Kreuz Et Al. (2020) - Hungarian Neolithic Landscapes Crops

Quaternary International 560-561 (2020) 102–118
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Quaternary International
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Hungarian Neolithic landscapes, crops and diet – Signs of cultural decisions? T

Angela Kreuz , Péter Pomázi, Eszter Bánffy
∗
ARTICLE INFO ABSTRACT
Keywords: During the second half of the 6th millennium BC the Transdanubian Linear Pottery Culture (Linearbandkeramik,
Hungary LBK) spread to a large area of Central Europe. This farming subsistence included parts of an agricultural system
Neolithic characteristic of the Early Neolithic Starčevo-Körös-Çris culture complex, setting at the same time new emphases
Agriculture on crop growing, stock farming and diet. Food culture belongs to the fundamental elements of human social
Diet
behaviour. The use or refusal of particular crops, domestic animals as well as collected plant and animal foods
Cultural choice
from the wild is based on different strategies and food traditions and related creative processes needed.
Archaeobotanical data allow a comparison of the Early and Middle Neolithic crop spectra from 21 Hungarian
Neolithic sites with 39 from the Early Neolithic western LBK in Austria and Germany. The differences found
between these groups are discussed and whether they result from the available regional ecological conditions or
rather from cultural culinary identities.
1. Introduction of flour and bread have been important for traditional households in
belonging to their cultural identity (see the examples for Anatolia de
The shared consumption of foodstuffs is one of the fundamental scribed in Ertug, 2004; Ertug-Yaras, 1997, 528f., remark 6). As de
elements of human social bonds (e.g. Bradley, 2005; Dietler/Hayden, scribed by Ertug-Yaras (1997), a meal without flat bread was unim
2001; Ertug-Yaras, 1997, 86, 94; Ertug, 1998; Hayden, 1990, 1995, aginable in Anatolia. The women responsible for the baking knew very
2003; Wright, 2004). That is why food in early societies was not sold or well which flour was good for handling and did not stick to the wooden
traded, but mostly exchanged for work or other things. ″Food dealings board or table, while providing the expected taste. They were able to
are a delicate barometer, a ritual statement as it were, of social rela recognize the flour of different cereal species and varieties, setting
tions, and food is thus employed instrumentally as a starting, a sus specific expectations of what “their” flour should be like. If they usually
taining, or a destroying mechanism of sociability” (Sahlins, 2004, 215). baked with emmer flour it was very difficult to convince them to use
There is a strong interrelation of feasting with food and the pacification bread wheat for flour just because of its better yield, as it has a different
of conflicts or the gaining of prestige by the hosts. ″Generosity is among quality in preparation and taste. The maintenance of their food culture
most primitive peoples … an essential attribute of power”… “Because therefore had a much higher value to these people than economic as
kinship is a social relation of reciprocity, of mutual aid; hence, gener pects. Considering such ethnographic examples it appears particularly
osity is a manifest imposition of debt, putting the recipient in a cir important to investigate the differences between the spectra of crops
cumspect and responsive relation to the donor during all that period the and wild plants chosen, grown and used by prehistoric societies (Kreuz,
gift is unrequited. The economic relation of giver - receiver is the po 2010/2012, chapters 8–9). In addition, Neolithic agricultural strategies
litical relation of leader - follower” (Sahlins (2004, 132f.); and for “the were closely connected with the ecological potential of the landscapes
spirit of the gift” Sahlins (2004, 149ff.); see also the descriptions in inhabited. In the following section these subjects will be discussed in
Benz (2000, 139), Powdermaker (1932) and the discussion in Müller relation to the archaeobotanical on-site record of the first farming
(1996). “Der Mensch ist, was er isst” (Humans eat what they are) was communities of Neolithic Central Europe.
asserted by Ludwig Feuerbach in 1850. This goes with a very true
statement by Andrew Sherratt (1991, 221): ″People don't eat species, 2. Material and methods
they eat meals“.
Originally, cooking meant the creative preparation of food using the The following considerations are partly based on the results from a
available resources and following traditions from childhood as well as joint paper on archaeobotanical investigations in the Sárköz area in
regional cultural practices and rules. For example, the quality and taste southern Hungary (Kreuz et al. in press). The archaeobotanical project
∗
Corresponding author. Landesamt für Denkmalpflege Hessen, Schloß Biebrich/Ostflügel, D-65203, Wiesbaden, Germany.
E-mail addresses: angela.kreuz@lfd-hessen.de (A. Kreuz), pomazi.peter9@gmail.com (P. Pomázi), eszter.banffy@dainst.de (E. Bánffy).
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.quaint.2020.06.008
Received 4 February 2020; Received in revised form 2 June 2020; Accepted 4 June 2020
Available online 24 June 2020
1040-6182/ © 2020 Elsevier Ltd and INQUA. All rights reserved.
A. Kreuz, et al. Quaternary International 560-561 (2020) 102–118
started in 2007 on the occasion of the excavation at the multiphase site Microsoft Access) in Wiesbaden and are available there for further
Fajsz-Garadomb, Hungary, which was supervised by Eszter Bánffy (then scientific evaluations in future. Originally, the aim was to use the data
at the Institute of Archaeology, Has, Budapest) and Jörg Petrasch for a doctoral research project on these Neolithic plant remains. How
(Eberhard Karls Universität Tübingen, Ur-und Frühgeschichte und ever, Péter Pomázi left the institute in Wiesbaden in May 2015, and
Archäologie des Mittelalters). Their research project was funded by the therefore the completion of the project and the data evaluation were
Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft (German Research Foundation, DFG) carried out by the first author.
under the title “Die Besiedlungsgeschichte der Siedlungskammer um Today, the original land surface of the Hungarian Neolithic flat
Fajsz (Kom. Bács-Kiskun, Südungarn) in der Ältesten Bandkeramik” settlement sites (in contrast to raised tells) has usually been eroded
(2006–2010). This DFG project, as well as the excavations in the path of away. Therefore, only features that were dug into the ground are
the M6 motorway (Bánffy et al., 2010, 2014; Osztás et al., 2013/2016) mainly preserved. In the case of our investigation, the regularly sam
and of further Hungarian Neolithic sites have been welcome occasions pled archaeological features are different kinds of pits, postholes and
to begin systematic archaeobotanical investigations in the Sárköz area ditches. At all sites we are dealing with dry mineral soils with a mostly
and beyond. charred preservation of the plant remains. Mineralized remains as
The archaeobotanical samples from the excavations at Fajsz- remnants of phosphate-rich deposits were very rare and occurred in
Garadomb were analyzed in the course of a masters research project at small quantities only.
the University of Szeged (Pomázi, 2010) supervised by the first author The wet sieving and sorting of the samples was carried out at the
of this paper. In the course of another research project on Neolithic crop Landesamt für Denkmalpflege Hessen with the usual methods, as in
cultivation and land use in Hungary, done at the archaeobotanical de Jacomet/Kreuz (1999). Wet sieving was done with sieves of 1 and
partment of the Landesamt für Denkmalpflege Hessen (Hesse State 0.5 mm meshes, with water flotation to separate the mineral from the
Office for Cultural Heritage Preservation), hessenARCHÄOLOGIE organic fractions. All sieving fractions were sorted under a stereo mi
(Wiesbaden), Péter Pomázi has carried out the identification of the croscope with magnifications of 6–50, at least as random subsamples.
plant remains from a further 19 Hungarian and two Romanian Neolithic For the identifications of the plant remains, the reference collections
sites, trained and supervised by the first author (Fig. 1; Kreuz et al. in and the archaeobotanical literature of the department in Wiesbaden
press; Tables 1 and 2). The Landesamt für Denkmalpflege Hessen has were used. The plant remains are stored as individual taxa and labelled
supported this archaeobotanical work since 2008, including facilitating with their project, feature and sample numbers.
sample preparation, photographing the plant remains and archiving the The 459 samples from 261 features which were investigated re
residues and plant remains with up to date standards. All raw data sulted in the identification of 99 plant taxa from 113,996 plant remains
including the detailed archaeological background information are (Kreuz et al. in press). The results used for the data evaluation pre
stored in the archaeobotanical database ArboDat 2016 (based on sented here are from 273 samples dating to the Early and Middle
Fig. 1. Map of the 21 sites investigated archaeobotanically. The abbreviated site names are listed in full in Table 4. Map by Römisch-Germanische Kommission/
German Archaeological Institute, Frankfurt am Main, montage by Sabrina Herter/hessenARCHÄOLOGIE.
103
Neolithic, in total 2751 litres soil, taken from 142 archaeological fea
113996
all sites
tures (mostly pits) at 21 sites (Fig. 1, Table 1). Of the other samples, 23
4966
Sum
261
459
99
turned out to be dated to the Bronze Age and 92 to the late Neolithic
Sopot, Lengyel and Tisza cultures. The results from the remaining 71
samples could not be included in the data evaluation as their dating
APC7, BAT2, BAT6, KAN19,
remained uncertain or unknown. In addition to the new data, we have

consulted previously published studies from Hungary and adjacent
PUS5, RAB11, SAR16
areas, where the raw data have been published (Bogaard et al., 2007;
see also Bánffy, 2004, 313; Berzsényi/Dálnoki, 2005; Gyulai, 2005,
2007, 2010; Krauss et al., 2018; Tempír, 1964). Moreover, for a com
ArchDat?
parison of the Hungarian Neolithic archaeobotanical results with those

44905
from other regions, the data from 39 Austrian and German LBK sites
796
38
71
35
have been used as well, which are archived with ArboDat 2016 in
Wiesbaden (Kreuz, 2012); for Austria the results of Kohler-Schneider
Bronze Age
(2007, 2017) and Kohler-Schneider et al. (2008) have been taken into
FAJ1
2455
consideration. All calculations are based on charred plant material.

379
Overview of the investigated archaeobotanical samples grouped according to the Hungarian Neolithic cultural periods. The locations of the sites are shown in Fig. 1.
13
23
35
The present archaeobotanical data set can well be considered as

challenging, as the number of sites, features, samples and sample vo
Sopot, Lengyel, Tisza
lumes vary strongly for the different areas and archaeological cultures
BAT2, BAT6, FAJ1,
(Table 1). The methodological considerations on the representation of

PUS5, URA15
the archaeobotanical finds also need to be considered (Willerding,

1991; Kreuz, 1990a, 40ff., Fig. 19 and chapter 15; Kreuz, 1990b;
27497
Kohler-Schneider, 2017). There is a strong correlation between the

1040
number of taxa found and the number of samples and features in
68
92
31
vestigated (Kreuz, 1990a, Figs. 47 and 48). Therefore, great care is

needed when comparing the archaeobotanical results from the different
BÜK22, BÜK22, HEJ8, KAN19, MAG10, POC18,
archaeological cultures in quantitative terms. In most cases, a more

qualitative data evaluation is recommended and it has to be stressed
Alföld Linear Pottery Culture, Szakálhát
that the interpretation is of a preliminary character.

PUS5, SAR16, TAS24, TIS12, VAS17
On the other hand, it is an established fact that remains of the ev

eryday crops were charred and were thus well preserved due to their
ease of contact with cooking fires and hearths (Kreuz, 2012 chapter 3;
Kreuz/Marinova, 2017; further references there). The glume wheats
emmer and einkorn had to be stored as whole spikelets after the first
threshing to avoid spoilage of the grain, which could happen soon after
dehusking from damage of the grain surface or embryo. The spikelets
would have been dehusked within the Neolithic settlements, probably
28210
1170
by each household every day or so, as shown by the frequent charred

139
49
48
finds of chaff and grains of these glume wheats which were found ev
erywhere in the excavated settlement features (Kreuz, 2012, 43).
APC7, BAT2, FAJ1, RAB11,
The plant remains are almost always accompanied by charcoal in

Linear Pottery Culture
the samples, which connects them to domestic or other fires in the

houses. Some food which was eaten raw, like herbs and fruits collected
from the wild had a lower chance of being preserved by charring. The
SZE4, ZSE14
same holds true for animal fodder and other easily decaying organic
items. Therefore, in the absence of such remains, lower charred fre
6794
791
58
78
29
quency or lower charred concentration values cannot be interpreted as

a lack of importance in diet and activities. The same holds true for the
cultivated oil plants and pulses, which could have been eaten raw as
well. This reduced their charring chance, especially as there are no
BAT3, BAT6, FAJ1, HOD9,
signs of burnt down houses or whole settlements at the sites discussed

HOM27, SAR16, TAS24
here, which might have preserved such remains. Strikingly, in contrast

to the Balkan tell sites or the flat settlement sites of later prehistoric
Starčevo/Körös
periods, mass finds of charred crops (so-called storage finds) are ex
tremely rare at our Neolithic sites. As the preservation of the archae
ological features is the same as in other periods, it is still open to dis
4135
790
35
56
42
cussion whether this is due to more careful handling of the cereals or

due to the comparatively smaller scale of Neolithic production and
processing within the settlements.
Number of plant remains
Archaeological culture/
The synthesis presented is based on the archaeobotanical data from

Sample volume (litres)
Number of plant taxa
sites within the areas occupied by the following cultures: Late Starčevo,
Number of features
Number of samples
Late Körös, Transdanubian Linear Pottery Culture and Alföld Linear

Excavation sites
Pottery Culture (Linearbandkeramik, LBK in the following text) and

Szakálhát, in Hungary, Austria and Germany. The various plant and
Table 1
period
animal spectra are discussed in the context of their Balkan roots, their
possible roles in human diet as well as their reflection of the different
104
Table 2
Overview of the early and middle Neolithic archaeological cultures in Hungary from 6000 BC onwards (references in the text).
archaeological cultures. Hungarian Middle Neolithic (Transdanubian LBK versus Alföld LBK)
and the Early Neolithic of Austria and Germany (Linearbandkeramik,
LBK).
3. Archaeological dating
The archaeological chronology of Hungary is important for under 4. The characteristics of the settled landscapes
standing the archaeobotanical data (Table 2); the following section is
summarized from many publications (Anders/Siklósi, 2012; Bailey, During the 6th millennium BC the potential for farming of the
2000; Bánffy, 2001, 2004; Bánffy/Oross, 2010; Bánffy et al., 2010, landscapes settled by the Hungarian Neolithic farmers has been defined
2014; Bickle/Whittle, 2013; Domboróczki, 2010; Domboróczki/Raczky, mainly by their soil conditions and climate. The climate zone of modern
2010; Eichmann et al., 2010; Gläser, 1993; Görsdorf/Bojadziev, 1996; Hungary is at the intersection of the east European continental zone,
Hertelendi et al., 1998; Kalicz, 1970, 1983/1984, 1990, 2010, 2011a, the west European oceanic zone and the south European sub-
2011b; Kalicz/Makkay, 1977; Kalicz et al., 2007; Kozlowski/Raczky, Mediterranean zone (Pécsi/Sárfalvi, 1962, 42; Walter/Lieth, 1967). The
2010; Krauss, 2008; Lenneis, 2017; Oravecz, 1998/1999; Oross/Bánffy, palaeoclimate records for the period of interest suggest that the Eur
2009; Osztás et al., 2013/2016; Pavúk, 2004; Raczky, 1989, 1995, opean climate had warmer summers but higher rainfall than today,
2012; Virag, 2015; Whittle, 1996; Whittle et al., 2002, 2013). The Early which seems to be a global tendency for the northern hemisphere
Neolithic started in the southeast of Hungary around 6.000 BC with the (Kreuz, 2012, chapter 4; contributions in Litt, 2003). For the climate in
Körös culture which is called Criş in Romania. In the southwest of Neolithic Hungary a southeast to northwest gradient can be expected.
Hungary, Starčevo and Vinča are the main Early Neolithic archae Because of the probably wetter climate during the 6th millennium BC,
ological cultures, appearing there around 200 years later. These are with the main precipitation during the summer, summer drought might
followed in the east of Hungary by the Alföld LBK (Alföld is the great have constituted no great problem for the early farming communities
Hungarian plain), which differs in several aspects from the partly and the woodland cover at that time. This is in contrast with the si
contemporary LBK of Transdanubia to the west of the river Danube. tuation in southeast Hungary today.
During the Hungarian Middle Neolithic period the western LBK culture The characteristic flat landscape of the Hungarian plain (Alföld) is
spread amongst others to the northwest, establishing the beginning of one in which the numerous meanders and oxbow lakes of the former
Neolithic farming in Austria and Germany. river channels are bordered by wet woodlands, shrubs and reed vege
There was a “formative phase” which emerged in the Balaton region tation (Fig. 2). The fertile chernozem (black soil) and brown soils which
and the Western Carpathian basin in the middle of the 6th millennium developed out of loess or river sediments under terrestrial conditions
BC. This was described by Bánffy, based on the excavation of the are mainly used as farmland today (Fig. 3; Borsy et al., 1969, 237;
Neolithic site Szentgyörgyvölgy-Pityerdomb (Bánffy, 2004; see also Gábris/Nádor, 2007; Horvát et al., 1974; MÁFI, 2009; Pécsi/Sárfalvi,
Bánffy et al., 2010, 48; Oross/Bánffy, 2009). This “formative phase” 1962; Stefanovits et al., 1999; Somogyi, 1961). Apart from the areas
was the basis for the development of the Bicske-Biňa horizon (Älteste with the “formative” LBK sites, the part of Transdanubia in western
Bandkeramik or LBK I after Meier-Arendt, 1966) of Austria and Ger Hungary which was settled during the Early and Middle Neolithic is
many. It may have been born out of a mixture of late Starčevo culture characterized by fertile brown soils that are also excellent for growing
with some local Mesolithic groups, called by Bánffy ″a blend of popu crops.
lation groups“(Bánffy, 2004, 23ff.). To date, a series of further com The natural wooded vegetation cover provided the vital wood
parable “formative” sites are known, as from Sármellék (3 km west of supply of the farming communities as well as herbs, nuts, berries etc.
Balaton) and Révfülöp (on the northern lake shore of Balaton; Kalicz, for human consumption and fodder for wild and domestic animals.
1984, 118), Tapolca-Plébániakert ca. 10 km north of Balaton, Zalae Considering the ecological potential of the landscapes settled by the
gerszeg-Andrashida-Gébárti tó ca. 38 km northwest of the lake (Simon, early farmers, the openness of the woodland cover and the resulting
2002) as well as Brunn am Gebirge (site 2a) in the Wiener Becken amount of other vegetation are important factors which are still under
(Vienna Basin), Austria (Stadler/Kotova, 2010, 2013). discussion (Kreuz, 2008a; Magyari et al., 2010; Moskal-del Hoyo,
Compared to the density of the Körös sites in the Great Plain, in 2013). In order to understand the environment of Neolithic subsistence
Transdanubia there are significantly fewer Starčevo sites, especially in in eastern Hungary, the change from natural woodland to steppelike
the northern zone around Balaton. This distribution of sites is possibly treeless vegetation (for example in the Hortobágy region now, Fig. 4)
not linked with the state of research and field surveys but may be re needs to be investigated (Magyari, 2011, 200). The underlying meth
presentative of the different settlement dynamics of the two archae odological factors are discussed in the following section based on pa
ological cultures (Eichmann et al., 2010, 227; Kalicz, 2010, 242f.). The laeoecological data from pollen and charcoal analyses as well as the
lack of Late Mesolithic sites might be a product of the general diffi map of potential natural vegetation (Bohn et al., 2003).
culties in detecting Mesolithic structures, which do not often go down Within the chernozem and brown soil areas of Hungary which were
into the subsoil (Bánffy/Oross, 2010; Eichmann et al., 2010; Gläser, settled by the first farmers, pollen deposits are restricted to fens situated
1993; Kalicz, 1990). in the marginal depression areas of the river valleys and in oxbow lakes.
In the following section, the archaeobotanical data are discussed These, due to their relatively small size have a mainly local pollen
according to the archaeological groups where they occur in the input, in contrast to larger bogs or lakes with a regional catchment area.
Hungarian Early Neolithic cultures (Starčevo, Körös, formative LBK), As a consequence, the pollen evidence shows local vegetation
105
indicating the differences of soils and topography in the immediate

surroundings, such as sand dunes or loess. In addition, the various
deposit types and their sizes and the distance from the Neolithic set
tlements and fields, as well as the flowering and pollen dispersal of the
plants strongly influence the ways and the amount of pollen deposition
(Behre and Kučan, 1986; Willerding, 1986). The example of the two
Sarló-hát pollen diagrams from the Borsod floodplain in the upper Tisza
river valley shows that at a single site there may be differences in ar
boreal pollen percentages, depending on the position of the cores in
relation to the surrounding environment (Magyari, 2011). For the in
terpretation of “open woodland” or “steppe woodland” the use of pollen
values of light demanding taxa like Poaceae, Chenopodiaceae etc. can
be problematic, as they might have been growing on the fen as well
(Havinga, 1990; Kreuz, 2008a; Schäfer, 1996, chapter 5.2, 51ff.). In
addition, there are methodological differences influencing the pollen
results such as the comparability of the pollen counts, the calculation of
the pollen sum and the (wrong) identification and interpretation of the
pollen types (Magyari, 2011, 193). For example, the occurrence of
Cerealia-type pollen and its quantitative evaluation has to be discussed,
if it occurs millennia before the first farming communities settled
within the landscape (Willis 2007, Fig. 6.3 “Cerealia (cereals)”, see also
the identification of “Olea, olive” (not native in Hungary) in Fig. 6.2
dating to the Pre-/Boreal). In addition, a small amount of cereal-type
pollen cannot be interpreted quantitatively in the sense of “small scale
agriculture”, considering the low pollen dispersal of the hulled wheats
einkorn and emmer and the variable input which depends on the dis
tance between fields or threshing places and the pollen deposit in the
river valley (Behre and Kučan, 1986; Willerding, 1986).
The available pollen results (Gardner, 2002; Járai-Komlódi, 1966, p.
198; 1968, 1985 and 2003, p. 50f.; Magyari, 2002, 2011; Magyari et al.,
2010, 2012; Medzihradszky, 2001, 2005; Schumacher et al., 2016;
Sümegi, 1999, 2001, 2003; Willis, 2007; Willis et al., 1997) include
Fig. 2. A characteristic element of the flat Hungarian plain is the wet woodland
signs of a regional variability of the vegetation cover, which is con
and reed vegetation accompanying the numerous river meanders, oxbow lakes
and watercourses. Landscapes near the site Hódmezővásárhely/Csongrád
nected with differences in the local environment and might be con
(above) and river Berettyó near the site Ecsegfalva/Békés (below). Photos by nected with differences in human impact as well (Magyari et al., 2012).
Angela Kreuz, May 2012. Based on the present state of palaeoenvironmental data and due to the
regular occurrence of arboreal pollen values of ca. 70–80% in the dia
grams, more or less open steppe oak woodland (“Steppenwald”, Horvát
Fig. 3. Typical modern farmed landscape on the Hungarian plain with maize growing on fertile chernozem soil in the Tisza valley north of Szeged, near Algyő/
Csongrád. Photo by Angela Kreuz, May 2012.
106
Fig. 4. Typical Puszta (grassy plain) landscape between Kömlő and Kisköre/Baranya, west of the river Tisza with its wet woodland in the background. Photo by
Angela Kreuz, May 2012.
et al., 1974, 275ff.) seems to be the most probable vegetation cover in in the woodlands of the Hungarian plain, accompanied at higher alti
the areas with extensive steppe vegetation today. Contrary to the in tudes by Fagus sylvatica (beech) and Carpinus betulus (hornbeam). This is
terpretation of Kosse (1979), the modern treeless inland salt commu shown as well for a chernozem area with a present day steppe vege
nities on Szik (soda) soils and the steppe vegetation, called Puszta, tation within the Seewinkel east of Neusiedlersee (Burgenland, Austria),
formed due to the considerable and artificial lowering of the ground where Havinga (1990, 83) based on a pollen diagram, could state for
water level and the increased evaporation as a consequence of the the Atlantic period “a not very open forest represents the natural ve
modern lack of woodland cover (Fig. 4). Based on the available climate getation on the loess soil in the dry and warm climate region in eastern
information and with the expected higher rainfall during the 6th mil Austria”. In Transdanubia, the pollen sequence from Keszthely-Úszta
lennium BC, natural steppe-like vegetation would have been restricted tómajor near Balaton and south of Hévíz showed 80% arboreal pollen
to special (extrazonal) habitats, as for example on salt springs, rocks, with oak, elm, lime and beech forming the woodland there and with
steep slopes or on sand dunes in the river valleys and in the areas be Cerealia type pollen occurring from the middle of the 6th millennium
tween the rivers Danube and Tisza. The light demanding Pinus sylvestris onwards (Medzihradszky, 2001, 2005).
(pine) and Stipa sp. (feather grass) which were identified from ar A supplementary source of information about vegetation develop
chaeobotanical remains could possibly have grown there as well (Kreuz, ment in various landscapes is provided by the maps of the potential
1990a, 194ff.; 2008a). natural vegetation of Europe (Bohn et al., 2003), which give a hint
The charcoal data from Hungarian Neolithic settlement sites provide about the distribution of Neolithic woodland and other vegetation in
additional important information for vegetation reconstruction. Following Hungary. The potential natural vegetation of a landscape is defined as
Moskal-del Hoyo (2013, 74) and Moskal-del Hoyo et al. (2018), the Körös the hypothetical vegetation cover developing if human impact had
site Nagykörü, the Alföld LBK sites Polgár-31, Polgár-Piócási-dűlő and stopped (Tüxen, 1956). In most areas of Hungary mixed oak woods of
Polgár-Ferenci-hát as well as four late Neolithic sites all revealed mostly varying degrees of density would be expected. Interestingly, more to the
Quercus sp. (oak) charcoal, followed by Ulmus sp. (elm) and Corylus sp. west and north the potential woodland was probably denser, for ex
(hazel) which had been burnt as firewood. These Hungarian Neolithic ample in the regions between the rivers Drava and Sava, Pécs and the
charcoal spectra are surprisingly similar to the results from 14 LBK sites in Mecsek mountains as well as around Balaton (Bohn et al., 2003). Ac
Austria and Germany (Kreuz, 1988, 2012, 72ff.). If oak was scarce in the cording to the potential vegetation map, the Körös area is characterized
steppe environment, this important wood for building would not have by wet woodlands and more open steppe woodlands on drier land. In
been the one extensively burnt as daily fire wood. Moskal-del Hoyo et al. contrast, there were various deciduous and mixed oak woods and also
(2018) consider the unusual occurrence of the difficult to identify Cotinus denser woods with Fagus sylvatica (beech) and Carpinus betulus (horn
coggygria (smokebush, wig tree) from the Alföld LBK site Polgár-Piócási- beam) in the Starčevo and Çris areas. The spread of beech and horn
dűlő and Quercus cerris-type (turkey oak) from the late Neolithic Polgár- beam in Hungary during the Holocene is discussed by Magyari (2002)
Bosnyákdomb and the regular occurrence of Cornus mas (cornelian cherry) and for the Austrian sites Neckenmarkt/Burgenland and Rosenburg/
to be signs of a submediterranean-subcontinental wooded steppe vegeta Waldviertel by Kreuz (1990a; see also Kohler-Schneider, 2017, 167).
tion in the Alföld (Great Hungarian Plain). The wood of Cornus mas Remarkably, the settlement sites of the “formative” western LBK
(cornelian cherry) and Cornus sanguinea (dogwood) cannot be differ (Bánffy, 2004) in the Balaton region are situated in landscapes with less
entiated. The fruits of both have been found at Neolithic sites. Despite its advantageous soils and climate than on the Alföld (Great Hungarian
southeast European origin, cornel cherry is classified today as indigenous Plain) and they would probably have been covered at that time by
in certain areas of Germany by Haeupler/Schönfelder (1988) and it is denser woods with hornbeam and beech as well (Fig. 5). These different
frequently naturalized in woodland, especially in floodplain areas, so it environments and ecological potentials in the various regions might
cannot be used as a sign for a steppe type climate. have caused the people living there to develop a different strategy of
According to the pollen results Quercus sp., Ulmus sp. and Tilia sp. Neolithic subsistence than in other parts of Hungary.
(oak, elm and lime) as well as Corylus avellana (hazel) were widespread Further to the north, the landscapes chosen by the later farmers
107
dry climate like that of today, excellently suited for crop growing
(Kreuz, 1990a; Fig. 6). This choice is similar to the landscapes settled in
southern and eastern Hungary during the earlier Neolithic periods.
Remarkably, there was a difference between the landscape types settled
during the Bicske-Biňa phase (earliest Bandkeramik) and those in the
later LBK phases (since the Flomborn phase), which has been discussed
by Sielmann (1971, 1972) as “Beharrungstendenz” (tendency of per
sistence) and by Lenneis (2003) as “Toleranzschwelle” (barrier of tol
erance); see also Kreuz (1990a, chapter 18). During the second half of
the LBK period, landscapes with a more Atlantic climate (like that of the
lower Rhine area in Germany) were chosen, which is one of the various
modifications and changes in subsistence, lifestyle, agriculture and diet
which occurred at that time (Gläser, 1993; Kreuz, 1993, 2012; Kreuz/
Marinova, 2017).
5. The crops - a supra-regional view
The crops which formed an essential part of the Neolithic human

diet have different requirements for their growing and use. Therefore,
to understand the various ways in which agriculture developed in
Hungary and the underlying options for choice, one should consider the
ways of growing crops in the area from which fundamental components
of the Hungarian Neolithic came. Although we do not know the exact
ways in which Neolithic subsistence reached Hungary, it is clear that
these agricultural traditions came originally from the Balkan peninsula
south of Hungary. Ten crops were grown in the Balkan Neolithic, the
four cereals Triticum monococcum (einkorn), Triticum dicoccum (emmer),
Triticum aestivum s.l./durum/turgidum (naked wheat) and Hordeum dis
tichon/vulgare (barley), the five pulses Pisum sativum (pea), Lens culinaris
(lentil), Lathyrus sativus/cicera (grass pea/wild grass pea), Cicer ar
Fig. 5. The “formative” Linear Pottery Culture (LBK) site Szentgyörgyvölgy-
ietinum (chickpea) and Vicia ervilia (bitter vetch) and the oil or fibre
Pityerdomb/Zala (above) is characterized by less favourable ecological condi
tions as shown by a field of sunflowers growing poorly. Today the farming
plant Linum usitatissimum (flax; Table 3; Filipovic/Obradovic, 2013;
around the modern village has more emphasis on livestock and grazing. The Kotzamani/Livarda, 2018; Kreuz et al., 2005; Kreuz/Marionova, 2017;
excavated site (Bánffy, 2004) is behind the church tower. Photos by Angela Kroll, 1991; Marinova, 2006, 2009; Marinova/Krauss, 2014; Reed,
Kreuz, May 2012. 2015; Valamoti, 2007; Zohary et al., 2012).
In Table 3 the presence or absence of the various crops at sites of the
different Hungarian Neolithic cultures is compared with the Neolithic
there during the earliest phase of the developed western LBK (Bicske-
spectra from the Balkans, revealing differences and similarities (the
Biňa phase; earliest Bandkeramik, phase LBK I, Meier-Arendt, 1966)
Hungarian data are from: Bánffy, 2004, 333f.; Berzsényi/Dálnoki, 2005;
have soils formed from loessic and alluvial sediments and a moderately
Bogaard et al., 2007, 435; Füzes, 1990, 1991; Gyulai, 2005, 2007, 2010;
Fig. 6. Fertile loess landscape, a typical location for sites of the Bicske-Biňa phase of the Linear Pottery Culture (LBK) near Wulkaprodersdorf/Burgenland (Austria)
with the Schneeberg in the background. Photo by Angela Kreuz, May 2012.
108
Table 3
Comparison of the archaeobotanical crop spectra from the different Neolithic archaeological cultures (references in
the text).
Hartyáni and Nowáki, 1975; Kreuz et al. in press; Pomázi, 2010; archaeobotanical finds, opium poppy, like naked wheat and barley,
Tempír, 1964). Obviously, there are three pulses which were not grown seems to have been adopted by the late Szakálhát culture in eastern
in Neolithic times beyond the Balkan area, bitter vetch, grass pea and Hungary, pointing to new cultural contacts and influences (sites: Ma
chick pea. In addition, there are two cereals, barley and naked wheat, gyarbánhegyes/Békés, archaeological dating by G. Bácsmegi, pers.
which, in contrast to the other Hungarian Neolithic cultures, were not comment to P. Pomázi, 2010; Pusztataskony/Jász-Nagykun-Szolnok,
introduced to the western LBK before its latest phase (Kreuz, 2012, 83). archaeological dating by K. Sebők).
Papaver somniferum (opium poppy) occurs from the second phase of It is a fundamental question whether the differences in the parti
the LBK (Flomborn) onwards (Kreuz, 2012), arriving there from the cular crops that were grown in the Hungarian Neolithic were the result
western Mediterranean area as was first pointed out by Bakels (1982). of ecological factors or were rather the consequence of cultural deci
In the early Neolithic period it was not grown in the Balkans, and it did sions. To test the existing idea of an “agroecological barrier” (Colledge
not belong to the “founder crops” of southwest Asia either (Kreuz/ and Conolly, 2007; Colledge et al., 2005, 148 ff.; Kertész/Sümegi, 2001;
Marinova, 2017). Uncharred poppy seeds from the mineral soil site Raczky et al., 2010; Sümegi et al., 2002; critically Bickle/Whittle, 2013,
Körtik Tepe (Turkey; Rössner et al., 2018) are certainly later intrusions, 54f.) which might have prevented the Central European Neolithic
as they could not have been preserved there otherwise. An outstanding farmers from growing the pulses Lathyrus, Vicia and Cicer, which are
Younger Dryas find of poppy came from an underwater surface struc known from the Balkan area, they have been experimentally grown in
ture at Atlit-Yam (Israel), not from the famous well, but from feature the Botanical Garden of Darmstadt, Germany. As all pulse species grew
10A (Kislev et al., 2004) and as it has not been absolutely dated until differently but well (Kreuz, 2015) it could be supposed that the Hun
now, it might be a later contamination as well. Based on the garian Neolithic farmers had no ecological reasons for not growing
Table 4
List of the archaeobotanically investigated sites with their excavators and institutions. Location of the sites shown in Fig. 1.
Site code Site County Excavators Institution
APC7 Apc Heves László Domboróczki, József Danyi Dobó István Vármúzeum, Eger
BAT2 Bátaszék Tolna Eszter Bánffy, István Zalai-Gaál, Anett Osztás Akademie: Arch. Inst. Budapest/Archaeosztráda Kft. Budapest
BAT3 Bátaszék Tolna István Zalai-Gaál, Anett Osztás Akademie: Arch. Inst. Budapest/Archaeosztráda Kft. Budapest
BAT6 Bátaszék Tolna Zsolt Gallina, Krisztina Somogyi Ásatárs Kft Kecskemét
BÜK22 Bükkábrány Borsod-Abaúj-Zemplén András Kalli Herman Ottó Múzeum, Miskolc
BÜK23 Bükkábrány Borsod-Abaúj-Zemplén András Kalli Herman Ottó Múzeum, Miskolc
FAJ1 Fajsz Bacs-Kiskun megye Eszter Bánffy, Jörg Petrasch Uni Tübingen/Akademie: Arch. Inst. Budapest
HEJ8 Hejőpapi Borsod-Abaúj-Zemplén Miklós Makoldi Herman Ottó Múzeum, Miskolc
HOD9 Hódmezővásárhely-Gorzsa Csongrád Katalin Tóth, Tibor Paluch Tornyai János Múzeum, Hódmezővásárhely
HOM27 Homorodu de Mijloc Satu Mare Cristian Virág Muzeul Judetean Satu Mare
KAN19 Kántorjánosi Szabolcs-Szatmár- Katalin Kurucz Magyar Nemzeti Múzeum
Bereg
MAG10 Magyarbánhegyes Békés Dániel Pópity Field Service for Cultural Heritage
POC18 Pócspetri Szabolcs-Szatmár- Katalin Kurucz Magyar Nemzeti Múzeum
Bereg
PUS5 Pusztataskony Jász-Nagykun-Szolnok Pál Raczky, Katalin Sebők Lóránd Eötvös Uni., Budapest
RAB11 Rábapatona Győr-Moson-Sopron Péter Polgár Xantus János Múzeum, Győr
SAR16 Sarkad Békés Anita Vári, Gábor Bácsmegi Munkácsy Múzeum, Békéscsaba
SZE4 Szemely Baranya Zsolt Gallina, Krisztina Somogyi Ásatárs Kft Kecskemét
TAS24 Tasnád Satu Mare Cristian Virág Muzeul Judetean Satu Mare
TIS12 Tiszabura Jász-Nagykun-Szolnok Pál Raczky, Gábor Váczi Lóránd Eötvös Uni., Budapest
VAS17 Vásárosnamény Szabolcs-Szatmár- Katalin Kurucz Magyar Nemzeti Múzeum
Bereg
ZSE14 Zsennye Vas Farkas Csilla Savaria Múzeum, Szombathely
109
these pulses from the Balkan area and southwest Asia; one should also
consider the widespread and successful modern growing of chickpeas
etc. by vegan gardeners in Germany. Another factor is toxicity, as a
serious disadvantage of bitter vetch and grass-peas is their poisonous
seed coat, which when eaten often results in irreversible spastic pa
ralysis (Kreuz, 2015). Therefore, more knowledge and more time con
suming effort in processing were needed for preparing these toxic
pulses for consumption and it can be questioned what benefit there was
in growing them.
One aspect of food choice might be the pleasant differences in taste
and cooking qualities in modern terms, which would have been con
siderably greater among the Neolithic pulses than the four cereals
available at that time. A more important benefit of growing these pulses
was certainly their low requirements for soil fertility, field work and
especially their tolerance to periods of drought (Kreuz, 2015). In
southeast Europe and beyond with winter rain and hot summers, they
may have been important as a kind of risk management for the Neo
lithic farmers. In contrast, the Hungarian Neolithic farmers who lived
where there was summer rain may have had less of a problem with
drought stress (see above). Therefore, they may not have needed to
grow toxic crops which were more difficult to consume safely (dis
cussed more in detail in Kreuz (2015) with further references).
Naked wheat and barley were not cultivated by the earliest LBK
farmers in Transdanubia in western Hungary either (Table 3). However,
these two cereals have been found in samples belonging to the Alföld
LBK and its preceding Szakálhát group in eastern Hungary, in parts
contemporary with the western LBK period. Barley and naked wheat
have also been found at sites of the Starčevo-Körös-Criș complex pre
ceding the western LBK and at Vinča sites (Bánffy, 2004, 333ff.;
Bogaard et al., 2007; Krauss et al., 2018; Reed, 2015; Renfrew, 1974;
Wasylikowa et al., 1991). In addition, these crops even belonged to the
spectrum of the “formative phase” of the western LBK in the Balaton
area (Bánffy, 2004, 313, 333; Berzsényi/Dálnoki, 2005). The material
culture of the “formative” LBK is strongly influenced by the late Star
čevo complex, therefore, the occurrence of naked wheat and barley in
the crop spectrum of the “formative LBK” agricultural system is not
surprising there (data from Bánffy, 2004, 333f.; Krauss et al., 2018; Fig. 7. Modern wheat (above); below, charred rachis fragments of Triticum
Reed, 2015; Renfrew, 1974). The crop growing system of the Alföld LBK aestivum s.l./durum/turgidum (naked wheat) are badly preserved and do not
likewise included these crops, and it was certainly related to the Körös- allow an identification to the ploidy level; finds from the site Apc/Heves with
Criș complex. We can state that the rejection of naked wheat and barley dating LBK undifferentiated and unknown (lengths, upper row 1.95 and 2 mm;
by the early Bicske-Biňa farmers is in contrast to the agricultural sys row below, left and centre 4.9 mm, right 3.6 mm). Photos charred finds and
tems of their neighbours or predecessors. Obviously, the smaller se montage by Sandra Müller/hessenARCHÄOLOGIE; plant above by Angela
lection of cereals grown by them was not decided by ecological factors. Kreuz.
This is suggested by the later cultivation of naked wheat and barley in
all the former areas of the LBK under comparable ecological conditions, at the “formative” site Szentgyörgyvölgy-Pityerdomb (Bánffy, 2004).
by the succeeding Lengyel, Groβgartach and Rössen farmers and from The symbolic meaning of cattle and their representation is discussed by
the end of the LBK period onwards (Kohler-Schneider, 2017; Kreuz, Krauss (2016) and Bánffy (2019).
2012, 83ff., Table 9; Kreuz et al., 2014).
Naked wheat and barley are the higher yielding ones of the four
Neolithic cereals, but they need more nitrogen input than the hulled 6. Differences in diet
wheats. Moreover, naked wheat needs much more careful weeding
(Kreuz, 2005, 134). Maybe these factors were relevant to the decision “Eating and drinking keeps body and soul together” or “love goes
not to grow these cereals before the end of the western LBK period. through the stomach” are old proverbs. They symbolize the significance
Until now the rachis remains of naked wheat found at Hungarian of food for people, being not only for satisfaction and energy, but also
Neolithic sites are too badly preserved to allow identification to ploidy for mental health and happiness, which might be a very old human and
level (Fig. 7). Therefore it remains open to discussion whether these social tradition. The available biological data from the investigated
cereals were introduced from the east or from the west (Kreuz, 2012, Hungarian Neolithic sites have been evaluated to obtain evidence of
141f.). past human food and to question the similarities and the differences in
Due to the different growing, harvesting and processing require the use of natural and agricultural resources according to distinct cul
ments of the various crops, the cultivation of either ten or five of them, tural traditions.
certainly implies different farming systems as well as different dietary For example the use of four cereals by the Körös, Starčevo, Alföld
and cultural traditions. The reduction of the cereal crop diversity in the and “formative” LBK farmers instead of growing only two by the fol
farming system of the Bicske-Biňa LBK horizon after the “formative lowing northwestern LBK farmers, has consequences for the variety of
phase” likewise might have been based on a changed subsistence, for cooking and baking possibilities and the taste of the prepared food.
example with more emphasis on live stock, possibly better suited to the Barley is considered suitable mainly for stews, soups and flat bread.
settled landscapes. Interestingly, a clay figurine of cattle has been found Instead, naked wheat, like all wheat species, is good for “real bread”
110
baking and with different flour properties and taste to einkorn and remains in all the Hungarian Neolithic archaeobotanical samples, in
emmer. Peas and lentils have a different taste than the other Balkan dependent of their archaeological context and including LBK sites, and
pulses. The quantitative proportions of the early LBK Bicske-Biňa phase they point to the continuous tradition of their consumption as an ad
crop finds consist mainly of cereals, whereas during the second half of ditional important source of animal protein (Fig. 8). Cramp et al. (2018)
the LBK period there is a clear tendency to more emphasis on pulses, present evidence based on organic residue analyses from the Derdapska
connected with an increase of peas (Kreuz/Marinova, 2017). As a crop, Klisura (Iron Gates) region on the border between Serbia and Romania
pea was not only the highest yielding of all the available Neolithic where the Starčevo-Criş type pottery was used predominantly for the
pulses and nontoxic, but under temperate climatic conditions it can be processing of fresh water resources, as might be expected from the
grown and harvested much more easily than, for example, the fragile position of the sites on the banks of the river Danube. However, if we
lentils. In addition, the seeds can be eaten fresh while unripe as well, look at the Neolithic results from further north, in Germany and Aus
extending possible ways of eating them. This change in emphasis on tria, fish remains are very rare in the archaeobotanical sieving residues
pulses coincides with several other developments observed during the of the western LBK settlements, although thousands of litres of sediment
second half of the LBK period, in which Papaver somniferum (opium have been scanned for them (Kreuz, 2012). There have been no more
poppy) emerges as a new crop (and possibly drug) and some new weed than four out of 39 sites with a few fish remains (ArboDat database,
taxa with a (sub) Mediterranean geographical distribution arrive, as Wiesbaden). Obviously fish were not an important part of the diet
well as ornaments made of imported Spondylus shells (spiny oyster) and within the northwestern LBK area. This use or refusal of freshwater
new pottery styles and decorations, all pointing to new influences from resources might point again to regional distinctions in Neolithic food
the south (Kreuz, 1993, 2012, p. 87; Kreuz et al., 2005; Kreuz/ traditions.
Marinova, 2017; Müller et al., 1996; Ritter, 2017). Another freshwater resource, Trapa natans (water caltrop) should be
The Neolithic domestic animals cattle, sheep/goat and pig provided mentioned. It is a floating aquatic plant which produces starch rich
protein rich meat and high-energy fat as well as various dairy possibi edible fruits that ripen from September to October (Oberdorfer, 1990).
lities (apart from pig). The state of archaeozoological research includes It is widespread in temperate Europe, growing in still or slow moving
evidence for a variable emphasis on stock breeding by the different shallow and nutrient-rich water, as found in the numerous Hungarian
Hungarian Neolithic archaeological cultures (Bartosiewicz 2012; oxbow lakes and meanders of the river valleys (Fig. 9; Behre, 1970;
Benecke 2006; Benecke/Ninov 2002; Bickle/Whittle 2013, 13f.; Blazić Gams, 1927; Lang, 1994). The fruits can be roasted to improve their
1985, 2005; Bökönyi 1974, 1981, 1984; Domboróczki 2010, Tables 2 taste and for storage, which probably explains the number of charred
and 3 (results by I. Vörös); Domboróczki/Raczky 2010; El Susi 2008, remains. Interestingly, water caltrop occurs in samples from Körös,
2011; Greenfield 1988; Greenfield/Jongsma Greenfield 2008; Kovács Alföld LBK and late Neolithic sites in Hungary (apart from our data see
et al., 2010; Ninov 1999); that is to say differences in the resulting diet also Bogaard et al., 2007 for the Körös site Ecsegfalva; Gyulai, 2010).
can be expected. Whereas the western LBK and the Criş farmers as well But it has not been found in any of the 78 samples investigated from our
as parts of the Bulgarian Early Neolithic settlements mainly kept cattle six Hungarian western LBK settlements in the present study. Likewise,
and sometimes pig, the Hungarian Körös farmers had more sheep/goat. the area of LBK settlement in Austria and Germany, where the plant has
This seems ecologically surprising, as the wet woodland around the been and still is native too, has provided no finds from these settlement
Körös sites would have provided excellent pasture for cattle as well sites either, although it is easy to recognize from charred fragments of
(Fig. 2). Maybe this was a continuation of the earlier southeast Eur its fruit spikes (Fig. 9; Kreuz, 2012). Even though Trapa has a wide
opean tradition and, as with the choice of growing naked wheat and natural distribution, the Neolithic use of water caltrop for food is re
barley, it was not caused by ecological factors. Archaeozoological in stricted to certain areas in Central Europe like the Alföld (Hungarian
vestigations of the Starčevo sites are restricted to a few sites and there Plain) and the Alpine foothills (for the latter, see Karg, 2006 with fur
are insufficient identified specimens (Bökönyi, 1981; Blazić, 1985, ther references) and even there, Trapa finds are restricted to certain
2005; Clason, 1980; Nyerges, 2013; Nyerges and Biller, 2015, p. 2 and archaeological cultures. This phenomenon can be interpreted as an
Fig. 2; Pucher, 2017). Therefore, the role of livestock in late Starčevo other example of dietary preference and choice.
activities in Hungary remains open to discussion (critically Bánffy, Protein, fat, carbohydrates, vitamins, trace elements, mineral nu
2019, chapter 7, with further references). trients and fibre are parts of the nutritional content of food. While
Certainly, the use of meat alone was no reason to start livestock protein, fat, carbohydrates and fibre could easily have been provided by
farming, as meat could have been obtained by hunting wild animals as the crops and animals, domestic and wild, the daily need of vitamins
well. Instead, something new gained from the domestic animals was the and the mineral nutrients etc. had to be provided for the most part by
availability of milk products for human diet. The use of milk has been collected wild herbs, berries, roots, tubers and nuts. Although the
proven repeatedly by the residue analysis of Neolithic pottery remains Neolithic people did not know the ingredients of the plants they may
and milk strainers from rubbish pits, also from Hungary (e.g. Balasse have realised the consequences of eating them while feeling healthier.
et al., 2017; Bánffy, 2019, chapter 8; Craig, 2002; Craig et al., 2005; In addition, wild plants can provide flavourings to make food tastier
Cramp et al., 2018; Dudd/Evershed, 1998; Ethier et al., 2017; Evershed and are liked especially for their variety of flavours. “Ethnobotanical
et al., 2008; Helmer et al., 2007; Nyerges, 2013; Nyerges and Biller, studies in various areas of the world indicate that taste and the customs
2015, 3; Salque et al., 2012a, b; Vigne/Helmer, 2007). Drinking fresh related to local cuisine are also basic motivations in the continuation of
milk in quantities is a modern practice. Instead, based on the rich wild plant gathering, contrary to the previous assumptions of ‚poverty’
ethnographic evidence from some partly comparable primitive socie and ‚hunger’” as driving forces (Ertug, 1998, 2004, 181; see also Kreuz,
ties, in prehistoric periods a variety of milk products can be expected. 2009, Kreuz, 2012, 116; Kroll, 1990; Leonti et al., 2006; Wiltshire,
Examples are dry curd, yogurt and cheese products, which are easier to 1995). Therefore, it is not surprising that eating wild plants has been a
digest than fresh milk and easy to prepare, store and transport. Big long lasting practice in all traditional cultures all over the world.
flocks could be kept with the help of some well-trained dogs. In case of A further example of dietary preference might be that of Prunus
milk production the flock needed more labour (Greenfield, 1988, 590). spinosa (sloe). In contrast to the western LBK finds further to the
Therefore, either the herds had to be smaller and kept closer to the northwest, sloe is absent from the Hungarian Neolithic archae
settlement sites or more labour was needed for milking and making obotanical remains in the present study (see also Gyulai, 2010). Per
cheese or yoghurt. The possibilities of prehistoric milk processing are haps, because of its particular taste, it was not liked by the inhabitants
discussed in Kreuz (2008b) and ethnographic evidence in Ertug-Yaras there, although the astringency and sourness disappear after heating or
(1997, 299ff., 354ff.). drying (Wiltshire, 1995). Instead, according to the archaeobotanical
There are regularly and numerous finds of fish, mussel and snail finds, Cornus mas (cornel cherry) was regularly consumed (Fig. 10).
111
Fig. 8. Fish vertebrae (left) and river mussel shells (right), an example of the numerous fish and mollusc remains from the archaeobotanical samples collected from
the Neolithic site Hódmezővásárhely/Csongrád. Photos by Sandra Müller/hessenARCHÄOLOGIE.
Fig. 9. The floating waterplant Trapa natans (water caltrop, top left) in a river
Tisza oxbow near Mártély/Csongrád. Photo by Angela Kreuz May 2012. Recent
spiked fruit (top right); examples of charred fruit spikes (lower row) from the
Alföld LBK site Pusztataskony/Jász-Nagykun-Szolnok (lengths left and centre
6.3 mm, right 8.4 mm). Photos and montage by Sandra Müller/
hessenARCHÄOLOGIE.
Fig. 10. Cornus mas (cornel cherry), growing shrub (upper). The remains of
Other edible fruits and nuts were eaten, as shown by the remains of Cornus mas fruitstones are easy to recognize, even as fragments. The row
Corylus avellana (hazelnut) as well as Cornus sanguinea (dogwood), (below) shows charred remains from the Bicske-Biňa culture (centre, lengths
Fragaria vesca (wild strawberry), Pyrus pyraster (wild pear), Rubus sp. 11.9 mm) and Sopot features from Fajsz/Bacs-Kiskun megye (right, 3.6 mm)
(wild blackberry/raspberry/dewberry), Sambucus nigra (elder) and cf. and from an Alföld LBK feature (left, 10.2 mm) at Pusztataskony/Jász-Nagykun-
Vitis sylvestris (possible wild grape), which have been found in the ar Szolnok. Upper photo by Angela Kreuz, lower row of photos and montage by
chaeobotanical samples from the Hungarian Neolithic sites. Sandra Müller/hessenARCHÄOLOGIE.
The cooking equipment, the pots, dishes and implements used for
preparing food embody the traditions and ideas of their users, expres they have not been found at the northwestern LBK settlements with
sing a certain group relationship. An important example is given by the bone preservation, suggesting different cultural habits again, perhaps
spatula spoons made from large ungulate metapodial bones, which representing a different cooking tradition and culinary identity there.
might also have been used in culinary household rituals connected
with food preparation, as has been discussed by a number of authors
(Krauss, 2011; Müller, 1994, 212; Tóth, 2012; Whittle et al., 2013, 175; 7. Who and with whom?
Vitezović, 2015, 12ff.). These spoons would not have been easy to make
and they indicate considerable skill in doing so. They have been found It is an old research question, whether the Mesolithic/Neolithic
throughout the Near East and Anatolia and are also abundant in the transition of subsistence and the interactions between early farmers and
whole area of the Starčevo-Körös-Criș complex and the Alföld LBK late hunter-gatherers in southeastern and Central Europe followed the
distribution area in Hungary (Badisches Landesmuseum, 2007, 334, model of a population movement (“demic diffusion”) or a cultural
368f.; Beldiman/Sztancs, 2011; Tóth, 2012; Vitezović, 2015, 2016a, b), diffusion (Child, 1925; Kalicz and Makkay, 1977; Kalicz, 1984, 2010;
showing at least a cultural affiliation between these regions. However, Gläser, 1993; Gronenborn, 2003; Lichardus-Itten and Lichardus, 2003;
112
Petrasch, 2003; Bánffy, 2004; Barker, 2006; Haak et al., 2010; LBK sites not belonging to its earliest phase, but on material from the
Mateiciucová, 2008, 2010; Bickle and Whittle, 2013; Shennan, 2018). Flomborn phase onwards. aDNA data from sites of the “formative” LBK
The kind of interaction between Early Neolithic Starčevo farmers and or the following Bicske-Bíňa phase (phase LBK I, Meyer-Arendt, 1966)
local Mesolithic hunter-gatherers in Hungary followed by the emer are not available up to now (Lipson et al., 2017, extended Tables 1 and
gence of the early LBK population is an interesting issue here. The in 2). The earliest phase of the western LBK lasted perhaps for about half of
vestigation of ancient DNA (aDNA) offers a powerful tool to test the the whole LBK period (Breunig, 1987; Lüning, 2005; Stäuble, 1995,
assumptions about the origin of Neolithic human groups and the un 2005). Therefore several generations (6–7?) with possible mutations are
derlying contrasting evolutionary models, which have been summar absent from the relevant datasets. In the context of possible genetic
ized recently (Brandt et al., 2014; Eisenmann et al., 2018). It is dis mutation dynamics, the observations by Brandt et al. (2014) are im
cussed that the proportion of genetic mingling between local foragers portant, that in the region of the middle Elbe and Saale rivers in Ger
and newcomer farmers was minimal in the beginning, but it started to many, typical early farming (LBK) lineages like the haplogroup N1a “…
modestly increase after a few generations (Lipton et al., 2017). The decreased in frequency or completely during the Middle Neolithic”, a
extraction and sequencing of aDNA from Mesolithic and Neolithic phenomenon still “not fully understood” (Brandt et al., 2014, 88). A
human bone remains could be useful for answering such questions relatively short period was sufficient to change the genetic composition
(Bramanti et al., 2009; Brandt et al., 2013, 2014; Brotherton et al., of the population within one and the same region. Such a “genetic drift”
2013; Gamba et al., 2014; Haak, 2006; Haak et al., 2005, 2010; or “dilution of early farmer lineages” was shown by the authors for the
Lazaridis et al., 2014; Lipson et al., 2017; Mathieson et al., 2018; Iberian Peninsula as well (Brandt et al., 2014, 89).
Szécsényi-Nagy et al., 2015). According to the simulation by Rasteiro et al. (2012, 2409), the
Although aDNA studies provide an important and successful ar genetic diversity of farmers would have depended on how the hunter-
chaeological tool, some implicit methodological problems have to be gatherers mixed with the farmers (“post-marital residence rules”). If
considered. The existing aDNA results from human bones concerned “Mesolithic” late hunter-gatherer men in Transdanubia chose “Neo
here are mainly based on mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) and to a con lithic” woman from Starčevo villages (for example to get their “farming
siderably lesser extent on Y chromosome data (Y-DNA) from the cell know-how”) and not the other way round, these men would remain
nucleus (e.g. Brandt et al., 2014), “the reason being that mtDNA, be genetically almost invisible in the mitochondrial DNA of their progeny,
cause of its higher frequency in living cells, is conserved in ancient the latter instead showing a shared maternal genetic ancestry and re
samples better than is the nuclear genome” (Deguilloux et al., 2012, sulting in a sex-biased DNA mixture (also discussed by Haag (2006,
31). Important for archaeological interpretation is the fact that Y-DNA 59ff.). Unfortunately, Y chromosome or autosome data from prehistoric
is circulated via the paternal line, while mtDNA is passed mainly along Europeans are still very limited and unavailable from local hunter-
the maternal line, therefore allowing “inferences to be drawn only for gatherer groups in Hungary, due to methodological reasons. The need
females” (Deguilloux et al., 2012, 31). for such data is shown by the genetic mtDNA signatures of human re
For the interpretation of the data, it also needs to be kept in mind, mains from Early Neolithic Körös and Middle Neolithic Alföld LBK und
that LBK burials commonly comprise a variety of mortuary rites, such as LBK sites in Hungary which suggest a hunter-gatherer ancestry of some
burials within the settlement in pits or ditches, or in caves or in smaller of the deceased (Gamba et al., 2014; Lipson et al., 2017, extended
or larger graveyards lasting for shorter or longer periods, with or Table 1; Mt haplogroups U).
without grave goods etc. “… it has been demonstrated that only a small At present, the genetic relationship of the Transdanubian Late
portion of the LBK population could have been interred in regular Mesolithic hunter-gatherers and the Starčevo farmers is not yet con
burials and that about 80% of the dead were treated in a way that left clusively answerable from a genetic point of view. The reason for this is
hardly any archaeological trace” (Deguilloux et al., 2012, 31; Nieszery, the small number of skeletons found and sampled in the region.
1995). Therefore, it is not clear whether the buried “individuals re Meanwhile, the evidence from other archaeological finds and features
present the norm or the exception, and how much of the initial genetic suggests a clear relationship between these two groups (see below). The
variation of the population is missing” (Haak et al., 2010, 13; Frirdich, quality and dimension of this complex relationship remains a subject of
2003). a fascinating further debate.
In addition, it has to be stressed that hardly any Late Mesolithic
material from the regions under study here has been analyzed until 8. Conclusion
now. The mtDNA “hunter-gatherer dataset” of Bramanti et al. often
later used for comparisons with Neolithic data by a number of authors, The Hungarian Early and Middle Neolithic consists of various ar
was very heterogeneous, comprising not more than twenty Late chaeological cultures, each with a different emphasis on agriculture and
Palaeolithic, Mesolithic and “Ceramist” hunter-gatherer individuals obtaining and preparing food. The two most important innovations of
from Germany, Poland, Russia and Lithuania, dating from 13,400 to the Early Neolithic subsistence economy are crop growing and animal
2250 cal B.C., not differentiated regionally or chronologically rearing. During the introduction of this new way of subsistence the
(Bramanti et al., 2009, Table 1). Included were seven individuals be acceptance or not of certain crops and animals or of certain natural
longing to six sites of the 8th/7th millennium cal BC, three from Li resources for food would not have been just a question of nutritional
thuania and Russia and four from Germany from the cave sites Hoh value and calories. Considering simply the different cereals, pulses and
lenstein-Stadel and Falkensteiner Höhle and the grave of Bad oil plants, it becomes evident that new types of dishes, smells and tastes
Dürrenberg. The latter was interpreted as possibly belonging to a were discovered and appreciated (Kreuz, 2009, 2012 chapter 8).
schaman (priest) (Grünberg, 2016). The relevant dataset has recently Moreover, any form of subsistence change would also have required a
improved (for example, Bollongino et al., 2013; Fu et al., 2016; Gamba change in human thinking and human-environmental interaction, new
et al., 2014; Lacan et al., 2013, Table 2; Lipson et al., 2017; Orschiedt forms of organization, the knowledge of the processes involved as well
et al., 2014; critically Banffy et al., 2012), but the quantitative and as social and cultural concepts integrating old and new rituals and
methodological problems persist. traditions.
As the mitochondrial DNA haplogroup U (for example U2, U4, U5a According to the present state of research, there are data which
and b) is common in ancient hunter-gatherer communities across Europe, suggest that Late Mesolithic indigenous people were engaged in the
but rare in the LBK material, this seems to be “indicating genetic dis Neolithic transformation process while it was on its way up to Western
continuity of maternal lineages” (Szécsényi-Nagy et al., 2015, 3; see also Europe. Apart from the aDNA data discussed above, important hints are
Bramanti et al., 2009, Table 1; Brandt et al., 2014, 80). On the other given by the differences in settlement structures, styles of architecture,
hand, the aDNA data published until now are based on material from pottery, stone materials and tools, clay figurines as well as the burial
113
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Quaternary International 560-561 (2020) 102–118

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Hungarian Neolithic landscapes, crops and diet – Signs of cultural decisions? T

ARTICLE INFO ABSTRACT

remained uncertain or unknown. In addition to the new data, we have

parison of the Hungarian Neolithic archaeobotanical results with those

consideration. All calculations are based on charred plant material.

The present archaeobotanical data set can well be considered as

(Table 1). The methodological considerations on the representation of

the archaeobotanical finds also need to be considered (Willerding,

Kohler-Schneider, 2017). There is a strong correlation between the

vestigated (Kreuz, 1990a, Figs. 47 and 48). Therefore, great care is

archaeological cultures in quantitative terms. In most cases, a more

that the interpretation is of a preliminary character.

On the other hand, it is an established fact that remains of the ev­

by each household every day or so, as shown by the frequent charred

The plant remains are almost always accompanied by charcoal in

the samples, which connects them to domestic or other fires in the

quency or lower charred concentration values cannot be interpreted as

signs of burnt down houses or whole settlements at the sites discussed

here, which might have preserved such remains. Strikingly, in contrast

cussion whether this is due to more careful handling of the cereals or

The synthesis presented is based on the archaeobotanical data from

Number of plant taxa

Late Körös, Transdanubian Linear Pottery Culture and Alföld Linear

Pottery Culture (Linearbandkeramik, LBK in the following text) and

indicating the differences of soils and topography in the immediate

5. The crops - a supra-regional view

The crops which formed an essential part of the Neolithic human

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On the other hand, it is an established fact that remains of the ev