latin Ignis\ the divine priest of sacrifice ; the Parsis,
representatives of the religion of ancient Persia, whose most
sacred place is the temple at the burning wells of Baku
(p. 273), are typical fire-worshippers ; among the old Greeks
Hestia, the sacred hearth, was fed with fat and libations of
sweet wine, and her name and worship went on in Rome in
the temple of Vesta, with the eternal fire in her sanctuary.
The Wind-gods are as well known to the North American

Indians and the South Sea Islanders as they were to the
Greeks, from whose religion they have come down to us so
that every ploughman's child hears of rude Boreas and gentle

Zephyr. To conclude the list, the Rivers have seemed
beings so far greater than the little spirits of the brooks,

that they often, likeSkamandros and Spercheios, had temples
and priests of their own ; men swore by them, for they
could seize and drown the perjurer in their floods, and to
the Hindus still the most awful of oaths is by a divine river,
above all the Ganges.
Such a list of gods, the vast souls of the sky, earth and
sea, of the sun and moon, and the rest of the great powers
of nature, each with his own divine personality, his own

rational purpose and work in the world, goes far to explain
polytheism, as it is found in all quarters of the globe The
explanation cannot, however, be complete, because both the
names and natures of many gods have become confused. A
deity worshipped in several temples is apt to split up into
and men go on worshipping these by different
several deities,
names after their first sense is forgotten. Among nations who
have become blended by alliance or conquest, the religions
also mix, and the vaiious gods lose their distinct personality.
The classical dictionary is full of examples of all this. The
thundering sky a;id the n;iny sky, Jupiter Tonans and
came to be adored like two distinct beings.
Jupiter Pluvius,
The Latin Neptunus and the Greek Poseidon, put together
intoone because both were sea-gods, form a curious divine
compound. Under the name of Mercurius, god of trade,
comes in another ancient deity, the Greek Hermes,
messenger of the gods, leader of the dead into the land
of Hades, god of thieves and merchants, of writing and
science, who himself bears traces of having been pieced
together out of yet older deities, among them the writing-
god of ancient Egypt, the ibis-headed Thoth. This will
give a notion of the confusion which begins in religion
as soon as the worshippers cease to think of a deity by
his first meaning and purpose, and only know of him
as the god whose image stands in such-and-

so-and-so,
such a temple. The wonder is_not that the origin of so
many ancient gods iTliow hard to make out, but that so
many show so clearly as they do what they were at first, a
divine ancestor, or a sun, or sky, or river. The gods of
barbaric religion also show plainly at work, in the minds of
the rude theologians, a thought destined to vast importance
in higher stages of civilization. Regarding the world as
the battle-ground of good and evil spirits, some religions see
these ranged in two contending armies with higher good and
evil gods over them, and above all the sovereign good deity
and evil deity. This system of duaHsm,as it is worked
called, is
out in the contest between the powers of light and darkness,
under Ormuzd and Ahriman, the good and evil spirits, in
the religion of ancient Persia. In barbaric stages of religion
there appears also in rude forms the system of divine
government, so well known of more cultured
in the faiths
nations. As among the worshippers themselves there are
common men, and chiefs above them, and great rulers
or kings above all, with high and low officers to do their
bidding ; so among their gods they frame schemes of lower
and higher ranks of deities, with above all the majesty
of a supreme deity. It is not agreed everywhere which god
is to have this supremacy. As has been already said, men

who look to the souls of the dead as their gods may hold
even the highest divinity to be such a soul, an ancestor
expanded into creator and ruler of the world. Often, and
naturally, the heaven-god is looked upon as supreme creator
and controller of the universe. Among the nations of West
Africa, some say Heaven does his will through his servants,
the lesser spirits of the air, but others think him too high
above to trouble himself much with earthly things. The
doctrine of the Congo negroes shows a thoughtful, if not a
happy, philosophy of life. They say it is the crowd of good

and evil spirits, souls of the departed, who are still active in
the concerns of and mostly the evil spirits have the
life,
best of it ; but now and then, when they have made the
world unbearable, the great Heaven rouses himself, terrifies
the bad demons with his thunder, and lets fly his thunder-
bolts at the most obstinate then he goes back to rest, and
;
lets the spirits rule as before. A more cheerful view of

nature-spirits working beneath heaven is familiar to us in
the Homeric court of the gods on Olympus, where Zeus, the
personal sky, sits enthroned above, holding sway over the
lower gods of earth, air, and sea. In other countries the
Sun may be looked upon as supreme, as he is among many
hill-tribes of India, where he rules over the gods of the
forest and the plain, the tribe-gods, and the ancestral ghosts.
Or there may be, as among the native tribes of North
America, a Great Spirit, who is, as it were, the soul of the
universe, which he created and still controls, supreme over
even such mighty nature-gods as the sun and moon. When the
reader goes on to study the religion and philosophy of the
ancient civiHzed world, he will find men's thoughts working
in these same two ways toward pantheism or monotheism,
according as they conceive the whole universe as one vast
body animated by one divine soul, or raise to the same
divine height the one deity who reigns supreme over the
rest. It lies beyond our range to follow this argument
further here.
Let us now look at the chief acts of barbaric worship,
which are not hard to understand when it is borne in mind
that the deities they are paid to are actual human souls, or
transformed human souls, or beings modelled on human
souls. Even among savages, prayer is already found; in-
deed, nothing could be more natural than that the worshipper
XIV.] THE SPIRIT WORLD. 365
should address with respectful words and entreaties for help

a divine being who is perhaps his own grandfather. The
prayers of barbarians have often been listened to and written
down. Thus among the Zulus, the sacrificer says :
" There
is your bullock, ye spirits of our people. I pray for a healthy
body that I may live comfortably, and thou so-and-so, treat

me with mercy, and thou so-and-so "'
(mentioning by name the
dead of the family). The following is part of a prayer of the
Khonds, when offering a human sacrifice to the Earth-
goddess :
" By our cattle, our flocks, our pigs, and our grain
we procured a victim and offered a sacrifice. Do you now
enrich us. Let our herds be so numerous that they cannot
be housed ; let children so abound that the care of them
shall be too much for the parents, as shall be seen by their
burnt hands ; let our heads ever strike against brass pots
innumerable hanging from our roofs ; let the rats form their
nests of shreds of scarlet cloth and silk ; let all the kites in
the country be seen in the trees of our village, from beasts
being killed there every day. We are ignorant of what it
is good to ask for. You know what is good for us. Give
it to us." These two specimens of prayers are chosen
because they show how closely prayer is connected with
sacrifice, how the offering is brought and the favour asked
with it, just as would be done to a living chief Barbaric
sacrifices are not mere formal tokens of respect ; they
are mostly food, and will be consumed by the divinity,
though he, being a spirit, is apt to take only the spirit,
flavour, or essence, of the viands ; or he snuffs up the

steam or smoke as it ascends from the altar fire, a
spiritual food of much the same thin ethereal substance
which the spirit or god himself is thought to be of. It
is in the higher religions that the sacrificial rite loses its
grosser sense of feeding the deity, so that although the

drink-offering is still poured out and the bullock burnt on

the altar, the act has passed into the giving up of some-
thing prized by the worshipper, and a sign of adoration
acceptable to the god.
There are several ways in which the worshipper can hold
personal intercourse with his deities. These, being souls or
spirits, are of course to be seen at times in dreams and
visions, especially by their own priests or seers, who thus
get (or pretend to get) divine answers or oracles from them.
Being a soul, the god can also enter a human body, and act
and speak through it, and thus hysterical and epileptic
symptoms, which we have seen to be ascribed to an evil
demon possessing the patient, are looked on more favourably
when the spirit is considered to be a deity come to inspire
his minister and talk by his voice. The convulsions, the
unearthly voice in which the possessed priest answers in the
name of the deity within, and his falling into stupor when
his god departs, all fitand in all quarters of the
together,
world the oracle-priests and diviners by familiar spirits seem
really diseased in body and mind, and deluded by their
own feelings, as well as skilled in cheating their votaries
with sham symptoms and cunning answers. The inspira-
tion or breathing-in of a spirit into the body of a priest
or seer appears to such people a mechanical action, like
pouring water into a jug. Also, as in the ordinary trans-
migration of souls, a deity is considered able to enter into
the body of an animal, as when he flies from place to
place in the form of a sacred bird, or lives in the divine
snake fed and worshipped among the negroes of the Slave
coast. This leads on to a belief which seems still stranger
to our minds. The modern Englishman wonders that a
human being, however ignorant, should prostrate himself
before a stake stuck in the ground or a stone picked up by
the wayside, and even talk to it and offer it food : but when
the African or Hindu explains that he beUeves this stock or
stone to be a receptacle in which a divine spirit has for a
time embodied itself, this shows that there is a rational
meaning Images of gods, from the rudely carved
in the act.
figures of ancestors set up in their huts,
which the Ostyaks
to the Greek statues shaped by Phidias or Praxiteles to
represent the heaven-god or the sun-god, are mostly formed
in the likeness of man — an additional proof of how these
nature-gods are modelled on human beings. When such
images stand to represent gods, the worshipper may look on
them as mere signs or portraits, but commonly he is led by
his spirit-philosophy to treat them as temporary bodies for
the deities. A Tahitian priest, when asked about his carved
wooden would explain that his god was not always in

idol,
the image, but only now and then flew to it in the body of
a sacred bird, and at times would come out of the idol and
enter his own (the priest's) body, to give divine oracles by
his voice. Tliis takes us back to the times when, fifteen
hundred years ago, Minucius Felix describes the heathen

gods entering into their idols and fattening on the steam of
the altars, or creeping as thin spirits into the bodies of men,
to distort their limbs and drive them mad, or making their
own and whirl about. Lastly, rude tribes may
priests rave
believe in and worship spirits without having come to build
houses for them and set up tables for their food. Yet .
such temples and altars appear far back in barbaric re-

ligion, and remain still with the thoroughly human character
of the worship as plain as ever in them as when in India ;
the image of Vishnu is washed and dressed by his attendants,

and set up in the place of honour in his temple with a
choice feast before him, and musicians and dancing girls
to divert him. This is the more instructive to us, because we
368 ANTHROPOLOGY [chap.
know Vishnu before bis original meaning was so spoilt, when

he was a sun-god, an animating principle or soul of the
sun in personal human shape, and thus a remnant of pre-
historic natural philosophy.
We have hitherto only looked at barbaric religion as such
an early system of natural philosophy, and have said nothing
of the moral teaching which now seems so essential to any
religion. The philosophical side of religion has been kept
apart from the moral side, not only because a clearer view
may be had by looking at them separately, but because
many religions of the lower races have in fact little to
do with moral conduct. A native American or African

may have a distinct belief in souls and other spirits as
the causes of his own life and of the events of the surround-
ing world, and he may worship these ghostly or divine beings,
gaining their favour or appeasing their anger by prayers
and offerings. But though these gods may require him to
do his duty towards them, it does not follow that they should
concern themselves with his doing his duty to his neighbour.
Among such peoples, if a man robs or murders, that is for
the party wronged or his friends to avenge ; if he is stingy,
treacherous, brutal, then punishment may fall on him or he
may be scouted by all good people ; but he is not necessarily
looked upon as hateful to the gods, and in fact such a man
is often a great medicine-man or priest. While they hold
also that the soul will continue to exist after death, flitting
as a ghost or demon among the living or passing to the
gloomy under-world or the shining spirit-land, they often
think its condition will be rather a keeping-up of earthly
character and rank, than a reward or punishment for the
earthly life. If some readers find it difficult to under-
stand such theology separate from morals, they may be
reminded how, among more civiHzed nations, religions
may drop into the same state by losing the use of the
moral laws they profess ; as when a Hindu may lead the
wickedest of lives, whib the priests for gifts make his peace
with the gods, or as in Europe brigands are notoriously devout
church goers. As a rule, the faiths of the higher nations
have more and better moral influence than the faiths of the
ruder tribes. Yet even among savages the practical effect of
religion on men's Hves begins show itself.
to The worship of
the dead naturally encourages good morals ; for the ancestor
who, when living, took care that his family should do right
by one another, does not cease this kindly rule when he be-
comes a divine ghost powerful to favour or punish. This
manes-worship does not bring in new doctrines or reforms
indeed it is felt that nothing displeases the ancestral deity like
changing the old customs he was used to. But for keeping
up old-fashioned family goodness-, the worship of ancestors
has an influence over the many nations among whom it still
prevails, from the Zulu, who believes that he must not ill-
treat his brothers lest the father should come in a dream

and make him ill, to the Chinese, who lives ever in
presence of the family spirits, and fears to do wrong lest

they should leave him to fall into distress and die. In the
great old-world religions, where a powerful priesthood are
the intellectual class, the educators and controllers of society,
we find moral teaching fully recognised among the great
duties of religion. The gods take on themselves the
punishment of the wicked ; the Heaven-god smites the
perjurer with his thunderbolt, and the Nation-god brings
sickness and death on the murderer. The doctrine of the
transmigration of souls is brought to bear as a moral power
as where the Hindu books threaten evil-doers with being re-
born in other bodies in punishment for their sins done in this,
when the wicked shall be born again blind or deformed,

B B
the scandal-monger shall have foul breath and the horse-

stealer shall go lame, the cruel man shall be born as a beast
of prey, the grain-stealer as a rat ; and thus, eating the fruits
of past actions, men shall work out the consequences of

their deeds, souls sunk in darkness being degraded to brutes,
while the good rise in successive births to become gods.
Even more widely spread is the doctrine that man's Hfe
is followed by judgment after death, when evil-doers are
doomed to misery, and only those who have lived righteously
on earth will enter into bliss. How this doctrine prevailed
in ancient Egypt, the papyrus strips of the Book of the Dead,

and its pictures and hieroglyphic formulas on the mummy-
cases, remain to show. Thus in any museum we may still
see the scene of the weighing of the soul of the deceased,
and his trial by Osiris, the judge of the dead, and the forty-
two assessors, while Thoth, the writing-god, stands by to enter

the dread record on his tablets. In the columns of hiero-
glyphics are set down the crimes of which the soul must
clear itself, a curious mingling of what we should call cere-
monial and moral sins, among them the following: " I have
not privily done evil against mankind. I have not told
falsehoods in the tribunal of Truth. I have not done any
wicked thing. I have not made the labouring man do more
than his task daily. I have not calumniated the slave to
his master. I have not murdered. I have not done fraud
to men. I have not changed the measures of the country.
I have not injured the images of the gods. I have not
taken scraps of the bandages of the dead. I have not
committed adultery. I have not withheld milk from the
mouths of sucklings. I have not hunted wild animals in
the pasturage. I have not netted sacred birds. I am pure,
I am pure, I am pure !
" Thus, among the cultured old-
world nations, already in the earliest historical ages theology
had joined with ethics, and religion as a moral power was

holding sway over society.
Animism, or the theory of souls, has thus been' shown as
the principle out of which arose the various systems of spirits
and deities, in barbaric and ancient religions, and it has
been noticed also, how already among rude races such beliefs
begin to act on moral conduct. We here see under their
simplest aspects the two sides of religion, its philosophical
and its moral side, which the reader should keep steadily in
view in further study of the faiths of the world. In looking
at the history of a religion, he will have to judge how far
it has served these two great purposes —on the one hand
that of teaching man how to think of himself, the world
around him, the awful boundless power pervading all —on
the other hand that of practically guiding and strengthening
him in the duties of life. One question the student will often
ask himself — how it is that faiths once mighty and earnest fall
into decay and others take their place. Of course to no small

extent such changes have come by conquest, as where in
Persia the religion of Mohammed well nigh stamped out
the old Zoroastrian faith of Cyrus and Darius. But the
sword of the conqueror is only a means by which religions
have been set up and put down in the world by main force,
and there arc causes lying deeper in men's minds. It needs
but a glance through history at the wrecks of old religions
to seehow they failed from within. The priests of Egypt,
who once represented the most advanced knowledge of their
time,came mankind had no more to learn,
to fancy that
and upheld newer wisdom, till the

their tradition against all
world passed them by and left them grovelling in super-
stition. The priests of Greece ministered in splendid
temples and had their fill of wealth and honours, but men
who sought the secret of a good Hfe found that this -was not
B B 2
372 ANTHROPOLOGY. [chap. xiv.
the business of the sanctuary, and turned away to the

philosophers. Unless a religion can hold its place in the front
of science and of morals, it may only gradually, in the
course of ages, lose its place in the nation, but all the
power of statecraft and all the wealth of the temples will
not save it from eventually yielding to a belief that takes in
higher knowledge and teaches better life.
CHAPTER XV.
HISTORY AND MYTHOLOGY.
Tradition, 373— Pottry, 375— Fact in Fiction, 377 — Earliest P.iems and
Writings, 381 — Ancient Chronicle and History, 383 — Myths, 387—
Interpretation of Myths, 396— Diffusion of Myths, 397.
History is no longer looked to for a record of the earliest
ages of man. As the first chapter of this volume shows,

we moderns know what was hidden from the ancients them-
selves about the still more ancient ancients. Yet it does nut
at all follow diat ancient history has lost its value. On the
contrary, there are better means than ever of confirming what
is really sound in it by such evidence as th;it of antiquities
and language, while masses of very early writings are now
newly opened to the historian. It was never more necessary
to have clear ideas of what tradition, poetry, and written

records can teach as to the times when history begins.
The early history of nations more or less of
consists
handed down by memory from ages before writing.
traditions
Our own experience does not tell us much as to what such
oral tradition may be worth, for it has so fallen out of use
in the civilised world, that now one knows little of what
happened beyond one's great-grandfather's time, unless
it has been written down. But writing has not yet quite
overspread the globe, and there are still peoples left whose
whole history is the tradition of their ancestors. Thus the
South Sea Islanders, who till quite lately had no writing, were
intelligent barbarians, much given to handing down recol-
lections of bygone days, and in one or two cases which it
has been possible to test among them, it seems as though

memory may really keep a histoi ical record long and correctly.
It is related by Mr. Whitmee the missionary that in the
island of Rotuma there was a very old tree, under which

according to tradition, the stone seat of a famous chief had
been buried ; this tree was lately blown down, and, sure
enough, there was a stone seat under its roots, which must
have been out of sight for centuries. In the Ellice group
the natives declared that their ancestors came from a valley
in the distant island of Samoa generations before, and they
preserved an old worm-eaten staff, pieced to hold it together,
which in their assemblies the orator held in his hand as
the sign of having the right to speak ; this staff was lately
taken to Samoa, and proved to be made of wood that grew
there, while the people of the valley in question had a
tradition of a great party going out to sea exploring, who
never came back. Among these Polynesian traditions the
best known are those handed down by the Maoris as to the
peopling of New Zealand by their ancestors. They tell
how, after a civil war, their forefathers migrated in canoes

from Hawaiki in the far north-east ; they give the names of
the builders and crews of these vessels and show the places
where they landed ; they repeat, generation by generation,
the names of the chiefs descended from those who came
in the canoes, by which they reckon about eighteen genera-
tions, or 400 to 500 years, since their taking possession
of the islands. Notwithstanding that, as might be expected,
the traditions of various districts disagree a good deal, they
XV.] HISTORY AND MYTHOLOGY. 375
are admitted as the title-deeds by which the natives hold

land in the right of their ancestors who landed in the canoes
Shark (Arawa) and God's-Eye {Mata-atud)^ and it can hardly
be doubted that such genealogies, constantly repeated among

people whose lands depended on them, are founded
on fact. Yet these Maori traditions are about half made
up of the wildest wonder-tales when the builder of one
;
of the canoes cuts down a great tree to make the hull, on

coming back to the forest next morning he finds that the
tree has got up again in the night; and when the canoe is
finished and puts to sea, a certain magician is left behind,

but on getting to New Zealand there he is before them on
the shore, having come across the ocean on the back of a
sea-monster, like Arion on his dolphin. These traditions of
a modern barbarous people may give us not an unfair idea

of the mixture of real memory and mythic fancy in the
early history ofEgypt or Greece, where it has come down
by tradition from the distant past when there was as yet
no scribe to engrave on a stone tablet even the names
of kings.
Traditions are yet more lasting when handed down in
fixed words, which is especially when the poets have set
them in verse. Even now in England some notable event
^
may be made into a ballad and sung through the length and
breadth of the land. In days before printing, the import-
ance of the poet as historian was far greater, and many
an old European chant has touches of true chronicle. The
old songs of Brittany are often very true to history, as
where in one there is mention of Bertrand du Guesclin's
hair being like a lion's mane, and in another, Jeanne de
Montforfc (Jeanne-la-Flamme) going forth from Hennebont
with sword and burning brand to fire the French camp, is
described as putting on her suit of armour, which history

elsewhere records that she really wore. But though the

poet or minstrel preserves many picturesque incidents like
these, he has not the historian's conscience about facts.
Eager to rouse and delight his audience, to flatter the
national pride of his people and the family pride of the chief-
tain in whose halls he sang, the singer brought in real names
and events, but he shifted them as would best suit his
dramatic scenery, or he even made his own history outright.
The great German epic, the Nibelungen Lied, begins m
Burgundy, wliere the three kings hold court at Worms on
the Rhine, their sister is the lovely Kriemhilt, whose hus-
band Sifrit is treacherously slain at the well by Hagen's
spear ; afterwards she marries Attila the LIun-king, and
the tale of blood, ending with her vengeance and death,
and Theodoric of Verona (Etzel and Dietrich
leaves Attila
von Bern) weeping together over the slaughter of their
men. Here are places and personages historical enough to
make a poem history, if history could be made by sich
means ; but the reader of Gibbon knows that Attila really
died two years before Theodoric \vas born. In fact the
poem is a late version of a story preserved in an earlier
shape in Scandinavia as the saga of the Volsungs ; the
court at Worms, and the tournament, and the rest of the
historic names and local circumstances, are wôrked in to
give poetic substance and colour. If poets ventured thus
to falsify history in die middle ages, when the chronicles
were there to convict them, how are we to tell fact from
fiction in the poems of ages where the check of history is
wanting? The Iliad and the Odyssey may contain many
memories of real men and their deeds, an Agamemnon may
have reigned in Mykenai, there may have been a real siege
of Troy, perhaps round the very mound where Schliemann
has dug out the golden cups and necklace. But it is too hard
a task to sift out historic truth in Homer, whcro natural

events are as hopelessly mixed up with miracles as in the
Maori legends. It is too hard to judge how far chronicles
of old nations are impartially preserved by a bard whose

ru]e it is (as Mr. Gladstone pomis out in his Frimer of
J-Iomer) that no considerable Greeis chieftain is ever slain
in fair fight by a Trojan. Were nothing to be had out of
ancient poetry except distorted memories of historical events,
the anthropologist might be wise to set it aside altogether.
Yet, looked at from another point of view, it is one of his
most perfect and exact sources of knowledge.

Although what the poet relates may be fiction, what he
mentions is apt to be history. In the names of nations and
countries and cities, he is unconsciously pourtraying for us
the world and its inhabitants as they were in his time. The
catalogue of ships and men in the second book of the Iliad
is a chart and census of the Mediterranean. Homer knows of
the ^-^gyptians, their irrigated fields and their skill in medi-
cine, and of the ship-famed Phoenicians and their purple stuffs.
The name of Kadmos belongs to the Phoenician tongue, and
signifies the '-'Eastern," while the "seven-gated" Thebes
built by his people shows that they had that reverence for
the mystic number seven, which has its origin in the worship
of the seven planets in Babylon, The poet can hardly have
thought, when he told his wonder-tales v.'ith the circum-
stances of the actual world around him, how future ages
would prize for itself that record of real life. Odysseus,
clinging under the belly of the great ram, or sailing to the
land of Hades to the weak shades of the dead, is mere
myth. Yet the description of Polyphemos is one of the
few ancient pictures of the manners of low barbarians, and
the visit to Hades is a chapter of old Greek religion,
recording what men thought of the dull ghost-life beyond
the tomb. So it is with the descriptions of life and manners.

Nausikaa, the king's daughter, drives the wain with the pair
of mules down to the river's mouth to carry the clothes to
be washed. Odysseus walks through the streets of the sea-
faring Phaiakians, wondering at the haven and the mighty

walls and bastions, till he crosses the bronze threshold of the
palace of Alkinoos, and entering, clasps the knees of Queen
Arete ; then he crouches on the hearthstone in the ashes, till
the king, mindful of Zeus the Thunderer standing near to care

for the suppliant, takes the guest by the hand, and makes
hmi sit by him on his own son's glittering seat. Thus follow-
ing the romantic fortunes of the many-wiled Odysseus, we
see as in the scenes of a dissolving- view how the heroes of old
days went spear in hand with their swift dogs at their heel,
how at the house-door they threw aside their garments to
go into the bath -chamber, and came forth anointed with oil
to the feast where with no such refinements as plates or

knives they ate their fill of roast meat and cakes of bread j
how they diverted themselves with throwing quoits on the

smooth turf, or lounged on outspread hides in the sunshine
playing merells ; how in solemn rites they poured the
libations of dark wine and burned the meat in sacrifice,
with prayers for what their hearts desired, yet knowing all
the while that the gods would, as they listed, this grant and
that deny. All this is not only history, but history of the
finest kind. Looked at by the student of culture, even the
wild mixture of the natural and supernatural, so bewildering
to the modern mind, is the record of an early stage of
religious thought. The gods meet in council in the halls
of cloud-gathering Zeus, to settle what shall be done with
their contending armies of worshippers on the plains below.
In the very fray of mortal warriors divine beings take part
Poseidon plucks out the bronze tipped spear from the shield
of Aineias, lifts up the Trojan hero and bears him away un-
harmed over the heads of the warriors; even the goddesses
set on one another Hke mortal shrews, when Here tears
away the bow and quiver of Artemis, and with scornful
laughter boxes her ears with them till the virgin huntress
goes off in tears, leaving her bow behind. It would be
wrong to think that all this seemed mere make-believe and
poetic ornament to the men who first listened to the wondrous
rhapsodies. They were in the changing state of religion
described in the last chapter (see p. 362) when the spiritual
beings, which to their ruder forefathers had served as personal
causes of nature and events, were passing away from their
first clearness, yet were still regarded as divinities presiding
over nature and interfering with men's lives. Contrasting
such a state of thought with that of the present day will
help us to realize one of the greatest events in all history,
the change of men's minds from the mythological temper

to the historical temper. This change did not happen all
at once, but has for many ages been gradually coming
about. There is hardly a more instructive chapter in Grote's
History of Greece, than that in which he describes the philo-
sophic age, when the Greeks were beginning to notice with
perplexity and pain Homeric poems, become to
that the
them a sacred book, agreed but ill with their own experience
of life, so that they asked themselves, can the world have
really so changed since the days when men sat at table
with the gods?

Much of what is called ancient history has to be looked
way. Historical criticism, that is, judgment, is
at in this
practised not for the purpose of disbelieving but
of believ-
Its object is not to find fault with the author, but to

ing.
ascertainhow much of what he says may be reasonably taken
as true. Thus a modern reader may have a sounder opinion
about early Roman history than the Romans themselves had

in the time of Livy and Cicero. We see more plainly than
they, that the name of Rome is less likely to have been
given from a man called Romulus, than that the name of
Romulus was invented to account for the city being called
Rome. To modern minds, the whole famous story of the
wolf-fosterinother of Romulus and Remus collapses when it
is known to be only a version of the same old wonder-tale
told by Herodotus as the story of the birth of Cyrus. Yet

here ag.ain may be seen the indirect value of history even
where its events are most questionable. Though there may
never have been any such person as Romulus, the legend
of the ttacing of the city walls by his bronze plough-share
is a true record of the ceremony with which cities were
anci^-ntly founded. Even later liistory, where the historian
had written records to go upon, must often be sifted in
this way. Suppose a class reading the 35th book of Livy.

Such matters as Hannibal's oath, and the preparations for
war with Antiochus, are taken without question as good
history. But when it comes to the story that about this
time an ox belonging to one of the consuls uttered the
awful words " Roma, cave tibi !
" there is a laugh. Here
it is not enough for tlie form-master simply to pass the
story by as Livy's nonsense. He has to admit that the
historian probably took it from tlie official record of pro-
digies, so tliat at any rate it is good historical evidence
that in ancient Rome men not only bjiieved that an ox
might speak, but that its so doing would be a divine portent,
and notions of this kind had so become part of the national
religion and government, that the augurs took care a regular

supply of such omens should be forthcoming to guide the
rulers of the state, or at least to enable them to impose upon
the multitude. Thus the passages of history which seem at
first sight most silly and false, may be solid facts in the
history of civilisation.
It is plain that the compositions which serve as records
of old-world need not have been intended as history.
life
If only the genuinewords and thoughts of the ancients

about anything have been handed down, it is for the
moderns to extract history from them. Thus the Sanskrit
hymns collected in the Veda serve as a record of the daily
life of the early Aryans who chanted them. For when a
hymn to the wind gods brings them in as driving in chariots
with strong felloes and well-fashioned reins and cracking
whips, then it is plam to the modern reader that the Aryan
people among whom the hymn was made drove themselves
in such chariots. Where the bright gods have gold chains on
their breasts for beauty, carry spears on their shoulders and
daggers at their sides, this mythical fancy gives a real
picture of the accoutrement of the Aryan warrior. Thus,
piece by piece, this praehistoric hymn-book shows the old
patriarchal Aryan life, with the herds of cattle roaming over
wide pastures or shut in the winter cow-stall, the ploughing
of the fields and the reaping of the corn, the family ties and
legal rights, the worship of the great nature-gods of sky and
earth, sun and dawn, fire and water and winds, the intense
belief in the shining regions of the immortal dead, the
honour to the almsgiver and praise to the just man. In
the sacred books of the old Persians, collected in the
Avesta, have come down the long-remembered traditions of
another branch of the Aryan race, who, dividing oft' from
their Brahman kinsfolk, followed the faith of Zarathustra.
The deep schism between the two religions is seen in the
Zarathustrians having degraded th^ bright gods {deva) of

the Brahmans into evil demons {dari'a). Their horror of
defiling the sacred fire by burning corpses as the Brahmans
382 ANTHROPOLOGY. '
[chap.
do had already led them to expose the dead to be devoured

by wild beasts and carrion birds, as the Parsis still do in
their "towers of silence." In the beginning of the Avesta,
there is mentioned as first and best of the good regions
created by the good deity, the country called Airyana vaejo^
the " Aryan seed," which afterwards the evil deity cursed
with ten months' winter ; this description of the climate
looks as though the old Persians believed their early Aryan
home was on the bleak slopes of Central Asia toward the
sources of the Oxus
and Yaxartes. Here and there
among comes a touch of the life of these
the sacred verses
proud fierce herdsmen and tillers of the soil, little like the
corrupt Persian and the thrifty Parsi of modern times.
Their enthusiasm for the rough work of making the earth fit
for man's abode is quaintly shown where they sing of

the delight the earth feels when the husbandman drains
the wet soil and waters the dry, how she brings wealth to
him who tills her with the right arm and the left, with the
left arm and the right
" When the corn grow?, then the demons hiss

When the shoots sprout, then the demons cough ;
When the stalks rise, then the demons weep ;
When the thick ears come, then the demons fly."
So necessary were the fierce dogs which kept the wolf

from the fold and the thief from the village, that there are
solemn ordinances about them, how the dog who does not
bark and is not right in his mind is to be muzzled and tied
up, and what punishment is to be inflicted on the man who
gives a dog bad food ; it is as sinful (they say) as if he had
done it to a well-to-do householder. One forms a lifelike
picture of the sturdy farmers who made these laws to

be repeated to their children's children and carried on to
future ages.
XV.] HISTORY AND MYTHOLOGY. , 383
While these rough Aryans were handing on memories

of the past by word of mouth in their sacred verses, more
cultured nations had long since begun to write down
memorials of their own times. The best way to bring to our
minds what contemporary history was like, is to
this earliest
look at the translations of Egyptian and Assyrian documents

in Records of the Fast, published under the directions of the
Society of Biblical Archceology. Here is to be found, for in-

stance, Dr. Birch's translation of the inscription recording
the expeditions of Una, crown-bearer to king Teta, before
2,000 B.C. (see 3), and of the account on the sanctuary
page
walls of Karnak, of the battle of Megiddo, where Thothmes
in., about 1,500 B.C., overcame the armies of Syria and
Mesopotamia and opened the way into the interior of Asia.
It is related how the king, marching from Gaza, reached
the south of Megiddo on the shore of the waters of Kaner,

where he pitched his tent and made a speech before his
whole army " Hasten ye, put on your helmets, for I shall
:
rush to fight with the vile enemy in the morning!" The

watchword was passed, " Firm, firm, watch, watch, watch
actively at the king's pavihon !
'
It was on the morning of
the festival of the new moon that the king went forth in his
golden decorated chariot in the midst of his army, the god

Amun being the protection in his active hmbs, and he pre-
vailed over his enemies ; they fell prostrate before him, left
their horses and chariots, and fled to the fort, where the
garrison shut up inside pulled off their clothes to haul them
up over the walls. The Egyptians slaughtered their enemies
till they lay in rows like fish, and conquering entered the
fort of Megiddo, where the chiefs of the land came bearing
tribute, silver and gold, lapis lazuli and alabaster, vessels of
wine and flocks. The lists of spoil, made with curious

minuteness, include living captives 240, hands (cut off the
384 ANTHROPOLOGY. [cHAP.
dead) 83, mares 2,041, fillies 191, an ark of gold of the

enemy, 892 chariots of the vile army, and so on. A later
})artof the inscription commemorates the liberal endow-
ments bestowed by the victorious king on the god Amen
Ra, the fields and gardens to supply his temple, the pairs
of geese to fill his lakes, to supply him with the two trussed
geese daily at sunset, a charge to remain for ever, and so
on with the loaves of bread and pots of beer for daily
rations. As the king says in his inscription, he does
not boast of what he has done, saying that he has done
more when he has not, and so causing men to contradict
him. Here we see the check of public opinion beginning
to act in history. It does not really compel exact truth, it
allows national victories to be exaggerated and defeats kept

out of sight, but even the vainglorious scribes of Egypt
vrould hardly venture to record events without a foundation
of fact. Turning now to the inscriptions of the Babylonian-
Assyrian district, we may take as an example a temple-brick
of the famous city Ur of the Chaldees, now called Mugheir,
which bears these words in cuneiform writing :
*'
To Ur, eldest son of Bel hi^ king,
(the.fjod)
Urukh, the p iweiful man, the fierce wanior,
King of (the city) Ur, king of Sumir and Akkad,
Bit-timâl the house of his delight built."
Suinir and Akkad, here mentioned, were the seats of the

old Chaldfean civilisation. As early as the i6th century B.C.,
Hammurabi overcame these nations, a great event in the
change that absorbed their ancient culture and religion into
the conquering Assyrian empire. In an inscrif)tion of this
king of Babylon, he says, "the favour of Bel gave into my
government the people of Sumir and Akkad, for them I
dug out afresh the canal called by my name, the joy of

men, a stream of abundant waters for the people, all its
banks I restored to newness, new supporting walls I

heaped up, perennial waters I provided for the people of
Sumir and Akkad."
By the aid of such contemporary writings, historians are
now able to check the recorded lists of ancient kings, and to
piece together something like a continuous line of dynasties
in Egypt and Babylonia since the foundation of the great
citiesMemphis and Ur, We may notice where the records
and traditions of the Israelites, written down in later ages
in the historical books of the Old Testament, come in
contact with ancient history from the monuments. Israelite
tradition records (Gen. xi., xii.) that their ancestors had
been in the Chaklaean district of Ur, and in Egypt, which
is evidence of their intercourse with the two great nations
of the ancient world. The mention in Exodus (i. 11) of
the Israelites being set to build for Pharaoh a city called
Rameses, points to their oppression in Egypt having been
under the Great Rameses II. of the XIX. dynasty, apparently
about 1400 B.C., which makes a point of contact between
Egyptian and Hebrew chronology. In the books of Kings
there come into view later persons and events, well known
in the contemporary records of other countries, as in the
mention of Shishak, king of Egypt, who fought against
Rehoboam and plundered the temple (i K. xiv. 25). It
seems likely, when Herodotus (ii. 141) describes the army
of Sennacherib, king of Assyria, being put to flight from the
mice gnawing the soldiers' bows, that this is a version of

the great disaster of Sennacherib, of which the Bible gives a
different account (2 K. xix.).
With Herodotus the student comes in view of the Old

World as it was known to a Greek traveller and geo-
grapher of the 5th century B.C. The Father of History, as
he has been called, wrote not as a chronicler of his own
c c
nation, but with the larger view of an anthropologist to

whom all knowledge of mankind was interesting. The
way in which modern discoveries have come in to confirm
his statements, justifies us in relying on ancient historians
when, like him, they are careful to distinguish mere legend
or hearsay from what they have themselves enquired into.
Thus Herodotus tells the strange story of the impostor who
passed himself oft' as Smerdis, and sat on the tlirone of
Persia till he was detected by his cropped ears, and Darius
slew him. When, a few years ago, the cuneiform
characters of the inscription sculptured in a high wall of
rock near Behistan in Persia were deciphered, it proved to
be the very record up by Darius the king in the three
set
languages of the land, and it matches the account given

by Herodotus closely enough to show what a real grasp he
had of the course of events in Persia a century before his
time. Yet more remarkable is the test which can be

put to what Herodotus says he learnt fiom the priests
in Egypt about their kings who reigned 2000 years before.
From their dictation he wrote down the names of the
pyramid-kings Cheops, Chephren, Mykerinos, In later
ages critics had sometimes come to doubt whether these
kings belonged to fact or fable, but when the lost mean-
ing of the Eo;yptian hieroglyphics was anew interpreted
by modern scholars, there stood the names recognisable
as the Greek historian heard them. The best ancient
history is apt to receive such confirmation from long-lost
monuments. Thucydides relates (vi. 54) that Peisistratos
(the younger) dedicated two altars, from one of which the
Athenians erased the inscription, but the other (the his-
torian says) may still be read, though in faint letters : "this

monument of his archonship Peisistratos son of Hippias set
up in the enclosure of Pythian Apollo." Professor Newton
reports that this very stone with its inscription is declared

to have been found in 1878 in a courtyard near the IHssos.
How lively a sense such monuments give to
of reality
history may be understoodby the student who, fresh
from his books, goes to the British Museum and sees
among the ancient coins the grand head of Alexander the
Great with the ram's horns, commemorating that curious
episode of his life when he was declared to be son of Zeus
Ammon ; or who notices with surprise the gold coins
that prove Cymbeline, now best known in Shakspere, to
have been a real British king who coined money with
his name.
Having thus looked at the sources of early history
as belonging to the study of mankind, we need not go
over the well-trodden ground of later history. It remains
to notice myth, the stumbling-block which historians
have so often fallen over. Myth is not to be looked
on as mere error and folly, but as an interesting product of
the human mind. It is sham history, the fictitious narrative
of events that never happened. Historians, especially

in writing of early ages, have copied down the traditions
of real events so mixed up with myths, that it is one of the
hardest tasks of the student to judge what to believe and
what to reject. He is fortunate when he can apply the
test of possibility, and declare an event did not happen
because he knows enough of the course of nature to be sure
it could not. For instance, cultured nations have learnt
from science that what appears to be a blue dome or
firmament above our heads, the sky or heaven, is not
really the solid vault the ancients thought it was, but
only thin air and watery vapour. The consequence of
knowing this is that people have had to strike out of their
history the old myths of gods dwelling in palaces and
c c 2
holding courts in the skies, of men climbing or flying up

from earth into heaven, of giants heaping mountain Ossa
on Pelion, to scale the cloudy heights and wage battle
with the gods above. Besides this way of detecting myth
by its relating what could not have taken place, there are
other means of judging it. It is often possible to satisfy
oneself that some story is not really history, by knowing
the causes which led to its being invented.
We know how strong our own desire is to account for
everything. This desire is as strong among barbarians,
and accordingly they devise such explanations as satisfy their
minds. But they are apt to go a stage further, and their
explanations turn into the form of stories with names of
places and persons, thus becoming full-made myths.
Educated men do not now consider it honest to make
fictitious history in this way, but people of untrained mind,
in what is called the myth-making stage, which has lasted
on from the savage period and has not quite disappeared
among ourselves, have no such scruples about converting
their guesses at what may have happened, into the most
life-like stories of what they say did happen. Thus, when
comparative anatomy was hardly known, the finding of huge
fossil bones in the ground led people to think they were the
remains of huge beasts, and enormous men, or giants, who
formerly lived on the earth. Modern science decides that
they were right as to the beasts, which were ancient species
of elephant, rhinoceros, &c., but wrong as to the giants,
none of the great bones really belonging to any creature
like man. But while the belief lasted that they were bones
of giants, men's imagination worked in making stories about
these giants and their terrific doings, stories which are told
still in all quarters of the globe as though they were
traditions of real events. Thus the Sioux of the western
prairies of North America say their land was once inhabited

by great animals, bits of whose bones they still keep for
magic, and also, they tell of the giant Ha-o-kah, who could
stride over the largest rivers and the tallest pines, and to
whom they sing and dance at their festivals. It appears
that fossil bones, very likely of the mastodon, had to do
with this native belief in old monstrous beasts, nor need
we be surprised at the giants coming into the story, con-
sidering that so lately as the last century Dr. Cotton Mather,
the Puritan divine, sent to our Royal Society an account of
the discovery of such bones in New England, which he
argued were remains of antediluvian giants.
Another thing which in all parts of the world has set the
imagination of myth-makers to work, is the fact that people
live in tribes or nations, each known by a particular name,
such as Ojibwa, Afghan, Frank. The easiest and favourite
way of accounting for this is to suppose each tribe or nation
to have had an ancestor or chief of the like name, so that his
descendants or followers inherited their tribe-name from him.
It really happens so sometimes, but in most cases a pre-
tended tradition of such an eponymic or name-ancestor
arises from the makers of genealogies first inventing him out
of the name of the tribe, and then treating him as a
historical personage. They may now and then be caught
in the act of doing this. Thus among the native race of
Brazil and Paraguay, some tribes are called Tiipi and
others Guaraiii^ so to account for tliis division, a tradition
is related that two brothers named Tupi and Gtiarani came
over the sea to Brazil, and with their children peopled the
country, but a talking parrot made strife between the wives
of the two brothers, and this grew into a quarrel and
separation, Tupi staying in the land, and Guarani going off
with his family into the region of La Plata. Now there

happens to be a means of checking this story, for Martius^

says that the name guarani (meaning warrior) was first
given by the Jesuits to the southern Indians whom they
collected in their missions, so that the tale of the two
ancestor-brothers must be a myth of modern manufacture.
Such eponymic myths of national ancestors were not only
made in ancient times, but are mixed up in the chronicles
of Old World nations as though they were real history.
The classical student knows the legends of the twin brothers
Danaos and Aigyptos, ancestors of the Danaoi (Greeks) and
Egyptians ; and of Hdlen^ father of the Hellenes^ whose
three sons Aiolos, Doros, Xoutlws, were fathers of the
yEolians, Dorians, &c.
Having looked at these two frequent kinds of myths
derived from fossil bones and national names, it is worth
while to notice how both come together in our own country.
The History of the Britons, compiled in the 12th century
by Geoffrey of Monmouth, relates that our island was in
old time called Albion, and was only inhabited by a few
giants ; but Brutus, a banished Trojan prince, landed with
his followersand called the land Britain, after his own
name, and companions Britons. With him came a
his
leader called Gorineiis, and he called the part of the country
which fell to him Corinea and his people Corineans, that is,
Cornish. In that part the giants were most numerous, and
one especially, named Cf^^w^^^?/ (elsewhere called Gogniagog)
was twelve cubits high, and could pull up an oak like a
hazel wand. On a certain day, when there had been a
battle and the Britons had overcome a party of giants and
slain allexcept this hugest monster, he and Corineus had a
wrestling-match, when Corineus caught the giant up in his
arms, and running with him to the top of the cliff now
called the Hoe at Plymouth, cast him over, wherefore
(says the chronicler) the place is called ''Goemagot's leap"

to this day. Quaint as this legend is, it is not hard to find
the sense of was the fashion to trace the origin of
it. It
nations from Troy Brutus and Corineus were invented to

;
account for the names of Britain and Cornwall; Goeinagot

or Gogmagogh the Biblical GogSin^ Magog rolled into one,
these personages being recognised in tradition as giants. But
why the story of his having been thrown over the Hoe at Ply-
mouth ? The answer seems to be that this is a place where
the bones of fossil animals are actually dug up, such as were
looked upon as remains of giants. Even in modern times,
when excavations were being made on the Hoe for the fortifi-
cations, huge jaws and teeth were found, which were at once
settled to be the remains of Gogmagog.
by public opinion
These are examples of the myths easiest for modern
civilised minds to enter into, for they are litde more than
inferences or guesses as to what may have actually happened,
worked up with picturesque details which give them an air
of reality. But to understand another kind of myths we
must get our minds into a mood which is not that of scientific
reasoning in the class-room, but of telling nursery tales in
woods on a summer
the twilight, or reading poetry in the
afternoon.Former chapters have shown how, in old times
and among uncultured people, nodons of the kind which
still remain among us as poetic fancy were seriously believed.
When to the rude philosopher the action of the world around
him was best explained by supposing in it nature-life like
human life, and divine nature-souls like human souls, then the
sun seemed a personal lord climbing proudly up the sky, and
descending dim and weary into the under-world at night
the stormy sea was a fearful god ready to swallow up the
rash sailor ; the beasts of the forest were half-human in
thought and speech ; even the forest-trees were the bodily
habitations of spirits, and the woodman, to whom the

rusthng of their leaves seemed voices, and their waving
branches beckoning arms, hewed at their trunks with a half-
guilty sense of doing murder. The world then seemed to
be " such stuff as dreams are made on ; " transformation of
body and transmigration of spirit were ever going on a ;
man or god might turn into a beast, a river, or a tree ; rocks

might be people transformed into stones, and sticks trans-
formed snakes. Such a state of thought is fast disappearing,
but there are still tribes living in it, and they show what the
men's minds are like who make nature-myths. When a
story-teller lives in this dreamland, any poetic fancy becomes
a hint for a wonder-tale, and though (one would think) he
must be aware that he is romancing, and that the adventures
he relates are not quite history, yet when he is dead, and
his story has been repeated by bards and priests for a few
generations, then it would be disrespectful, or even sacri-
legious, to question
its truth. This has happened all over
the world,and the Greek myths of the great nature-gods
which Xenophanes and Anaxagoras ventured to disbelieve
with such ill consequences to themselves, were of much
the same fabric as those of modern barbarians like the
South Sea Islanders. Let us look at a few nature-myths,
choosing such as most transparently show how they came
to be made.
The Tahitians tell tales of their sea-god Hiro, whose
followers were sailing on the ocean while he was lulled to

sleep in a cavern in the depths below then the wind-god
;
raised a furious storm to destroy the canoe, but the sailors

cried to Hiro, till, rising to the surface, he quelled the storm,
and his votaries came safe to port. So in Homer, Poseidon
the sea-god, dweller in caves of ocean, sets on the winds
to toss the frail bark of Odysseus among the thundering
waves, till Ino comes to his rescue and bids him strip
and swim for the Phaiakian shore. Both tales are word-
pictures of the stormy sea told in the language of nature-
myth, only with different turns. The New Zealanders have
a story of Maui imprisoning the winds, all but the wild west-
wind, whom he cannot catch to shut into its cavern by
a great stone rolled against its mouth ; all he can do is to
chase it home sometimes, and then it hides in the cavern,
and for a while dies away. All this is a mythic description
of the weather, meaning that other winds are occasional,
but the west wind prevalent and strong. These New
Zealanders had never heard of the classic myth of ôlus
and the cave of the winds, yet how nearly they had come
to the same mythic fancy, that it is from such blow-holes
in the hill-sides that the winds come forth. The negroes
of the West Indies tell a tale of the great quarrel between
Fire and Water, how the Fire came on slowly, stopped by the
stream, till he called the Wind to his aid, who carried him
across everything, and the great fight came off, the Bon Dieu
looking on from behind a curtain of clouds. It is not likely
that these negro slaves had ever heard of the twenty-first
Ihad, to know hovy the same world-old contest of the ele-
ments is told in the great battle between the Fire-god and
the Rivers, when theWinds were sent to help, and carried
the fierce flames onward, and the eels and fish scuttled hither
and thither as the hot breath of the blast came upon them.
The beams of light darting down from the sun through
openings in the clouds seem to have struck people's fancy
in Europe as being like the rope over the pulley of an old-
fashioned draw-well, for this appearance is called in popular
phrase, " the sun drawing water." The Polynesians also
see the resemblance of the rays to cords, which they
say are the ropes the sun is fastened by, and they tell
a myth how the sun once used to go faster, till a god

set a noose at the horizon and Caught him as he rose,
so that he now travels bound and slowly along his daily
appointed path. In English such an expression as that the sun
is
''
swallowed up by night " is now a mere metaphor, but the
idea is one which in ancient and barbaric times people took
more seriously. The Maoris have made out of it the story
of the death of their divine hero Maui. You may see, they
say, Maui's ancestress, Great- Woman-Night, flashing and as
it were opening and shutting out on the horizon where sea

and sky come together Maui crept ; into her body and
would have got through unharmed, but just at that moment
the little flycatcher, the tiwakaivaka^ broke out with its
merry note and awoke the Night, and she crushed Maui.
That this is really a nature-myth of the setting sun dying
as he plunges into the darkness, is proved by the mention
of the bird, which has the peculiarity of singing at sunset.
Of all the nature-myths of the world, few are so widely
spread as those on this theme of night and day, where with
mythic truth the devoured victims were afterwards disgorged
or set free. The Zulu story-tellers describe the maw of the
monster as a country where there are hills and houses and
cattle and people living, and when the monster is cut open,
all the creatures come out from the darkness ; with a neat
touch of nature which shows that the story-teller is thinking
of the dawn, the cock comes out first, crying, ^^ kukuliiku!
I see the world !
" Our English version of the old myth
is the nursery tale of Little Red Ridinghood, but it is
by leaving out the proper end (which German nurses

spoilt
have kept up with better memory), that when the hunter

ripped up the sleeping wolf, out came the little damsel in
her red satin cloak, safe and sound.
Such stories are fanciful, but the fancy of the myth-maker
can take yet further flights. The mythic persons as yet de-
scribed have been visible objects hke the sun, or at least what
can be perceived by the senses and made real objects of, such
as wind, or day. But when the poet is in the vein of myth-
making, whatever he can express by a noun and put a verb
to, becomes capable of being treated as a person. If he
can say, summer comes, sleep falls on men, hope rises,
justice demands, then he can up summer and sleep, hope
set
and justice, in human them, and make them

figures, dress
walk and talk. Thus the formation of myth is helped by what

Professor Max Muller has called a " disease of language."
This, however, is not the whole matter. We saw in the last
chapter how the notion of soul or spirit helped men on to

the notion of cause. When the cause of anything presents
itself to the ancient mind as a kind of soul or spirit, then
the cause or spirit of summer, sleep, hope, justice, comes
easily to look like a person.No one can really understand
old poetry without knowing this. Homer could fancy on the
field of battle the awful Ker^ whose figure was shown on the
shield of Achilles with blood-stained garment flung over her
shoulders, as she seized some warrior wounded to the death, or
dragged a corpse by the feet out of the fighting throng. This
being is not merely a word turned into a reality, she is a
personal cause, a spirit-reason, why one warrior is slain and
not another. So far is the idea of her spread in Aryan mytho-
logy, that it appears again among the Northmen, when Odin
sends to every battle the maidens who in Walhalla serve the
feast and fill the bowls with ale for the spirits of the heroes ;
these maidens are the Valkyriur, who guide the event of

victory, and choose the warriors who shall fall. Another
well-known mythic group shows again how what to us
moderns are but ideas expressed in words, took personal
form in the minds of the ancients. In the classic books of
^
Greece and Rome we read of the three fate-spinners, the

Moirai or Parcse, and their Scandinavian counterparts appear
in the Edda as the three wise women whose dwelling is near
the spring under the world-ash Ygdrasill, the Norns who fix
the lives of men. The explanation of these three mythic
beings is that they are in personal shape the Past, Present,
and Future, as is shown by the names they bear, JVas, Is,
Shall ( Urdhr, Verdhafidi, Skuld).
Stories are always changing and losing their meanings,
and from age to age new bards and tale-tellers shape the
old myths into new forms to suit new hearers. Considering
how stories and change, one must expect their
thus grow
origins to lost beyond recovery.
be as often as not While,
as we have seen, it may be often possible to make out what
they came from, this must be done cautiously. Clever
writers are too apt to sit down and settle the mythic origin
of any tale, as if this could be done by ingenious guessing.
Even if it is nonsense and never was intended for anything
else, the myth- interpreter can find a serious origin for it all
the same. Thus a learned but rash mythologist declares

that in our English nursery rhyme, " the cow jumped over
the moon," is a remnant of an old nature-myth, describing
as a cow a cloud passing over the moon. What is really
wanted in interpreting myths is something beyond simple
guessing there must be reasons why one particular guess
;
is more probable than any other. It would have been rash

to judge that Froinetliens the fire-bringer is a personification
of the wooden fire-drill (p. 262), were it not known that the
Sanskrit name of this instrument is pra?nantha ; taken
together, the correspondence of name and nature amounts
to a high probability that we have got back to the real origin
of the Prometheus-legend. We may choose another ex-
ample from the mythology of India, in the story of Vamana,
the tiny Brahman, who, to humble the pride of King Bali,

begs of him as much land as he can measure in three steps,
but when the bnon is granted, the little dwarf expands into
the gigantic form of Vishnu, and, striding with one step
across the earth, another across the air, and a third across
the sky, drives Bali down into the infernal regions, where
he still reigns. This most remarkable of all the Tom
Thumb stories seems really a myth of the sun, rising tiny
above the horizon, then swelling into majestic power and
crossing the universe. For Vamana, the " dwarf," is one of
the incarnations of Vishnu, and Vishnu was originally the
Sun. In the hymns of the Veda the idea of his three
steps to be found before it had become a story, when it
is
was as yet only a poetic metaphor of the Sun crossing the

airy regions in his three strides. " Vishnu traversed (the
earth), thrice he put down his foot it was crushed under ;
his dusty step. Three steps hence made Vishnu, unharmed

preserver, upholding sacred things."
It remains to see how myths spread. Whenever a good
story is told, whether real or made-up does not matter, it
becomes part of the story-teller's stock, who puts to it
any new name that will suit, and often succeeds in
planting it not only in popular legend, but even in
history. There is a fragment by Demaratus preserved

in the collection of Stobaeus, where there is related with
Greek names, as an episode of the history of Arkadia, the

grand story which we were taught as an event of Roman
history, the legend of the Horatii and Curiatii. Roman
history, it seems, only borrowed it from an earlier tale,
much as modern Swiss history borrowed from older folklore
the tale of the archer and the apple, to adorn their national
hero. Tell. To show how legend is put together from

many sources, historical and mythical, let us take to pieces
one of the famous children's tales of Europe. Blue Beard

was a historical person. He was Gilles de Retz, Sieur de
Laval, Marshal of France, nicknamed Barbe Bleue from
having a beard of blue-black shade. Persuaded by an
Italian alchemist that his strength could be restored by-
bathing in the blood of infants, he had many children

entrapped for this hideous purpose into his castle of
Champtoce on the Loire, the ruins of which are still to
be seen. At last the horrible suspicions of the country folk
as to v'hat was going on were brought to proof, and the
monster was burnt at the stake at Nantes in 1440. In all
this, however, there is not a word about murdered wives.
Indeed the historical Blue Beard, in his character of murder-

ous monster, seems to have inherited an older tale belonging
to the wife-murderer of Breton legend, Comor the Cursed?
Count of Poher, whose name and deeds are set down to
near a thousand years earlier, in the legendary chronicles
which tell of him as a usurper and tyrant who married and
murdered one wife after another, till at last when he had
wedded and killed the beautiful Trifine, vengeance overtook
him, and he was defeated and slain by the rightful prince.
It is not easy to say whether this is a version of a yet older
story, or whether there is a historical foundation for it ; if
Henry VIH. had lived in those times, such a

of England
legend might have gathered round his name. Other points
of the modern Blue Beard appear already in the story of
Trifine, her sending for aid to her kinsmen when she
knows her danger, and her discovery of the murder of

the former wives. This last, howêver, does not come to
pass in the modern way ; in the legend, Trifine goes down
into the chapel to pray in the hour of need, and there
the tombs of the four murdered wives open and their
corpses stand upright, each with the knife or cord or w^hat-
ever she was murdered with in her hand. Instead of this

powerful and ghastly scene, the modern version brings in
the hackneyed episode of the forbidden chamber, which
had long been the property of story-tellers for use on suitable
occasions,and is to be found in the Arabian Nights. The
old Trifine legend has a characteristic ending. Her wicked
husband pursues her into the forest and cuts her head off, but
St. Gildas makes her body carry it back to Comor's castle,
which he overthrows by flinging a handful of dust at it,

then he puts Trifine's head on for her again, and she retires
into a convent for the rest of her life. The story-tellers of
later times prefer a more cheerful if more commonplace
finish.
The miracle-legend just quoted brings us back to the

historical use of myth, which was spoken of earlier in this
chapter. The story of St. Gildas bringing the fair Trifine
back to her castle with her head in her hand, and his after-
wards putting it back on her shoulders, is history. It
records the intellectual state of the age when it was held

edifying to tell such wonders of holy men, for holy men were
believed able to do them. Old tales which seem extravagant
to our minds are apt thus to have historical value by point-
ing back to the times when, seeming possible, they were
made. This is true even of ^sop's fables. In the stage of
thought when human souls are thought able to live in animals'
bodies, when a wolf may have one's enemy's soul in him,
or one's grandfather may be crawling on the hearth in the
body of a snake, stories of rational beasts themselves seem
rational. Among the Buddhists, where beast-tales early
became moral apologues, they are told as incidents of the
many births or transmigrations of the great founder of the
religion. It was Buddha himself who, as a bird, took the
bone out of the lion's throat, and was repaid by being told
400 ANTHROPOLOGY. [chap xv.
that he was lucky to be so well out of it. It was Buddha

who, bom in thebody of a i)easant, listened to the ass in
the Hon's skin, and said he was but an ass. That millions
of people should have this as part of their sacred literature
is a fact of interest in the study of civilization, warning us
not to cast aside a story as worthless, because it is mythical.
For understanding the thoughts of old-world nations, their
myths tell us much we should hardly learn from their
history.
—
CHAPTER XVI.
SOCIETY.
Social Stages, 401 — —

Family. 402 Morals of Lower Race?, 405 Public —
—
Opinion and Custom, 408 Moral Progress, 410 Vengeance and —
Justice,414— War, 418— Property, 419— Legal Ceremonies, 423
Family Power and Responsibility, 426— Patriarchal and Military
Chiefs, 428 — —
Nations, 432 Social Ranks, 434 Government, 436. —
In the reports of crimes which appear daily in the news-
papers of our civilized land, such phrases often occur as
savage fury, barbarous cruelty. These two words have come
to mean in common talk such behaviour as is most wild,
rough, and cruel. Now no doubt the life of the less civilized
people of the world, the savages and barbarians, is more
wild, rough, and cruel than ours is on the whole, but the
difference between us and them does not lie altogether in
this. As the foregoing chapters have proved, savage and
barbarous tribes often more or less fairly represent stages of
culture through which, our own ancestors passed long ago,
and their customs and laws often explain to us, in ways we
should otherwise have hardly guessed, the sense and reason
of our own. It should be understood that it is out of the
question to give here even a summary of the complicated
systems of society : all that can be done is to put before the
D D
reader some of its leading principles in ancient and modern

life.
Mankind can never have lived as a mere struggling crowd,

each for himself. Society is always made up of families or
households bound together by kindly ties, controlled by rules
of marriage and the duties of parent and child. Yet the
forms of these rules and duties have been very various.
Marriages may be shifting and temporary pairing, or unions
where the husband may have several wives, and the wife
several husbands. It is often hard to understand the
family group and its ties in the rude and ancient world.
Thus it seems to us a matter of course to reckon family
descent in the male line, and this is now put in the clearest
way by the son taking the father's surname. But in lower
stages of civilization, on both sides of the globe, many tribes
take the contrary idea as a matter of course. In most

Australian tribes the children belong to the mother's clan,
not the father's ; so that in native wars father and son
constantly meet as natural enemies. Chiefship often goes
down in the royal mother's line, as among the Natchez, who
had their sun-temples in what is now Louisiana. Yet this
widespread law of female descent, deep as it lies in the
history of society, had been so lost sight of among the
ancient civilized nations, that when Herodotus noticed it
among the Lykians, who took their names from their mothers
and traced their pedigrees through the female branches
only, the historian fancied this was a peculiar custom, in
which they were unlike all other people. In the savage

and barbaric world there prevails widely the rule called by
McLennan exogamy or marrying-out, which forbids a man
to take a wife of his own clan —an act which is considered
criminal, and may even be punished with death. It is a
strange contrast to the popular idea that savage life has no
XVI.] SOCIETY. 403
rules, when we find Australian tribes where every man is
bound to marry into the particular clan which is, so to speak,

the wife-clan to his own. Among the Iroquois of North
America the children took the clan-name or totem of the
mother ; so if she were of the Bear clan, her son would be
a Bear, and accordingly he might not marry a Bear girl, but
might take a Deer or Heron. Such laws appear also among
higher nations who reckon descent in the male line. Thus
in India a Brahman is not to marry a wife whose clan-name
(her " cow-stall," as they say) is the same as his ; nor may a
Chinese take a wife of his own surname, Though the family
and tribe rules of the savage and barbaric world are too in-
tricate to be fully discussed here, there are some instructive

points to which attention should be called. Marriage is in
early stages of society a civil contract. Thus, among the

wild hunting-tribes of Nicaragua, the lad who wishes a girl
for a wife kills a deer and lays it with aheap of firewood at"
the door of her parents' hut, which symbolic act is his
offer to hunt and do man's work ; if the gift is accepted, it is
a marriage, without further ceremony. Among peoples of

higher culture more formal promises and ceremonies come
in, with feasts and gatherings of kinsfolk ; and then, as in
other important matters of life, the priest is called in to give
divine blessing and sanction to the union. Where this is
done, a wedding has come to be very different from what it
was in the rough times of marriage by capture, such as

might be seen own day among fierce forest tribes in
in our
Brazil, w^here make forays on distant
the warriors would
villages and by main force bring home wives. Ancient
tradition knows this practice well, as where the men of
Benjamin carry off the daughters of Shiloh dancing at the
feast, and in the famous Roman tale of the rape of the
Sabines, a legend putting in historical form the wife-capture
D D 2
which in Roman custom remained as a ceremony. What

most clearly shows what a recognised old-world custom
it was, is its being thus kept up as a formality where milder
manners really prevail. It had passed into this state among
the Spartans, when Plutarch says that though the marriage
was really by friendly settlement between the families, the
bridegroom's friends went through the pretence of carrying
off the bride by violence. Within a few generations the
.same old habit was kept up in Wales, where the bridegroom
and his friends, mounted and armed as for war, carried
off the bride ; and in Ireland they used even to hurl
spears at the bride's people, though at such a distance
that no one was hurt, except now and then by accident,
as happened when one Lord Hoath lost an eye, which
mischance seems to have put an end to this curious relic
of antiquity. It was one of the consequences of increase
of property world, that the practice of buying

in the
wives came where a Zulu bargains with a girl's
in, as
people to let him have her perhaps for five oxen or ten.
This was the custom in England among our barbaric fore-
fathers, as appears in the West-Saxon law of Ine— " If a
man buy a wife," &c. Cnut somewhat later forbade the
wife to be sold, but the husband might give something
of his own will. It is an interesting problem in the history
of law how the money once paid as the bride's price
I3assed into a gift or dower
some provision
for her ;
of this kind became necessary when the widow was no

longer provided for by being taken, as she would have
been in a ruder state of society, as a wife by her husband's
brother.
Marriage has been here spoken of first, because upon it
depends the family, on which the whole framework of society
is founded. What has been said of the ruder kinds of family
XVI.] SOCIETY. 405
union among savages and barbarians shows that there cannot

be expected from them the excellence of those well-ordered
households to which civilized society owes so much of its
goodness and prosperity. Yet even among the rudest clans

of men, unless depraved by vice or misery and falling to
pieces, a standard of family morals is known and lived by.
Their habits, judged by our notions, are hard and coarse,
yet the family tie of sympathy and common interest is already
formed, and the foundations of moral duty already laid, in
the mother's patient tenderness, the father's desperate valour

in defence of home, their daily care for the little ones, the
affection of brothers and sisters, and the mutual forbearance,
helpfulness, and trust of all. From the family this extends
to a wider circle. The natural way in which a tribe is formed
is from a family or group, which in time increases and
divides into many households, still recognising one another
as kindred, and this kinship is so thoroughly felt to be the
tie of the whole tribe, that, even when there has been a
mixture of tribes, a common ancestor is often invented to
make an imaginary bond Thus kindred and kind-
of union.
ness go together —
two words whose common derivation
expresses in the happiest way one of the main principles of
social life.
Among the lessons to be learnt from the life of rude tribes

is, how society can go on without the policeman to keep
order. It is plain that even the lowest men cannot live
quite by what the Germans call " faustrecht," or " fist-right,"
and we call"club law." The strong savage does not rush

into his weaker neighbour's hut and take possession, driving
the owner out into the forest with a stone-headed javelin
sent flying after him. Without some control beyond the
mere right of the stronger, the tribe would break up in a
week, whereas in fact savage tribes last on for ages. Under

4o6 ANTHROPOLOGY. [chap.
favourable circumstances, where food is not too scarce nor

war too v/asting, the life of low barbaric races may be m its
rude way good and happy. In the West Indian islands

where Columbus first landed, lived tribes who have been
called themost gentle and benevolent of the human race.

Schomburgk, the traveller, who knew the warlike Caribs
well in their home life, draws a paradise-like picture of
their ways,where they have not been corrupted by the vices
of the white men ; he saw among them peace and cheerful-
ness and simple family affection, unvarnished friendship, and
gratitude not less true for not being spoken in sounding
words ; the civilized world, he says, has not to teach them
morality, for though they do not talk about it, they live in it.
At the other side of the world in New Guinea, Kops, the

Dutch explorer, gives much the same account of the Papuans
of Dory, who live in houses built on piles in the water,
like the old lake-men of Switzerland ; he speaks of their mild
disposition, their inclination to right and justice, their strong
moral principles, their respect for the aged and love for their
children, their living without listenings to their houses — for

theft is them a grave offence, and rarely
considered by
occurs. Among the rude non-Hindu tribes of India, Eng-
lish officials have often recorded with wonder the kindliness
and cheerfulness of the rude men of the mountains and the

jungle, and their utter honesty in word and deed. Thus Sir
Walter Elliot mentions a low poor tribe of South India,
whom the farmers employ to guard their fields, well knowing
that they would starve rather than steal the grain in their
charge ; and they are so truthful that their word is taken at

once in disputes even with their richer neighbours, for
people say "a Kurubar always speaks the truth." Of

course these accounts of Caribs and Papuans show them on
the friendly side, while those who have fought with them
XVI.] SOCIETY. 407
callthem monsters of ferocity and treachery. But cruelty

and cunning in war seem to them right and praiseworthy and ;
what we are here looking at is their home peace-life. It is

clear that low barbarians may live among themselves under
a fairly high moral standard, and this is the more instructive
because it shows what may be called natural morality.
Among them religion, mostly concerned with propitiating
souls of ancestors and spirits of nature, has not the strong
moral influence it exerts among higher nations; indeed
their behaviour to their fellows is little affected by divine
command or fear of divine punishment. It has more to do
with their life being prosperous or miserable. When want
or the miseries of war upset their well-being, they (like their
betters) become more brutal and selfish in their ways, and
moral habits are at all times low among the comfortless
hordes of savages whose daily struggle for existence is too
harsh for the gentler feelings to thrive. Moreover, there is
this plain difference between low and high races of men, that
the dull-minded barbarian has not power of thought enough

to come up to the civilized man's best moral standard. The
wild man of the forest, forgetful of yesterday and careless
of to-morrow, lolling in his hammock when his wants are
satisfied, has little of the memory and foresight
play of
which is ever unrolling before our minds the panorama of
our own past and future life, and even sets us in thought in
the places of our fellows, to partake of their lives and enter

into their joys and sorrows. Much of the wrong-doing of
the world comes from want of imagination. If the drunkard
could see before him the misery of next year with something
of the vividness of the present craving, it would overbalance
it. Ofttimes in the hottest fury of anger, the sword has been
sheathed by him across whose mind has flashed the prophetic
picture of the women weeping round the blood-stained
4o8 AxNTHROPOLOGY. [chap.
corpse. The lower races of men are so wanting in

foresight to resist passion and temptation, that the moral
balance of a tribe easily goes wrong, while they are rough
and wantonly cruel through want of intelligent sympathy
with the sufferings of others, much as children are cruel
to animals through not being able to imagine what the
creatures feel. What we now know of savage life will
prevent our falling into the fancies of the philosophers of

die last century, who set up the "noble savage" as an
actual model of virtue to be imitated by civilized nations.
But the reality is quite as instructive, that the laws of virtue
and happiness may be found at work in simple forms among

tribes who make hatchets of sharpened stones and rub
sticks together to kindle fire. Their life, seen at its best,
shows with unusual clearness the great principle of moral
science, that morality and happiness belong together — in fact
that morality is the method of happiness.
It must not be supposed that in any state of civilization
a man's conduct depends altogether on his own moral sense
of right and wrong. Controlling forces of society are at
work even among savages, only in more rudimentary ways
than among ourselves. Public opinion is already a great
power, and the way in which it acts is particularly to be
noticed. Whereas the individual man is too apt to look to
his own personal interest and the benefit of his near friends,
these private motives fall away when many minds come
together, and public opinion with a larger selfishness
takes up the public good, encouraging the individual to
set aside his private wishes and give up his property or
even his life for the commonwealth. The assembled tribe

can crush the mean and cowardly with their scorn, or give
that reward of glory for which the high-spirited will risk
goods and life. Travellers have remarked that the women.
XVI.] SOCIETY. 409
however down-trodden, know how to make their influence

felt in this way; and many a warrior whose heart was failing
him in face of the enemy, has turned from flight when he

thought of the girls' mockery when he should slink home to
the village, safe but disgraced. This pressure of public
opinion compels men to act according to custom, which
gives the rule as to what is to be done or not done in most
affairs of life. Explorers of wild countries, not finding the
machinery of police they are accustomed to at home, have
sometimes rashly concluded that the savages lived un-
restrained at their own free will. We have here already
noticed that this is a mistake, for life in the uncivilized
world is fettered at every turn by chains of custom. To

a great extent it is evident that customs have come into
existence for the benefit of society, or what was considered
so. For instance, it is generally held right in wild countries
that hospitality shall be freely given to all comers, for
every one knows he may want it any day himself. But
whether a custom is plainly useful or not, and even when
its purpose is no longer known, once established as a
custom must be conformed to. Savages may have finger-
it
joints cut ofl", or undergo such long and severe fasts that
many die ;but often the only reason they can give for
inflicting such suffering on themselves is that it was the
custom of their ancestors. In some parts of Australia
custom forbade to the young hunters, and reserved for the
old men, much of the wild fowl and the best joints of the
large game. No doubt this was in some measure for the
public benefit, as the experienced elders, who were past the
were able to stay in camp, make nets and
fatigue of hunting,
weapons, teach the lads, and be the repositories of wisdom
and the honoured counsellors of the tribe. Nothing could
prove more plainly how far society is, even among such
4TO ANTHROPOLOGY. [chap.
wild men of the desert, from being under the mere sway of
brute force.
Thus communities, however ancient and rude, always
have their rules of right and wrong. But as to wliat acts
have been held right and wrong, the student of history
must avoid that error which the proverb calls measuring
other people's corn by one's own bushel. Not judging
the customs of nations at other stages of culture by his own
modern standard, he has to bring his knowledge to the
help of his imagination, so as to see institutions where they
belong and as they work. Only thus can it be made clear
that the rules of good and bad, right and wrong, are not
fixed alike for all men at all times. For an example of
this principle, let us observe how people at different stages of
civilization deal with the aged. Some of the lower races take
much care of their old folks even after they are fallen into
them with almost gentle considerateness
imbecility, treating
and very commonly tending them till death, when respect
to the living ancestor passes into his worship as an ancestral
spirit. But among other tribes filial kindness breaks down
earlier, as among those fierce Brazilians who knock on the
head with clubs the sick and aged, and even eat them,
whether they find their care too burdensome, or whether
they really think, as they say, that it is kind to end a life
no longer gladdened with fight and feast and dance. We

realize the situation among roving tribes. The horde must
move in quest of game, the poor failing creature cannot
keep up in the march, the hunters and the heavily laden
women cannot carry him ; he must be left behind. Many a
traveller has beheld in the desert such heartrending scenes
as Catlin saw when he said farewell to the white-haired old
Puncah chief, all but blind and shrunk to skin and bone,
crouched shivering by a few burning sticks, for his shelter a
XVI.] SOCIETY. 411
buffalo-hide set up on crutches, for his food a dish of

water and a few half-picked bones. This old warrior was
abandoned at his own wish when his tribe started for new
hunting-grounds, even as years before, he said, he had left
his own father to die when he was no longer good for any-
thing. When a nation settled in the agricultural state has

reached something of wealth and comfort, there is no
longer the excuse of necessity for killing or abandoning the
aged. Yet history shows how long the practice was kept
up even in Europe, partly with the humane intent of
putting an end to lingering misery, but more through the
survival of a custom inherited from harder and ruder
times. The Wends in what is now Germany practised
the hideous rite of putting the aged and infirm to death,
cooking and eating them, much as Herodotus describes
the old Massagetae as doing. In Sweden there used to
be kept in the churches certain clumsy wooden clubs,
called "family- clubs," of which some are still preserved,
and with which in ancient times the aged and hope-
lessly sick were solemnly put to death by their kinsfolk.
It is interesting to trace m the old German records
the change from such hard ancient barbarism to gentler
manners, when the infirm old house-father, dividing his
substance among his children, is to sit henceforth well
cared for in the "cat's place" by the hearth. One of
the marks of advancing civilization was the growing sense
of the sacredness of human life, even apart from its use
and pleasure, and under this feeling the cutting short of
even a burdensome and suffering existence, which our
ancestors resorted to without reproach, has come to be
looked upon with horror.
It must be clearly understood also that the old-world
rules of moral conduct were not the same towards all men.
A man knew his duty to his neighbour, but all men were not
his neighbours. This is very clearly seen in the history of
men's ideas of manslaughter and theft. The slaying of a
man is by the law of any people to be of
scarcely held
itself a crime, but on the contrary it has been regarded as
an allowable or praiseworthy act under certain conditions,
especially in self-defence, war, revenge, punishment, and
sacrifice. Yet no known tribe, however low and ferocious,
has ever held that men may kill one another indiscrimi-
nately, for even the savage society of the desert or the
jungle would collapse under such lawlessness. Thus all
men acknowledge some law "thou shall not kill," but the
question is how this law applies. It is instructive to see
how it works among those fierce tribes who approve the

killing of men simply as a proof of valour. Thus the young
Sioux Indian, till he had killed his man, was not allowed
to stick the feather in his head-dress and have the title of
brave or warrior ; girl to marry him
he could scarcely get a
till he had " got the feather." So the young Dayak of Borneo
could not get a wife till he had taken a head, and it was thus
with the skull or scalp which the Naga warrior of Asam had
to bring home, thereby quahfying himself to be tattooed
and to marry a wife, who had perhaps been waiting years
for this ugly marriage-licence. The trophy need not have

been taken from an enemy, and might have been got by
the blackest treachery, provided only that the victim were
not of the slayer's own tribe. Yet these Sioux among
themselves hold manslaughter to be a crime unless in blood-
revenge ; and the Dayaks punish murder. This state of
things is not really contradictory ; in fact its explanation lies
in the one word " tribe." The tribe makes its law, not on
an abstract principle that manslaughter is right or wrong,
but for its own preservation. Their existence depends on
XVI.] SOCIETY. •
413
holding their own in deadly strife with neighbouring tribes,

and thus they put a social premium on the warrior's proof of
valour in fight against the enemy, though in these degenerate
days they allow the form to be meanly fulfilled by bringing
in as a warrior's trophy the head of some old woman or

wretched waylaid stranger. In this simple contrast between
one's own people and strangers, the student will find a clue
to the thought of right and wrong running through ancient
history, and slowly passing into a larger and nobler view.
The old state of things is well illustrated in the Latin
word hostis, which, meaning originally stranger, passed quite
naturally into the sense of enemy. Not only is slaying an
enemy open war looked on as righteous, but ancient
in
law goes on the doctrine that slaying one's own tribesman

and slaying a foreigner are crimes of quite difterent order,
while killing a slave is but a destruction of property. Nor
even now does the colonist practically admit that killing a
brown or black man is an act of quite the same nature as
killing a white countryman. Yet the idea of the sacredness
of human life is ever spreading more widely in the world,
as a principle applying to mankind at large.
The history of the notion of theft and plunder follows

partly the same lines. In the lower civilization the law,
" thou snalt not steal," is not unknown, but it appHes to
tribesmen and friends, not to strangers and enemies. Among

the Ahts of British Columbia, Sproat remarks that an article
placed in an Indian's charge on his good faith is perfectly
safe, yet thieving is a common vice where the property
of other tribes or of white men is concerned. But, he
says, it would be unfair to regard thieving among

these
savages as culpable in the same degree as among ourselves,
for they have no moral or social law

forbidding thieving
tribe and tribe, which has been commonly

practised
between
414 ANTHROPOLOGY. [cHAP.
for generations. Thus, although the Africans within their own

tribe-Hmits have strict rules of property, travellers -describe
how a Zulu who have stealthily crept upon a
war-party,
distant villageand massacred men, women, and children,
will leave behind them the ransacked kraal flaring on the
horizon and return with exulting hearts and loads of

plunder. The old-world law of a warlike people is well
seen among the ancient Germans in Caesar's famous
sentence, " Robberies beyond, the bounds of each com-
munity have no infamy, but are commended as a means of
exercising youth and diminishing sloth." Even in the midst
of modern civilization, a declaration of war may still carry
society back to the earlier stages of plunder and prize-
money- But in peace the safety of property as wxil as life
is becoming more settled in the world. The extradition
treaties by which criminals, deprived of their old refuge
over the border, are now given up to justice in the country
where they offended, mark the modern tendency to unite
nations in one community, which recognises among all its
members mutual right and duty.
Hitherto we have been looking at right and wrong chiefly
as worked by men's own moral feelings and by public
opinion. But stronger means have at all times been
necessary. It is now reckoned one of the regular duties
of civilization to have a criminal law to punish wrong-doers
with fine, imprisonment, blows, and even death. This
system, however, only gradually arose in the world, and
history can show plain traces of how it grew up from the
early state of things when there were as yet no professional
judges or executioners, but it was every man's right and duty
to take the law into his own hands, and that law was what
we now call vengeance. When in barbaric life fierce passion
breaks loose and a man is slain, this rule of vensjeance comes
XVI.] SOCIETY. 4^5
into action. How it works as one of the great forces of

society may well be seen among the Australians. As Sir
George Grey says in his account of it, the holiest duty a
native is called on to perform is to avenge the death of his
nearest relation. If he left this duty unfulfilled, the old
women would taunt him ; if he were unmarried, no girl would
speak to him ; if he had wives, they would leave him ; his
mother would cry and lament that she had given birth to so
degenerate a son, his father would treat him with contempt,
and he would be a mark for public scorn. But what is to
be done if the murderer escapes, as must in so wild and
thinly peopled a country be easy ? Native custom goes on
the ancient doctrine that the criminal's whole family are re-
sponsible ; so that when it is known that a man has been
slain, and especially when the actual culprit has escaped, his
kinsfolk run for their lives ; the very children of seven years
old know whether they are of kin to the manslayer, and, if
so, they are off at once into hiding. Here then we come in
view of two principles which every student of law should

have clearly in his mind in tracing its history up from its
lowest stages. In the primitive law of vengeance of blood,

he sees society using for the public benefit the instinct of
revenge which man has in common with the lower animals ;
and by holding the whole family answerable for the deed

of one of its members, the public brings the full pressure
of family influence to bear on each individual as a means of
keeping the peace. No one who sees the working of blood-
vengeance can deny its and its use
practical reasonableness,
in restraining men from violence while there are as yet no
judges and executioners. Indeed among all savages and
barbarians the avenger of blood, little as he thinks it himself
in his wild fury, doing his part toward saving his people
is
from perishing by deeds of blood. Unhappily his usefulness

is often marred through ignoranceand delusion turning his

vengeance against the These Australians are
innocent.
among the many savages who do not see why anybody
should ever die unless he is killed, so they account for what
we call natural death by settling it that some enemy killed
the sufferer by magic art, wounding him with an invisible
weapon, or sending a disease-demon to gnaw his vitals.
Therefore, when a man dies, his kinsmen set themselves to

find out by divination what malignant sorcerer did him to
death, and when they have fixed on some one as the secret
enemy the avenger sets out to find and slay him then of ;
course there is retaliation from the other side, and a heredi-

tary feud sets in. This is one great cause of the rancorous
hatred between neighbouring tribes which keeps savages in
ceaseless fear and trouble.
Passing to higher levels of civilization, among the nations
of the ancient world we still find the law of blood- vengeance,
but it is being gradually modified by the civilization which
in time ousts it altogether. Thus the law of the Israelites,
while still authorizing the avenger of blood, provides that
there shall be cities of refuge, and that the morally inno-
cent manslayer shall not be as the wilful murderer. Among
nations where wealth has been gathered together, and espe-
cially where it has come to be measured by money, the old
fierce cry for vengeance sinks into a claim for compensa-
tion. In Arabia to thisand later stages may
day the earlier
be seen side by side while the roaming Beduin tribes of the

;
desert carry on blood-feuds from generation to generation

with savage ferocity, the townsfolk feel that life can hardly go
on with an assassin round every street-corner, so they take
the blood-money and loose the feud. This state of things
is instructive as being like that of our own early ancestors
when the Teutonic law was still that a man took vengeance
XVI.] SOCIETY. 4^7
for hurt done to him or his, unless he compounded it.
The Anglo-Saxon word for such composition was wer-gild,
probably meaning "man-money," 200 shillings for a free man,
lower folk, and less for a Welshman than an English-
less for
man. Again, where the rule of vengeance is a life for a life,

lesser hurts are also repaid in kind, which is the Roman lex
talionis, or law of the like ''—retaliation. This is plainly set
''
forth in the Jewish law, liie for life, eye for eye, tooth for tooth,
wound for wound, stripe for stripe. It is still law in Abyssinia,
where not long since a mother prosecuted a lad who had
accidentally fallen from a fruit-tree on her little son and
killed him ; the judges decided that she had a right to send
another son up into the tree to drop on the boy who had un-
intentionally caused the first one's death, which remedy
however she did not care to avail herself of. Of course
retaliation came
be commuted into money, as when old
to
English laws provide that, if any one happen to cut off the
fist or foot of a person, let him render to him the half of a
man's price, for a thumb half the price of a hand, and so on
down to 5J-. for a little finger and 4^. for a litde-finger nail.
In the times we live in, justice has passed into a higher
stage, where the State takes the duty of punishing any serious
wilful hurt done to its citizens. Reading some murderous
tale of a Corsican " vendetta," we hardly stop to think of it
as a relic of ancient law lingering in a wild mountain island.

Yet our criminal law grew out of such private vengeance, as
plain to those who attend to traces of the past, when
is still
they hear such phrases as " the vengeance of the law,"

or think what is meant by the legal form by which a
private person is bound over to prosecute, as though he must
still be suing, as he would have done in long-past ages, for
his own revenge or compensation. It is now really the State
that is seeking to punish the criminal for the ends of public

E E
justice. The avenger of blood, once the guardian of public

safety, would now be himself punished as a criminal for
taking the law into his own hands, while the moralists, now
that the conditions of society are changed, lay it down that
vengeance is sinful.
Law, however, though it has so beneficially taken the

place of private vengeance, has not fully extended its sway
over the larger quarrels between State and State. The rela-
tion of private vengeance to public war is well seen among
rude tribes, such as inhabit the forests of Brazil. When a
murder is done within the tribe, then of course vengeance
lies between the two families concerned ; but if the murderer
is becomes a public wrong.
of another clan or tribe, then it
The injured community hold council, and mostly decide for

war if they dare then a war- party sets forth, in which the
;
near kinsmen of the murdered man, their bodies painted

with black daubs to show their deadly office, rush foremost
into the fight. Among neighbouring tribes the ordinary way
inwhich war begins is by some quarrel or trespass, then a
man is killed on one side or the other, and the vengeance
for his death spreads into blood-feud and tribal war ever
ready to break out from generation to generation. This
barbaric state of things lasted far on into the history of
Europe. It was old German law that any freeman who had
been injured in body, honour, or estate might, with the help
of his own people, avenge himself if he would not take the
legal commutation ; that is to say, he had the right of private
war. It was a turning-point in English history when King
Edmund made a law to restrain this " unrighteous fighting,"
but it was not stopped at once, especially in Northumberland,
and we know how it went on into modern times between
clan and clan in the wild Scotch Highlands. Long after
the mere freeman ceased to go to war with his neighbours,
XVI.] SOCIETY. 419
there were nobles who stood to their old right. As late as

the time of Edward IV. Eord Berkeley and his followers
fought a batde with Lord Lisle at Nibley Green in Glouces-
tershire. Lord Lisle was slain, and in the end Lord Berkeley
compounded by a money payment to the widow. Freeman,
who in his Comparative Politics mentions this curious in-
cident of fifteenth-century history, thinks it the last English
example either of private war or the payment of the wer-
gild. The law of England which forbids the levying of
private war represents one of the greatest steps in national
progress. The State now replaces, by the justice of legal

tribunals, the barbaric expedients of private vengeance and
private war. But State and State still fight out their quarrels
in public war, which then becomes on a larger scale much

what deadly feud used to be between clan and clan.
The civil law of property may, like the criminal law, be

traced from the ideas of old times. A fair notion may bo
had of what early rules of property were like, by noticing
what they are in the uncivilised world still. Among the
lower races, the distinction which our lawyers make between
real and personal property appears in a very intelligible way.
Of the land all have the use, but no man can be its absolute
owner. The simplest land-law, which is also a game-law,
is found among tribes who live chiefly by hunting and fish-
ing. Thus in Brazil each tribe had its boundaries marked

by rocks, trees, streams, or even artificial landmarks, and
trespass in pursuit of game was held so serious that the
offender might be slain on the spot. At this stage of
society in any part of the world, every man has the right
to hunt within the bounds of his own tribe, and the game
only becomes private property when struck. Thus there is
a distinct legal idea of common property in land belonging
to the clan or tribe. There is also a clear idea of family
E E 2
property : the hut belongs to the family or group of fami-

lies who built it ; and when they fenced in and tilled the
plot of ground hard by, this also ceased to be common

land, and became the property of the families, at least
while they occupied it. To each family belonged also
the hut-furniture, such as hammocks, mealing-stones, and
earthen pots. At the same time personal ownership appears,
though still under the power of the family, through the
father or head. Personal or individual property was chiefly
what each wore or carried —the man's weapons, the orna-
ments and scanty clothing of both sexes, things which they
had some power to do as they liked with during life, and at
death very commonly took away with them to the world

beyond the grave (see p. 346). Here then we find barbarians
already acquainted with the ideas of common land, family
freehold, family and personal property in movables, which
run through the systems of old-world law. Not that they
are worked out in the same way everywhere. Thus in the
villagecommunities which had so great a part in settling
Asia and Europe, and whose traces still remain in modern
England, not only the hunting-grounds and meadows were
held in common, but the families did not even own the
ploughed fields, which were tilled by common labour or
re-allotted from time to time among the households, so
that the family freehold did not reach beyond its house and
garden-plot. At various times in history, the rise of military
nations revolutionised the earlier ways of land-holding. In
invaded countries, lands of the conquered were distributed
by the king or leader to be held by his captains or soldiers
doing military service in return ; the greatest and best-known
example is the feudal system of Europe in the Middle Ages.
It is instructive to notice how in England, before the Norman
Conquest, the folk-land, the common property of the state.
XVI.] SOCIETY. 421
was already passing into the hands of the king to grant at

his pleasure. Or in a mihtary state the sovereign
may be-
come the universal landlord, allowing his subjects to hold
lands on payment of an annual tribute or tax a system well —
known Egypt and modern India.
in ancient In Roman
history we find the state, or families owning large lands,
letting portions of them as farms to tenants who paid part of
the produce in return. This shows the beginning of rent, a
thing unknown While these changes were
to primitive law.
coming on as to the land, movable property was becoming
more and more important. War-captives kept as slaves to
till the soil became part of the wealth of the family, and the
pastoral life brought in cattle, hot only for food, but to
plough the fields. The manufacture of valuable goods, the
growth of commerce, the accumulation of treasure, and the
use of money, added other possessions. If now we look
at our modern ways of dealing with property, it is seen what
great changes we have made by taking it out of the hands
of the family and allowing an individual owner to hold and
dispose of it —an arrangement suited to our age of shifting
trading enterprise. Even land is bought and sold by indi-
viduals, though the law, by making a field and cottage
transferableby a different process and with greater formality
and cost than a diamond necklace or a hundred chests of
tea, keeps up traces of the old system under which it could
only have changed hands, if at all, with difficulty and by

the consent of many parties. Through all changes it is
instructive to notice how far the old family system of pro-
perty holds its place. This is well seen by considering what
becomes of a man's property when he dies. The two most
usual arrangements made in early times are the simplest,
namely, either that the family shall go on living on the'
undivided property, or that it shall be divided among the
children, or sons. When the eldest son is patriarchal head

of the family, to keep up this dignity he may have an extra or
double portion for his "birth-right" ; this is a well-known
ancient rule, common to the Aryan and Semitic nations, for
it is both in the Hindu laws of Manu and in Deuteronomy.
In France at this day the ancient principle of division
is legally enforced, and the family take their shares
as a matter of right. In England the power of wills
has become so great, that in theory a man may leave
his property to whom he pleases ; but practically this is
kept within bounds by moral feeling and public opinion,

which condemn it as an unnatural act for a man to strip
his own children to endow a stranger or a hospital. If
the Englishman dies without leaving a will, the law re-
cognises the rights of his family by fairly dividing am.ong
them his personal property. It is otherwise with the land
or real estate, which in most cases will pass to the eldest
son. Why the law should thus allow the claims of the rest
of the family to the money, but not to the land, is an in-
teresting point of history. The reader of Maine's Ancient
Law will find how, in Europe about a thousand years ago,
lands held as fiefs came to pass to the eldest son, not by
any means for the purpose of enriching him by disinheriting
the others, but that the united kinsfolk might live upon
the land and defend it under him as chief of the litde
clan. If modern times the head of the family has
in
become possessed of the family estate for his own use,
this is because old laws working under new circumstances
are apt to produce results which those who framed them

never foresaw. Primogeniture did not prevail over the
whole of England, but older rules of family inheritance
have in some parts lasted on from times before feudal-
ism. The best known of these is where at the father's
XVI.] SOCIETY. 423
death the land is divided among the sons, as Domesday

Book shows was usual in Edward the Confessor's time. This
is now known as gavelkind, or the custom of Kent, but
it appears elsewherefor instance, Kentish Town in the
;
north of London supposed to have its name from lands

is
so held there. There even exists in England a rule of

inheritance which seems to belong to a yet earlier state of
society. This is the custom of borough-english, by which,
for instance at Hackney or Edmonton, if a man die intes-
tate the land passes to his youngest son. This right of the
youngest, strange as it seems to us, is still found here and
there in Europe and Asia. It is. a reasonable law of in-
heritance of the settlers in a new country, whefe there is yet

plenty of land to be had for the taking, and the sons as
they grow up and marry go out and found new homesteads
of their own. But the youngest stays at home and takes
care of the old father and mother he is, as the Mongols
;
say, the " fire-keeper,"

and at their death he naturally
succeeds to the family home. This is one of the hundreds
of cases of customs which seem arbitrary and unreasonable,
because they have lost their sense by lasting on from the
state of life to which they properly belonged.
In the old days before there were lawyers and law books,
solemn acts and rights were made plain to all men by
picturesque ceremonies suited to lay hold of unlettered
minds. Many of these old ceremonies are still kept up
and show their meaning as plainly as ever. For example,

when two parties wish to make firm peace or friendship,
they will go through the ceremony of mixing their blood,
so as to make themselves blood-relations. Travellers often
now ally themselves in such blood-brotherhood with bar^
barous tribes ; an account of East Africans performing the

rite describes the two sitting together on a hide so as to
become " of one and then they made little cuts in

skin,"
one another's the mixed blood, and rubbed
breasts, tasted
it into one another's wounds. Thus we find still going on
in the world a compact which Herodotus describes among
the ancient Lydians and Scythians, and which is also men-
tioned in the Sagas of the old Northmen and tire ancient
Irish legends. It would be impossible to put more clearly
the great principle of old-world morals, that a man owes

friendship not to mankind at large but only to his own kin,
so that to entitle a stranger to kindness and good faith he
must become a kinsman by blood. With much the same
thought even rude tribes hold that eating and drinking
together is a covenant of friendship, for the guest becomes
in some sort one of the household, and has to be treated as
morally one of the family. This helps to explain the vast
importance people everywhere give to the act of dining
together. Among the millions of India at this day the very
constitution of society turns on the caste rules whom a man
may or may not eat with. Among the marriage ceremonies of
the world, one well known in the far East is that the couple
ly eating together out of one dish become man and wife.
How ceremony expresses meaning in still more striking
metaphor is Hindu marriage, where the skirts of
seen in the
the bridegroom and bride's garments are tied together as a
sign of union, and the bride steps on a stone to show she
will be as firm as stone. A custom is described among
English vagrants of the last century, where a man and
woman would join hands across the body of a dead beast,
thus promising that they would be joined till death should
part them. Among the dramatic ceremonies known to
European law is the scene in an ancient Roman law-court,
where a man put in his claim to a slave by stepping forward
and touching him with a rod which represented a spear or ;
XVI.] SOCIETY. 425
when in old Germany a piece of land was transferred by

the owner handing over a sod of the turf with a green twig
stuck lap in it ; or when in feudal times the vassal placed his
hands between the lord's, and so ''putting himself in his
hands " became his man.
There were ceremonies in old-world law which were more
than such gesture-language. Barbaric law early began to
call on magical and divine powers to help in the difficult
tasks of discovering the guilty, getting the truth out of wit-
nesses, and making a promise binding. This led to the
wide-spread system of ordeals and oaths. Some ordeals
have really served to discover truth by their effect on the
conscience of the evil-doer. It is thus with the mouthful of
rice taken by all of a suspected household in India, which
the thief s nervous fear often prevents him from swallowing.
This used to be done in England with the corsnasd or trial-
sliceof consecrated bread or cheese ; even now peasants

have not forgotten the old formula, " May this bit choke me
if I lie !
" Another of the few ordeals that linger in popular
memory may be seen when, in some out-of-the-way farm-
house, all suspected of a theft are made to hold a bible
hanging to a key, which is to turn in the hands of the
thief; this keeps up a form of divination practised in the
classic world with a sieve hanging by the points of an open
pair of shears. Ordeals have had their day, and are now
discarded from the laws of the most civihsed nations.
Nowadays one has to go to such countries as Arabia to
find the ordeal by hot iron recognised by law, as it was in
England in the days when the legend was told of Queen
Emma walking over the red-hot ploughshares; the conjurors
now go through this ancient performance as a circus-show.
Yet even of late years, English rustics have been known to
duck some wretched old woman supposed to be a witch, little
knowing that they were keeping up the ancient water-ordeal,

where the sacred element rejects the wrong and accepts
the right, so that the guilty floats and the innocent sinks
—
•
a judicial rite which forms part of the old Hindu law-
book of Manu, and which in English law, till the beginning
of the 13th century, was a legal means of trying those accused
of murder or robbery. Ordeals by which the taker brings
down present harm on himself if he is guilty, are of much
the same nature as oaths. It is usual, however, for oaths
to call down future punishment, in this life or after death,

as when, in Russian law-courts in Siberia, the curious spec-
tacle may be seen of bringing in a bear's head that an
Ostyak may bite at it, thereby calling on a bear to bite him
if he is forsworn. The legal oaths in our own country bear
in their gestures the traces of high antiquity. In Scotland
the witness holds up his hand toward heaven, the gesture
by which Greek and Jew took the supreme Deity to witness,
and called down divine vengeance on the perjurer. In
England the kissing of the book comes from the practice of
touching a halidome, or sacred object, as an ancient Roman
touched the altar, or Harold the casket of relics. The
form " So help me God," is inherited from ancient Teutonic-
Scandinavian law, under which the old Northman, touching
the blood-daubed ring on the altar, swore " So help me
Frey, and Niordh, and the almighty god " (that is, Thor). The
first and last of these are the two old English gods whose
names we keep up in Friday and Thursday.

To come now to the last subject of this volume, the
history of government. Complicated as are the political
arrangements of civilised nations, their study is made easier
by their simple forms being already found in savage and
barbaric life. The foundation of society, as has been
already seen, is the self-government of each family. Its
;
xvi.l SOCIETY. 427
authority is apt to be vested in the head of the household

thus among low barbaric tribes in the Brazilian forests,
the father may do as he pleases with his own wives and
children, even selling them for slaves, and the neighbours
have no right or wish to interfere. Even what civilised
nations now take as a matter of course, that every human
being coming into the world has a right to Hve, is scarcely
recognised by the lower races. In such a life of hardship
and many savages lead, new-born children
as the Australians
are often put out of the way from sheer need, because
the parents have already as many mouths as they can feed.
That among such tribes this comes of hardness of life,
rather than hardness of heart, is often seen when the
parents will go through fire and water to save the very
child they were doubting about, a few weeks before,
whether it should live or die. Even where the struggle for
existence is not so severe, the wretched custom of infan-
ticide remains still common in the world. Nothing more
clearly shows that European nations came up from a barbaric
. stage than the law which the ancient Romans had in com-
mon with our Teutonic ancestors, that it was for the father
of the family to say whether the new-born child should be
brought up or exposed. Once become a member of the
household, the child has a firmer assurance of and life ;
when young barbarian grows up to be a warrior, and

the
becomes himself the head of a new household, he is usually
a free man. But the oldest Roman law shows the head of
the family ruling with a strictness hardly imaginable to our
modern minds, for the father might chastise or put to
death his grown-up sons, give them in marriage or divorce
them, and even sell them. With the advance of civilization,
in Rome as elsewhere, the sons gradually gained their
rights of person and property ; and in comparing old-world
428 ANTHROPOLOGY. [CHAr.
life wrth our own, it is plainly seen how Christianity, look-
ing not to family rights but to individual souls, tended

toward personal freedom. With all the growth of individual
freedom in modern life, the best features of family despot-
ism remain in force; it is under parental authority that
children are trained' for their future duties, and the law is
careful how it gives the child personal rights against the

parent, lest it should weaken the very cement which binds
society together. As, however, the family ceased to be so
perfect a little kingdom within itself, the individual became
responsible for his own doings. We have seen how, in
rude society, when a crime is committed, the family of the
aggrieved take vengeance on the culprit's family. Modern
ideas of justice may teach us that this is wrong, that it is
punishing the innocent for the guilty. But in the lower

barbaric life it is practically the best way to keep order,
and to those who live under it it seems right and natural,
as where, among the Australians, when one of a family has
done a murder the others take it as a matter of course that
they are guilty too. Far from this idea being confined to.
savages, the student becomes familiar wdth it in the law
of ancient nations, such as Greece and Rome. Here it
will be enough to quote the remarkable passage from the
Hebrew law which at once records what the old principle

was, and reforms it by bringing in the ideas of higher juris-
prudence :
— " The fathers shall not be put to death for the
children, neither shall the children be put to death for the
fathers : every man shall be put to death for his own sin."
(Deut. xxiv. 1 6.)
Wherever the traveller in wild regions meets a few families
roaming together over the desert, or comes upon a cluster
of huts by a stream in the tropical forest, he may find, if he
looks closely enough, some rudiments of government ; for
XVI.] SOCIETY. 429
there is business which concerns the whole little community,

such as a camping-ground to be chosen, or a fishery quarrel
to be settled with the next tribe down the river. Even among
the Greenlanders, as little governed a people as almost any
in the world, it was noticed that whe^ several families lived

togetherall the winter, one weather-wise old fisherman
would have the north end of the snow-house for his place
and be appointed to look after the inmates, taking care
about their keeping the snow walls in repair, and going
out and coming in together so as not to waste heat ; also
when they went out in hunting parties an experienced
pathfinder would be chosen as leader. It is common
to find among rude tribes such a headman or chief,
chosen as the most important or shrewdest ; but he has
little or no actual authority over the families, and gets
his way by persuasion and public opinion. Naturally such
a headman's family is of consequence already, or, if not, he
makes them so, and thus there is a tendency for his oflice to
become hereditary. In' tribes formed under the rule of

female kinship, where the chief's own son may be out of the
succession, the new chosen chief will probably be a younger
brother or a nephew on the mother's side. Under the rule of
succession on the father's side, which is so much more
familiar to us, the verygrowth of the family brings on a
patriarchal government. Suppose a single household to
move out into the wilds and found a new settlement, it
begins under the rule of the father, who, as new huts are
built round the first home, remains head of the growing
clan ; but as old age comes on, his eldest son more and
more name, and at his death will be recognised
acts in his
as succeeding him in the headship of the community. Here
then seen the rise of the hereditary chief or patriarch of
is
the tribe, first in rank as representing the ancestor, and with

more or less of real autliority. But here also there is a

practical power of setting the successor aside if he is too
timid or wilful or dull, when perhaps his uncle or brother
will be put in his place, though the line of succession is not

set aside by this. The patriarchal system extends far on in
civilization. It is not confined to one particular race or
nation, but may at this day be studied alike among the
brown hill-men of India and the negroes of West Africa.
To us it is especially well known from the Old Testament,
which shows it in the form it takes in a pastoral nation,
and which still may be seen with little change among the
Arabs of the desert, whose clans and tribes are governed by
their patriarchs, the sheykhs or old men. Not less does it
lie at the foundation of the politics of the Aryan race, where
its remains may still be traced'in the village communities of

India and Russia, the village elder presiding in the council
of " white-heads " being the modern representative of the
earlier patriarch with the chiefs of younger branches of the
clan around him. Under such mild rule, people of few
wants may prosper in time of peace, in the kindly commu-
nism which is possible where there are no rich and no poor.
The weak point of such a society is that it can hardly
advance, for civilization is at a standstill where it is regu-
lated by ancestral custom administered by great-grandfathers.
Everywhere in the world, in war some stronger and
more intelligent rule than this is needed and found. The
changes which have shaped the descendants of wild hordes
into civilized nations have been in great measure the work
of the war-chief.
When among such uncultured tribes war breaks out, the
peace-chief is pushed aside and a leader chosen, or in war-
like tribes the war-chief may be the acting head at all times.
Of course he is a tried warrior, and his endurance may even
XVI.] SOCIETY. 431
be put to a special examination, as when the Caribs would

test a candidate for war-chief by mercilessly flogging and
scratching him, smoking him in a hammock over a fire of
green leaves, or burying him up to the middle in a nest of
stinging-ants. We even find in America the principle of
competitive examination for king, when Chilian* tribes would
choose as their chief the man who could lift the biggest
tree on his shoulder and carry it longest.In these rude
countries the change is wonderful when war turns the
loose crowd into an army under a leader, with powers of
lifeand death to enforce discipline. When Martius the
was travelling through a Brazilian forest with a
naturalist
Miranha chief, they came to a fig-tree where the skeleton of
a man was bound to the trunk with cords of creepers, and
the chief grimly explained that this was one of his men who
had disobeyed orders by not summoning a neighbouring
tribe to help against the invading Umg.uas, and he had him
tied up there and shot to death with arrows. In barbarous
countries the tribe-chief and the war-chief may be found
side by side ; but when the power of the bow and spear once
asserts itself, it is apt to grow further. Throughout history, war
gives the bold and able leader a supremacy which may nomi-
nally end with the campaign, but which tends to pass into
dictatorship for life. Military government in civil affairs is,
in fact, despotism and if the military leader can thus become
;
the tyrant of his own land, still more can he rule with a rod
of iron a conquered country. The negro kingdom of
Dahome, the result of two centuries of barbaric military
rule, is an astounding specimen of what a people will
submit to from a despot whom they regard as a kind of

deity; they approach him grovelling on all-fours, and
throwing dust over their heads ; tlê whole nation are
his slaves, whose lives he takes at will ] the women are all
his, to give or sell ; the land is all his, and none owns any-
thing but at his pleasure. The kings of Asiatic nations have
been theoretically as absolute as this, but practically in
advancing civilization the king makes or sanctions laws which
bind himself and his successors, making society more fixed
and life more tolerable. Also, as soon as religion becomes
a power in the state, it becomes joined or mixed with civil
and military government. Thus among negroes the high-
priest and war-chief may be the two heads of the govern-
ment, while the Incas of Peru, as descendants and re-

presentatives of the divine sun, ruled their nation with
paternal despotism which settled for the people what they
should do and eat and wear, and whom they should marry.
In such a kingdom royalty must be hereditary in the
divine ruling family. Indeed, monarchy, however gained,
tends to become hereditary, and especially the miUtary
usurper will found a dynasty on the model of a patri-
archal chief. Thus sovereignty may be elective, hereditary,
military, ecclesiastical, and, difficult as is the history of
kingdoms, some combination of these causes can always
be traced in them.
The effects of war in consolidating a loosely formed society
are described by travellers who have seen a barbaric tribe
prepare to invade an enemy 'or defend their own borders.
Provisions and property are brought into the common
stock ; the warriors submit their unruly wills to a leader, and
private quarrels are sunk in a larger patriotism. Distant
clans of kinsfolk come together against thfe (Common enemy,
and neighbouring tribes with no such natural union make

an alliance, their chiefs serving under the orders of a leader
chosen by them all. Here are seen in their simplest forms
—
two of the greatest facts in history, the organised army,
where the several forces are led by their own captains under
XVI.] SOCIETY. 433
a general, and the confederation of tribes, such as in higher
civilisation brings on political federations of states like
those
in Greece and Switzerland. Out of such alliances of tribes,
when they last beyond the campaign, there arise nations,
where often, as in old Mexico, the head of the strongest
tribe will become king. Tribes which thus unite are apt to
be of common race, speaking kindred dialects, for this is'
everywhere a natural bond of union ; and when they have
allied themselves into one people, and come to bear a
common name, such as Dorians or Hellenes, they willingly
take up the old patriarchal idea, and imagine themselves
more closely of one nation or "birth" than they really are,
even setting up, as we have seen (p. 389), a fictitious as a
national ancestor. Events take a different course, but with a
somewhat like effect, when some Kafir leader conquers other
tribes around, and, setting himself above them all, forces
the conquered chiefs to bring him tribute and warriors to
fight his battles. This is empire on a small scale and with
rude surroundings, but on the same principles as that of a
Caesar or a Napoleon. Thus one understands why in the
early history of nations it is so inextricably difficult to make
out how far any people have grown up from a single unmixed
tribe, or have been built up by alliance and conquest.
What shows how this piecing together of nations must have
gone on, is the number and variety of their gods. While
a tribe grows of itself, the names and worship of
same the
tribe-gods will be abond of union in all the clans, and
even when they move far off they will sometimes go on
pilgrimage to the shrines of their old home. But when
peoples amalgamate, their different gods are kept up, as when
the Peruvians gave places to the gods of conquered tribes
under their own great deities. Every district in ancient
Egypt shows by its varied combination of gods how many

F F
little states and local religions went to make up the great

despotism and hierarchy. It was plainly through this growth
of nations, which had been going on we know not how long
before history began, that the higher civilization of mankind
arose. Scattered families of barbarians in a land where
there is still elbow room may thrive without strong govern-
ment ; but when men live in populous nations and crowded
cities, there has to be public order. That this political
order came out of military order cannot be doubted. War
not only put into the hands of the sovereign the power over
a whole nation, but his army served as his model on which
to organize his nation. It is one of the plainest lessons
of history that through military discipline mankind were
taught to submit to authority and act in masses under com-
mand. Egypt and Babylon, with military system pervading
not only the standing army, but the orders of priests and
civilians, developed industry and wealth highest in the
ancient world, and were the very founders of literature and
science. They built up for future ages the framework of
government, which we freer miOderns of our own will submit
ourselves to for our own benefit. A constitutional govern-
ment, whether called republic or kingdom, is an arrange-
ment by which the nation governs itself by means of the

machinery of a military despotism.
As society in tribes and nations became a more complex
system, it early began to divide into classes or ranks.
If we look for an example of the famous first principle
of the United States, ''
that all men are created equal,"
we shall in fact scarcely find such equality except
among savage hunters and foresters, and by no means
always then. The greatest of all divisions, that between
freeman and slave, appears as soon as the barbaric warrior
spares the life of his enemy when he has him down,^ and
XVI.] SOCIETY. 435
brings him home to drudge for him and till the soil. How
low in civilization this begins appears by a slave caste for-
bidden to bear arms forming part of several of the lower
American tribes. How thoroughly slavery was recognized
as belonging to old-world societymay be seen by the way
itformed part of the Hebrew patriarchal system, where the
man-servant and maid-servant are reckoned as a man's
wealth just before his ox and his ass. It was no less so under
Roman law, as is evident from the very word fami7y, which
at first meant not the children but the slaves {famulus). We
live in days when the last remains of slavery are disappear-
ing from the higher nations ; but though the civilized world
has outgrown the ancient institution, the benefits which
early society gained from it still remain. It was througli
slave labour that agriculture and industry increased, that
wealth accumulated, and leisure was given to priests, scribes,
poets, philosophers, to raise the level of men's minds. Out

of slavery probably arose the later custom of hired service, the
very name of which, as derived from servus, a slave, tells the

story of a great social change. The master at first let out his
slaves to work for his profit, and then free men found it to
their advantage to work for their own profit, so that there
grew up the great wage-earning class whose numbers and
influence make so marked a difference between ancient and
modern society. In all communities, except the smallest
and simplest, the freemen divide themselves into ranks.
The old Northmen divided men into three classes, " earls,
churls, and thralls," which roughly match what we should
now call nobles, freemen, and slaves. Nobles again fall into
who can claim royal blood
different orders, especially those
forming a princely order, and looking down on the dnêf-
tains and ofiicers of the army, state, and church who fill
the lower ranks of nobility.
As nations become more populous, rich, and intelligent,
the machinery of government has to be improved. The

old rough-and-ready methods no longer answer, and the
division of labour has to be applied to politics. Thus, one
of the chief's early duties was to be judge. A Kafir chief-
tain will make it his business to hear suits between his
people ; each side brings him a gift of oxen. At higher
levels of civilization the Eastern monarch sits in the gate of
justice ; and it was so among the ancient Germans, where
the king sat crowned and gave judgment in his own court.
It is still the king's court, but the actual administration
has long passed into the hands of professional judges. So
with other departments of government. By the time civili-
zation had come to the level of ancient Egypt and Babylon

public affairs were admmistered by officials in grades like
an army, who collected the taxes, attended to public works,
punished offences, and did justice between man and man.
It has just been noticed how far a modern nation is worked
by an official system similar to that of the ancients, and
how we, really among the freest of peoples, preserve the
forms of an absolute monarchy, where sovereign power
is administered through servants of the Crown down to
the exciseman and constable. In the politics of savages
and barbarians, the outlines of the civilized system of
government already come into view. We have seen how
among such rude tribes the chief or king appears, who
holds his place in some form through higher nations. Even
the consul or president of a republic is a kind of temporary
elective king. Of not less antiquity is the senate. The
old men squatting round the council fire of an Indian tribe
on the prairies have in their way a greater influence than a
civilized senate, for where there are no written records and
books the old men are the very sources and treasuries of
XVI ]
SOCIETY. 437
wisdom. In the nations of the world, seats at such councils

are given to wise old men, priests and officers of high rank,
and heads of great families, so that the two terms senate
and house of loi'ds both have their proper meaning, and the
two claims of wisdom and rank are more or less com-
bined. With the very beginning of political life appears
also the popular assembly. In small tribes the whole com-
munity, or at least the freemen, come together. It may
be only a forest tribe in Brazil called together by the
chief to decide some question of an expedition to net
wildfowl or attack a neighbouring tribe, yet solemn form
will be observed. There is silence for the orators, and if
the assembly approve they will at last cry " good !

" or " be
it so
!
" More civilized forms of the assembly of the
people may be studied in Freeman's comparison of the
Achaian agora described in the second book of the
Iliad, with the " great meeting " held outside London in
Edward the Confessor's time. Even in our own day the
great meeting of the people has not disappeared from
Europe. The wonderful sight is still to be seen of the
people of a Swiss canton gathered together in a wide
meadow or market-place to vote Yes or on the greatNo
questions which their supreme authority decides. With
the growth of nations the folk-moot or assembly of the
whole people, never a good deliberative body, soon becomes
unmanageable by mere numbers ; but there is a way by
which its authority may be kept in a less unwieldy form
when the people, no longer able to go themselves, send
chosen representatives to act for them. This seems a simple
device enough, and indeed the first savage tribe that ever
sent a discreet orator to negotiate peace or war on its
behalf had seized the idea of a political representative.

But in fact it is one of the most remarkable points in
political history, how the principle of popular representation

has been worked out in England from the time of Simon de
Montfort's famous parliament in the 13th century. It is
for historians to discuss how the knights and burgesses

who came up to grant the king's supplies passed into the
lower house of parliament as it is now ; what has to be
noticed here is the change which, while the huge pro-
miscuous assembly of the people shrank into an aristocratic
upper house, gave us a new elective popular body, the
Jiouse of coninions. It is not too much to say that no
event in English history has had so great an effect in
shaping the course of modern civilization. On the whole,
looking at what government is coming to among the most
enhghtened nations, it will be seen that it attains its ends,
not so much by methods of our rem.ote bar-
casting off the
baric ancestors, as by improving and regulating them. The
administration of the state under the system of sovereign
authority, the control of the senate, and the source of
political power in the will of the nation itself, are made to
work together and restrain one another so as fairly to keep

the benefits and neutralize the excesses of all, while the con-
stitution has within it the power of continual reform, so that
the machine of government may be ever shaping itself into

more perfect fitness to its work.
Here this sketch of Anthropology may close. The ex-
amination of man's age on the earth, his bodily structure
and varieties of race and language, has led us on to enquire
into his intellectual and social history. In his many-sided
life there may be clearly traced a development, which, not-
withstanding long periods of stoppage and frequent falling
back, has on the whole adapted modern civilized man for a
far higher and happier career than his ruder ancestors.
In this development, the preceding chapters have shown a
XVI] SOCIETY. 439
difference between low and high nations, which it only

remains to put before the reader as a practical moral to the
tale of civilization. It is true that both among savage and
civilized peoples progress in culture takes place, but not
under the same conditions. The savage by no means goes
through life with the intention of gathering more knowledge
and framing better laws than his fathers. On the contrary,
his tendency is to consider his ancestors as having handed
down to him the perfection of wisdom, which it would be
impiety to make the least alteration in. Hence among
the lower races there is obstinate resistance to the most
desirable reforms, and progress can only force its way
with a slowness and difficulty which we of this century can
hardly imagine. Looking at the condition of the rude
man, it may be seen that his aversion to change was not
always unreasonable, and indeed may often have arisen
from a triie instinct. With his ignorance of any life but
his own, he would be rash to break loose from the old tried
machinery of society, to plunge into revolutionary change,

which might destroy the present good without putting better
in its place. Had the experience of ancient men been
larger, theywould have seen their way to faster steps in
culture. But we civilized moderns have just that wider
knowledge which the rude ancients wanted. Acquainted
with events and their consequences far and wide over the
world, we are able to direct our own course with more con-
fidence toward improvement. In a word, mankind is pass-
ing from the age of unconscious to that of conscious pro-

gress. Readers who have come thus far need not be told
in many words of what the facts must have already brought
to their minds — that the study of man and civilization
is not only a matter of scientific interest, but at once

passes into the practical business of life. We have in it
440 ANTHROPOLOGY. [chap. xvi.
the means of understanding our own lives and our place in

the world, vaguely and imperfectly it is true,but at any rate
more clearly than any former generation. The knowledge
of man's course of life, from the remote past to the
present,
will not only help us to forecast the future, but may
guide us in our duty of leaving the world better than we
found it.
— —
SELECTED BOOKS, &c.
Physical and Descriptive Anthropology :
Waitz, Anthropologic der Naturvolker.

Topinard, Anthropology.
Darwin, Descent of Man.
Huxley, Man's Place in Nature ; Geographical Distribution of
Mankind i^n Journal of Ethnclogical Society, Nq\. II. 1870).
Vogt, Lectures on Man.
Prichard, Natural History of Man.
Wood, Natural History Man. :
Peschel, Races of Man.

Quatrefages, Human Species.
Flower, Hunterian Lectures on "The Comparative Anatomy
of Man." Nature, July 1879, and May and June 1880.
Broca, Instructions Craniologiques.
Anthropological Notes and Queries for Travellers, &c. (British
Association).
Journal of the Anthropological Institute (London).
Revue d' Anthropologic (Paris).
Zeitschrift fiir Ethnologic (Berlin).
Accounts of races by travellers and missionaries, such as Catlin,
North American Indians ; Ellis, Polynesian Researches ;
Wallace, Travels on the Amazon, and Malay Archipelago ;
Burton, Lake Regions of Central Africa J. L. Wilson,
;
Western Africa ; Crey, Travels in Australia; etc., etc.
Geolocy and Archeology of Man :
Lubbock, Prehistoric Times.

Lyell, Antiquity of Man.
Dawkins, Cave-hunting ; Early Man in Britain.
Evans, Ancient Stone Implements of Great Britain.
Fergusson, Rude Stone Monuments.
Keller and Lee, Lake Dwellings of Switzerland.
Nilsson, Primitive Inhabitants of Scandinavia.
Wilson, Prehistoric Man.
——
442 SELECTED BOOKS, ETC.

Philology :
Max on the Science of Language.

Miiller, Lectures
Sayce, Comparative Philology ; Introduction to the Science of
Language.
Whitney, Language and the Study of Language.
Plovelacque and Vinson, The Science of Language.
Pictet, Origines Indo-Europeennes.
Steinthal, Charakteristik der hauptsachlichsten Typen des
Sprachbaues.
Civilisation :
Maine, Ancient Law.

Lubbock, Origin of Civilisation.
Bagehot, Physics and Politics.
Freeman, Comparative Politics Historical Essays.
;
Draper, Intellectuai Development of Europe.

McLennan, Studies in Ancient PLstory,
Morgan, Ancient Society,
Spencer, Principles of Sociology,
Klemm, Allgemeine Culturgeschichte Culturwissenchafi.
;
Tylor, Early History of Mankind ; Prar.itivc Culture.

INDEX.
Arrow, 26, 195, 212
poisoned, 221
Abacus, 314 Artillery, 227
Abstract ideas, 52, 119, 135 Aryans, 10, 109, 156, 381
words, 135 languages, 10, 156
Acclimatisation, 74 Assyrians, 22, 160, 313, 384
Administralicn, 434 language, 160
^sop, 399 Astrology, 339
Affixes, 142 Astronomy, 21, 332
Africans, 2, 57, 65, 87 Australians, 57, 91
languages, 164 Auxiliary words, 137
Aged, 409 _
Avesta, 381
Agglutinating languages, i6i
Agriculture, 214
B
Ainos, 73 Babylonians, 22. 163, 172
Albmos, 68 language, 163
Alchemy, 328 Baking, 266
Alcoholic liquors, 268 Ball, 307
'
Algebra, 322 Bantu languages, 149, 164
Alliteration, 389 Barbaric stage, 24, 401
Alphabet, 175 Bark -clothing, 244
Altar, 367 Barometer, 325
Amentum, 194 Barter, 281
Americans, 63, 102, i68 Basuto. 165
languages, 165 Beast-fables, 399
Analogy, 338 Beer, 268
Analytic languages, 139 Berbers, 95
Anatomy, 330 language, 160
Ancestor-worship, 352, 358, 369 Biblical history, 385
Animals, cries of, 122 Bill-hook, 190
domesticated, 219 Bills of exchange, 284
quaternary, 30 Black races, 2, 5, 80, 87
succession of^ 37 Blood-brotherhood, 423
Animism, 371 Blood-vengeance, 414
Antiquity of Man, i. 25. 33, 40, 113, 1C6 Blow-tube, 196
Apes and Man, 38, 48, 260 • Blue Beard, 398
Arabs, 109 Boat, 252
language, 11, 159 Body-measures, 17, 316
Arch, 235 Boil.ng, 266
Architecture. 21, 232 Boomerang, 193
Aristocracy, 225, 435 Borer, 192
Anthmetic, 17, 314 Botany. 329
Armour, 222 Bow. 16, 195, 212
Army, 226, 434 Brachykephal.c, 6i
444 INDEX.
Brain, 45, 60
Brand-tillage, 218
Bread, 266 Dagger, 190
Brick, 234 Dancing, 224, 296
Broiling, 265 Dark-whites, 2, 56, 68, 107
Bronze, 21, 278 Dead, worship of. 352
Bronze Age, 25, 279 Deaf-and-dumb signs, 115
Brown races, 2, 5, 91 Death, 343
Buddha, 399 Decimal counting, 311
Burial, 347 Decline of culture, 19
Burning-lens and mirror, 263 Deformation of skull, &c., 240
Bushmen, 57, 89, 165 Degeneration, 19, 86
Demoniacal possession, 353
Demons, 352
Cafusos, 82 Demon-worship, 353
Candle, 272 Descent, female and male, 402
Cannibalism, 224, 410 Despotism, 431
Canoe, 252 Digging-stick, 216
Cardinal points, 21, 334 Diseases, 73, 353
Caribs, 78 Distilling, 269, 328
Caste, 69 Dog, 209
Cattle, 219 Dolichokephalic, 2, 61
Cause, spirit, 356 Dolmen, 348
Cave-men, 30, 261 Domesticated animals, 219
Caves, 229 Drama, 298
Celt, 26, 187 Dravidians, 94
Cereals, 215 languages, 164
Ceremonies, 365, 403, 423 Drawing, 31, 300
Chaldeans, 22, 384 Dreams, 343
Chemistry, 328 Drift, animals of, 30
Chess, 308 implements of, 28, 187
Chiefs, 428 Drift-period, 28
Children's language, 128 Drill, 202
Chimney, 264 Drum, 293
Chinese, 2, 57, 63, 162, 170 Dryads, 357
language, 162 Dualism, 363
Civilisation, 13. 18, 24, 75, 180, 4C0 Dutch, 9
Civilised staere, 24, 401 Dwellings, 229
Clicks, 165
Clothing, 15, 2^6
Club. 184
Coffee, 270
Coin, 283
Colour, 66, 81, 85 Ear- and nose-ornaments, 242
Comedy, 299 Earth-god, 359
Commerce, 285 Echo, 357
Common land, 419 Education, capacity for, 74
Compass, 28, 341 Egyptians, 3, 21, 69, 79, 95, 173,
Concord, 147 language, 160
Consciousness, 53 Electricity, 327
Constitution of races, 73 Elephants, fossil, 30, 388
Constitutionalism, 438 Emotional sound, 120, 124
Cookery, 264 Empire, 433
Copper, 277 English, 133
Corn, 215 Eponymic myths, 389
Counting, 18, 310 Esquimaux, 105, 265
Creator, 358 Ethiopians, 69
Cromlech, 34S Etymology, 126, 134
Cross-bow, 16, 196 Europeans, 60, 109
Crossed races, 6, 80 Evolution, 36, 331
Cultivation, 215 Exogamy, 402
Cuneiform writing, 172, 31 Exorcism, 354
Custom, 409 Eyes, 2, 63, 70
INDEX. 445
Grimm's law, 155
Facial angle , 62 Guardian spirits, 356
Fair-whites, 2, 56, 68, 107 Gypsies, 112
Families of language, 9, 155
Family* 402, 426
Fates, 395
H
Father, power of, 427 Hair, 2, 44, 71, 82
Features, 44, 63 Hair-dressing, 238
Federation, 433 Hammer, 185
Female succession, 429 Hand and foot, 42
Feudalism, 420 counting on, 18, 310
Fiction, 379 Harmony, 293
Fields, 218, 420 Harp, 204
Figures, 312 Harpoon, 214
Fijians, 90 Hatchet, 188
Finger- and toe-counting, 18, 3u» Hawking, 209
Finger-nails 240 Heat, 327
Finns, 98 Heaven-god, 359
Fire, 260 Hebrew, 11, 159
Firearms, 17, 197, 227 Herodotus, 385
Fire-drill, 16, 261 Hieroglyphics, 173
Fire-god. 361 Hindus, m, 157
First man, 358 Historic period, 5, 22, 375
Fish-hook, 213 Hoe, 216 «
Fishing, 212 Horatii and Curiatii, 397

Flakes, stone, 26, 185 Hospitality, 409
Flint-and-steel, 2G1 Hottentots, 89, 165
Food, 206, 264 language, 165
Forests, succession of, 27 House, 231
Fortification, 228 Houses of Lords and Commons, 437
Fossil bones, 388 Hungarians, 98
Fowling, 208 language, 162
Freemen, 225, 434 Hunting, 207, 220
Fruits, 216 Hut, 230
Future life, 344, 349
I
Ideas, 52, 119, 135

G Idols, 366
Imitative signs, 116
Game law, 419
sounds, 124
Games, 305
words, 121
Garments, 249
Implements, 183
Gas, 273
Index, Kephahc, 6r
Gender, 149
India, hill-tribes, 2, 94
Genius, 356
laterite, 31
Geography, 335
races, in, 164
Geology, 29, 32, 336
Individuals, 421, 428
Geometry, 17, 318
Infanticide, 427
Germans, no Inflecting languages, 161
language, 9
Inheritance, 421
Gesture-language, 114, 124, 3;
Inspiration, 366
Ghosts, 344, 349
Instinct, 51
Giants. 388
_ Interjectijns, 121, 124
Glacial period, 30
Intonation, 162, 291
Glass, 276
Iron, 21, 277
Gods, 358 Iron Age, 25, 279
Gogmagog, 390 Italians, 158
Government, 15, 428, 437
Grain, 215
Grammar, 119, 146, 156 J
Grammatical words, 137 Javelin, 193
Giavitation, 325 Jews, 4, 109, 159, 385
Gieeks, 158 Justice, 436
446 INDEX.
Maui. 393
Keltic peoples, 28, 71, xio, 153 Measures, 17, 316
languages, 158 Mechanics, 323
Kephalic index, 61 Medicine, 15, 3^10
Killing, 412 Melanesians, 89
old and infirm, 410 Melanochroi, 107
King, 430, 436 Melody, 293
Knife, 189 Memory, 49
L Menhir, 348
Labret, 242 Mensuration, 317
Lamp, 272 Mes^.kcphalic, 61
Lancet, 192 Metal Age, 25, 189
Land, common, 219, 419 Metals, 20, 189, 277
Land-law, 218, 419 Metaphor, 126, 290
Language, 7, 53, 129, 152, 337 Metre, 288
analytic and synthetic, 139 Mexicans, 105, 169
and race, 166 Micrones.ans, 102
children's, 128 Mill, 200, 204
connexion of, 154 Mind, 47
development of, 130 Mirror, 2G3. 326
families of, 9, i. Missiles, 103
natural, 122 Mixed races, 80, 85
origin of, 130, i( Monarchy. 431
Lapps, 98 Money, 282
Lathe, 203 Mongolians, 5, 63, 96
Latin, 7, 156 languages. 102
Law, 405, 412, 423 Monosyliab.c languages. 162
Lazo, 212 Monotheism, 364
Leather, 245 Moon-god, 361
Lens, 263 Moors, III
Libyans, 6g Morals, 368, 405
Life, future, 344, 343 Mourning. 237
Light, 326 Mulattos, 80
Lijn, cave, 30 Music, 291
Liquors, 268 Mutilations, 240
Logic, 3j6 Myth, 387
Long-bow, 16, 195
Loom, 248 :^
lûcifer-matches, 263 Nation. 433
Natural language, 122
M Nature-mytijs, 391
Nature-sp.rits, 356, 391
Machines, 198 Need-fire, 262
Magic, 338 Needle, 249
Maize, 215 Negritos, 89
Malayo-Polynesians, ic Negro-European dialects. 153
language, 163 Negros, 2. 57, 65, 87
Malays, 99 Neolithic iniplemems, 26, 187
Mammoth, 30 Nets, 212
Man, 38, 45 Nightmare, 357
antiquuy of, 1, 25, 33^ 40. 113- I' Nobles, 435
first, 35S Nomades, 219
primitive, 33. 40, 113 Norns, 395
unity of, 6, 85 Nose, 63
races of, i, 56, 75, 85, Nubians, 94
Manes. 352, 358 Numerals, 18, 310
Manslaughter, 412 Nymphs, 357
Ma..ris, 102, 374
Mariner's compass, 328, 3,
Marriage, 402 Oar, 256
Masonry, 21, 233 Uath, 362, 425
Mathematics, 17, 321 Oblique eyes, 2, 63
Mats, 246 Oracle-priests, 366
INDEX. 447
Ordeal, 425
Origin of language, 130, 165
of man, 85 Quadroons, 80
Ornaments, 241 Quaternary period. 29
Orthognathous, 62 Quinary numeration, 311
Outrigger, 255
Races and languages, 153, 165

Paddle, 256 characters of, i, 56, 75, 80, 113
Painting, 301 degeneration of, 86
body, 237 mixture or crossing of, 80, 85
Palaeolithic implements, 26, j86 permanence of, 80
Pantheism, 364 variation of, 80, 85
Pantomime, 114. 298 Raft, 255
Paper-money, 284 Rain-god, 359
Papuas. 72, 90 Rank, 434
Parts of speech, 138 Real words, 137
Pasturage, 219 Reason, 50, 336
Patagonians, 57 Red Ridmghood, 394
Paternal power, 427 Re luplicatiun, 128
Religion, 342, 368, 407, 432
Patriarchal system, 429
Pendulum. 324 Rent, 420
Persians, 63, 157, 381
Representation, political, 437
Retaliation, 417
Personal property, 420
Retribution, future, 368
Personification, 395
Peruvians, 59, 105
Rhyme, 289
Phoenicians, 175
Right of l.fe, 427
River-god, 361
language, 59
Physics, 323
Romance languages, 7
Picture-writing, 168
Romulus and Remus, 380
Pipe, 294
Roots, 144
Plaiting, 246
Rude stone monuments, 34S
Plants, 214
Rudimentary organs, 36
Plough, 217
Poetry, 287, 375 S
Poison, arrow-, 221 Sacrifice, 346, 360, 365
fish. 213 Sail, 256
Polynesians, 102, 374 Samoyeds, 60
language, 163 Sanskrit, 10, 156
Polytheism, 362 Savage stage, 24, 32, 401
Popular assembly, 437 Saw, 192
Porcelain, 276 Scandinavians, iii, 158
Possession, demoniacal, 15. 353 Screw, 192, 203
Potato, 215 Sculpture, 300
Pottery, 274 Sea-god, 360
wheel, 27s Semitic nations, 4, 69. 80
Prae-historic period, 5, 374 languages, 11, 159
Prayer, 360, 364 .Senate, 436
Primogeniture, 422 Sentences, 139
Printing, 180 Sewing, 249
Private war, 419 Shield, 222
Prognathous, 62 .Ship, 257
Prometheus, 396 Siamese, 97, 162
Pronouns, 138 .Sign-language, 114
Property. 419 Skin, 2, 66, 81
Proportions of body, 58 Skull, 2, 60
Prose, 287 defjrmation, 240
Public opinion. 40S Sky.god, 359
Pullev, 198 Slavery, 225, 421, 434
Punishment, 414 Sling, 104
Pyramids, 21, 233, 334 .Smell of races, 2, 70
Pyrites, 263 Society, 401
448 INDEX.
Song, 224, 287, 375 Tree-spirits, 357
Soul, 343, 350, 369 Tribe-land, 419
Sound, 326 Trumpet, 293
South-East Asian languages, 162 Turanian languages, 161
Spade, 216 Typical men, 76
Spear, 186, 194, 213
Spear-throwers, 194
Species, descent of, 36, 331
Spelling, 178 Vampire, 356
Spinning, 246 Variation of races, 84
Spirit, 344, 349, 356, 391 Veda, 156, 381
Stature, 56, 76 Veddas, 164
Steam-power, 204, 259, 271 Vengeance, 414
Steel, 278 Verse, 287
Stone Age, 25, 28, 187, 279 Vertebrates, 35, 47
implements, 26, 187 Vesseh, 274
monuments, 348 Vigesimal counting, 311
Stove, 264 Village community, 219, 420
String, 246 Vishnu, 367, 397
Succession, 429, 432 Visions, 343
Sun-god, 360, 368
Sun-myth, 394, 397
Supreme deity, 364
Survivals, 13
W
Sword, 190 Wages, 435
Symbolic sound, 126, 143 War, 221, 418, 433
Syntax, 119, 139, 146 War-chief, 430
Synthetic languages, 141 Water-wheel, 204
Syrians, 69, 80 Weapons, 184, 221
Weaving, 247
Werewolf, 356
Wergild, 416
Tactics, 226 Wheel-carriage, 198
Tanning, 245 White race, 2, 5, 57, 69, 109, 113
Tasmanians, 91 Widow, 346, 404
Tatars, 98 Wife-capture, 225, 305, 403
language. 161 Wife-purchase, 404
Tatooing, 237 Wilhelm Tell, 397
Tea, 270 Wind-god, 361
1'emperament of races, 74 Windmill, 204
Temple, 348, 367 Wine, 268
Tent, 231 Words, borrowed, 155
Teutons, 158 combination, 140
Theatre, 298 formation, 126, 140
Theft, 413 Worship, 364
Thunderbolt, 26, 359 Writing, 169
Thunder-god, 359
Tools, 183, 192
Torch, 272 Xanthochroic, 107
Totem, /103
Trade, 285
Tradition, 373
Y
Tragedy, 299 Yellow race, 2, 5, 69, 96
Trance, 343
Transmigration of soul, 350, 369 Z
Trapping, 211
Zoology, 329
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MANUALS FOR STUDENTS. 29
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SCIENTIFIC TEXT-BOOKS. 31
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Ant|;iropolog7;an introduction
to the study of man and civilization

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What is the subject and scope of the book as described in the preface?

What is the subject and scope of the book as described in the preface?

What comparison is made to explain how anthropology can help integrate different subjects of study?

What comparison is made to explain how anthropology can help integrate different subjects of study?

EX LIBRIS

MACMILLAN AND CO.

The Right of Translation and Reproduction is Reserved.

may seem at first sight a hardship to lay on the already

scholar's not seeing clearly what each science or art is for,

what its place is among the purposes of life. If he knows

devices of articulate speech are improvemeDts on such

language than if lie had fallen unprepared among the

subtleties of grammar, which unexplained look like

arbitrary rules framed to perplex rather than to inform.

pounded by Euklid, the fact that not one out of three

due to the scholar not being shown first the practical

common- sense starting point, where the old carpenters

tances and spaces in their work. So the law-student

troduction to Anthropology, rather than a summary of

has been taken to make the chapters on the various

the more advanced work must be left to special students.

While the various departments of the science of Man

informed person ought to give some thought. It is much,

could not have attempted it at all but for the help of

points. My acknowledgments are especially due to Pro-

Antiquity of Man, —Time required Development of Races, —of

Languages, 7 — of 13 —Traces of Man in the Stone

Man and other Animals 35

Vertebrate Animals, 35 — Succession

Differences of Race, 56 — Stature and Proportions, 56 — Skull, 60

Language [continued) 132

Articulate Speech, 132 — Growth of Meanings, 133 — Abstract Words,

Language and Race 152

Adoption and loss of Language, 152— Ancestral Language, I53 —

Picture-writing, — Sound-pictures, 169 — Chinese Writing, 170

Developoieiit of Instnaments,183— Club, Hammer, 1S4 — Stone-flal<e,

Arts of Life {continued) 206

Arts of Life {continued) 229

Arts of Life {cemhided) 260

Poetry, 287—Verse and —Alliteration and Rhyme, 289

Science, 309 — Counting and Arithmetic, 310 — Measuring and Weigh-

Social Stages, 401 — Family, — Morals of Lower Races, 405—

9. Top view of skulls 61

26. Finn (womaii) 100

37.. Malays . . loi

38. Malays , , . loi

39. Dayaks 103

42. Colorado Indian (North America) 107

43. Cauixana Indians (South America) icS

46. Gypsy 112

Fndlicher) .,..,. ... . . 170

54. Later Stone Age (neolithic) implements 1-87

sabre ; d, European sheath-knife ; e, Roman culter ; f,

59. Australian spear thrown with spear-thrower (after Brough

65. Ancient Egyptian hoe and plough 217

MAN, ANCIENT AND MODERN.

Antiquity of Man, — Time required for Development of Races, — of

Languages, 7 — of Civilization, 13 —Traces of Man in the Stone

The student who seeks to understand how mankind came