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 PSIR Crash Course Test 01 Model Answers

Ques. (1a) ‘Plato is philosophy. Philosophy is Plato’ (Emerson) Comment.

• Plato has been regarded as the founder of philosophical idealism by virtue of his
attempts to conceptualize the disorders & crisis of the actual world and he presented a
vision of desirable political & social order. Thus, Plato has been credited with laying
the foundations of the philosophical perspectives and issues on which the western
political tradition rests. His contribution to western political thought is without any
parallel as he is credited with giving western philosophy a basis, a vision and a
direction.
• Plato is known as the father of political philosophy. He rightly deserves the title
because he has established that philosophy is superior to physics as the study of ideas
is superior to that of matter since world of matter changes and world of ideas is
permanent. In addition, he believed that philosophy has a solution for the problems of
politics.
• The major theme of Plato’s political thought, especially of the ‘Republic’, is that
philosophy alone offers true power and knowledge. Based on it, he gave the concept of
‘philosopher king’, which means that one, who is guided by reason & knowledge alone
is fit to rule. This conception is a part of Plato’s attempt to portray a perfect model of
ideal state.
• Therefore, Plato’s political philosophy, which emerges from his writings, has its
special importance in the history of western political thought. In this context Whitehead
has acknowledged that the ‘entire western political philosophy, is nothing but the foot
note of Plato & Aristotle’. Considering Plato’s contribution towards the discipline of
politics, Emerson goes to the extent of declaring that ‘Plato is philosophy and
philosophy is Plato.
• Plato’s place in the history of western philosophy can be understood from the
statement of Karl Popper who is considered to be the greatest critique of Plato. Popper
acknowledged that Plato’s legacy spreads with age and it is really difficult to find a
subsequent political philosopher who might not have Plato’s imprint, either
explicitly/implicitly. In this context, he argued that ‘one can either be Platonic or anti-
Platonic, but one can never be non-Platonic’.
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(Q1)(b)Write short notes on negative & positive liberty.

• ‘Liberty is a concomitant value of liberalism and has been a concept of central
importance in the political theory. As a concept, it has been viewed variously by thinkers
in various stages of the history of political thought.
• However, despite being a debated concept, it carried three main connotations-
(i) Notion of ‘choice’.
(ii) ‘absence of constraints’ to make & exercise such a choice
(iii) ‘Existence of conditions’ that enable one to actuate the choice made.
• The concept of ‘liberty’ was classified in 1969 as ‘negative’ and ‘positive’ liberty by
Isaiah Berlin in his celebrated work- ‘Two concepts of liberty’.
Negative liberty
• A/Q to Berlin, negative liberty of individual consists in not being prevented from
attaining his goal by other human beings or institutions. It indicates the injustices that
prohibited acts that restrict freedom. Berlin, however, makes if clear that in capacity to
attain a goal is not un freedom and states that ‘only restrictions imposed by others affect
one’s freedom’.
• Therefore for Berlin, negative liberty as freedom is the opportunity to act not action
itself. It focuses only on availability rather than exercise of opportunity.
For e.g.: - It makes no distinction b/w liberty to pursue on occupation of one’s choice
a liberty to starve.
Positive liberty:
• The positive sense of the concept of ‘liberty’, a/q to Berlin, derives from the wish of
the individual to be his own master. Therefore, it not only refer to ‘non-interference’ or
‘absence of constraints’, but also the freedom to do. Therefore, unlike negative liberty,
it is called to be the ‘exercise concept of freedom’ as it involves exercising & availing
the opportunity.
• Rousseau is a votary of positive liberty as he states that true liberty is in obedience
to moral law and also refers to as the function of the will of the enlightened people.

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• From neo-Marxist perspective, Herbert Marcuse also favours a positive conception

of liberty. The reason being working class is incapable of seeing its true end & needs
to be directed towards liberation by the revolutionary elite.
(1c) ‘Political theory is neither reductionist, behavioral science, nor opinionated
ideology. It is a critical study of principles of right order in human social existence’
(Germino) .Critically examine.
• Political theory implies an intellectual effort to attain a systematic knowledge about
the ends and means of political action. It is a set of specified concepts that focus to
describe explain & predict political processes, events & institutions.
• The uniqueness, that distinguishes political theory from other disciplines lies in the
fact that it doesn’t find itself confined within a defined framework and has been inter-
disciplinary in nature & scope. In this context, Andrew Hacker, in his work ‘Political
Theory: Philosophy, Ideology & science (1961), points to the dual nature of political
theory. A/Q to him, every political theorist has a dual role of a scientist as well as of a
philosopher.
• A/Q to Germino, political theory is a critical examination of the principles of desired
order of human social existence. He held that it is neither a science, where everything
is simply reduced to sense-experience, nor an ideology, which accepts some principles
to be true without required inquiry into their validity. A/Q to Germino, political theory
deals with the perennial problems confronting man in his social existence and any
theory separated from these perennial problems. Will prove to be irrelevant. It is in this
context that Germino distinguishes b/w political theorist and a publicist. A/q to him,
while the former has profound understanding of issues, the latter is concerned with the
immediate concerns. Such a conception leads to the inference that as a discipline
political theory seeks to describe, explain, predict or criticize the existing social
arrangements. In the same line, Berlin accepted the importance of the ‘critical
perspective ‘of political theory when he declared that political theory couldn’t survive
without its critical dimension. However, Berlin argues that such a critical analysis by
employing theories is possible only in plural societies.
(1d) Write a short note on ‘original position’ found in the Rawl’s theory of justice.

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• Justice is one of the most important concerns of the field of political philosophy since
the time Plato. A/Q to Jan Campbell, justice is the central concept of current
mainstream normative political philosophy.
• Rawls book, ‘A Theory of Justice’, present a very strong defense of the idea of justice.
His work is associated with the revival of normative political philosophy and has been
considered as marking the end of death & decline of political philosophy. This is so
because his book has started what has been called as the ‘golden age in theorizing
about justice’.
• In an attempt to arrive at a ‘ground theory’ of justice, Rawls challenged the
conventional notions about justice. He was critical of utilitarian philosophy which
justify ‘greatest happiness of the greatest number’.
• Describing justice as the ‘first virtue of social institution; Rawls equated justice with
‘fairness’. Rawls presents a very strong defense of the idea of justice based on the basic
tenets of ‘procedural justice’. Following the tradition of ‘social contract’, Rawls has
envisaged a hypothetic situation of ‘original position’ by abstracting individuals from
their particular social context. These individuals are symbolically placed behind a ‘veil
of ignorance’, where they’re supposed to be deliberating as rational agents. A/Q to
Rawls, in such a state of uncertainty, rational individuals, being endowed with a ‘sense
of justice’, would choose those principles which would maximize the position of worst-
off and, thus, would be fair to all. It means that since people do not know that qualities
are going to be advantages and which are going to be disadvantageous, they would
consensually device such functional principles that would be fair to all.
• The main focus of the communitarian critique of Rawls is based on the idea that
people in the ‘original position’ choose a set of principles of justice.
• Michael Sandel in his book ‘Liberalism and limits of justice’ argues that Rawls
theory rests on a flawed understanding of self or individual. A/Q to him, a ‘stripped-
down’ individual, abstracted from his social economic and cultural contexts, will be
unable to make choices, as proposed by Rawls. Sandel argues that this wrong
conception alters his understanding b/w individual and community by giving more
importance to individual.

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• Since Rawlsian ‘Veil of ignorance’ keeps individuals out of their real social context,
communitarians doubt the relevance of their choices in an actual social context. A/Q to
Sandel, Rawls is only concerned with rights and freedom of choice provided to an
individual, overlooking its impact on society as a whole.
• Feminist scholars such as Carole Pateman questioned Rawls whether women are
active decision makers in original position.
(1e) ‘The basic principle on which the practice of non-violence rests is that what holds
good in respect of one self equally appeals to the whole universe’ (Gandhi). Explain.
• The concept of ‘non-violence’ is the central threat running throughout the
philosophical system of Gandhi. The entire gamut of strategies & ideals, employed by
Gandhi during Indian freedom struggle such as satyagraha, trusteeship etc., are based
on this foundation. Gandhian conception of non-violence is based on his commitment
to religion and ethics, even in the political context. While propagating the sanctity of
means of non-violence, he declared it to be the ‘weapon of strong, not weak’.
• Gandhi presented the concept of ‘non-violence’ as a multi-dimensional concept in
the following manner-
(i) For Gandhi, non-violence is both positive as well as negative. The negative sense, it
means refraining from inflicting injury and harm to others, either through action or
thought. Since God resides in soul, inflicting injury to others means violence against
God.
In positive sense, non-violence is based on the spirit of love, brother hood, charity and
compassion. A/Q to Gandhi, non-violence, in its positive connotation, is based on
highest moral values of ‘unselfish self’.
• A/Q to Bhikhu Parekh, Gandhi’s conception of non-violence as active love &
compassion leading to dedicated service represented a radical departure from Indian
traditions.
(ii) Gandhian conception of non-violence is compatible with the Gandhian
philosophy, which is three dimensional in the sense that it integrate individual, societal
and ecological dimensions. Thus, Gandhi advocates non-violence not only towards
human beings, but also towards animals and environment.

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• A/Q to Gandhi, non-violence is the most pure means in the pursuit of truth. In the
context of confrontation with injustice, non-violence doesn’t imply showing weakness.
He argues that non-violence is not the resort of the weak, rather it is the greatest force
at the disposal of mankind. It is mightier than the mightiest weapon of destruction
devised by human.
• In Gandhian conception, non-violence awakens the soul force or spiritual force in
man through self- purification & discipline which emerges from the firm adherence to
truth. A/Q to Gandhi, the principal implication of the spiritual force, emerged from non-
violence, is that it strikes a responsive chord in opponent’s heart, resulting into ‘change
of heart’. It is in this context, it has been argued that non-violence is the art of gaining
victory over physical brute force by spiritual force.
• The emphasis placed by Gandhi on truth & non-violence was evident when he
declared that ‘Swaraj was useless at the sacrifice of truth & non-violence’. He
conceived non-violence as a weapon of the strong and the brave. A/q to Gandhi, there’s
no such thing as defeat in non-violence. In the same line, martin Luther King Jr. argued
that ‘the choice is not b/w violence & non-violence ‘but b/w nonviolence and non-
existence. Thus, in the context Gandhian principle of non-violence, it is a force more
powerful than all the weapons of world combined.
2(a) Compare the ideas of Kautilya and Machiavelli on statecraft.
Kautilya and Machiavelli:
• There has been a tradition to compare Kautilya and Machiavelli. J.L. Nehru in his
book ‘Discovery of India’ has called Kautilya as the ‘Indian Machiavelli’. Scholars
such as G. Bottazi, Winternitz and Max Weber has compared Kautilya’s Arthashastra
with realist thinkers of west such as Thucydides and Machiavelli.
• Points of convergence (Similarity)
(i) They’re shifted the attention from political philosophy to political science and as
such both belongs to the realist tradition.
(ii) Both makes a distinction b/w politics and ethics as they’re not interested in
an ideal state or fullest moral development of citizens. On the contrary, they’re more
concerned with security of the state against external threats and internal conflicts.

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(iii) Both placed great emphasis on conquest and expansion of territory and
sphere of influence by the ruler in addition to guarding the existing realm. For
Machiavelli, a prince should endeavor to not only secure his domain during his time
but even after him. In the same line, Kautilya advices that a king shouldn’t install on
the throne one who is unfit to rule, even if he has only one san.
(iv) In the context of defense and warfare, both stressed that despite the crucial
importance of force in politics, which is central to the well-being of the state, the war
should be used as the last resort. They argued that war causes loss of money & life and
thus to the material well-being of the state.
(v)Ideas of both Kautilya & Machiavelli have universal application Gilbert held that
Machiavelli’s ‘Prince’ & ‘Discourses’ reveal the laws that govern world politics. On
the other hand, L. N. Rangarajan regards Kautilya’s teachings of stat craft have
universal validity.
• Although there’s a striking similarity and convergence in the ideas of Kautilya &
Machiavelli, the different environments (time & space) in which these texts were written
permits only some lateral comparisons b/w them. Kautilya belongs to the east and
Machiavelli belongs to the western political tradition. This difference in their time &
space is reflected in their ideas too. While Machiavellian ‘prince’ is above morality,
Kautilya never kept his king above dharma.
• In addition while Machiavelli’s ideas remained as a theory, Kautilya got his ideas
implemented through Chandra Gupta Maurya.
• It is in this context, Max Weber, in his work ‘Politics as Vocation’, has argued that
despite these similarities in their perspective, Kautilya was more realist than
Machiavelli and truly radical Machiavellianism is classically expressed in Kautilya’s
‘Arthashastra’. In this context, Weber argued that Machiavelli’s ‘Prince’ appears
harmless in comparison to Kautilya’s Arthashastra.
(2b) Distinguish b/w the instrumentalist & the structuralist theories concerning the
nature of state within Marxism.

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• Concept of state has been figured as the most defining theme of traditional political
science. R.G. Gettel defined political science as the ‘science of the state’, while J.W.
Garner claimed that ‘political science begins and ends with the state’.
• However, despite being the central theme, it has been one of the most contested and
debated concepts of political science. This is so because several political thinkers and
schools of thought have developed ideas about the nature of state according to different
points of view. One such consequence, arising out of different conception, is the
emergence of ‘instrumentalist- structuralist debate’ concerning the nature of state
within Marxism. One is the ‘instrumentalist/ functionalist’ model and, the other model
is ‘structuralist/relative autonomy’ model.
• Instrumentalist school derives its origins from ‘Communist manifesto’ of Marx. It
states that state is an instrument of bourgeoisie and neutrality of the state is false
consciousness. On the other hand, Structuralists believe that in some situations state
gains some autonomy and appears as neutral. However, they say that in case of crisis,
state ultimately comes for the protection of the rich.
• Ralph Miliband (on instrumentalist) and Poulantzas (structuralist) have analyzed
the nature of the state in ‘post-capitalist’ societies. The term ‘post-capitalist’ denotes
the transition in the nature of capitalism, from inhumane to humane, thus ‘leissuze faire
state’ giving way to ‘welfare state’.
• A/Q to liberals, nature of the state has changed with the introduction of the ‘Right to
vote’ for the workers. State takes up many welfare functions in favour of poor. Thus,
state doesn’t act as an instrument of the rich against the poor. In the same line, James
Burnham has given the concept of ‘managerial revolution’, to show the changed nature
of capitalism. A/Q to him, the nexus/connection b/w the owners of the capital and
decision makers have broken. These has been a shift in the decision-making power from
the capitalist class to the managerial class, which is an ‘open-class’ and anyone,
including workers can be a part/member of it.
• In this context, Ralph Miliband, in his work ‘The state in the capitalist society (1969)’
has shown that the nature of state has not changed, despite the fact that workers have
been given the right to vote. He rejected the concept of ‘managerial revolution’ as a
myth, claiming that despite being an open-class, it is very rare that sons & daughters

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of working class join the managerial class. Therefore, he asserted that there still
remains no real gap b/w the ruling class of society & the dominant class. Economic
power remains concentrated in the hands of the capitalist class, which in turn allows it
to continue its dominance on the political power. Thus, the instrumentalist model
represented by Ralph miliband, reject the autonomous role of the state as it has no
freedom of action.
• On the other hand, Nicos Poulantzas, in his work ‘political power & social classes’
didn’t agree with the instrumentalist view. A/Q to him, state in western liberal societies
cannot be considered to be instrument of a particular class. Being a structural Marxist,
he awarded more importance to the elements of super structure (including state). He
disagreed with the simplistic understanding of the state in instrumentalist model and
argues that the capitalist class, being too focused on its short term profit rather than on
maintaining the class power as a whole, doesn’t exercise the whole state power in its
own interest. For Poulantzas the relative autonomy character of the state develops due
to a spatial separation b/w the juridico-political level and the economic level. Another
reason is that in a pluralist society, there’re different social groups in a constant
situation of conflict. The state wants to cohere all the factions together which couldn’t
be achieved without the neutral stand of the state.
• Moreover, the introduction of adult franchise has changed the nature of the state.
In such situation, in order to achieve power political parties require the support from
the large section of the society. Hence, their policies can’t be exclusive to a particular
class. This makes state neutral.
• However, Poulantzas agrees that the state is only relatively autonomous & not
completely autonomous as, during crisis situations the state will come to the rescue of
the capitalist class.
(2c) ‘Dworkin recommends a way to distribute resources, that while not everyone has
exactly the same amount, nevertheless, it leaves each person satisfied with his lot &
able to take responsibility for how his welfare is secured’. Elucidate.
• A/Q to Dworkin, equality is a ‘sovereign virtue’. It means equality precedes all other
virtues. However, equality is a relative concept. The demand for equality has always

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been against the prevailing inequalities in the society. Inequality is a universal feature
of all societies and its opposition has been fundamental to all social relations.
• As against equality of welfare, represented by utilitarian who argue in favour of
achievement of equality of welfare (pleasure/ happiness)’ Dworkin suggests to give
equal resources. A/Q to Dworkin, ‘just society is where initial distribution of resources
is just.
• Equality of resources approach, expressed by scholars like Dworkin & Rawls, is the
resourcist view of equality or ‘resource egalitarianism’. It lays emphasis on the state’s
responsibility towards remedying unequal circumstances among people.
• Ronald Dworkin has suggested 2-stage process to achieve equality of resources—
(i) Ambition sensitive auction- It involves ‘auction’ or distribution of resources
subjected to the ‘envy’ test. The test implies that no division of resources is equal if
anyone would prefer someone else’s resources to his own resources.
(ii) Insurance scheme- It involves a distributional plan that offset the brute luck
of the disadvantaged before the distribution of resources.
• A rough parallel of this approach is the practice of ‘progressive’ taxation to secure
the welfare of the disadvantaged.
However, even with equal distribution of resources, Individuals can differ greatly in
their abilities to convert the same resources into valuable functioning. Thus, such
approach that focuses only on means, without considering people’s different
capabilities is insufficient
(3a) ‘Human beings are moral because they’re rational’ (MN Roy). Critically
examine.
• M.N. Roy is considered to be one of the most vibrant political thinkers in the annals
of modern Indian political thought. In the course of development of his political
philosophy, he voyaged from nationalism to Marxism and from Marxism to Radical
Humanism.
• In the post-Marxist phase of his ideational journey, Roy experienced that the two
dominant political philosophies of liberalism and communism have fulfilled only the

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partial needs of man. This led him to formulate primarily concerned with human life,
which he referred to as ‘radical humanism’.
• Radical humanism is based on the concept of ‘sovereignty’ of man. It is humanism
since it aims at preserving integrity of individual in its radical/original form i.e.,
divorced from all forms of human identity such as caste, class etc.
• A/Q to MN Roy, there are three components of radical humanism-
(i) Reason:
Given the diversity in nature & characteristics of people, Roy takes rationality as the
unifying element in every human being. It is the presence of reason in every man which
can become the basis for human solidarity. A/Q to Roy, reason is materialistic, and not
spiritualistic, in origin because it developed as a result of human struggle for survival
or existence.
(ii) Freedom
Freedom of man is the ultimate objective of radical humanism. A/Q to Roy, freedom
emerges from man’s struggle for self-protection, survival & reproduction. Freedom
means freedom from all source of fear & insecurities.
(iii) Ethics/ morality
When reason is applied in social life, it becomes ethics. Thus, ethics have materialistic
origin & thus materialism is not unethical in nature.
(3b) ‘The Social contract theory is a bad history, bad logic and bad philosophy’.
Critically Examine.
• The above statement, criticizing the theory of social contract, has been given by
John Locke, owing to the differences in his conception of human nature and state of
nature, the two core aspect of social contract theory, from other political
philosopher.
• Locke’s life coincided with the one of the most significant epochs of British history
which saw the transformation of absolute monarchy into parliamentary democracy
(Glorious revolution). As a result of which, he developed an optimistic view of
human nature. He takes a balanced view of human nature. According to Locke, if

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man is self-centered, man also has reason, which governs him to take care of the
interest of others in his own self-interest. Thus, he gives an enlightened view of self-
interest. To quote Locke, reason teaches man that being all equal and independent,
no one ought to harm others in his life, health, liberty or possession. Contrary to it,
in Hobbesian conception, man is dominated by passion and his reason is limited to
the extent that man can satisfy his appetite.
• Similarly, for Locke, state of nature is pre-political and not pre-social as men are
social by nature. Thus the state of nature, in Locke’s conception, is a state of peace,
goodwill, mutual assistance and self-preservation. This conception is in conflict
with Hobbesian conception who considers state of nature to be a state of war. In
addition, in Lockeian view, people’s life in state of nature is governed by natural
law, which allowed man to enjoy natural rights to life, liberty and property.
• Owing to this optimistic conception of human nature, Locke emphasized that as man
was able to lead a social life on its own in the state of nature, creation of state is not
a necessity but a matter of convenience. This led Locke to envisage a state with only
those powers which are necessary to remove inconveniences faced in state of nature
such as absence of common authority etc. This conception of limited state is in
conflict/contradiction with the absolute state envisaged by Hobbes in his work
‘Laviathon’.

(3c) Do you agree that structural-functional analysis is ideologically inclined

towards conservatism. Give arguments in support of your view.
• Structural-functional approach is a form of system analysis, which looks at political
system as a coherent whole which influences and, in turn, influenced by their
environment. It seeks to study political system as a set of functions performed by several
structures.
• As the structural-functional approach designates universal components of political
system, without dictating specific functions of each structures this mode of analysis
allows investigation of different types of systems, such as democracy & monarchy.

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• However, a critical examination of the structural-functional approach shows that it

is an attempt to justify & defend the status-quo. Critics have found that this approach
is based on deterministic, conservative & restrictive ideology. Critics argue that this
approach tends to focus primarily on static relationships rather than dynamics. This
approach is concerned with the systematic survival, the requirements of stability &
various functions and structures oriented towards maintenance of the system.
Therefore, this approach is accused of being anti-change or having a conservative-bias.
Thus, stability, and not change is the sheet anchor of structural functionalists.
• A/Q to Susser, structural functionalists has the serious flaw of being ‘concerned
with the present’ and having ‘no perspective of the future’. It is for the same reason that
critics like Gouldner accuses structural-functionalists of constituting the ‘sociological
conservation corps’.
(4a) ‘Deliberative theory of democracy is a normative theory, which emphasizes on
civic virtue’. Elucidate.
• Democracy has been described as one of the ‘characteristic institutions of
modernity’ and was the result of a complex and inter wined processes of ideological,
social & politico-economic evolutions. The core theme of democracy as a concept of
political theory is ‘rule of the people by the people and for the people’.
• However, in spite of being a central concept, the democratic tradition doesn’t
advance a single and unanimous model of ‘popular rule’. On the contrary, there’s a
number of models, each offering its own version of ‘popular rule’. One such important
model of democratic theory is ‘deliberative democracy’.
• Joshua Cohen has outlined 5 main features of deliberative democracy—
(a) An ongoing independent association with expected continuation.
(b) People accept that deliberation is the deciding factor in creation of
institutions & formulation of laws and policies.
(c)Commitment to the respect of pluralism of values.
(d) Each member recognizes & respect other member’s deliberative capacity.
(e) Citizens consider deliberative procedure as the source of legitimacy.

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Thus, deliberative or discursive democracy is a form of democracy that is concerned

with improving collective decision making through deliberation. The general aim of
deliberative democracy is to provide the most justiciable conception for dealing with
moral disagreement in politics. In pursuing thus aim, deliberative democracy serves
four related purposes—
(i) Provide legitimacy to the collective decisions.
(ii) Encourage public spirited perspectives on public issues.
(iii) Promote mutually respectful processes of decision making.
(iv) Help correct mistakes during collective actions.
• However, many theorists consider the following possible problems with the
deliberative democracy –
(i) If only certain modes of expression & forms of argument are publicly accepted, the
voices of certain citizens will be excluded, which would diminish the quality &
legitimacy of outcomes of deliberation.
(ii) Deliberative assumes capacity of citizens to be reasonable & cooperative.
This neglects already existing social inequalities & biases, which can affect the process
of deliberation.

(4b) ‘Equality for Rawls is an operational concept tied to the procedural theory of
justice’. Elaborate.
• A/Q to Tom Campbell, Justice is the central & commanding concept of current
mainstream normative political philosophy. Rawls book ‘Theory of Justice’ has started
what has been rightly called ‘golden age in theorizing about justice’.
• Rawls propounded the ‘liberal-equalitarian’ theory of social justice as he, being
inspired by Kantian moral idea of freedom & equality, gave centrality to the moral
principle of freedom & equality of every person.
• The distinction b/w procedural and substantive justice forms the core of the modern
debate on the nature of justice. Procedural justice emphasizes that it is necessary to

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determine a just procedure for the allocation of social goods. It is based on the idea of
formal equality of individual as human beings and, thus, repudiates all forms of
differences b/w them. On the other hand, substantive justice is based on the idea of
justness of the content or outcome of laws or social policies. It demands that the
opportunities for self- development should be progressively extended to the
disadvantaged sections of society. In concrete terms, rights-based justice is seen as
procedural justice, whereas needs-based justice as substantive justice.
• John Rawls, in his book ‘Theory of justice’ presents a very strong defense of the idea
of justice based on the basic tenets of procedural theory i.e., justice requires following
of just rules. He places men behind the ‘Veil of ignorance’ in a hypothetical original
position, where individuals are deprived of the basic knowledge of their social context,
abilities, skills etc., but they will have what Rawls calls a ‘sense of justice’.
• However, given the uncertainty about the actual position in the society, the
contractors would choose those principles which would maximize the position of worst-
off, assuming that when the ‘Veil of ignorance’ is removed, they themselves would turn
out to be the worst-off.
• However, Rawls theory, in order to respond to the critics of procedural justice,
Rawls suggests that under controlled conditions rational human beings would choose
principles that would uphold principles consistent with the basic idea of substantive
justice or distributive justice.
• A/Q to Rawls, under the condition of original position, people will agree to accept
two principles of justice in the lexical order. Firstly, Equality principle where each
person is to have an equal right to liberty compatible with a similar liberty to others.
Secondly, Principle of fair equality of opportunity and difference principle ensures that
any departure from the principle of equality brings maximum benefit to the least
advantaged. In other words, inequalities should be arranged that they benefit the worst-
off section of the society.
• It is in this context it has been argued that Rawls has sought to accommodate the
requirements of substantive or social justice in his well-drawn scheme of procedural
scheme. It is his this attempt to synthesize these different conceptions of justice that
marked the inauguration of a ‘golden ago in theorizing about justice’.

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(4c) ‘Nationalism is not a mere political programme; nationalism is a religion that has
come from God’. (Aurobindo). Critically examine Aurobindo’s theory of nationalism in
the light of above statement.
• The idea of ‘India as a nation’ has remained contested. Colonial administrators and
historians have always challenged the legitimacy of Indian national movement. A/Q to
them, India is nothing but a geographical expression. The response of moderates to the
British claim was too mild. They accepted that India is not a nation rather as S.N.
Banerjee called, India is a ‘nation-in-the-making’. The moderates believed that under
the influence of modernization India will emerge as a nation.
• On the other hand Aurobindo saw India as a nation from the beginning. Aurobindo’s
idea of nationalism is based on the conception that India was a spiritual entity that was
destined to lead the entire world to human unity. He held that considering nationalism
as a mere political programme is a mistake committed by the moderates as it can only
lead to certain political outcomes. But, as India is destined to be the leader of the
spiritual world and humanity, nationalism must be considered as a way of life like
religion. Therefore, Aurobindo equated nationalism with religion so that people get
connected to it with the same spirit as they’re connected to their religion. However, he
held that nationalism is not a religion in the sense of an inactive contemplative life,
rather it is a religion as an active type.
• Aurobindo’s interpretation of nationalism is very much important in the context of
Indian national movement because the cultural element energized the masses to rise
above the British ‘chauvinism’ as propagated by the moderates. Therefore, Aurobindo
by rejecting the liberal nationalism & attaching a cultural sanctity to the concept of
nationalism, provided the much needed boost to the freedom struggle at a time when
different confused notion of nationalism was prevailing in the country.
• On the other hand, Aurobindo Ghosh, being influenced by the ideas of Herder’s
‘cultural nationalism’, along with the idea of ‘Bharat Mata’ by B.C. Chatterjee and
‘Neo-vedantism’ of Vivekananda give a romantic touch to the idea of Indian
nationalism. It was a part of his endeavor to provide a bold theory of nationalism.
• Aurobindo’s idea of nationalism with a cultural touch was mainly articulated to
reject the prevailing conception of nationalism as propagated by colonial

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administrators and mildly modified by moderates. He believed that India is not just a
piece of land or a mass of human being, rather a ‘spiritual entity’. Aurobindo opposed
the moderates’ conception of Indian nation and held that ‘Bharat mata’ is a concrete
manifestation of India being a natural and living/existing entity and thus Indian
nationalism is in-built.
(5a) ‘Action, as distinguished from fabrication, is never possible in isolation; to be
isolated is to be deprived of all the capacity to act’. (Hannah Arendt) Comment.
• Hannah Arendt’s political thought is heterodox and unconventional in the sense that
she has given her own meaning to different political concepts. Though she can’t be
linked with any specific school of thought, yet the common idea connecting her work is
the concern for participation in the civic affairs. Hence, she has been, sometimes,
categorized as belonging to the school of ‘civic republicanism’.
• The question with which Arendt engages most frequently is the nature of ‘politics’
and human existence in public life. Arendt argues that western philosophical tradition
has devalued the world of human action (Vita-activa), subordinating it to the life of
contemplation (vita-contemplation). On the contrary, Arendt, in her work ‘The Human
condition’, reasserted that politics is a valuable realm of human action & world of
appearances. For her, to be human is to be among others in the public realm.
Action: Humanity as ‘ZOOM POLITIKON’.
• For Arendt, the quality of freedom in the world of appearances, which is the ‘sine
qua non’ of politics, is to be found with the activity of action. A/Q to Arendt, since man
is ‘political animal’, the most important action of all human activity is the ‘political
action’. She considers that to be ‘political’ means participation in civic affairs and
everything to be decided through words and persuasion and not through force &
violence. This is the only action that human performs and is, thus, the ‘human
condition’. She stresses that only when human participates in political life, the act as
human.
• Therefore, for Arendt, ‘action’ is a political activity, a worldly practice that is
experienced in one’s public engagement with others. Arendt’s theory holds that as
actions cannot be justified for their own sake, but only in light of their public
recognition, it becomes the most important part of human existence.

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• Thus, while in conventional sense, political belongs to the state, Arendt, on the
other hand, stresses that it belongs to the civil society. In conventional sense, power is
exercised by elite, but in Arendt’s conception, it is with people resting in concert it
results into mutual empowerment.
(5b) Write a short note on pluralistic theory of sovereignty, with special reference to
Laski’s view.
• Sovereignty, an essential element of the modern nation state, is the exclusive right to
exercise supreme authority over a geographical region, group of people etc. The key
element of sovereignty, in the legalistic sense, is that of exclusively of jurisdiction.
• Despite being a central concept of political theory, the conception of sovereignty has
been diverse depending upon the different schools of thought. This diversify, is evident
from the debate b/w monistic and pluralistic theory of sovereignty.
• Monistic theory of sovereignty
Monistic theory suggests that in a particular territory there is only one sovereign. A/Q
to this theory, sovereignty, a permanent characteristic of state, is inalienable and
indivisible.
However, the monistic theory of sovereignty has been criticized as being a ‘legal fiction
as no state can exercise sovereignty in an ideal sense. This is because, externally, state’s
choice is limited by other actors & its relation with them and internally, sovereignty is
limited by various organizations.
• Pluralist Theory of sovereignty (Harold Laski)
• The pluralist theory of sovereignty is based on the idea of political pluralism, which
is the recognition of diversity of interests & beliefs of the citizenry. A/Q to Pluralists,
there’re multiple centres of authority rather than a single centre of authority in the form
of state. They argue that needs of man are multi-dimensional so a single association
such as state cannot fulfill all needs of man and cannot claim monopoly over obligation
of man.
• In the words of Laski, since, the society is federal, authority must also be federal.
A/Q to him, in order to fulfil his multifarious aspirations and needs men join various
associations which cater to the satisfaction of these wants. State is also one such

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association which can satisfy only the political needs of the people and therefore
exercises only a partial control over people’s lives. He argues that allegiance to various
associations are partial and proportional to their contribution.
Therefore, a/q to Laski, as society is essentially federal in nature, it is impossible and
unwise to attempt to confine sovereignty in the state alone. On the contrary, all
authority is federal.
• However, one of the major drawbacks of the pluralist theory is the inconsistency in
their approach. While they criticize any attempt to give excessive powers to the state,
they also claim that state is the most important association in the society as it plays the
role equilibrium maker among the conflicting interests of various associations.
• Despite its drawbacks the pluralist theory of sovereignty is preferred over the
monistic theory as it is considered to be more realistic view of the concept of
sovereignty. Its desirability and relevance increases world based on multi-level
governance is emerging.
(5c) Write short note on Bhikhu Parekh’s view on multiculturalism.
• Multiculturalism is more an arena of ideological debate than an ideology in its own
right. As an arena of debate, it encompasses a range of views about the implications of
growing cultural diversify. Multiculturalism deals with the question of reconciliation of
the aspirations of political equality with the fact of socio-cultural diversities in the
society. Hence, the key theme of multiculturalism is ‘diversity within unity’.
• However, multiculturalism is not a single doctrine in the sense that there’s no settled
view of how multicultural society should operate and hence, encompasses a variety of
ideological stances such as liberal multiculturalism (represented by Will Kymlicka) and
Pluralist multiculturalism (represented by Bhikhu Parekh).
Pluralist multiculturalism (Bhikhu Parekh)
• Pluralism provides a firmer foundations for a politics of difference than does
liberalism because, for liberals, diversify is endorsed but only when it is construed
within a framework of toleration & personal autonomy.
• A/Q to plural multiculturalists like Bhikhu Parekh cultural diversity is a reflection
of the interplay b/w human nature & culture. Although human beings are natural

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creates they’re also culturally constituted in the sense that their attitudes, behavior etc.,
are shaped by the groups to which they belong.
• Pluralist multiculturalism goes beyond liberal multiculturalism in that it stresses
that western liberalism gives expression only certain aspects of human nature. In this
sense, Parekh rejected Universalist liberalism and argue that what is moral is defined
by different cultures.
• Though Bhikhu Parekh shares same basic assumptions with will Kymlicka about the
importance of culture and the need to give special rights, he opposes Will Kymlicka on
two grounds—
(i) These cannot be any justification to make a difference b/w national minorities,
immigrants and refugees.
(ii) He doesn’t agree with the view that multiculturalism is the feature of liberal
society only. He believes that liberals have inherent sense of superiority. Bhikhu Parekh
suggests ‘dialogue b/w civilizations’, so that there can be consensus on some minimum
value which will be acceptable to all. He believes that human dignify is one such
principle around which we can develop common values.
• On the issue of reconciliation b/w autonomy and cultural rights Bhikhu Parekh
proposes the application of ‘Harm Principle’. A/Q to it if there’s no concrete harm to
anyone with respect to any specific cultural practice, such practices need not to be
restricted.
(5d) ‘Sex and gender represent natural & conventional inequality’. Comment.
• Until the 1960s, question of ‘gender divisions’ was rarely considered to be politically
relevant. The different social, economic and political roles of man & women were
attributed to be natural & inevitable, owing to the biological division of sex. In concrete
terms, the social subordination of women was biologically defined.
• However, with the emergence of radical feminism (IInd wave of feminism during
1960s), feminists have challenged the idea that biology is destiny, by drawing a sharp
distinction b/w ‘sex’ and ‘gender’. They argue that the social subordination of women
is ‘cultural’ rather than ‘biological’. Gender differences in society were regarded for
the first time as important in themselves while liberal & socialist feminism threw light

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on the position of women in society. But neither acknowledged that ‘gender’ is the most
fundamental of all social divisions.
• The central argument of radical feminists is that sexual oppression is the most
fundamental feature of society & that other forms of injustice –class exploitation, racial
hatred etc., are merely secondary. Gender is thought to be the ‘deepest social cleavage’
and most politically significant. Radical feminists have, therefore, insisted that society
be understood as ‘patriarchal’ to highlight the central role of ‘sex oppression’.
• Radical feminists make a distinction b/w ‘sex’ (a biological term to highlight
difference b/w males & females) and ‘gender’ (a cultural term). Gender differences are
typically imposed through contrasting notions of ‘masculinity’ & ‘femininity’. In this
context, Simone de Beauvoir, in his book ‘The second sex’, pointed out that ‘women are
not born but made’. Because women as a gender is an identity imposed by the society.
Society doesn’t give opportunity to the person to determine his/her gender.
• Therefore, for radical feminists, gender is the basis on which the system of patriarchy
is built, which is system of Politico-cultural oppression. Thus, female liberation
requires a sexual revolution in which these structures are over-thrown & replaced.
Simone de Beauvoir suggests women to come out of the comfort of patriarchy and to
work with men together to end patriarchy’.
(5e) ‘The cause of sedition is always to be found in inequality’ (Aristotle).
• The given statement explains Aristotle’s theory of justice in his work ‘politics’. A/Q
to Dr. Zeller, ‘politics’ is the greatest contribution to political philosophy that we
possess. In this book, one of the most important issues that Aristotle had dealt with is
the concept of ‘justice’, which has been the core concern of the subject of political
philosophy from Plato to Marx. Justice, for Aristotle, is a complete virtue, though not
absolute. It is a relative concept understood in relation to others in the society.
• Aristotle’s theory of justice is linked to his idea of equality. A/Q to him, justice
demands distribution of offices, rewards etc. according to the contributions based on
merit of the citizens. He held that persons who are equal and possess equal merit ought
to be treated equally. In other words, those who contribute more to the performance of
good actions in service of the state and thus show greater civic excellence deserve more
from the state than those who contribute less.

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• Therefore, Aristotle’s theory of justice is based on ‘proportional equality’, which

means that people should receive from the state, in the way of just rewards,
proportionately to their merits. In this way, Aristotle doesn’t support absolute equality,
as being injustice with the person who is more talented & meritorious. He held that if
a state will give equal treatment to those who are unequal in their merits & talents, it
will give rise to the feeling of injustice, which ultimately results into resolutions and
seditions.
• Therefore, injustice for Aristotle, arise when equals are treated unequally and
unequal equally. He held that it was necessary to distinguish b/w the deserving and the
undeserving. In this way, Aristotle regarded equality as crucial to social justice and
stability.
• However, merit can be one of the criteria of justice but it cannot be the sole criterion
of justice. A/q to John Rawls, as authority on idea of justice, fairness is the most
important characteristic of a just society. The constitution of India reflects the idea of
justice based on the principle of fairness. In Indian context, as a level-playing field
doesn’t exist, merit alone cannot ensure justice in the true sense.
(6a) ‘What has been passed as a Fascist philosophy is neither original nor creative,
set of ideas put together to meet the exigencies’. (Sabine). Critically evaluate.
• Fascism, a/q to Payne, is the vaguest of contemporary political terms as the word
itself has no implicit political references. It is not regarded as an ideology, rather a
propaganda or a movement.
• Fascism is considered to be an ‘ill-assorted Hodge-podge of ideas’ because there is
no single unifying idea that guided the fascist movement. It lacks a rational and
coherent core idea to be described or categorized as an ideology. Hitler preferred to
describe his ideas as ‘weltanschauung’ (world view) rather than a systematic ideology.
Fascists were drawn less to ideas & theories because they had the capacity to stimulate
political activism. Thus, fascism is a complex incoherent doctrine or a political
movement that emerged from heterogeneous sources and socio-political traditions, only
to evolve an instrument of mass appeal & mass mobilization for the attainment of
specific political goals. It is in this context, Sabine referred to fascism as neither
original nor creative set ideas put together to meet the exigencies.

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• However, despite being an incoherent philosophy or a resolutely shapeless doctrine,

it is possible to identify a collection of themes that, when taken together, constitute
fascism’s structural core—
(i) Anti-rationalism
It constitute the fundamental idea of the fascist world view Fascism suggests to abandon
reason and rational thinking by proclaiming that human beings are motivated by their
powerful emotions & will rather than the rational mind. It facilitated the indiscriminate
use of myths as mass propaganda by the proponents of fascism.
(ii) Totalitarianism
Fascism is characterized by a totalitarian organization of government and society by a
single party dictatorship. A fascist state seeks ‘total power through politicization of
every aspect of social and personal existence. The totalitarian element of fascist state
is based on the belief that human existence is only meaningful if determined by
community and thus, state is recognized as ‘universal ethical will’. In this context,
Mussolini proclaimed ‘everything for the state, nothing against or outside the state.
Thus, fascist state can make any demand, give any outer and require absolute and all-
encompassing individuals’ obligation without any opposition.
(iii) Elitism
Fascism, unlike conventional political philosophy, radically rejects ‘equality’ and is
deeply elitist and patriarchal. It is based on the idea that people are essentially different
in their mental make-up, physical strength & spiritual or natural endowments. Fascist
notion of elitist is based on Nietsche’s idea of ‘over-man’ or ‘super man’ which refers
to a supremely gifted individual.
(iv) Militarism
The mass mobilization of fascism is based on the pattern of militarization of politics. As
military-organizations are based on unity of command, order and perfect subordination
of rank to higher command, a party militia in fascism is used to reinforce the sense of
nationalism & wipe out opposition. The extreme stress on male-dominance & exaltation
of youth in a fascist state is also related to its military component.
(v)Ultra nationalism & Imperialism

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• Fascism embraces an extreme version of a tradition of chauvinistic and expansionist

nationalism. This tradition regarded nations not as equal & interdependent entities, but
as natural rivals in struggle for dominance Fascist nationalism didn’t preach respect
for distinctive culture or national traditions, but asserted the superiority of one nation
over all others.
• Influenced by social Darwinism (survival of the fittest) and national superiority,
fascist nationalism became inextricably linked to imperialism & militarism, because
fascism asserted that national superiority over other can be established only through
expansionism, war & conquest.
(6b) ‘The only freedom that deserves the name is that of pursuing our good in our
own way’. (J.S. Mill).
• Mill, considered to be the greatest exponent of liberty has provided the most
systematic view of liberal concept of liberty. He re-emphasized the centrality of liberty
of thought, expression and action at a time when utilitarians like Bentham have
subordinated liberty to utility and regarded it merely as a means to the materialistic
interests of the individual/ society.
• A/Q to Mill liberty is transcendent utility. It is a pre-condition of progress as it is
essential to develop, enrich and expand individual personality. He defended liberty
because he realized that there could be no self-development in its absence.
• However, mill defended absolute freedom of thought and expression because he was
convinced that it is only man’s mind that changes society. But he argued that freedom
of action is limited by the condition that no one should make himself a harm to others.
• Mill suggested that individual should enjoy as much liberty as possible. He places
only single restraint that one’s liberty should not impinge on other’s liberty. Further
Mill devised harm principle. Mill categorized actions of every individual as either ‘self-
regarding’ or ‘other-regarding’ based upon the consequences of the actions done. A/Q
to mill, the first category constitutes the region of absolute freedom and the second as
the region of limited and restricted freedom.
• A/Q to mill, the individual is sovereign over his own mind and the body and,
therefore, must be left free in all concerns himself alone. In this sphere, society has no

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right to impose any restraint on the individual because, a/q to Mill, all restraint qua
restraint is an evil because it obstructs the development of human personality in the
atmosphere of external restraints.
• A/Q to mill, in regard to the ‘other-regarding’ actions, in which the consequences of
an individual action go beyond him and harm others, the society has the right and duty
to prevent and put restrictions on freedom.
• Thus, by defining the ‘appropriate region of human liberty’, he determined that real
and absolute freedom is only in context of self-regarding actions of individual in which
an individual pursue its own good in its own way. In the broader context, Mill argued
that the worth of the state is the worth of the individual composing it, thus, there should
be restricted intervention by the state.
• However, in an attempt to define regions of liberty, mill projects himself as, what
Barker call, prophet of empty liberty. A/Q to Barker, Mill goes for artificial separation
b/w ‘self-regarding’ actions and ‘other-regarding’ actions and thus, leaves very limited
space for liberty.
(6c) Distinguish among the three generation of rights. Elaborate on cultural
relativistic criticism of human rights.
• A right is an entitlement to act or to be treated in a particular way. As such, rights
are social claims given to individuals, as members of the society, necessary for the
development of human personality.
• Human rights, most basically, are rights to which people are entitled by virtue of
being human. They’re therefore, ‘universal’ rights, in the sense that they belong to all
human beings irrespective to their race, nationality etc.
• However, there’ve been deep divisions about what human rights should enjoy. As a
result of significant academic debates, content of human rights has developed
significantly over time, enabling three generations of human rights to be indentified—
(i) First Generation Rights (civil and political Rights)
These were the earliest form of rights which deal essentially with liberty & participation
in political life. The core civil and political rights are right to life, liberty & property,

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freedom from discrimination etc. They’re typically seen as ‘negative rights’ as they can
be enjoyed only if constraints are placed on others.
(ii) Second Generation Rights (Social, economic & Cultural rights)
The struggle for these rights gained prominence during the 29th century especially in
the post-1945 period. By contrast with traditional ‘liberal’ rights, these rights drew on
‘socialist’ ideas towards social justice. These rights include-right to work, right to
healthcare, right to education etc. These rights are ‘positive’ rights in that they imply a
significant level of state intervention.
(iii) Third Generation Rights (Solidarity rights/ Green Rights)
These encompass a broad spectrum of rights, whose main characteristic is that they’re
attached to social groups or whole societies, as opposed to separate individuals.
They’re, therefore, seen as collective rights/people’s rights. Such rights include-right
to self-determination, right to peace, right to environmental protection & multicultural
rights. Cultural relativist perspective on rights.
• The relationship b/w individual and the state has been an important question of
interest of political theory. In its modern sense, rights are considered as entitlements to
act or to be treated in a particular way.
• Human rights are rights to which people are entitled by virtue of being human being.
In this sense, human rights as entitlements are ‘universal’ as they belong to human
beings everywhere, regardless of race, religion, gender & other differences.
• However, despite its growing prominences, the doctrine of human rights has been
subjected to debate about the Universalist assumption that underpins them, creating a
battle b/w universalism and relativism.
• Human rights may be defined as universal rights of moral and political significance
that belongs to all human beings by virtue of their humanity. It is a non-negotiable
ingredient of human rights that they apply to human beings universally, irrespective of
their race, culture, religion or their nationality. This is known as the universal doctrine
of human rights.
• While the universal human rights doctrine aims to protect all human beings without
any form of discrimination, cultural relativism emphasizes on cultural diversity as the

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element of importance. The individualism of human rights presents a host of

complexities in non-individualistic cultural context. As such, cultural relativists, who
support each culture’s right to variation, poses a challenge to universal application of
human rights. The idea of cultural diversity and relativism leads to the idea of moral
relativism in the sense that what may be a violation of morality in one culture mayn’t
be considered as violation of human rights in other cultural context. This point of
difference b/w cultural relativism and universalism of human rights is apparent in
efforts to introduce gender-based equality to traditional societies that practice sharia
law.
(7a) ‘Economic base determines the operation of an ideological & cultural
superstructure is too simplistic understanding of a relationship which is reflexive &
dynamic’. (Gramsci) Elaborate.
• Classical Marxist theory, propounded by Karl Marx, has been created around the
relationship b/w two parts of human society i.e., base & superstructure. For Marx, the
economic order of society (forces of production) constituted the base and socio-political
institutions such as family, church etc., constituted the superstructure. Marx held that
it is the forces of production which is the sole relevant component of human society and
the superstructure have no autonomous existence/role. It is in this context, orthodox
Marxism has been criticized of ‘economic determinism’, which emphasizes only on the
economic structure as having sole relevance.
• Thus, a/q to critics, Marxism is prone to commit the dual mistakes of explaining all
historical movement exclusively in economic terms and over-rating the importance of
economic conditions at the same time.
• However, Gramsci, with a Zeal to discover the missing link b/w Marxist theory and
the reality of continued exploitation of working class, observed that principle of the
causal primacy of the economic factors was a misconception of Marxism. He held that
Marx has put over-emphasis on economic factors (base) and neglected the importance
of culture & values (part of superstructure) in determining the highly complex social
phenomena.
• Influenced by Benedetto Croce, Gramsci emphasized on the role of cultural factors
in shaping history.

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• A/Q to Gramsci, the institutions of civil society such as family, church, school etc.
exerts power through social norms and culture and restrict the possibilities of actions
against domination. Gramsci called this the function of hegemony which the dominant
class exercises through the society. On the other hand, the political society (state)
represented the coercive power which becomes operative only when ideological
domination (hegemony) fails to maintain the stability of capitalist order.
• In this way, by validating the importance of state, culture and values prevailing in
the super structure, Gramsci rescued Marxism from being crude economic
reductionism. It is in this context of attempt made by Gramsci, N.Bobbio called him as
the ‘theoretician of the superstructure’.
(7b) ‘Dialectical materialism represents the philosophical basis whereas historical
materialism represents the empirical basis of Marxism’. Elucidate & comment.
• Karl Marx has been the most influential political philosopher and his work,’
communist’ Manifesto’, has been described by Laski as ‘one of the most outstanding
political document of all times’. Among, others, the Marxist doctrine of ‘dialectical
materialism’ and ‘historical materialism’ forms the core tenets of Marxism and its
theory of social change.
Dialectical Materialism
Dialectical materialism constitutes the foundation on which the entire Marxism thought
rests. It is applied in the form of materialist interpretation of history and the theory of
class struggle in the Marxism.
• Idea of dialectics was first given by Socrates as a means to achieve or understand
the truth. ‘Dialectics’ indicate ‘contradictions’ that exist at any stage of a development
process i.e., thesis, antithesis & synthesis.
• Marx was greatly inspired by the Hegelian conception of ‘dialectical idealism’
which regards ideas as the moving force behind the historical processes. A/Q to Hegel,
history moves in the form of dialectics of ideas to reach a stage of absolute idea in
which all contradictions are resolved.

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• Marx adopted the method of dialectics as the true account of process of development,
but applied it in a very different way than that of Hegel. Marx abandoned the Hegelian
idealism and adopted the materialistic view.
• Marx conceived of history as moving under the pressure of economic (material)
rather than ideal forces. A/Q to Marx, the thesis, antithesis and synthesis of dialectics
are economic classes and not ideas. It is based on Marxist conception that ideas are
nothing but false consciousness and matter is the ultimate reality.
• A/Q to Marx, his dialectical method was not only different from the Hegelian but
was its direct opposite. By asserting that ideas, instead of being basis of history, are a
part of superstructure reared on material base, Marx turned Hegel’s dialectic ‘upside
down’.
• Since the dialectical method regards conflict and contrast as the moving force behind
all the development process, Marxism proposes the contradictions contained in
capitalism such as alienation. A/Q to Marxism, capitalism carries with itself the seeds
of its own decay. Out of conflict b/w the capitalist class & proletariat class, there would
be a change in mode of production from one to another (i.e., revolution) leading to a
communist society where there shall be no classes. Thus, Marx’s faith in the final
triumph of the proletariat and the liquidation of capitalist order was rooted in his
dialectical materialism.
• However, Marx’s dialectical materialism has been criticize on the ground that the
notion of self-development through conflict of contradiction is applicable only to ideas,
and not to a non-ideal entity like matter.
Historical Materialism
The most seminal contribution of Marx is his theory of ‘historical materialism’, which
is a theory which holds that the ultimate cause which determines the whole course of
human history is the economic development of society. The whole course of human
history is explained in terms of changes occurring in the modes of production &
exchange.
• To quote Marx, ‘The history of all hitherto existing societies has been the history of
class struggle. Starting with primitive communism the mode of production has passed

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through three stages- slavery, feudalism & capitalism and the consequent division of
society into three classes and the struggle of these classes against each another.
• Thus, Marx’s materialist interpretation of history explains the general course of
human history in terms of growth of productive forces. In concrete terms, it is the
economic base which is the sole relevant component of human society and the
superstructure (comprising of socio-political institutions such as family, church etc.)
have no independent & significant existence/role without economic structure. Further
any change in economic structure will lead to change in the superstructure.
• Karl Marx calls his analysis of history (i.e., ‘historical materialism’) as scientific as
he used this approach to understand history scientifically. He further says that in order
to think one has to eat and in order to eat man has to produce. Thus production is the
first historical act of man rather than thinking.
• With his emphasis on dialectics of matter and historical materialism, Marx has
ignored the role of cultural factors in the process of history. For this Marxism is seen
as a monocasual explanation of history rather than a comprehensive explanation.
However, through his historical materialism, Marx has demonstrated that manual labor
is superior to mental labor since production comes prior to thinking. He was the first
thinker to speak for the working class.
(7c) Compare and contrast liberal feminism with radical feminism.
• Feminism, as an ideology is linked to the women’s movement and the attempt to
advance the social role of women. Feminist ideology is defined by two basic beliefs-
(a) Women are disadvantaged because of their sex.
(b) This disadvantage can and should be over thrown.
• However, feminism, being a meta-ideology, has been characterized by the diversity
of ideas, views and political positions and is, thus, divided into different schools such
as liberal, socialist, radical etc., Although united by a common desire to advance the
role of women, feminists disagree about how this is to be achieved.
Liberal feminism Vs Radical Feminism

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• The philosophical basis of liberal feminism lies in the principle of ‘individualism’

i.e., all individuals are entitled to equal treatment, regardless of their sex, race, culture
etc. A/Q to Mary Wollstonecraft’s ‘Vindication of rights of women’, women should be
entitled to the same rights & privileges as men on the ground that they’re all human
beings. She claimed that the distinction of sex would become unimportant in political
& social life if women gained access to education & other rights.
Radical feminism considers liberal feminism as an extension of the masculine doctrine
of liberalism and criticizes it for the lack of originality. The central feature of radical
feminism is the belief that the sexual oppression is the most fundamental feature of
society and other forms of injustices, based on class, races etc. are merely secondary.
In other words gender is thought to be the deepest social cleavage and most politically
significant. Radical feminists argue that individualistic perspective of liberal feminists
ignores the fact that women are subordinated not as an individual but as a ‘sex’. They
argue that stress in individualism upon ‘personhood’ makes it difficult for women to act
collectively on the basis of their common gender identity. Therefore, radical feminists
prefer ‘sisterhood’ over ‘personhood’. In addition, radical feminism have insisted that
the society should be understood as ‘patriarchal’ to highlight the central role of sex
oppression.
• While liberal feminists emphasized on the conventional approach of maintaining the
separation b/w ‘personal’ and political, radical feminists, on the other hand, suggests
that ‘personal is political’. In this way, radical feminists have sought to challenge the
divide b/w ‘public man’ and ‘private women’ and have been the keenest opponents of
the idea that ‘politics stops at the front door’. On the contrary, on the ground of
politicization of private sphere, liberal feminists challenge the notion of ‘personal as
political’.
• Liberal feminism is essential ‘reformist’ as it seeks to open up the public life to equal
competition b/w men and women, rather than to abolish the distinction b/w public and
private spheres of life. On the contrary, radical feminists assert that women’s liberation
requires a ‘revolutionary’ change by abolishing the gender differences b/w men and
women. For radical feminists, patriarchy is a system of politico-cultural oppression,
whose origins lie in the structure of family domestic & personal life. Therefore, they
argue that in order to liberate women, institution of family & domestic life have to be

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destroyed and psychological & sexual oppression operating at all levels have to be over
thrown (i.e., a sexual revolution).
(8a) Evaluate Amartya Sen’s contribution to the contemporary theory of justice.
• Justice being the central normative concept of political science was a primary
concern of thinkers from Plato to Sen.
• Sen envisages his idea of justice as a critique of Rawls. Rawls, in his book ‘Theory
of justice’ which is credited with starting the golden age in theorizing about justice’,
has propounded the liberal-egalitarian theory of social justice. A/Q to Rawls, the
purpose of social justice is to ensure that the distribution of benefits & burdens of
society is just/fair to all.
• Amartya Sen appreciates Rawls for giving the criticism of utilitarianism and using
‘fairness’ as the basis of justice. However, he disagrees with Rawls on the following-
(i) He doesn’t support the necessity of any universal idea of justice as it is not possible
to arrive at an idea of justice satisfactory to all.
(ii) He also doesn’t believe that justice is a product of procedure. A/Q to Amartya
Sen, ‘Nyaya’ is superior to ‘Niti’.
(iii) He calls his methodology as social choice, which is superior to rational
choice.
(iv) Amartya Sen calls his theory of justice as comparative theory, which doesn’t
aim at achieving perfectly just society but making society as just as possible.
• Amartya Sen, in his book ‘Equality of what’, has given his theory of equality which
is closely linked to his conception of justice. He has given ‘capability Approach’, based
upon analytical distinction b/w means and end, which evaluates policies according to
its impact on people’s capabilities as well as their functioning’s A/q to Sen, capability
is the ability to achieve a certain set of function. For eg- literacy is a capability while
reading is a function.
• The capability approach stresses that the distributional equality should concern
itself with equalizing people’s capabilities, instead of emphasizing on resources. This
distinguishes it from the equality of resources approach, which focuses exclusively on

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means (i.e., resources) of wellbeing and exclude the ultimate end (functioning’s) in
contrast to the resource approach, Sen proposes the notion of well-being in terms of
function.
• The theoretical basis on which the capability approach is preferred over equality of
resources is the idea that a proper analysis of inequality needs to go hand-in-hand with
human diversity. A/Q to Amartya Sen, people are deeply diverse in the internal
characteristics (such as age, gender, particular talents etc.) as well as external
circumstances such as social background, ownership of assets etc.
• Thus, Sen’s capability approach stresses that social policies must be tuned with facts
of human diversity to equalize people’s capabilities.
• Whereas a resource egalitarian may insist that resources such as books &
educational services may tackle illiteracy, the capability approach would stress on
internal capability to read and write. It is in this context, capability approach to address
the problem of inequality is a preferred approach.
(8b) Bring out Ambedkar’s diagnosis & remedy of social injustice in India. Contrast
it with the Gandhian view.
• Gandhi-Ambedkar relationship can be best analyzed not in the context of
personalities or political strategies, but in terms of their perspective regarding the
probable solution to the social problems, which were itself differently conceptualized
by them.
• Social justice refers to that aspect of socio-economic and political arrangement
through which it can be ensured that all the benefits, opportunities and privileges in
society is shared by all. To quote B. R. Ambedkar, ‘A just society is that society in which
ascending sense of reverence and descending sense of contempt is dissolved into the
creation of a compassionate society’.
• Caste and consequent graded structure of Indian society has been a dominant issue
in Ambedkar quest and vision of social justice. He believed that untouchability was an
expression of caste system, which is a system of artificially dividing the population &
preventing from fusing into one another. Thus, he chose to study the caste system &
critically analyze the justification if received from Hindu scriptures & traditions. He

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held that out-caste is a bye-product of caste system and it cannot be removed without
overall annihilation of caste.
• On the contrary, Gandhi emphasized on untouchability & other caste-based
discriminations rather than the caste itself. He identified untouchability as the most
abhorring expression of caste based inequality. Thus, he held that removal of
untouchability would symbolically end the caste system by removing the caste-
consciousness.
• Owing to the differences in their conceptions of social evils, Gandhi & Ambedkar
differed in their discourses of social justice’. Ambedkar a steadfast constitutionalist,
sought solutions to social problems with the help of the state. He was of the idea that
social justice forms an inalienable part of the constitutional democratic framework.
Ambedkar’s insistence on statutory measures for social justice is based on the idea that
statutory status ensures that social justice become policy of the state and do not remain
in the nature of altruistic favours being extended to depressed classes.
• On the contrary, Gandhi employed ‘socio-humanist’ approach to the problem. A/Q
to him, sustainable social justice can be achieved only through self-realization/ self-
reformation. Rejecting the idea of compulsions through satyagraha or statutory
measures, he believed that reform of the Indian society should be based on enlightment
& self- realization.
• However, despite the difference in their discourses for attainment of social justice,
Gandhi & Ambedkar shared similar visions based on equality, justice & fraternity. A/Q
to Suhash Palshikar, despite their different approaches and areas of concentration,
their discourses were not antithetical in the sense that both were fundamentally
concerned with social justice & transformation of the Indian society. Both relied heavily
on mobilizing people against social injustices & called for social action based on
democratic & popular struggles.
• A/Q to Prof. D. R. Nagaraj, in his work ‘self- Purification v/s self- Respect: On the
Roots of Dalit movement (1993)’, through various, debates & arguments, both Gandhi
& Ambedkar had internalized one another’s ideas while Gandhi recognized the village
to be socio-economic space of exploitation & inequality, Ambedkar realized that social
rights are not protected efficiently by law but by social & moral conscience of society.

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• Thus, it can be argued that it is only through the intermixing of both approaches that
social injustices can be addressed. Nagaraj called for synthesis of both the approaches
to deal with contemporary social evils. A/Q to Suhash Palshikar, as the contemporary
social movements have become more localized, instead of attempting at broader social
justice, both the Gandhian & Ambedkar’s discourses or approaches needs to be
reconciled & synergized to tackle contemporary social problems.
(8c) ‘Rights (properly so called) are the creatures of law (properly so called)’.
(Bentham).
In the light of above statement, discuss the limitations of the theory of natural rights.
• The relationship b/w individual and the state has been an important question of
interest of political theory. Among others, the three most important concepts in this
context are citizenship, rights and duties.
• Rights are product of individual’s social nature and emanates from their
membership of the society. T. H. Green defines rights as powers necessary for the
fulfilment of men’s vocation as a moral being.
Theory of natural rights
Rights are not only of different kinds but there’re various theories on the nature, origin
and meanings of rights.
• The theory of natural rights has been advocated mainly by Locke (Two Treatise on
Government), and Rousseau (the social contract). These social contract theorists hold
the view that there were natural rights possessed by men in the state of nature (condition
of human life in the absence of organized political authority).
• These rights possessed in the state of nature are called as natural because they don’t
owe their origin to the social existence and are present in pre-social stage.
• A/q to Locke, in the state of nature, men are in perfect freedom and have a natural
right to life and property within the bounds of law of nature, provided that he doesn’t
interfere with any other men’s enjoyment of the same conditions. He envisages state for
the protection of their natural right to life, liberty and property.

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• However, the theory of natural rights has been criticized by legal rights theorists on
the following grounds-
(i) Rights cannot be natural simply because they were the possessions of men in the
state of nature. There can never be rights before the emergence of society. Thus, the
notion of pre-society natural rights is contradictory.
(ii) Rights presuppose the existence of some authority to enforce and protect
them. It is in contradiction with idea of natural rights in the state of nature as there is
no authority.
(iii) The idea that natural rights existed in the state of nature is wrong in the sense
that it makes them absolute and unrestricted.
(iv) The theorists of natural rights treat individuals as the end and the state as the
means to protect the natural right to life, liberty and property. In this way, the natural
rights theory attacks the political sanctity attached to the institution of state.
(v)Thinkers such as Hobbes suggest that man cannot enjoy rights under in the state of
nature (S.O.N) since in S.O.N ‘might is right’ and all are equally powerful.
(vi) Utilitarian’s like Bentham criticized the doctrine of natural rights as a
‘rhetorical non-sense upon stilts’. He further says ‘man has liberty only where law is
silent’. He asserts that rights against the state will lead the state in to chaos.

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 Political Science & International Relations
Crash Course & Test Series - 2019
Test 01
Time Allowed: 3 Hours Max Marks: 250
Name
Test Date
Email Address
Mobile
UPSC Roll No

Instructions:
1. There are EIGHT questions divided in TWO SECTIONS and candidate has
to attempt five questions in all.
2. Question Nos. 1 and 5 are compulsory and out of the remaining, any
three are to be attempted choosing at least ONE question from each
section.
3. Content of the answer is more important than its length.
4. Answers must be written in the medium authorized in the admission
Certificate, which must be stated clearly on the cover of the booklet in
the space provided.
5. Content of the answer is more important than its length.
6. Any page or portion of the page left blank in the Question-Cum-Answer
Booklet must be clearly struck off.
7. All parts of the question should be written at one place itself.
8. Write the test in exam atmosphere.
9. Filling all the details in BLOCK LETTERS is mandatory.
S. No. a b c d e Total
1
2 X X
3 X X
4 X X
5
6 X X
7 X X
8 X X
Grand Total
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Very
Poor Average Good Excellent
Good
Understanding of
Questions
Structure & Flow
(a) Introduction
(b) Conclusion
(c) Overall
Subject
Knowledge
Presentation
(a) Underline
(b) Paragraph
(c) Overall
Overall Remarks:

Dear Student,

_______________________________________________________________

_______________________________________________________________

_______________________________________________________________

_______________________________________________________________

_______________________________________________________________

_______________________________________________________________

_______________________________________________________________

_______________________________________________________________

_______________________________________________________________

_______________________________________________________________

All the best for next test..!!!

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Que.1(a) ‘Plato is philosophy. Philosophy is Plato’ (Emerson) Comment.

10 Marks

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Que.1(b) Write short notes on negative & positive liberty. 10 Marks.

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Que.1(c) ‘Political theory is neither reductionist, behavioral science, nor

opinionated ideology. It is a critical study of principles of right order
in human social existence’ (Germino). Critically examine.
10 Marks.

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Que.1(d) Write a short note on ‘original position’ found in the Rawl’s theory
of justice. 10 Marks.

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Que.1(e) ‘The basic principle on which the practice of non-violence rests is

that what holds good in respect of one self equally appeals to the
whole universe’ (Gandhi). Explain. 10 Marks

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Que.2(a) Compare the ideas of Kautilya and Machiavelli on statecraft.

20 Marks

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Que.2(b) Distinguish between the instrumentalist & the structuralist

theories concerning the nature of state within Marxism.
15 Marks

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Que.2(c) ‘Dworkin recommends a way to distribute resources, that while not

everyone has exactly the same amount, nevertheless, it leaves each
person satisfied with his lot & able to take responsibility for how his
welfare is secured’. Elucidate. 15 Marks

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Que.3(a) ‘Human beings are moral because they’re rational’ (MN Roy).
Critically examine. 20 Marks

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Que.3(b) ‘The Social contract theory is a bad history, bad logic and bad
philosophy’. Critically Examine. 15 Marks

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Que.3(c) Do you agree that structural-functional analysis is ideologically

inclined towards conservatism. Give arguments in support of your
view. 15 Marks

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Que.4(a) ‘Deliberative theory of democracy is a normative theory, which

emphasizes on civic virtue’. Elucidate. 20 Marks

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Que.4(b) ‘Equality for Rawls is an operational concept tied to the procedural

theory of justice’. Elaborate. 15 Marks

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Que.4(c) ‘Nationalism is not a mere political programme; nationalism is a

religion that has come from God’. (Aurobindo). Critically examine
Aurobindo’s theory of nationalism in the light of above statement.
15 Marks

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Que.5(a) ‘Action, as distinguished from fabrication, is never possible in

isolation; to be isolated is to be deprived of all the capacity to act’.
(Hannah Arendt) Comment. 10 Marks

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Que.5(b) Write a short note on pluralistic theory of sovereignty, with special

reference to Laski’s view. 10 Marks.

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Que.5(c) Write short note on Bhikhu Parekh’s view on multiculturalism.

10 Marks

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Que.5(d) ‘Sex and gender represent natural & conventional inequality’.

Comment. 10 Marks

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Que.5(e) ‘The cause of sedition is always to be found in inequality’

(Aristotle). 10 Marks

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Que.6(a) ‘What has been passed as a Fascist philosophy is neither original nor
creative, set of ideas put together to meet the exigencies’. (Sabine).
Critically evaluate. 20 Marks

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Que.6(b) ‘The only freedom that deserves the name is that of pursuing our
good in our own way’. (J.S. Mill). 15 Marks

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Que.6(c) Distinguish among the three generation of rights. Elaborate on

cultural relativistic criticism of human rights. 15 Marks

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Que.7(a) ‘Economic base determines the operation of an ideological &

cultural superstructure is too simplistic understanding of a
relationship which is reflexive & dynamic’. (Gramsci) Elaborate.
20 Marks

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Que.7(b) ‘Dialectical materialism represents the philosophical basis whereas

historical materialism represents the empirical basis of Marxism’.
Elucidate & comment. 15 Marks

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Que.7(c) Compare and contrast liberal feminism with radical feminism.

15 Marks

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Que.8(a) Evaluate Amartya Sen’s contribution to the contemporary theory of

justice. 20 Marks

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Que.8(b) Bring out Ambedkar’s diagnosis & remedy of social injustice in

India. Contrast it with the Gandhian view. 15 Marks

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Que.8(c) ‘Rights (properly so called) are the creatures of law (properly so

called)’. (Bentham).Critically examine the limitations of the systems
approach to the comparative politics. 15 Marks

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Political Science & International Relations9

Crash Course & Test Series - 2019
Test 01
Time Allowed: 3 Hours Max Marks: 250

There are EIGHT questions divided in TWO SECTIONS and candidate has to
attempt five questions in all.

Question Nos.1 and 5 are compulsory and out of the remaining, any three
are to be attempted choosing at least ONE question from each section.

SECTION ‘A’.

1. Comment on the following in about 150 words each : 10*5=50

1(a.) ‘Plato is philosophy. Philosophy is Plato’ (Emerson) Comment.
10 Marks
1(b.) Write short notes on negative & positive liberty. 10 Marks
1(c.) ‘Political theory is neither reductionist, behavioral science, nor
opinionated ideology. It is a critical study of principles of right order
in human social existence’ (Germino) .Critically examine. 10 Marks
1(d.) Write a short note on ‘original position’ found in the Rawl’s theory of
justice. 10 Marks
1(e.) ‘The basic principle on which the practice of non-violence rests is that
what holds good in respect of one self equally appeals to the whole
universe’ (Gandhi). Explain. 10 Marks
2. (a.) Compare the ideas of Kautilya and Machiavelli on statecraft.
20 Marks
2. (b.) Distinguish between the instrumentalist & the structuralist theories
concerning the nature of state within Marxism. 15 Marks

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2. (c.) ‘Dworkin recommends a way to distribute resources, that while not

everyone has exactly the same amount, nevertheless, it leaves each
person satisfied with his lot & able to take responsibility for how his
welfare is secured’. Elucidate. 15 Marks
3. (a.) ‘Human beings are moral because they’re rational’ (MN Roy).
Critically examine. 20 Marks
3. (b.) ‘The Social contract theory is a bad history, bad logic and bad
philosophy’. Critically Examine. 15 Marks
3. (c.) Do you agree that structural-functional analysis is ideologically
inclined towards conservatism. Give arguments in support of your
view. 15 Marks
4. (a.) ‘Deliberative theory of democracy is a normative theory, which
emphasizes on civic virtue’. Elucidate. 20 Marks
4. (b.) ‘Equality for Rawls is an operational concept tied to the procedural
theory of justice’. Elaborate. 15 Marks
4. (c.) ‘Nationalism is not a mere political programme; nationalism is a
religion that has come from God’. (Aurobindo). Critically examine
Aurobindo’s theory of nationalism in the light of above statement.
15 Marks
SECTION ‘B’
5. Comment on the following in about 150 words each : 10*5=50
5. (a.) ‘Action, as distinguished from fabrication, is never possible in
isolation; to be isolated is to be deprived of all the capacity to act’.
(Hannah Arendt) Comment. 10 Marks
5. (b.) Write a short note on pluralistic theory of sovereignty, with special
reference to Laski’s view. 10 Marks
5. (c.) Write short note on Bhikhu Parekh’s view on multiculturalism.
10 Marks

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5. (d.) ‘Sex and gender represent natural & conventional inequality’.

Comment. 10 Marks
5. (e.) ‘The cause of sedition is always to be found in inequality’ (Aristotle).
10 Marks
6. (a.) ‘What has been passed as a Fascist philosophy is neither original nor
creative, set of ideas put together to meet the exigencies’. (Sabine).
Critically evaluate. 20 Marks
6. (b.) ‘The only freedom that deserves the name is that of pursuing our
good in our own way’. (J.S. Mill). 15 Marks
6. (c.) Distinguish among the three generation of rights. Elaborate on
cultural relativistic criticism of human rights. 15 Marks
7. (a.) ‘Economic base determines the operation of an ideological & cultural
superstructure is too simplistic understanding of a relationship
which is reflexive & dynamic’. (Gramsci) Elaborate. 20 Marks
7. (b.) ‘Dialectical materialism represents the philosophical basis whereas
historical materialism represents the empirical basis of Marxism’.
Elucidate & comment. 15 Marks
7. (c.) Compare and contrast liberal feminism with radical feminism.
15 Marks
8. (a.) Evaluate Amartya Sen’s contribution to the contemporary theory of
justice. 20 Marks
8. (b.) Bring out Ambedkar’s diagnosis & remedy of social injustice in India.
Contrast it with the Gandhian view. 15 Marks
8. (c.) ‘Rights (properly so called) are the creatures of law (properly so
called)’. (Bentham).Critically examine the limitations of the systems
approach to the comparative politics. 15 Marks

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Tips for Writing Good Answers:-

1. Read the question carefully and at least 3-4 times.
2. Note down concepts, facts, examples, keywords related to
the question.
3. Draw a rough outline of the flow.
4. Pay adequate attention to the introduction and
conclusion.
5. Introduction must offer your brief interpretation of the
question and how you propose to develop it.
6. Conclusion must summarize your response to the
question.
7. Make sure answer is
a. Logical and coherent
b. Clear connection between sentences and
paragraphs.
c. Written correctly giving adequate compatibility to
your expression, style and presentation
d. Do not exceed the word limit
e. Write neatly
f. Underline points you wish to emphasize.

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(1a) ‘The legal framework of Data Protection Law needs an urgent overhaul in the
era of data colonialism’. Discuss it in the light of new Data Protection law?
• Given the vast amount of personal data being collected by private companies and
state agencies, and their flow across national jurisdictions, the absence of a data
protection legal framework in India has been a cause for deep concern. The need
for legislation was also underlined with the landmark judgment in Justice K.S.
Puttaaswamy Vs Union of India that held the Right to Privacy to be a fundamental
right.
• As India doesn’t have any dedicated legal framework for data protection
followings are some acts cover the data protection in general—
(i) Sec 43A of IT Act (2000) Protects user data from misuse but it is applicable to
only corporate entities and not on government agencies. Also the rules are
restricted to sensitive personal data only such as medical history, biometric
information etc.
(ii) Other Acts like Consumer Protection Act (2015), copyrights Acts (1957), etc
attempt to protect the personal information.
• Therefore, a/q to Justice B.N. SriKrishna Committee, as the volume of data on
interest is expanding exponentially and the spread of new technologies like
Artificial Intelligence (AI), Internet of Things (IoT) etc poses a threat of abuse &
misuse of data, a new data protection b/w is required to balance innovation and
privacy.
Key provisions of Draft Personal Data Protection Bill, 2018:
1. The Bill sets out certain rights of the individual, which include right to obtain
confirmation from the fiduciary on whether its personal data has been processed,
right to seek correction of inaccurate or out-of-data personal data etc.
2. Data Protection Authority to protect interests of individuals, prevent misuse of
personal data and ensure compliance with the Bill.
3. It mandates Data localization of at least one copy in India by data fiduciary.
4. The Bill allows processing of data by fiduciary if consent is provided except
certain circumstances as provided in the framework.
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5. Define sensitive personal data which includes passwords, financial data, genetic
data, or any other data specified by the authority.
6. Personal data (except sensitive personal data) may be transferred outside India
only where the central government has prescribed the transfers to a particular
country.
7. It gives exemption for processing of personal data for certain purposes such as
journalistic activities, law enforcement, and security of state.
8. The bill recognized privacy as a fundamental right and has provisions to protect
personal data as an essential fact of information privacy.
Importance of the Bill
• The law will create the balance b/w the rights of the individual and the public
good that comes from the digital economy.
• As there’s no dedicated framework for data protection across the country, the
proposed law will create data security architecture and protection of personal
information of citizens.

(1b) ‘There should be balance b/w women dignity and class and gender specific
legislation’. Analyze the statement citing two examples.
• ‘Gender justice’ has emerged as one of the major issues in the modern nation-
states, especially in conservative societies like India. Globally, there’s a general
tilt in favor of men, a symptom of what is called to be a ‘patriarchal society’. The
angle of this tilt vary from one society to another but majority of it is unbalanced.
This hinders social, economic and political participation of women, an important
half of world population.
• However, for sustainable economic and social development, it is necessary that
community at large participate in these processes, irrespective of their caste,
creed, sex and class etc. unless all sections of the society participate, especially
the vulnerable sections, the society cannot be cohesive and development achieved
cannot be sustained.
• It is in this context, legislation and legal provisions are designed as instruments
to create enabling environment for vulnerable sections (especially women) to

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participate in the developmental process. In words of Manusmriti, “where women

live in affliction, the family soon becomes extinct, but when they’re loved and
respected and cherished with tenderness, the family grows and prospers in all
circumstances”. Thus, philosophically, women are placed at very high esteem, but
in reality, it is true that unless certain conditions are met, women face multiple
challenges in equal participation in society and, that too, with dignity.
• The followings are the two pieces of legislation that symbolizes the exact balance
b/w women dignity and gender-specific legislation to achieve gender justice—
(i) The Protection of women From Domestic Violence Act (2005)
The Act aims to provide for more effective protection of the rights of women
guaranteed under the constitution such as U/A 14, 15 and 21. The Act is for
protection of women (wives, sisters, widows or mothers) from any farm of
domestic abuse, violence and harassment.
Salient features of proposed Muslim Women (Protection of rights on marriage)
Bill, 2019.
• The proposed Bill seeks to protect the rights of married Muslim women and
prevent divorce by the practice of instantaneous and irrevocable ‘talaq-e-biddat’
by their husbands. Thus, it seeks to achieve the aim of gender justice and equality.
Key provisions
(i) The Bill makes all declaration of talaq, including in written or electronic form, to
be void & illegal.
(ii) It defines ‘Talaq-e-biddat’ or any other similar form of talaq pronounced by a
Muslim man resulting in instant & irrevocable divorce. A/Q to it, ‘talaq-e-
biddat’refers to the practice under Muslim personal laws where pronouncement
of the word ‘talaq’ thrice in one sitting by a Muslim man to his wife results in an
instant & irrevocable divorce.
(iii) Offence & Penalty- The Bill makes declaration of talaq a cognizable offence,
attracting upto 3 years imprisonment with a fine.
• The offence will be cognizable only if information relating to the offence is given
by-
a) The married women (against whom talaq has been declared). Or,

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b) Any person related to her by blood/marriage.

• The Bill provides that the magistrate may grant bail to the accused only after
hearing the victim woman and if the magistrate is satisfied that there’re
reasonable grounds for granting bail.
• The offence may be compounded by the Magistrate upon the request of the victim
women, with such terms & conditions as determined by magistrate.
(iv) Allowance-A Muslim woman against whom talaq has been declared, is entitled to
seek subsistence allowance from her husband for herself and for her dependent
children. The amount of allowance will be determined by the Magistrate.
(v) Custody- A Muslim women against whom such talaq has been declared is entitled
to seek custody of her minor children.

(1c) ‘Speakers must rise above the party loyalties, with constitution as their guiding
light’. Comment.
• The speaker of the Lok Sabha (House of the People) in India is the chief
Parliamentary offices of the lower House of Indian Parliament. Article 93 of the
constitution provides that the House of the people shall choose a speaker (the
chairman/ the presiding officer of the House) from amongst its members.
• As the presiding officer of the legislature, the speaker enjoys all powers and
responsibilities that is integral to the conduct of business and regulation of the
proceedings of the House. In the system of Parliamentary democracy, the speaker
is the sole arbiter in interpreting the rules of procedure of the House. Thus, the
performance of the Parliament or its functions depends to a large extent, on the
conduct & decisions of the speaker.
• It is this centrality of the office of the speaker in the parliamentary democracy
which forms the basis on which the question of the neutrality of speaker emerges.
The spirit of parliamentary system demands that the chair uses its power &
authority in a neutral/non-partisan manner to strengthen the democratic
institutions.

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• However, in the Indian constitutional context, it is being said that the speaker’s
position is not made neutral but he is expected to be neutral. There have been
numerous instances in Indian political context where the speaker of the Assembly
has precipitated political crises by biased political decisions. In the Indian
context, there’re number of ways in which the neutrality of the speaker can be
compromised-
(i) Election to the office of speaker- The holder of the position in the House contests
election for the office or a party ticket. This creates a sense of affiliation and
belonging.
(ii) Anti-defection law-The absoluteness of the speaker’s decisions can also be an
incentive for potential abuse of the power. The determination of whether a
representative has become subject to disqualification, post their defection, is made
by the speaker. This offers ample scope for speaker to exercise discretion. Thus,
the ruling party, through its own speaker, could disqualify, dissention members
act will and perpetuate itself in power.
(iii) Political aspirations- The position is often used to woo, the political parties by
favoring them to harbor political ambitions. This is because the speaker of the
House, post his tenure, is allowed to rejoin the political party and involve in active
party politics. On the contrary, in the parliamentary system of Ireland, the
position of speaker is given to someone who has built up credibility by
relinquishing his political ambitions.
Steps to be taken to ensure speaker’s neutrality
(i) The speaker should resign from the party and eschew active party politics, even
after the completion of the term of the office.
(ii) The adjudicatory role of the speaker relating to defections, splits and merges must
be entrusted with either the election commission or any neutral body outside the
legislature.
(iii) The speaker should be barred from future political office.
(iv) The page committee, headed by V. S Page, suggested that if the speaker had
conducted in an impartial and efficient manner during the tenure of his office, he

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should be allowed to continue in the new Lok Sabha. This would act as an
incentive to act in non-partisan manner.

(1d) ‘India’s reservation policy requires a new debate’. Comment.

• State and social justice are exclusively related/ linked to each other in a country
like India. In a laissez faire state, state can play a secondary role in defining and
monitoring justice, but in a welfare state, it becomes the prime responsibility of
the state to ensure social justice.
• As reflected in the preamble to the Indian constitution, Indian state also aspire to
ensure social justice to its citizens. Among various attempts, reservation is one
such attempt meant to repudiate the historical discrimination and apartheid.
Thus, reservation is the strongest form of affirmative action to ensure an
egalitarian society. A/Q to Prof. Satish Deshpandey, measures like reservation
are required to bring the marginalized sections into the mainstream. A/Q to Prof.
Amit thorat, the real purpose of reservation policy is to address historical
injustices, exclusion and give representation to the excluded community in
education, position of power and administration.
• However, in the present context, issue of reservation has become an issue of high
politics in India. This is reflected in increasing demands from various groups for
inclusion in reservation such as JATs in Haryana, MARATHAs in Maharashtra,
PATIDARs in Gujarats etc. More importantly, the NDA government (2014-2019)
a historic step by introducing reservation on economic grounds.
• However, a/q to scholars like Yogendra Yadav, the reservation policy in India has
reached a dead end today as it raises more questions than providing answers. A/Q
to Ramchandra Guha, reservation debate generates more heat than light. This is
because of the following criticism of present form of reservation policy.
(i) Most of the benefits of reservation policy have gone only to a few, better educated
and well-off elites among the eligible communities. This, in turn, accentuates the
social stratification & inequality among communities.
(ii) The communities excluded from reservation harbor animosity and prejudices
against the communities included in the reservation category.

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(iii) Caste-based reservations prevents from transcending caste, which is its supposed
objective. By increasing the social salience of group membership, it causes
expressive harms to its beneficiaries.
Thus, there’s a need to do away with caste as the sole & sufficient criterion for
reservation.
A/Q to Yogendra Yadav, group membership should become one factor assessing
a person’s eligibility for affirmative action, along with other factors like family
background, economic status, parental education etc.
Thus, India’s reservation policy should be redesigned after attending following
debatable issues involved-
a) Who deserves to get the benefits and what should be criteria for eligibility.
b) Quantum of reservation
c) Reservation in super-specialty jobs
d) Time frame
e) Reservation in private sector.

(1e) ‘Farm’s distress should be understood in terms of distributive justice’. Discuss

the recent changes in the farmer movement.
• Indian agriculture has been passing through a period of severe crisis since long
and the overall scenario in this sector is that of stagnation, under-performance
and lack of dynamism. In recent times, India has been witnessing a significant
increase in the level of agrarian distress, which is evident in the increasing
incidents of farmer’s protests & movements. The fact that socio-economic
conditions of the farmers in India have changed little and policies such as land
reforms have failed to mitigate those problems is the real force that sustains these
movements.
• Findings of centre for study of Developing Societies (CSDS) study report ‘State
of Indian Farmers’.
(i) 76% farmers surveyed said they would prefer to do some other work than farming
61% of these would prefer to be employed in cities because of better education,
health & employment avenues.

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(ii) 70% of farmers never heard about direct cash transfer only 27% have heard about
the land acquisition law.
(iii) 62% of the respondents were not aware about the MSP and among those who have
heard about MSP, 64% weren’t satisfied with the price government offers.
(iv) 47% of the farmers say that overall condition of farmers in the country is bad.
(v) The report say that benefits of government schemes and policies are being mostly
given to big farmers having landholding of 10 acres & above. Only 10% of poor
& small farmers with average land holding of 1-4 acres have benefitted from
government schemes & subsidies.
Apart from these, one of the most important issues that characterizes the growing
plight of the farmers is the growing incidents of farmers’ suicide in India. A/Q to
NCRB data on farmers’ suicide, the farm sector has witnessed around 11370
suicide in 2016-17. Centre for Human Rights and Global Justice (2011) estimated
that a quarter million farmers have committed suicide in last 16 years.
Some noticeable changes in farmers’ movement in India
(i) Socio-economic transformations post-liberalization have created a dual identity
crises among farmers, which has manifested in large –scale protests. In addition,
the present protests are a political manifestation to recover & consolidate dignity
and socio-economic grievances. This emerges from interplay b/w agrarian crises
and anti-urban sentiments.
(ii) Though the recent protests appear to be very similar to the farmers’ movements
of the 1980s, they can be conceptualized very differently if located in history,
political economy and social dynamics of rural life. The most critical indicator of
this shift over the past two decades is the significant decline in the weight of
agriculture in the national economy. Its contribution to national income has come
down to around 15% from more than half during the early decades after
independence. As a result, even those who own agricultural land and cultivate it
themselves often also have other occupation, a process that has come to be known
as pluri-activity.
(iii) In his book, ‘Populism and power: Farmers’ movement in Western India (1980-
2014), D. N. Dhanagare maps the history of farmers’ protests from several parts
of the country for the last two decades. He suggested that the agrarian crisis in

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post-Green Revolution India was symptomatic of a structural turning point for the
agrarian economy. A/Q to him, 1980s witnessed transformation of peasant into
the farmer. Which meant that producer ceased to be dependent on the landlord
and instead was now dependent on the market.
(iv) Due to a paradigm shift of policies from land reforms to land acquisition, the
welfare state emerged as a ‘venture capitalist’. On the one hand, the state grabbed
fertile lad forcefully and, on the other remained insensitive in handling issues and
grievances of affected farmers. This led to violent resistance to the government by
formers, who felt that the state was acting against their interests, and in favor of
industrialists.

(2a) What does the principle of the basic structure of the constitution mean? Discuss
the prominent contours of the basic structure of our constitution and their
contemporary relevance.
• A/Q to Kalpana Kannabiran, Indian judiciary is witnessing the fall of ‘literal
legalism’ and the advent of ‘judicial activism’, where court is seen as a political
and public institution that can answer social & political disagreements. A/Q to
Upendra Baxi, the supreme court of India is essentially acting as the institution of
governance and not merely setting disputes. In the book, ‘Rehinking public
institutions in India’, Madhav Khosla and Ananth Padmanabhan argues that it is
the void created by the failure of executive and legislature in discharging their
responsibilities that has led to emergence of judiciary as a political institution.
Pratap Bhanu Mehta calls this situation as a case of ‘judicial co-governance’.
• The Doctrine of Basic structure, one of the most important examples of judicial
activism is the result of the creative interpretation of the constitution by the
judiciary. It was given by the 13-judges bench of the Supreme Court in the
Keshavananda Bharti case (1973), and was aimed at defining the scope of the
amending power of the Parliament. It is a doctrine to examine the constitutional
validity of constitutional amendment. The emergence of doctrine of ‘Basic
structure’ marked a significant shift in the role of judiciary from practice of

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constitutional interpretation to a creative role where judiciary go beyond the

written provisions of the constitution.
• As per the Indian constitution, Parliament has been given the constituent power
to amend the constitution according to the changing needs & aspirations. Being
a dynamic or organic constitution, aimed at achieving a certain goal of social
revolution the Indian constitution mentions special procedure for its amendment.
It means that there is no explicit limitation on the amending power of the
Parliament; expect procedural limitations as given in Art 360.
• However, in the Keshvananda Bharti Case (1973), on the question whether the
amending power of the Parliament is unlimited and absolute, the Supreme Court
held that the amending power is limited to the extent that it doesn’t alter the ‘Basic
Structure’ of the constitution. The court held that the word ‘amend’ under Art 368
means only changes other than altering the basic features of the constitution,
which would amount to making or writing a new constitution. In this way, the
Supreme Court, while giving primacy to the unwritten feature of the constitution
introduced a ‘substantive limitation’ on the amending power of the Parliament.
• However, the judgment of the Supreme Court inventing a new doctrine of the
‘basic structure’ has been subjected to intense academic debate. The opponents
of the judgement claims that the judiciary has gone for the metaphysical approach
rather than the legal approach of what is written. They argue that if the
government was destroying the constitution, the judiciary has gone to the extent
of crating the constitution.
• On the other hand, the proponents of the decision argue that judiciary has
protected the sanctity of the constitution. Zia Modi, in her book ‘The Ten
Judgments that changed India’, has given following arguments-
(i) Although the judiciary was wrong from the academic point of view, but from the
practical point of view, it was the need of the time in the Indian context.
(ii) It has proved to be a blessing in disguise as it has checked authoritarianism of the
government. This has stopped India from going on the path of the other Third
World countries.

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(iii) The decision or judgement represents that the judiciary chose ‘uncertain
democracy’ over ‘certain tyranny’.
(iv) The doctrine should be retained as a ‘safety value’.
Thus, through its pronouncement of a new doctrine, the Indian judiciary has
ensured that even with absolute majority and political dominance, government
can’t destroy the basic structure & spirit of the Indian constitution.

(2b) Can a secular state interfere in matters of faith? Should courts venture to
rationalize the matters of religion and faith? Give arguments in support of your
view, taking the reference of Sabarimala Judgement.
• ‘Secularism’, that defines appropriate relation among state, individual and
religion, is interpreted differently in different societies, resulting in diverse
models. The western model, which usually considers separation of state from
religion as secularism is different from the Indian model of secularism.
• A/Q to Rajeev Bhargava, Indian secularism continues to be misunderstood as its
complexity and distinctiveness remains illusive. He argues that Indian model is
not based on any single over-arching idea and, therefore, is compatible with the
‘contextual-model’ of secularism. A/Q to him, Indian model is neither the model
of religious neutrality (DHARM-NIRPEKSTA) nor equal treatment of all religions
(SARVA-DHARMA-SAMBHAVA). On the contrary, Indian model follows the
principle of ‘Principled Distance’ that provides a flexibility in approach through
differential treatment. Based on the context, the Indian state includes or excludes
religion, resulting in simultaneous existence of engagement/disengagement b/w
state & religion.
Thus, in this way, the Indian model is contextual model of secularism.
• Rajeev Bhargava has given 7 essential features of the Indian model of
secularism—
(i) Despite the absence of any state religion, state is not averse to use of religious
symbol.
(ii) No strict boundary b/w politics & religion, rather porous boundary.
(iii) No active hostility towards religion & no passive indifference.

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(iv) Different religions are in the foundation of state.

(v) No over-arching idea of secularism
(vi) Secularism is dependent on the idea of liberty, equality and is considered as the
integral component of democracy.
(vii) Politically negotiated contextual model.
• A/Q to D.E. Smith, in his work ‘India as a secular state’, the Indian constitution
and the Indian Supreme Court are the two great bulwarks that protect Indian
Secularism.
The Indian constitution affirms the principle of no established state religion along
with religious liberty that incorporates Right to Profess, practice & propagates
religion, Right to set up religious institutions & minority educational institutions
(Art 25-Art 30).
Indian secularism and the Sabrimala Judgement
• The Indian Constitution protects religious freedom in two ways. It protects an
individual’s right to profess, practice and propagate a religion, and it also assures
similar protection to every religious denomination to manage its own affairs. The
legal challenge to the exclusion of women in the 10-50 age group from the
sabrimala temple in Kerala represented a conflict b/w the group rights of the
temple authorities in enforcing the deity’s strict celibate status and the individual
rights of women to after worship there.
• The Supreme Court’s ruling, by a 4:1 majority, that the exclusionary practice
violates the rights of women devotes establishes the legal principle that individual
freedom prevails over purported group rights, even in matters of religion.
• However, the SC’s ruling has been challenged on the ground that Indias state
being a secular state, should stay away from any interference in matters of
religion. In the sabrimala judgement, the lone dissenting view, of justice Indu
Malhotra, claimed that determination of what constitutes an essential practice in
a religion should not be decided by judges on the basis of their personal
viewpoints. She held that essentiality of a religious practice had to be decided
within the religion. She held that the notions of rationality cannot be brought into
matters of religion & faith, which would negate the freedom to practice one’s
religion a/q to one’s faith & beliefs.

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• However, all these constitutional rights portray the contradiction b/w individual
and collective faith systems. While pre modern societies were governed by
traditional religious bodies is public realms, contemporary societies have their
own modern forms of governance such as the state & judiciary, which perceive
religion as a private affairs. The argument of essentiality of religious practices is
flawed because it is not formulated in isolation, but is influenced by patriarchal
structures which establishes an ideological hegemony within the religious group.
Moreover, the argument that courts shouldn’t introduce rationality into religious
practices is also misconceived because it is this judiciary’s activism that has
transformed rigid societal structures in favor of individual’s rights as is evident
in Triple talaq case.

(2c) ‘India’s electoral integrity suffers in the area of campaign finance, media
coverage and above all poll administration’. Elaborate and suggest a way
forward.
• Elections are the most important & integral part of politics in a democratic set
up. A democracy, like India, can function only upon the faith that elections are
‘free & fair’ and not manipulated and biased. Proper functioning of electoral
system is imperative to avoid, what Habermas calls as, ‘legitimation crises.
• However, India’s electoral system is suffering from a spectrum of false practices
such as unscrupulous use of money & muscle power, criminalization of politics,
misuse of government machinery, casteism & communalism and illegal political
funding.
• A/Q to E. Shridharan and Milan Vaishnav, the state’s strong involvement in the
economy , together with costly elections, has incentivized shadowy links b/w
business, criminals and politicians. A/Q to them, India has struggled to regulate
political finance. In ways that would both contain the costs of elections as well as
minimize the impropriety in their funding. Estimates of the money spent on India’s
2014 general election hover around US $ 5 Billion, second only to 2012 US
presidential elections, which is symptomatic of an election finance regime that s
deeply out of sync with prevailing realities. A/Q to Milan Vaishnav, blatant
disregard for political finance regulations undermined people’s faith in
democracy as well as their belief in rule of law.

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• Apart from the issue of political financing in the election, one of the important
issues that creates biasness or unfairness in elections is distorted use of media
coverage. Government sponsored advertisements where expenditure is incurred
from public exchequer in favor of ruling party will be unfair. In addition, political
advertisements leads to lots of confusion.
• However, the most important factor on which the conduct of elections in India
hinges upon is the impartiality of election commission of India (ECI) and poll
administration. ECI has proven to be a model of election management and has
gained in stature by holding free & fair elections at various levels across the
country. A/Q to a 2008 poll conducted by CSDS, 80% of Indians expressed a high
degree of trust & respect in the ECI, second only to the Army among the public
institutions. Despite ECI being a public institution like police and bureaucracy, it
hasn’t come across as exercising arbitrary power. It is a constitutional institution
which is rule –oriented and not one given to arbitrariness.
• However, while the ECI’s performance over the years has warranted faith in the
polling process, there have been certain controversies emerged with its poll
administration—
(i) Though most of its decisions have been largely fair, the ECI needs to reconsider
its decision making, which have largely ad hoc- such as transfer of top officials,
VVPAT audits etc.
This ad hoc manner of functioning can take the ECI in opposite direction of the
surging democratic tide.
(ii) Model code of conduct (MCC) was adopted by an all-party consensus to ensure
the smooth functioning of elections, and the ECI is expected to use it to avoid
electoral malpractices. Though ECI has the power to take strict actions against a
political party or a candidate for violation of MCC, ECI has rarely taken recourse
to this power. ECI has merely issued warnings and reprimands, despite the
violation of MCC being a regular event.
(iii) In the present context of highly contested political domain, there have been
allegations of biasness against the ECI. Thus, keeping in mind the importance of
the institution of ECI in an electoral democracy like India, actions of the members
of ECI-CEC and ECRs – must be above suspicion.

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Reforms suggested
(1) To secure independence of the ECI
(a) The Goswami Committee on Electoral Reforms (1990) & 255 th Report of Law
Commission (2015) - proposed setting up of a separate & independent secretariat
of the ECI.
(b) More broad based selection of EC through a committee.
(c) The administrative expenditure of the ECI (Presently a voted expenditure) should
be charged on consolidated Fund of India to secure its unconstrained functioning.
(2) Regarding election management issues
(a) Providing an open ballot system in case of election to fill seats in state Legislative
Councils.
(b) Adjournment of polls on the ground of bribery events.
(3) To curb money & muscle powers in the elections.
(a) Providing ECI with supreme authority to sanction candidates who provide false or
misleading information’s.
(b) ECI should be granted with greater powers to regulate political parties.
(c) State funding of elections
(d) Barring candidates facing serious criminal charges that have been framed by a
judge, filed at least one year prior to election& carry a potential sentence of 5 yrs
or more.
(e) Post-election action against candidates who win elections & face serious pending
cases.
(f) A fast-track judicial process for cases against sitting MLAs & MPs.
(g) Provisions for exemption of Income Tax should be made applicable only to political
parties that context & win seats in parliament or Legislative Assemblies.
(h) Ceiling of campaign expenditure by political parties.

(3a) ‘A new single-party hegemonic system in Indian politics that is akin to what
prevailed since independence during the days of the ‘congress system’ is
noticeable’. Discuss the visible changes and its viability in Politics of India.
• The electoral verdicts (2014 & 2019), which gave to the BJP a majority in the
lower House of the Parliament, have brought back the debate of the return of a

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single –party hegemony system in Indian politics that is akin to what prevailed
during first two decades of the post-Independent India, which was referred to as
‘congress system’ by Rajni Kothari.
• A/Q to Suhas Palshikar, the scale and depth of the BJP’s victory has brought to
the forefront the idea of start of a new, fourth electoral phase in India’s electoral
system. The BJP’s dominant performance-earning the first single party majority
in three decades (after 1984 elections) and becoming the first non-congress party
to win majority in election in consecutive elections represents a critical juncture
in the evolution of India’s party system.
• A/Q to Suhas Palshikar, the BJP appears to be playing the role of a hegemonic
power. Like the congress before if, the BIP’s present position has a system –
defining qualify. In electoral terms, the BJP has become the central pole around
which politics in India revolves. Both state and national elections are regularly
fought in reaction to the BJP has also managed to exert its dominance
ideologically. Palishikar argues that with its twin emphasis on Hindu nationalism
and a ‘new developmentalism’, the BJP has captured the realm of ideas at a time
when INC’s legacy of secular nationalism has fallen out of favor.
Changes in India’s electoral politics marking rise of BJP’s hegemony-
(i) BJP’s success in the popular Hindi heart land states of UP and Bihar, which are
fragmented, multi-party states usually dominated by regional parties and a ‘new
developmentalism’ the BJP has saturated the realm of ideas at a time when the
INC’s legacy of secular nationalism has fallen out of favor.
• Thus, a/q to Suhash Palshikar, BJP’s electoral and ideological dominance
coupled with an impressive string of state election triumphs over the past five
years and expansion of the Party’s social base- has transformed the party from
merely competitive to markedly dominant/ hegemony on India’s political Scene.
• However, the BJP’s emerging hegemony should not be considered to be
invincible. As state elections of Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Chhattisgarh
(2018) have demonstrated, the party is fallible.
(ii) BJP markedly improved its performance in India’s northeastern states, where it
traditionally had a modest presence. Two decades ago, INC won 40% the vote

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and 13 seats in N-E region, which has come down to 30% vote share (virtually
identical to BJP’s position).
(iii) BJP also improved in key states, such as J & K, Odisha, West Bengal, where it
traditionally has been a minor player.
(iv) Core principles marked during India’s third electoral system phase (1989-2014),
such as rising political competition, declining margins of victory, falling voter
turnout and federalization of national politics, have exhibited a modest reversal
in the 2014 & 2019 polls.
(v) Most importantly, b/w 1989-2014 Indian politics lacked a dominant party. In
contrast, the 2014 & 2019 lections culminated in a national wave favoring the
BJP and frustrating the INC. whereas most national elections since 1989 have
often been the sum of state contests the 2014 & 2019 polls had the flavor of a
nationwide plebiscite.
Thus, a/q to Suhash Palshokar, BJP’s electoral & ideological dominance has
transformed the party from merely competitive to markedly dominant/hegemony
from projects BJP as the central gravitational force in Indian politics.

(3b) Illustrate the dimension & scale of criminalization of Indian politics. Assess
the impact of criminalization on the integrity of Indian Parliament. Suggest a
way forward.
• In a democracy politics is seen as a domain to which everybody, irrespective of
social states, has equal access and an activity which empowers people. The years
immediately after independence in India, were full of hope and enthusiasm. Rajni
Kothari has described these years as period of ’politics of trust’.
• However, A/Q to Kothari, transformation of Indian politics from an ‘organic’
entity into a mere mechanical electoral system, characterized by emphasis on
quantity/numbers, led to the permeation of Indian politics by criminal elements,
use of gangsterism as a substitute for party organization and use of money and
muscle power in elections. These processes are manifestation of the
criminalization of Indian politics. Such developments narrowed the domain of
politics by excluding people’s participation and reduced its autonomy by making
it more dependent on money power & local criminals.

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• Important factors/reasons for criminalization of Politics

(i) As the Supreme Court has observed, Indians as a voter are not yet organically
evolved, therefore, majority of the voters are maneuverable & purchasable. Thus,
malpractices such vote buying during elections has led to nexus b/w politicians &
criminals.
(ii) Institutionalization of corruption & failure to deal with it has enhanced with
events of political parties putting up candidates with a criminal background.
(iii) Loopholes in the functioning of election commission and lack of stringent laws
against convicted criminals standing for elections.
For eg:- Though RPA disqualifies a sitting legislator on certain grounds, there is
nothing that regulates the appointments of offices within the party. It means that
despite being disqualified as legislator, a politicians with criminal record can
hold high positions within his party, thus, continuing to play an important public
role.
• A/Q to Association for Democratic Reforms (ADR), 187 (34%) MPs in the 16 th
Lok Sabha face criminal changes of them, 113 face serious criminal charges such
as rape, murder etc. In addition, a/q to analysis the chances of winning for a
candidate with criminal cases in the elections are 13% whereas for a candidate
with a Chain record is 5% only.
Impact of criminalization of politics
(a) Law-breakers get elected as law makers-The people who are being tried for
various offences are given the opportunity to make laws for the whole country,
which undermines the sanctity of the Indian Parliament.
(b) Tainted democracy- where the rule of law is weakly enforced and social divisions
are rampant, a candidate’s criminal reputation could be perceived as an asset.
This brings in the culture of muscle and money power in the politics. In addition,
since the parties focus on winnability of the candidate, they tend to include more
& more influential elements. Thus, criminalization of politics perpetuates itself.
Way forward
(i) Bringing greater transparency in campaign financing so as to make it less
attractive for political parties to involve criminals.

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(ii) A/Q to Law Commission of India’s report on electoral disqualifications, by

effecting disqualification of tainted politicians at the stage of framing of charges,
the spread of criminalization may be curbed.
(iii) Fast-track courts should be effectively used to decide the cases of tainted
legislators quickly.

(3c) ‘Federalism in recent years witnessed a change from dogmatic to dynamic

approach’. Elaborate Critically evaluate reforms taken in the field of fiscal
federalism in India in recent years.
• A/Q to K.C. Wheare, federalism is a method of dividing powers so that the general
(central) and regional governments are within a sphere of coordination &
independence simultaneously. Daniel Elzar argues that federalism as an
institutional arrangement is founded on the principle of ‘self-rule’ and ‘shared
rule’. ‘self rule’ in the matters of local importance and shared rule is exercised
through interactive partnership b/w levels of government on matters of common
interest. A/Q to Stepon, federalism is the form of governance suitable to all multi-
ethnic democracies, like India, as it reconciles the two essential principles of
‘autonomy’ and ‘integration’.
• A/Q to Ronald Watts, the actual operation of federations should be categorized
not in terms of rigid structures for the division of power, but as involving a process
that enables reconciliation of internal diversity within their federal frameworks.
Considering the diverse nature of Indian society, Granville Austin has argued that
the Indian brand of federalism is based on ‘inter-dependence’ and internal ‘give
& take’ b/w centre & the states. Thus, a/q to him, the Indian constitution has
envisaged a ‘cooperative federalism’ rather than a division of Union & states in
water –tight compartment.
• However, the Indian brand of federalism is also characterized by competition
among states (horizontal competition) and also with the centre (vertical
competition) in the joint pursuit of national development. A/Q to NITI Aayog,
competitive federalism is a force multiplier to achieve the objective of cooperative
federalism. Therefore, there’s a growing recognition of the fact that there is a

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paradigm shift in the context of Indian federalism, where the new federalism is
characterized by co-existence of cooperative and competitive federalism. It is in
this context that Alfred stepan considers India as a prominent example of ‘Demos-
enabling’ federal system as this model has allowed it to adopt flexible adaptations
to its federal designs, which manifested itself in many affirmative steps such as --
-
i. Replacement of the planning Commission with the NITI Aayog which will
concentrate on broader policy framework instead of micro-resource allocated
functions and that too with states active participation and consultation.
ii. Acceptance of the 14th FC’s recommendations resulting in enhanced devolution
(42%) to the states.
iii. Enabling states to design and implement programmes better suited to their needs
& modify CSSs a/q to needs.
iv. Use of section 254 (2)of the constitution to allow the state legislatures of
Rajasthan & MP to craft changes to central laws.
v. Creation of committees of chief ministers headed by a chief minister on key
national issues.
India’s fiscal federalism
• In a federal system, the two sets of government (Union and states) operate
simultaneously and directly upon the same people. This requires a clear cut
division of functions, powers and resources so that all obligations are fulfilled.
• Fiscal federalism is the economic counterpart to political federalism, which is
concerned with the assignment, on the one hand of functions to different levels of
government, and with appropriate fiscal instrument for carrying out their
functions effectively. However, India’s fiscal federalism, which has withstood the
test of times, is at a crossroads because of momentous changes, especially since
2014—
(i) NITI Aayog was set up as a think tank for providing policy inputs to the
Government on the developmental matters. Unlike its pre decessor Planning
commission, the NITI Aayog was built on the spirit of ‘TEAM INDIA’ by
accommodating states. The involvement of state governments in decision making

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ensures effectively decentralized socio-economic planning better targeted at

citizens’ aspirations.
(ii) Restructuring of central sponsored schemes in terms of reduction in umbrella
schemes coupled with increase in devolution of resources, reduction in
dependency of states on the centre and facilitating state governments in designing
schemes as per needs.
(iii) Based on the idea of ‘One Nation, One Tax’, the GST (Goods & Services Tax) was
rolled out across the country. GST council (formed to deal with issues related to
implementation of GST) decides the CGST and SGST rates and thus, ensures that
states are significant decision partners in national macro-economic engagement.
However, on the flip side, the states have lost the autonomy in deciding the tax
rates on subjects falling under state subjects; which will increase its dependence
on centre for funds.
(iv) The 14th Finance Commission has broken new ground in terms of allocation of
resources as it suggested to increase the share of tax devolution to 42% of
divisible pool.
• However, the terms of reference (ToR) of the 15thFinance commission, constituted
in November 2017, have generated a lot of discontent & debate. Same Indian
states, especially Southern states, feel that the ToR is heavily in favor of the union
government and it ignores the states performance on development indicators.
• The Terms of Reference (ToR), which reflect the union government’s view of the
states’ fiscal situation, includes following debatable terms—
(i) Discontinuance of Revenue Deficit Grants (grants used to cover gap b/w state’s
revenue & expenditure).
(ii) Restrictions on Loans- The ToR recommend that the 15th FC should formulate
additional conditionalities for providing consent to states for borrowing. The
states feel that this condition encroaches upon their powers to borrow & spend
and will have adverse impact on developmental spending by the state.
It disincentivizes independent decision making by the states, an important tenet of
cooperative federalism.

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(iii) Use of 2011 census to calculate population for allocation of union tax revenue in
place of 1971 census.
• Unlike all FCs (since 7th FC) that have used 1971 census for devolution of taxes,
duties & grants-in-aid, the 15th Finance Commission is mandated to use 2011
population data for its recommendations.
• This change will have asymmetric effects on states. For southern states like
Kerala, Tamil Nadu etc, the change will result in smaller shares in the common
pool of revenues. These states have achieved slower population growth as they’re
managed to keep a check on population growth unlike several of the northern
Indian states like UP and MP. Thus, these southern states are discontented with
the Terms of reference of the 15th Finance Commission as they foal they’re being
penalized for their good performance on family planning and population control.

(4a) ‘The rot in Indian judiciary has penetrated deep leading to serious epidemic,
requires overhauling and not just customary touch up’. Critically examine the
statement and suggest the way forward.
• A/Q to Lord Bryce, there’s no better test of the excellence of the government than
the performance of its judicial system. Judiciary in a democratic setup like India,
acts as an institution that checks any attempt to convert democracy into ‘tyranny
of majority’.
• In the Indian context, the constitution of India envisages a ‘fiercely independent
judiciary’ which allows it to act as an active participant in India’s social
revolution Endeavour. A/Q to Justice Felix Frankfurter, the judiciary, in general,
and Supreme Court particular, breathes life into the inert pages of the
constitution.
• A/Q to Upendra Baxi, Indian judiciary, in general, and Supreme Court in
particular, has done the ‘chemotherapy’ of the carcinogenic Indian politics. Thus,
there’s a great sense of satisfaction with performance of Indian judiciary
recognizing its positive role towards protecting rights of the Indians.

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• However, scholars like Pratap Bhanu Mehta, while evaluating the performance
of Indian judiciary, are extremely critical of the status of the Indian judiciary. In
his article, ‘Indian judiciary and the promise of uncertainty’. He has mentioned
Indian judiciary as a self-perpetuating paradoxical and highly politicized
institution’. A/Q to him, judicial decisions in India are not based on any
overarching principles, rather they’re artifacts of individual judges. He argues
that judiciary in India attempts at delicate political balancing rather than working
on high ideals.
• In addition, there are certain institutional and administration challenges that are
threatening the legitimacy and credibility of the independent judicial system of
India. These includes—
(i) Tussle b/w government and judiciary on the issue of appointment of judges,
resulting in administrative losses such as increasing number of pending cases.
(ii) Lack of a systematic mechanism to deal with allegations of corruption in the
higher judiciary.
• Therefore, the importance of a legitimitate & credible judiciary, that is not only
committed to constitutionalism but also is democratically accountable, makes
judicial reforms a necessity.
Areas of judicial reforms
(i) Speedy and qualitative disposal of pending cases.
(ii) A systematic mechanism to address the issue of corruption.
(iii) Institutional reforms such as a transparent collegiums system for appointment of
judges; capacity building of judges; national court of appeal.
(iv) Internal function and discipline of judges.
(v) Role of government in judicial reforms—
(a) Institutionalization of efficient judicial impact assessment system.
(b) Reform of criminal justice system, which includes implementation of Malimath
Committee recommendations such as plea bargains in criminal cases.
(c) Introduction of alternative dispute redressal mechanism like Lokayukta.
(d) Promotion of legal literacy.
(vi) Role of civil society—

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(a) Legal awareness

(b) Legal aid
(c) Facilitate alternative dispute resolution.
(vii) Judiciary itself is a stakeholder---
(a) Shouldn’t try to insulate itself from public scrutiny rather should attempt for
bringing transparency.
(b) It should also take steps to enforce discipline among judges and need to take
effective & strict actions against corruptions.
(c) Judges should go for optimum utilization of time and infrastructure.
(d) Should work with government to reduce the number of vacations of judges and
system of evening courts should start in all states so as affecting reduce the
backlogs.

(4C) ‘India seems to be witnessing the rise of a new political order similar on the
lines of the congress system, but it is much more than that of single party
system’. Comment.
• India’s electoral history in the post-independence India has been divided into
three distinct phases or ‘electoral system’. The first phase, which commenced with
India’s first general election in 1952, was distinguished by the congress party’s
dominance. While state and national elections were competitive, the opposition of
the INC was deeply divided.
The year 1967 witnessed the start of India’s second electoral system till 1989.
Congress maintained its monopoly on power at the centre, but its grip on state-
level power eroded considerably. The 1989 election ushered in an extended period
of coalition politics. During this third electoral system, the Congress witnessed a
constant decline in its national vote share as regional parties and a new party
(BJP) asserted themselves. This period was dubbed as the era of ‘post-congress’
polity. While the congress remained critical acts in a fragmented political system,
it no longer defined the system. In the words of Yogendra Yadav, ‘the congress
was no longer the pole against which very political formation is defined’.
• After 1989, most political analysts have declared that henceforth, India would be
governed by coalitions and the two national parties (INC and BJP) would never

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be able to secure a majority on their own. However, the BJP’s dominant

performance becoming the first party to have won a majority in the Lok Sabha in
the post- Congress era since 1989-opened up the possibility that a new political
order has been inaugurated. The new political order has following
characteristics—
(i) Single party dominance (both in electoral and ideological terms) led by BJP
owing its performance in 2014 & 2019 polls.
(ii) A fractured opposition that cannot provides an alternative to the government.
(iii) An open and competitive party system.
Thus, as a signifier of a U-turn in Indian politics, the lections of 2014 & 2019
have brought back the one party dominant system, similar to that of ‘congress
system’ till 1967. However, the current India’s electoral system is much more than
a single party system that characterized the 1952-1967 period of India’s electoral
history. This is so because the congress system was based on the popularity of the
congress party (owing to its role in India’s freedom struggle). In addition,
congress emerged as an umbrella-like party, which offered something to everyone,
and was a coalition of interest groups that often opposed each other within the
party. Thus, the opposition was these within the party itself, even if it was not a
significant presence in Parliament.
• On the contrast, the BJP’s dominant status cannot be easily separated from
Modi’s own popularity. For the first time in three decades, the image of a
charismatic leader looms larger than the party and dominants Indian politics in
general. Thus, this phase saw the return of the plebiscitary mode based on
personality. In addition, the ruling party will now be less encumbered by the
Parliamentary opposition and, being a strong, disciplined and cadre-based party,
there’s less opposition within the party itself. In this sense, the current period
represents the new phase of post-congress polity.

(5a) The role of extra-parliamentary mobilization in India’s representative

democracy.
• In a diverse society like India, which is seen as the complete grid of caste,
ethnicity, religion, region etc, the inter-relationship b/w the social and political

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structure has been a common phenomenon. In this way, India represents a

complex and unique example of a nation which is a diverse and multi-cultural
democracy.
• Unlike countries in the western world where the nature of the electorate is
relatively homogeneous, voters in India are highly heterogeneous with a wide
range of diversity. This diversity and non-homogenous character of the Indian
electorate is not only reflected in the form of identity politics, but also in their
voting behavior in terms of different political preferences and choices. In order to
galvanize support or popular base, political parties mobilize. People on the basis
of caste or religious lines.
• Caste & religion have been the two most influential means of political
mobilization in India. Caste plays a significant role in influencing the functional
structure of Indian politics, and is a predominant consideration that influences
political behavior. Joffrelot calls ‘caste’ as the mosaic of Indian politics. Different
political parties pay significant attention to caste factor to shape their strategies
to attract voters. While nominating party candidates, they take into account the
‘caste arithmetic’ i.e., the numerical presence of specific caste group in a
particular constituency and the probability of votes the standing or selected caste
candidate can get. In this context, caste associations play pertinent role in a
situation when they’re not affiliated with any political party.
• A/Q to Andre Beteille, caste may enter into the political process in a number of
ways—
(i) Political parties and candidates in elections make appeals to caste sentiment to
muster support. Some political parties are known to favor some castes and are
seen as their representatives such as BSP for Dalits etc.
(ii) Networks of interpersonal relations are activated both during elections and at
other times for mobilizing support along caste lines.
(iii) Caste associations seek to articulate caste interests in an organized manner.
• A/Q to Suhash Palshikar, caste continues to be the prime building block of
political affiliation at the micro-level. Caste has become a political category and,
due to the influence of caste on politics in the form of popular mobilization, Rajni

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Kothari suggests that it is not only the politics that has become caste-ridden, caste
has also got politicized. Kanchan Chandra argues that voters in India consider it
advantageous in the interest if the candidate is from their own caste.
• However, a/q to some scholars like James Manor, the role of caste, as a factor
influencing voting behavior, has been overstated. While caste matters in electoral
politics, these are also other factor that mobilizes voters such as leadership of the
party, government performances etc.
• Scholars like Kanchan Chandra argue that such type of identity politics is
‘limiting’ because mobilization of people based on one identity creates a sense of
resentment among other communities and thus limiting the chances for these
parties.
• Also, the type of identity politics pursued by the political parties in India has
overshadowed the idea of developmental politics. This is because it is easier for
political parties to sway the voters on the emotional or psychological factor of
their identities by generating a sense of connectedness with the agenda of the
party.
• However, identities like religion can’t become the fabric of electoral processes in
a pluralist polity like India because having identities as the base of electoral
processes would be dangerous for democracy. Recognizing this, the Supreme
Court has reinterpreted the scope of section 123(3) of the RPA Act and prohibited
the seeking of votes in the name of religion, caste, race, community or language
by any candidate in elections. However, it is difficult to wipe out identity politics
through judicial mandate. Thus, what is required is that a consensus must be
evolved among the political parties to overcome identity politics to give way to
developmental politics.

(5b) The Draft New Education policy is a framework to reinvigorate the Indian
education system.
• Drawing inputs from the T.S.R Subramanian committee report, K. Kasturirangan
Committee has produced a document (Draft National Educational Policy, 2019)
that is comprehensive & far-sighted. The idea that lifelong education is based on

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4 pillars- learning to know, learning to do, learning to live together and learning
to be has inspired the committee to cover every aspect of the education sector viz,
school, higher, vocational and adult education. It also includes whole gamut of
professional education such as engineering agriculture etc. It explains the
scientific rationale behind the policy’s prescriptions and suggests how the
proposals can be translated into practice at the state and central levels.
Certain important recommendations/features of NEP
(i) Pre-primary education
Acknowledging a ‘tragic deficiency’ in early childhood case and education
(ECCE) of children in the age group (3-6 years), the draft recommends that ECCE
be made an integral part of RTE.
(ii) Reading and arithmetic skills
The draft NEP acknowledges a ‘severe learning crises’ in India, where children
in primary schools (approx. 5 crores) fail to attain basic math and reading skills.
To address this, the draft policy proposes—
• Redesigning of school curriculum for Grades 1 to 5 to include dedicated
mathematics and reading hours every day, weekly puzzle-solving sessions to
inculcate logical thinking etc.
• A ‘National Tutors Programme’ that will enroll the best performers of each school
for upto 5 hours a week as tutors for the students who have fallen behind.
• A ‘Remedial Instructional Aides Prodramme’ to draw instructors from the local
community to hold remedial classes during school hours, after schools hours &
during summer vocations.
• Vacancies to be filled urgently to ensure a pupil teacher ration of 30:1.
(iii) Curriculum and Pedagogy
While the 1986 educational policy standardized school education with its push for
a uniform 10+2 structure, the Draft New Education Policy calls for
reconfiguration in a ‘5+3+3+4’ design, which recognizes different stages of
development of cognitive abilities in children. This corresponds to the age group
3-8 years (foundational stage), 8-11 (preparatory stage), 11-14 (middle stage)
and 14-18 (secondary stage).

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(iv) Board Exam restructure

Class 10 and 12 Board Examinations, a/q to the draft NEP, should serve as a
check for basic learning, skills and analysis, which one should pass comfortably
without any burden. It calls for changes including allowing students to sit for the
examination twice in any given school year. It also pitches for a shift to a
‘modular’ approach in which a student is able to sit for the Board exam in a range
of subjects across eight semesters.
(v) Governance of schools
At present, Dept. of school Education (DSE) in a state is in change of operation,
regulation and policy-making. The draft NEP calls for decentralization, with each
of these functions carried out by separate bodies—
(a) Policy making by a ‘Rashtriya Shiksha Aayog’ (Education commission at National
level, headed by Pm).
(b) Operation by DSE.
(c) Regulation by an independent ‘state school Regulatory Authority’ (SSRA) in each
state, which will set basic and uniform standards for both public and private
schools.
(d) Academic matters, including standard setting and curriculum to be continued by
state councils of Educational Research and Training.
• For fee hikes in private schools, the draft states that the percentage of increase
will be decided by SSRA for every 3 year period.

(5c) The evolution of LGBT movement in India as a major civil right movement.
• India is one of the few countries which have a long tradition & history of civil &
human rights movement. In addition, the constitution of India is a revolutionary
document in many sense. A/Q to Granville Austin, Indian constitution is first &
foremost a social documents and, a/q to Austin, most of the provisions of the
constitution are aimed at social change.
• Although the domain of sexuality has long been the focus of ethical & moral
debate, it is only recently that sexual politics have become prominent on political
agendas in both global & domestic realms. A/Q to Wilson, the application of
human rights framework has allowed LGBT rights to move into mainstream.

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• LGBT (Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual &Transgender) social movement advocate for the
equalized acceptance of the people of the LGBT community in society. These
movements are aimed at encouraging assimilation of the LGBT community in the
prevailing social order.
• In the Indian context, modern LGBT movement emerged, around 1990s, owing to
the discrimination & violence against the people of LGBT community. It was the
period when various wrong assumptions, such as homosexuality is a western
import and occurs only to individuals who have been denied access to healthy
heterosexual relations for a longtime, were prevalent in the society. As a result,
such misconceptions took form of harassment, blackmail, ostracism and exclusion
faced by LGBT people on a daily basis.
• Therefore, in its initial phase, the movement by the LGBT community aimed at
assimilation into the mainstream culture by adopting the political struggles of
sexual minority group seeking tolerance from the heterosexual majority. In 1991,
a document detailing the experiences of gay people in India was released by AIDS
BhedBhav Virodhi Andolan (ABVA), an organization fighting against
discrimination with respect to those affected by AIDS. The document revealed the
shocking extent of blackmail, extortion & violence faced by gay people, especially
at the hands of police.
• In its second and current phase of the LGBT movement in India, the movement
shifted its focus from ‘assimilationist’ politics towards a more ‘liberationist’
agenda with the radical aim of opposing anti-homosexual institutions. The main
point of attraction was call for repeal of legislations that discriminates against
members of LGBT community, including section 377 of the IPC, which
criminalized sexual intercourse against the ‘order of nature’ (i.e., homosexuality).
In 1994, ABVA filed a PIL challenging the constitutional validity of sec 377 it was
one of the first legal protests against government repression of the community.
The battle against sec 377 has politicized generations of activists & influenced
popular culture and raised awareness around sexuality and gender related issues.

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• Finally, in Navtej Singh Johar Vs Union of India case, the Supreme Court of India
de- criminalized homosexuality by declaring section 377 as ‘irrational,
indefensible & manifestly arbitrary’. The court declared that the sec 377 violates
the right of LGBT community to equal citizenship and individual freedom.
• However, decriminalizing homosexuality is only the first step towards creating a
more equal society. The question of the protection of human rights of LGBT
community needs to be answered for their effective ‘social integration’.

(5d) ‘The institution of Lokpal will add nothing but one more layer to the already
complex mechanism of corruption related institutions’. Comment.
• A modern democratic state, characterized by a welfare orientation has been
witnessing expansion of bureaucracy and discretion enjoyed by the civil servants
at the different levels of the government. This has led to increase in abuse of
power, which ultimately result into harassment, malpractices, maladministration
& corruption.
• In the Indian context, ARC of India (1966-70) has recommended the setting up of
two special authorities designated as ‘Lokpal’ and ‘Lokayuktas’ for redressed of
citizens’ grievances against corruption.
• In order to meet a long-standing demand to establish a mechanism for dealing
complaints on corruptions against public functionaries, including corruption at
high places, the Lokpal and Lokayukta Act, 2013 was enacted.
Salient features of the Act wrt Lokpal
(i) Establishes Lokpal as an anti-corruption institution or ombudsman at the centre
(union) to inquire into cases of corruption involving public functionaries.
(ii) The jurisdiction of Lokpal extends to-
(a) Anyone who is or has been Pm, minister in union government or a MP as well as
officials of the union government under Group A, B, C & D.
(b) Any board, corporation, society, trust or autonomous body either established by
an act of Parliament or wholly/ partially funded by centre.
(c) Anybody that receives foreign contribution above Rs 10 lakh.
Exceptions for PM (Prime Minister)

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• No inquiry if allegation against PM relates to international relations, ext &

internal security, public order, atomic energy & space.
• No complaints against PM to be probed unless full Lokpal bench considers the
initiation of inquiry and at least 2/3rd members approve it.
• Inquiry against PM to be held in camera.
Provisions aimed at keeping Lokpal insulated from politics
• Provisions for punishment and prosecution for filing false complaints will ensure
that institution of Lokpal is not misused for political gains.
• Lokpal can issue directions to agencies like CBI & CVC while investigating. This
ensures independent functioning free from government interference.
• However, the utility of the institution of Lokpal has been constantly questioned
due to following reasons-
(i) Efficacy of already existing institutional framework (CBI and CVC), in India in
checking corruption in government offices, has always been questioned. Most
importantly undue political interference in functioning of these institutions has
been a major issue.
(ii) Loopholes in the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act, 2013
(a) Lokpal cannot suo moto proceed against any public servant.
(b) Emphasis on form of complaints rather than substance.
(c) Anonymous complaints not allowed.
(d) Legal assistance to public servant against whom complaint is filled.
(e) Limitation period of 7 years to file complaints from date of occurring of offence.
Certain suggestions to ensure effective function of Lokpal
(i) Lokpal should be demonstratively independent & impartial.
(ii) Investigations & proceeding should be conducted in private, even in case of PM.
(iii) Appointment should be non-political.

(5e) ‘Quit India movement as the most unGandhian of all Gandhian movement’.
Comment.

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• The Gandhian phase of Indian national movement (1917-1947) radically altered

the nature of the freedom struggle; at the theoretical level, Gandhi creatively
redefined the nature of the movement. In contrast with the constitutional &
extremists’ nationalism, Gandhi introduced the technique of ‘non-violent
satyagraha’ as the only technique capable of meeting the nationalist aims &
aspirations. He used this technique in envisaging the ‘most spectacular mass
movement’ based on the strategy of ‘struggle-Truce-struggle’. The movement
based on this strategy, comprised of active phases of direct actions, such as
boycott etc. as well as passive phases of constructive programmes.
• However, Quit India movement, the most militant and least controlled mass
movement in the Gandhian phase, has been called to be the most unGandhian of
all Gandhian movement. This is so because, in a radical departure from past,
where Gandhi emphasized on a non-violent struggle against evil and not evil-
doers, he straightway asked the britishers to quit India and, for the first time,
allowed people to use arms for self-defense. Encouraging Indians to fight, Gandhi
called for ‘Do or Die’ but do not remain alive to see the country in the state of
slavery. He refused to condemn violence by the people and projected it to be
reaction to the bigger violence.
• However, scholars like Francis Hutchins argue that, at the end of the day. Gandhi
was a politician and a strategist. He used non-violence to bring masses within the
fold of national movement and once masses joined freedom struggle, non –
violence was no more required. Moreover, Quit India movement was the least
controlled movement as it was the most spontaneous movement owing to the fact
that top leadership was arrested and it was the grass root leadership and the
common man that become the leader of the movement.

(6a) ‘Social exclusionary practices of Indian state towards tribal’s is bringing forth
the concept of alienated citizens in India’. To what extent Forest Right Act
(FRA) and PESA are steps to address the alienation. Evaluate the status of their
implementation.

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• Tribes in India, numbering around 104.3 million people belonging to various

tribes (705) as per 2011 census, constitute about 9% of the total population of
India. These communities in general and those who are living in hinterland states
in particular, are one of the most vulnerable marginalized and isolated/excluded
social groups in the development process.
• Apart from the poor socio-economic status, such as 47.4% living below poverty
line, 41% illiteracy etc, the tribes or ‘adivasis’ of the central India are caught in
the civil war engineered by what is popularly known as ‘Naxalism’ or ‘left –wing
Extremism’ perceived to be the biggest ‘internal security threat’ that the country
has ever faced.
• However, in the debate around development process, the issues of the rights of the
tribes are actually side-lined. It is being argued that the evolution of ‘modern
nation-state’ has usurped territorial authority and traditional rights of the
indigenous peoples. It is manifested in the cultural appropriation, taking away
community rights over natural resources, land-alienation, role of state in
reproducing the inequalities through the exclusionary education system,
employment sectors, rampant human rights violations and sexual exploitation of
local tribes and ineffective implementation of progressive laws meant for
protection of tribal rights etc.
It is in this context, it has been argued that the exclusionary practices of state
towards tribal’s and its weakness in resolving its own structural constraints and
institutional deficits to restore the order has led to development of alienated
citizenship concept with respect to the tribal’s/adivasis, who are in a state of
constant denial of their rights.
• In this context, two superbly progressive pieces of legislation, FRA and PESA,
were designed to establish a framework for local self-governance in scheduled
areas, seeking to correct historical injustices by ensuring access to resources and
rights which facilitate self-governance. These laws emphasized on the efficacy of
a democratic approach to forest governance and conservation that gives primacy
to the legal rights of local communities and empowers Gram Sabhas –a model
which has been adopted by many countries.

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For eg:-PESA (1996) empowers Gram Sabha with right to mandatory

consultation in land acquisition, resettlement and rehabilitation of displaced
persons. Thus, it seeks to reduce alienation in tribal areas by allowing them to
have better control over utilization of forest resources.
• However, despite the enactment of PESA and FRA, these historical legislations
have failed to impact the livelihood of tribals—
(i) The 2018 ministry of Tribal Affairs (MoTA) status report on implementation of
FRA reveals that only 44.83% claims were granted. 55% of individual claims were
rejected compared to 51% of community claims. A/Q to MoTA, wrong
interpretation of act, appropriate procedure not followed in filling of claims due
to ignorance of Gram Sabha etc are main implementation problems.
(ii) The government has largely struggled to make local governance work in tribal
areas. This is mainly because funds allocated for local bodies are not
accompanied by the requisite capacity building to utilize funds & execute projects.
This has been the case even in states like Kerala.
(iii) The poor recognition process of rights has resulted in rejection of thousands of
legitimate claims made by forest dwellers.
(iv) Governments across the country have introduced conflicting policies that go
against the FRA provisions.
For eg:- Maharashtra issued a village Forest Rules notification in 2014, which
placed the governance of forests in the hands of committees that are constituted
& controlled by forest department.

(6b) ‘The record of environmental justice in India, from 1947-2018, exposes the
inadequacy of laws, policies, courts, legislature, administrative mechanism &
civil society networks in India’. Critically examine.
• To quote sociologist Robert Nisbit, ‘It is entirely possible that when the history of
20th century is finally written, the single most important social movement of the
period will be judged to be ‘environmentalism’.
• Environmental movements have become an important part of the political
discourse in contemporary developed and developing societies. Politics of
contemporary societies is being partly defined by these movements. In the Indian

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context, there has been no single unified & homogeneous environmental discourse
in India. There has been, what Ramchandra Guha calls, ‘Varieties of
environmentalism’.
• Unlike in the West, where modern environmentalism was given birth by the
scientists, in India it began through the protest of rural communities, involving
mainly the women, poor & disadvantaged masses who have been directly affected
by environmental degradation. While in the west, environmental movement was
motivated by the desire to keep beautiful nature unpolluted, Indian
environmentalism was drived not by leisure but by survival. A/Q to R.C. Guha,
environmental movements in India is ‘empty-stomach’ environmentalism. A/Q to
Sunita Narayan, while western environmentalism is ‘protectionist conservatism,
Indian environmental movement is ‘utilitarian conservatism’.
• Since its origin, the environmental movement in India has passed through three
important stages—
(i) Phase I (1947-1970s)
This period was mainly focused on industrialization aimed at catching up with
developed world. Guha calls this phase as ‘Age of ecological innocence’.
(ii) Phase II (1970s-1990s)
During this phase, the environmental movement emerged in India accompanied
by genesis of environmental journalism in the country. This phase saw various
important environmental movements in India such as Chipco movement (1973).
However, during this period, environmentalism was something of an interloper
(nuisance).
(iii) Phase III (Since 1990s)
The post-1991 economic reforms has deeply affected the environmental
movements during this phase with the advent of liberalization, Privatization and
Globalization the environmental movement in India weakened. Government
started forming nexus with foreign capitalists in order to pursue high economic
growth in the country. Globalization started a competition among the
governments of the developing countries to create better investment climate,
which even involved relaxing environmental safety norms. On the other hand,

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environmental movements opposing & protesting such policies of governments,

were increasingly treated as being ‘anti-nationalist’ movements.
• Therefore, in the context of changed nature of environmentalism in India, R.C.
Guha argue that India is today a basket case of environmental tragedy, evident in
the deteriorating environmental conditions even after a history of environmental
movement of more than four decades since Chipko movement (1973).

(6c) Compare the position of President as the head of Union Executive with the
Governor as the head of state executive. Why there’re so many controversies
associated with the post of Governor. Critically evaluate the significance of
Governor in India’s federal setup.
• The constitution of India provides for a parliamentary system of government in
the states as well as at the centre. Consequently, Governor is the chief executive
Head of state as he President is the chief executive Head of the Indian state.
• A/Q to B.R Ambedkar, the position of Governor in the states is exactly the same
as that of the President at the centre. He held that both are the constitutional
Heads and both are the ‘offices of Dignity’.
• However, the constitutional position of the Governor differs that of the President
in following aspects—
(i) While the constitution envisages the possibility of the Governor acting at times in
his discretion, which is itself a discretion no such powers has been provided to the
President (Art 163).
(ii) After the 42nd CAA (1766), the ministerial advice has been made binding on the
President there’re no such obligatory provisions with respect to the office of
Governor.
• The difference in the constitutional position of Governor from that of the President
is based on the idea that Governor’s office was envisaged to act as the ‘linch pin’
of Indian cooperative federalism by acting act as a connecting link b/w Union &
the states. The discretionary power was provided to Governor to ensure that the
office of Governor acts as a bulwark against the abuse of power by an elected
state government. In any case of emergency, constitution envisaged a restorative

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power being responsibly exercised by the Governor. In the same line, Vallabhai
Patel, in the constituent Assembly debates, argued that Governor is envisioned to
act in his discretion in a few matters which were either widely accepted or
necessary in an emergency. Thus, the office of Governor, with the capacity of
discretionary power, was envisaged to be more than just a nominal Head.
• However, to quote Ambedkar, ‘However a good constitution may be, if those
who’re implementing it are not good, it will prove to be bad’ Ambedkar’s word of
reaffirm can be aptly applied in the context of the office of Governor. A/Q to
Sarkaria commission, the office of Governor has been criticized for partiality &
lack of objectivity and for being used by the Union government for its own political
needs.
• The manner in which the discretionary power, given under Art 163, has been
exercised has been an extremely controversial aspect in the Indian federal polity.
It has been exercised in an arbitrary manner in the interest of the Centre. A/Q to
soli Sorabjee, in his book ‘The Governor: Sage or Saboteur’ has held that
arbitrary exercise of the discretionary power has converted the institution of
‘cooperative federalism’ to the institution of ‘Bargaining federalism’.
Instead of acting as an independent constitutional office of dignity, exercising
discretionary powers as ‘safety Valve’ during emergency, the office of Governor
has been used as the centre’s Agent, which is against the spirit of federalism, a
basic structure of the Indian constitution.
• Article 164(1) provides for the appointment of chief minister by the Governor.
This creates a wide room for discretionary power of the Governor in case of a
hung assembly (i.e., no party security the majority in the House). But, this
discretionary power is being misused by the governors. It has increased the events
of malpractices such as Lore trading of MLAs, defections against the spirit of 10 th
schedule and decline in public trust in the office of Governor.
• However, despite these controversies, the office of Governor still assumes a rital
importance having multifaceted role. A/Q to the Supreme Court, in Hargovind Vs
Raghukul Tilak Case (1979), the office of Governor is an independent
constitutional office of dignity, which is not subject to the control of the Union

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government. A/Q to Punchhi Commission, the importance of Governor hasn’t

declined, rather it has increased because there has been growth in internal
security threats like communal violence. Thus, in order to maintain the dignity
and relevance of the governor’s office, the Governor should use his discretionary
powers not as ‘representative of a party’, but, a/q to Ambedkar, as ‘representative
of the people as a whole of the state’.
• Therefore, in order to maintain the dignity and relevance of the Governor’s office
the Governor should use his discretionary powers not as ‘representative of a party
or centre’s agent’, but, a/q to Ambedkar, as ‘representative of the people as a
whole of the state’.
• The ARC (Administrative Reforms commission) in its Report on the centre –state
relations has insisted that the Governor must be impartial and must have a sense
of fair play.
• The NCRWC insisted that it is necessary to invest the office of Governor with the
requisite independence of action and to rid them of the bane of ‘instructions’ from
the central Governments. His loyalty must be to the constitution and to none else
and his commitment to the well-being of the people of his state.
Certain Suggestions for reform
(i) A/Q to Arc, a person to be appointed as a Governor should be one who has had a
long experience in public life and administration so that he can rise above the
party prejudices.
(ii) Raja Mannar Committee (set up by Tamil Nadu Government) has suggested that
the provision should be made to make the consultation with the chief Minister,
before appointing a Governor, mandatory.
(iii) The Sarkaria Commission recommended that the Governor’s tenure of office of
five years in a state shouldn’t be disturbed except very rarely and that too for
some extremely compelling reasons. Punchhi Commission has suggested that
Governor can be given an opportunity to be heard before his removal. A/Q to
Punchhi Commission, the provision of appointment of Governor based on whims
& fancies of the central government is not in keeping with the spirit of the
constitution.

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(7a) Discuss the constitution, jurisdiction, power and authority of the National
Commission on Minorities. How far it has been successful in achieving its
objectives? Explain with reference to a case study and suggest a way forward.
• The Union Government set up the National Commission for Minorities (NCM)
with the enactment of the NCM Act, 1992. The Act stipulates that ‘minority’, for
the purpose of the Act, means a community as notified by the central Government.
As a result, six communities (Muslims, Christians, Sikhs, Buddhists, Parsis and
Jains)have been notified as minority communities by the union Government.
• Composition of the NCM
A/Q to NCM Act (1992), the NCM shall consist of a Chairperson, a vice-
chairperson and five members to be nominated by the central Government from
amongst persons of eminence, ability and integrity. The Act mandates that the five
members including the chairperson shall be from amongst the minority
communities
Functions of the NCM
(i) To evaluate the progress of the development of minorities under the union &
States.
(ii) To monitor the working of the safeguards for minorities provided in the
constitution and in laws of parliament & state legislatures.
(iii) To make recommendations for effective implementation of safeguards for
minorities.
(iv) To look into specific complaints regarding deprivation of rights and safeguards
of minorities.
(v) Conducting studies, research and analysis on issues related to socio-economic &
educational development of minorities and suggesting appropriate measures to be
taken by central/state governments.
(vi) Making periodical/ special reports to the central government on any matter
related to minorities and in particular difficulties confronted by them.
• The success of a pluralistic democracy, like India, lies in the extent to which rights
of different vulnerable sections of the society can be protected. Therefore, the

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degree of autonomy with which organizations like NCM, NCSC, NCST, NCBC,
NCW etc are able to function eventually decides how healthy a democracy is.
• With respect to the NCM, aggrieved persons belonging to the minority
communities may approach the NCM for redressal of their grievances. In its
present form, NCM has powers to summon officials, including chief secretaries
and DGPs, but has to rely on departments concerned for action against officials.
However, being a statutory body, NCM has different powers & authority than that
of a constitutional body as constitutional body have greater autonomy, suo moto
inquiry into many matters and have powers of a civil court.
Challenges faced by NCM and Suggestions
Despite the safeguards provided in the constitution and institutional mechanism
present, there persists among minorities a feeling of insecurity, inequality &
discrimination. The followings are the challenges faced by NCM—
(i) Capacity related challenges- It includes
(a) Human resource deficiency (inconsistencies in staffing & appointments of key
officials in NCM).
(b) Limited role of state level minority commissions (lack of integration of minority
commissions in state with the NCM and only 2/3 rd of Indian states with minority
commissions).
(c) Under utilization of technology- while NCM utilizes a complaint minority system,
it doesn’t by itself facilitate an end-to-end complaint handling mechanism.
(ii) Financial planning & Expenditure related challenges
• While conducting studies, research & analysis on issues related to socio-
economic and education development of minorities is one of the key mandates of
NCM, only a small proportion of the allocated budget is spent in research
activities, which obstructs the achievement of mandate of the commission.
(iii) Legal & constitutional authority related challenges
(i) Like other commissions, NCM haven’t been provided with any ‘teeth’ in terms of
their legal capacity to out their mandate.

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(ii) Absence of constitutional power to conduct independent enquiries in cases of

transgression of minorities rights render the commission legally incapacitated to
fulfill its duty.
Recommendations
(i) NCM should evaluate the performance of its members based on specific
performance criterion, to ensure accountability, such as number of decisions
taken, disposal rate of cases in stipulated time etc.
(ii) To reduce pendency of cases at the organizational level, NCM should set certain
baseline targets related to the pendency rates.
(iii) At regular intervals, conducting a staffing needs assessment to address problem
of vacant positions in the membership.
(iv) NCM should develop a feedback mechanism regarding how their appeal was
processed, irrespective of the decision made. This will help in effective public
service.
(v) Expanding the role of state minorities commissions, by strengthening them and
setting up required state commissions, can help in reducing the pendency rates
and increasing hearings’ effectiveness of the commission.
• In the era of populist majoritarianism that render minority rights ignored the
NCM has the potential to rise as an institution that can serve as the beacon of
minority rights, especially in diverse country like India, which is constantly faced
with trail of proving its resilience & commitment to idea of ‘unity in diversity’.

(7b) Discuss the desirability & feasibility of simultaneous elections in India.

• Elections in India signify the world’s largest democratic exercise but, on the other
hand, frequent elections across the country consume a significant amount of
resources and divert rich of the time & money in a country where these needs to
be better utilized for the country’s welfare. It is in this context, the idea of
simultaneous election or ‘one nation, one election’ has gained currency.
• It means structuring the Indian election cycle in a manner that elections to Lok
Sabha and state Assemblies are synchronized vote for both Lok Sabha and state
Assemblies the same day. However, it doesn’t mean that voting across the country

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for Lok Sabha and state Assemblies needs to happen on a single day. Earlier, the
practice of simultaneous elections was prevalent in India till 1967 which was
disrupted due to premature dissolution of Assemblies.
• The idea of Simultaneous Elections re-emerged in First Annual Report of Election
Commission of India (1983) and later was furthered by Law Commission’s Report
(1999) and 79th report of Parliamentary standing Committee (2015). In 2017, a
paper by NITI Aayog on simultaneous Elections was released discussing the
relevance of the idea.
Need for Simultaneous Elections
• Frequent elections lead to imposition of Model code of conduct (MCC) over
prolonged period of time, which often leads to policy paralysis and governance
deficit in the form of suspended development programs, welfare schemes, capital
projects etc.
• Elections lead to huge expenditures by various stakeholders like political parties,
individual candidates etc. The urge to spend more (than the set limit) to win
elections is blamed as one of the key drivers of corruption and black money in the
country. Paper pointed that the Lok Sabha elections of 2009. The centre for Media
studies estimated that an undeclared Rs 30000 crore was spent on the 2014 Lok
Sabha polls. The Election Commission, on its part has estimated that the cost of
holding simultaneous elections to Lok Sabha and state Assemblies at Rs 4500
crore.
• On the part of government, elections require a whole set of administrative
machinery. Consequently, frequent elections add a huge event management
administrative cost and resources.
Criticism of simultaneous elections or ‘One Nation, One election’ idea
• The synchronization of terms would mean arbitrarily curtailing and expanding
the term of existing Legislatures to bring their election dates in line with the due
date for the Lok Sabha polls. This would be a measure that undermine federalism
as well as representative democracy. India is a ‘Union of states’ where states have
their own directly elected governments, and fixing a term adversely affects this
right. Moreover, in simultaneous elections, votes may end up privileging a

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particular party. Simultaneous elections may relegate local issues or issues of

state importance to the background and favor national issues. This completely
ignores the diversity of the country.
• Accommodating simultaneous elections in India’s political structure would
require a slew of constitutional amendments such as fixing terms of Lok Sabha
and state assemblies. Practically, fixing terms would also require that in case of
a dissolved House, the President or Governor (in states) would run the
government for the rest of the term, until the next predetermined election dates
rolls around. Such a practices is inconsistent with the west minister democracy,
which is based on idea that a government gains legitimacy from one elections to
the next by being able to prove its majority. In this way, simultaneous elections is
an anti-democratic idea.
• Moreover, frequent elections bring the politicians back to the voters and enhance
their accountability. This keeps the parties in touch with the pulse of the public
and results of elections ensure the necessary course correction by the government.

(7c) Discuss the changing trend in India’s Party system. Assess the impact of
‘Dominant Party System’ on Indian federalism. Do you think we’re moving
towards the II Dominant Party System.
• The actual shape and nature of a federal scheme depends upon the pattern of
social differentiation and the nature of the party system. A/Q to Ricker, the
structure of the party system may be regarded as the main variable intervening
b/w the background social conditions and the specific nature of federal bargain.
The party system by determining the urges for maintenance and articulation of
local diversities and shaping the consensus formation determine the operational
structure of federalism.
• While parliamentary democracy is based on the idea of party competition/
politics, federalism demands coordination b/w governments in a vertical division
of power dimension. This creates a co-relation b/w the party system and level of
power sharing in the federal-democratic setup. The changing dynamics of the

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party system shapes the trajectory of federalism from cooperative to

confrontationist & vice versa.
Evolution of Pattern of Indian federalism with Party system—
• In the Indian context, it has been argued that although the federal map of India
is, to a certain limit, fixed but the federal polity of India has been ever-changing.
(i) Phase I (1947-1967)
• This phase of one-party dominance or ‘congress system’ (as coined by Rajni
Kothari) witnessed the smooth working of cooperative federalism by virtue o same
party both at the level of union & state.
• This phase was described by scholar LS Pandit by asserting that what congress
couldn’t achieve through constitutional framework, it achieved through
federalism as centre was like a monarch of a large family.
• Despite the centrality & dominance on electoral politics and enormous
consolidation of power, the congress system didn’t transform into
authoritarianism due to following factors—
(i) Factions’ withing congress.
(ii) Free working of electoral process in the country.
(iii) Critical presence asserted by opposition (‘Parties of Presence’)
(iv) Tendency of the leadership to preserve democratic setup.
(ii) IInd Phase (1967-1977)
• The change in nature of the party system was visible at the state level where the
hegemony of the congress party was challenged through the formation of non-
congress government. A/Q to Rajni Kothari, this was the beginning of decline of
the dominant party system.
• A/Q to James Manor, this phase was the phase of ‘Awakening & decay’.
Awakening among masses who become more assertive, specifically claiming a
share in political power. On the other hand, the decay of parties or formal
institutions means inability of parties to meet the aspirations of masses. This was
the decline of the ‘consensual model of Indian politics’.
(iii) IIIrd phase (1977-1989)

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• In 1977 for the first time, coalition of non-congress parties acquired the power. E
Shridharan calls 1977 election as exception.
• In this phase, the party system, both at the central and the state level, was marked
by flux. This was due to the fragmentation that was taking place in political
parties. However, despite the flux, the competitiveness was a distinct feature of
the party politics.
(iv) Fourth Phase (since 1989)
• Since 1989, there has been an increase in the number of political parties entering
the political arena. The party system has evolved into multiplicity of political
parties.
• The kind of party system is not hegemonic but competitive with sufficient scope
for alternation. However, due to inability to ‘obtain majority, alternative takes
place not b/w individual parties but b/w the coalition of political parties.
Return of Dominant Party system in Indian Politics (since 2014)
• The electoral verdicts (2014 and 2019), which gave to the BJP a majority in the
Lower House of the Parliament, have brought back the debate of second
Dominant Party System in Indian politics.
• The phrase ‘the one party Dominant system’ was originally fashioned by Rajni
Kothari to capture a phenomenon peculiar to electoral politics in India, and to
the congress party in particular. For almost two decades in post-independence
India, the congress controlled the central as well as state governments. A/Q to
Kothari, the features of the ‘one-party dominant system’ are---
(i) An open and competitive party system.
(ii) A fractured opposition that cannot provide an alternative to the government.
(iii) A democratic and consensual dominant party.
• A/Q to Suhash Palshikar, the BJP appears to be playing the role of a dominant
power-both in electoral and ideological terms. Like the congress before it, the
BJP’s present position (since the 2014 LS elections) has a ‘system defining’
quality.

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• However, a/q to Neera Chandhoke, the one-party dominant system has returned
to the Indian politics, but is radically different from the umbrella-like congress
which offered something to everyone. By contrast, the strength of BJP lies in its
being a strong, ideological orientation and a disciplined cadre based party. On
the contrary, the congress was a loosely can’t coalition of different interest groups
bargaining with each other within the fold of party, resulting into a liberal stand
on most of the issues.
It is in this context, that Neera Chandhoke argues that the wheel has turned one
full circle, with one party dominant national politics and a fragmented opposition,
has returned but in a new avatar.

(8a) ‘The neglect & decay of Indian cities over the last seven decade has been a
travesty of national development in modern India’. Critically examine and
suggest a way forward.
• Urban areas (cities & towns) have been recognized as the ‘engines and drivers of
economic growth’—
(i) White cities & towns occupy only 2% of the total land, they contribute 70% of the
GDP and this is expected to increase to 75% by 2030.
(ii) A/Q to HPEC Report, higher levels of per capita are associated with higher levels
of urbanization across the country.
(iii) Cities play a vital role in faster growth of the economy, which requires a rising
share of industry and service sector. Cities generate economies of urban
agglomeration & act as centres of knowledge & innovation and, thus, pull out
people from agricultural to industry & services.
• A/Q to United Nations Population Fund Report (UNPFR) world population is
turning urban. About 3.3 billion people live in urban areas and, by 2030, about
more than half of world’s population will shift to urban areas. In the Indian
context, the annual growth in urban population b/w 2010 and 2015 was 1.1%,
which is highest among major economies. B/w 2015 & 2031, it is expected to grow
at CAGR of 2.1%.
Infrastructural challenges

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The infrastructural inadequacy of Indian cities are evident in severe air pollution
(Delhi), traffic congestion (Bangalore), Floods (Chennai) and garbage menace in
a number of cities.
(i) Housing
There’s failure to adequately address congestion in cities which has led to hidden
urbanization seen on the peripheries of major cities & not captured by official
statistics. In this context, the UN centre for Human settlements (UNCHS) has
introduced the concept of ‘Housing poverty’ representing lack of safe, secure &
healthy shelter.
(ii) Safe Drinking water
Water supply and sanitation facilities crucial to sustenance of urban life, is
available only about 50% of urban population and is never distributed for more
than few hours/day. The amount of non-Revenue water (i.e., leakage, stealing etc)
amounts to 40-70 %. Only about 18% of slum areas have access to piped water.
(iii) Education & Health
The most important indicators of human development, health & education, are
lagging behind as compared to countries such as Bangladesh & SriLanka. Indian
cities have failed to provide easily accessible health facilities. Urban education
system also is becoming elite in private institution due to limited seats & high
charged fees. The condition of public health & education institutions is dismal.
• A/Q to Isher Ahluwalia, the target of sustained 7% and above growth rate cannot
be achieved without revamping our cities. It is this growing recognition of
importance of urban areas, arena of policy discourse has been dominated by
various initiatives since mid-1980s. For the first time, ministry of urban
development was established in 1985. The present NDA government has also
given a lot of focus on urban areas with initiatives such as smart cities, swachh
Bharat, AMRUT etc. to rejuvenate cities and Housing for AQ.
• However, technocratic solution like smart cities appears to be inadequate without
strengthening grass root democracy. Smart cities must have features like smart
infrastructure, regular supply of power & water, sewage disposal efficient public
transport etc. In addition, government must focus not only on revamping urban

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physical infrastructure but also on putting up institutional mechanism such as

urban governance, which can ensure efficient service delivery.

(8b) Assess the impact of land reforms in agrarian transformation in post-

independent India. Give example to support your point of view on the basis of
case studies from any two states.
• A/Q to James Thorner, India is the most interesting case study of land reforms,
given the extremely huge number of poors, magnitude of hunger and the largest
body of land reform legislation. Land reform in India is an institutional reform
which aims to give ownership to the tillers. Land reform was one of the main
agenda of INC during freedom movement. This was reflected in the fact that post-
independence, India acquired the role of ‘Developmental state’. Guided by the
part IV (Directive Principles of state Policy) of the Indian constitution, Indian
state emphasized on the necessary steps to reduce the concentration of wealth and
economic resources. As a result, land reform emerged as a tool for realizing the
aims of a welfare state.
• Land Reforms in India are guided by the rationale for distributive justice over
economic growth. Scholars show the positive correlation b/w land reforms and
alleviation of rural poverty. On the ground that the main cause of poverty is
inequality in the distribution of productive assets. Atul Kohli has shown the
linkage b/w Human Development and Land Reforms from the state of Kerala and
west Bengal.
• To realize the objectives of land reforms in India, the government took these main
steps—
(i) Abolition of intermediaries
(ii) Tenancy reforms
(a) Regulation of rent
(b) Security of tenure
(c) Ownership rights tenure
(iii) Reorganization of Agriculture
(a) Redistribution of land

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(b) Consolidation of land

(c) Cooperative farming
• Assessment of land Reforms
The whole attempt of land reforms in India is considered to be a big failure by
majority of experts. The issue of land reforms has been considered as the most
complex socio-economic problem.
• Except the abolition of Zamindari, the achievements of the land reforms have been
highly discouraging—
(i) Tenancy reforms provided tenants with rights, but only on 4% of total operated
area in India by 1992.
(ii) Redistribution of ownership rights of land took place, but only upto 2% of total
operated area.
(iii) Concentration of land remained exceptionally high except in Kerala & West
Bengal.
(iv) A/Q to agricultural census 2015, the average size of land holding in India is 1.15
hectares, which is continuously declining.
• Reasons for failure of Land Reforms in India
• General Reasons
(i) Delayed laws with loopholes
(ii) Elitist Bureaucracy & Judiciary.
(iii) Corruption & Patronage politics
(iv) Lack of political will
(v) Lack of pressure from peasants & agricultural workers as they were divided on
caste & religious lines.
• A/Q to Gunnar Myrdal, India being a soft state failed to effectively enforce
policies to eradicate poverty.
• Atul Kohli argues that state lacks political will and organizational capacity to
confront property class.
• RadhaKrishnan argues that land reforms could succeed only in those areas where
peasantry was politically mobilized & could exert pressure from below.

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(8c) A/q to Bipin Chandra, nationalism is a state of mind corresponding to the

political fact. Thus, Indian nationalism, which developed during the freedom
struggle, was basically anti-imperialist in nature.
The followings are the salient features of Indian nationalism during freedom
struggle—
(i) Inclusive – The Indian national movement was the struggle for freedom against
an immensely powerful adversary i.e., the colonial rulers. To be successful, the
struggle had to be based on nationalism which was inclusive to mobilize every
possible segment of the population.
The inclusiveness of Indian nationalism during freedom struggle was not limited
only to the national boundaries. It encompassed the Third World countries
undergoing similar anti-colonial struggles with an aim to develop solidarity &
fraternal relationship with them.
By contrast, European nationalism was never inclusive of the entire population
even within the national territory (eg-Jews in Germany).
(ii) Welfarist- the Indian nationalism during freedom struggle was based on the idea
of welfare of the people, as distinct from mere greatness of the nation. Its central
focus was ‘welfare’ which was expressed by Gandhiji when he held that the
objective of freedom was ‘to wipe away the tears from the eyes of every Indian’.
This ‘welfarist’ nationalism was a result of socialist inclination of the Indian
national movement brought about by leaders like Nehru.
(iii) Egalitarian nationalism
In contrast to the aggrandizing nationalism of Europe, Indian nationalism was
based on democratic and egalitarian values. His feature of Indian nationalism
owe its genesis to the national movement centered around fight for democracy,
representational government, adult franchise & Civil liberties. Thus, over the
years, the nationalist movement successfully created an ideology & culture of
democracy and civil liberties based on principle of equality.

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 Political Science & International Relations
Crash Course & Test Series - 2019
Test 02
Time Allowed: 3 Hours Max Marks: 250
Name
Test Date
Email Address
Mobile
UPSC Roll No

Instructions:
1. There are EIGHT questions divided in TWO SECTIONS and candidate has
to attempt five questions in all.
2. Question Nos. 1 and 5 are compulsory and out of the remaining, any
three are to be attempted choosing at least ONE question from each
section.
3. Content of the answer is more important than its length.
4. Answers must be written in the medium authorized in the admission
Certificate, which must be stated clearly on the cover of the booklet in
the space provided.
5. Content of the answer is more important than its length.
6. Any page or portion of the page left blank in the Question-Cum-Answer
Booklet must be clearly struck off.
7. All parts of the question should be written at one place itself.
8. Write the test in exam atmosphere.
9. Filling all the details in BLOCK LETTERS is mandatory.
S. No. a b c d e Total
1
2 X X
3 X X
4 X X
5
6 X X
7 X X
8 X X
Grand Total
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Very
Poor Average Good Excellent
Good
Understanding of
Questions
Structure & Flow
(a) Introduction
(b) Conclusion
(c) Overall
Subject
Knowledge
Presentation
(a) Underline
(b) Paragraph
(c) Overall
Overall Remarks:

Dear Student,

_______________________________________________________________

_______________________________________________________________

_______________________________________________________________

_______________________________________________________________

_______________________________________________________________

_______________________________________________________________

_______________________________________________________________

_______________________________________________________________

_______________________________________________________________

_______________________________________________________________

All the best for next test..!!!

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Que.1(a) The legal framework of Data Protection Law needs an urgent

overhaul in the era of Data Colonialism. Discuss it in the light of new
Data Protection Law? 10 Marks

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Que.1(b) There should be balance between Women dignity and Class and
gender specific legislation. Analyze the statement citing two
examples. 10 Marks.

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Que.1(c) “Speakers must rise above the party loyalties, with constitution as
their guiding light.”. Comment. 10 Marks.

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Que.1(d) India’s Reservation Policy requires new debate. Comment.

10 Marks.

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Que.1(e) Farm’s distress should be understood in the terms of distributive

Justice. Discuss the recent noticeable changes in the farmer
movement. 10 Marks

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Que.2(a) What does the principle of the basic structure of the constitution
means? Discuss the prominent contours of the basic structure of our
constitution and their contemporary relevance. 20 Marks

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Que.2(b) Can a secular state interfere in matters of faith? Should courts

venture to rationalize the matters of religion and faith? Give
arguments in support of your view, taking the reference of
Sabrimala judgement? 15 Marks

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Que.2(c) “India’s electoral integrity suffers in the area of campaign finance,

media coverage and above all poll administration.” Elaborate and
suggest a way forward. 15 Marks

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Que.3(a) A new single-party hegemonic system in Indian politics that is akin

to what prevailed since Independence during the days of the
“Congress system” is noticeable. Discuss the visible changes and its
viability in Politics of India. 20 Marks

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Que.3(b) Illustrate the dimension and scale of criminalization of Indian

politics. Assess the impact of criminalization on the integrity of
Indian Parliament. Suggest a way forward. 15 Marks

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Que.3(c) “Federalism in recent years witnessed a change from dogmatic to

dynamic approach.” Elaborate. Critically evaluate reforms taken in
the field of fiscal federalism in India in recent years. 15 Marks

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Que.4(a) “The rot in India judiciary has penetrated deep leading to serious
epidemic, requires overhauling and not just customary touch up.”
Critically evaluate the statement and suggest the way forward.
20 Marks

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Que.4(b) Justify the ongoing economic reforms has the potential to change
the dynamics of developmental process. Justify the statement in the
light of Constitutional Goals. 15 Marks

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Que.4(c) India seems to be witnessing the rise of a new political order similar
on the lines of Congress system but it is much more than that of
single party System. Comment. 15 Marks

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Que.5(a) The role of extra-parliamentary mobilisation in Indian

representative democracy. 10 Marks

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Que.5(b) The draft New Education Policy is a framework to reinvigorate the

Indian education system. 10 Marks.

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Que.5(c) The evolution of LGBT movement in India as a major civil right

movement. 10 Marks

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Que.5(d) The institution of Lokpal will add nothing but one more layer to the
already complex mechanism of corruption related Institutions.
Comment. 10 Marks

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Que.5(e) Quit India Movement as most un-Gandhian of all Gandhian

movement. 10 Marks

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Que.6(a) “Social exclusionary practices of Indian state towards tribal is

bringing forth the concept of alienated citizens in India.” To what
extent Forest Right Act and PESA are step to address the alienation.
Evaluate the status of their implementation. 20 Marks

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Que.6(b) The record of environmental justice in India from 1947-2018,

exposes the inadequacy of laws, policies, courts, legislature,
administration mechanism and civil society networks in India.
Critically examine. 15 Marks

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Que.6(c) Compare the position of President as a head of Union Executive with

the Governor as a head of State executive. Why there are so many
controversies with the post of Governor? Critically evaluate the
significance of Governor in India’s federal setup. 15 Marks

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Que.7(a) Discuss the constitution, jurisdiction, power and authority of the

National Commission on Minorities. How far it has been successful
in achieving its objectives? Explain with reference to a case study
and suggest a way forward. 20 Marks

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Que.7(b) Discuss the desirability and feasibility of simultaneous elections in

India. 15 Marks

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Que.7(c) Discuss the changing trend in India’s Party system. Do you think we
are moving towards the Second Dominant Party System. Assess the
impact of ‘Dominant Party System’ on Indian federalism. 15 Marks

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Que.8(a) “The neglect and decay of Indian cities over the last seven decade
has been a travesty of national development in modern India.”.
Critically evaluate and suggest a way forward. 20 Marks

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Que.8(b) Assess the impact of land reforms in agrarian transformation in

post-Independent India. Give example to support your point of view
on the basis of case studies from any two states. 15 Marks

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Que.8(c) Explain the difference between elite and mass nationalism as the
two different forms of anticolonial nationalism in India. What were
the salient features of Indian Nationalism during freedom struggle?
15 Marks

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Space for Rough Work

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Political Science & International Relations9

Crash Course & Test Series - 2019
Test 02
Time Allowed: 3 Hours Max Marks: 250

There are EIGHT questions divided in TWO SECTIONS and candidate has to
attempt five questions in all.

Question Nos.1 and 5 are compulsory and out of the remaining, any three
are to be attempted choosing at least ONE question from each section.

SECTION ‘A’.

1. Comment on the following in about 150 words each : 10*5=50

1(a.) The legal framework of Data Protection Law needs an urgent
overhaul in the era of Data Colonialism. Discuss it in the light of new
Data Protection Law? 10 Marks
1(b.) There should be balance between Women dignity and Class and
gender specific legislation. Analyze the statement citing two
examples. 10 Marks
1(c.) “Speakers must rise above the party loyalties, with constitution as
their guiding light.”. Comment. 10 Marks
1(d.) India’s Reservation Policy requires new debate. Comment. 10 Marks
1(e.) Farm’s distress should be understood in the terms of distributive
Justice. Discuss the recent noticeable changes in the farmer
movement. 10 Marks
2. (a.) What does the principle of the basic structure of the constitution
means? Discuss the prominent contours of the basic structure of our
constitution and their contemporary relevance. 20 Marks

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2. (b.) Can a secular state interfere in matters of faith? Should courts

venture to rationalize the matters of religion and faith? Give
arguments in support of your view, taking the reference of Sabrimala
judgement? 15 Marks
2. (c.) “India’s electoral integrity suffers in the area of campaign finance,
media coverage and above all poll administration.” Elaborate and
suggest a way forward. 15 Marks
3. (a.) A new single-party hegemonic system in Indian politics that is akin to
what prevailed since Independence during the days of the “Congress
system” is noticeable. Discuss the visible changes and its viability in
Politics of India. 20 Marks
3. (b.) Illustrate the dimension and scale of criminalization of Indian
politics. Assess the impact of criminalization on the integrity of Indian
Parliament. Suggest a way forward. 15 Marks
3. (c.) “Federalism in recent years witnessed a change from dogmatic to
dynamic approach.” Elaborate. Critically evaluate reforms taken in
the field of fiscal federalism in India in recent years. 15 Marks
4. (a.) “The rot in India judiciary has penetrated deep leading to serious
epidemic, requires overhauling and not just customary touch up.”
Critically evaluate the statement and suggest the way forward.
20 Marks
4. (b.) Justify the ongoing economic reforms has the potential to change the
dynamics of developmental process. Justify the statement in the light
of Constitutional Goals. 15 Marks
4. (c.) India seems to be witnessing the rise of a new political order similar
on the lines of Congress system but it is much more than that of single
party System. Comment. 15 Marks

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SECTION ‘B’
5. Comment on the following in about 150 words each : 10*5=50
5. (a.) The role of extra-parliamentary mobilisation in Indian
representative democracy. 10 Marks
5. (b.) The draft New Education Policy is a framework to reinvigorate the
Indian education system. 10 Marks
5. (c.) The evolution of LGBT movement in India as a major civil right
movement. 10 Marks
5. (d.) The institution of Lokpal will add nothing but one more layer to the
already complex mechanism of corruption related Institutions.
Comment. 10 Marks
5. (e.) Quit India Movement as most un-Gandhian of all Gandhian
movement. 10 Marks
6. (a.) “Social exclusionary practices of Indian state towards tribal is
bringing forth the concept of alienated citizens in India.” To what
extent Forest Right Act and PESA are step to address the alienation.
Evaluate the status of their implementation. 20 Marks
6. (b.) The record of environmental justice in India from 1947-2018,
exposes the inadequacy of laws, policies, courts, legislature,
administration mechanism and civil society networks in India.
Critically examine. 15 Marks
6. (c.) Compare the position of President as a head of Union Executive with
the Governor as a head of State executive. Why there are so many
controversies with the post of Governor? Critically evaluate the
significance of Governor in India’s federal setup. 15 Marks

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7. (a.) Discuss the constitution, jurisdiction, power and authority of the

National Commission on Minorities. How far it has been successful in
achieving its objectives? Explain with reference to a case study and
suggest a way forward. 20 Marks
7. (b.) Discuss the desirability and feasibility of simultaneous elections in
India. 15 Marks
7. (c.) Discuss the changing trend in India’s Party system. Do you think we
are moving towards the Second Dominant Party System. Assess the
impact of ‘Dominant Party System’ on Indian federalism. 15 Marks
8. (a.) “The neglect and decay of Indian cities over the last seven decade has
been a travesty of national development in modern India.”. Critically
evaluate and suggest a way forward. 20 Marks
8. (b.) Assess the impact of land reforms in agrarian transformation in post-
Independent India. Give example to support your point of view on the
basis of case studies from any two states. 15 Marks
8. (c.) Explain the difference between elite and mass nationalism as the two
different forms of anticolonial nationalism in India. What were the
salient features of Indian Nationalism during freedom struggle?
15 Marks

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Tips for Writing Good Answers:-

1. Read the question carefully and at least 3-4 times.
2. Note down concepts, facts, examples, keywords related to
the question.
3. Draw a rough outline of the flow.
4. Pay adequate attention to the introduction and
conclusion.
5. Introduction must offer your brief interpretation of the
question and how you propose to develop it.
6. Conclusion must summarize your response to the
question.
7. Make sure answer is
a. Logical and coherent
b. Clear connection between sentences and
paragraphs.
c. Written correctly giving adequate compatibility to
your expression, style and presentation
d. Do not exceed the word limit
e. Write neatly
f. Underline points you wish to emphasize.

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 PSIR Crash Course Test 03 Model Answers

(1a) ‘The institutional approach has done most to shape the development of politics as a
discipline and remains an important tradition in comparative politics’. Comment.
• The institutional approach in its various forms has been an important constituent of
comparative political analysis. The study of institutions of governance was at the core
of political analysis be it the exploration of the ‘Ideal state’ of Plato or the typology
of the states proposed by Aristotle. Therefore, for a long time, comparative political
analysis was associated primarily with a comparative study of institutions and thus,
the study of institutions remained more or less the most dominant approach in
comparative politics till WWII (1950s).
• The main focus of the institutional approach (i.e., its subject matter) was-
(i) Law and the constitution.
(ii) Historical study of government and the state in order to understand the manner in
which sovereignty, legal and legislative instruments evolved.
(iii) The manner in which the structures of government functioned such as power relation
b/w centre, state and local government, bureaucracy etc.
• However, an important criticism leveled against the institutional approach, primarily
after WWII, was its ‘ethnocentric approach’ i.e., its failure to take up for study
institutions in the countries of the Third Work emerged after WW II. The failure
emanated in effect from the normative framework of this approach which could
accommodate only the theoretical paradigms of western liberal constitutional
democracies.
• Thus, the lack of tools to understand the institutions in other countries of developing
and communist worlds resulted in warning of the influence of this approach. Ray
Macridis described the institutional approach as ‘non-comparative’, parochial, static
& monographic.
• However, the approach resurfaced in the late 1960s & 1970s in a form called ‘new
institutionalism’, which is evident from Theda Skocpol’s call for ‘bringing the state
back in’.

(1b) Discuss the degree to which the nature and core functions of the state in advanced
industrial societies have changed since WWII.
• The developed countries are known as the ‘advanced Industrial States’. They have been
the imperial powers in the past and continue to have dominance on politics, economics,
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cultural & ideological spheres even after the end of decolonization. This process is
known as ‘neo-colonialism’. These countries constitute the ‘GLOBAL SOUTH’, a term
used to identify developed countries. From the Marxist point of view, they’re the ‘CORE
COUNTRIES’.
• From end of WWII till the end of cold war
During the period, advanced industrial states were divided into 2 blocs—CAPITALIST
& SOCIALIST. However, the socialist bloc countries couldn’t sustain themselves. The
collapse of Soviet Union marked the end of the cold war. With the fall of communism,
many of these countries adopted the western (capitalist) model of politics & economy.
However, most of these countries are now the developing countries, despite having
industrial base.
• From end of cold war to the start of 21st century
This period was characterized by the dominant position or hegemony of the western
countries, especially the USA.
• However, since the advent of 21st century, there’s a substantial decline in hegemony of
west marked by the ’rise of the Rest’. The centre of gravity started shifting from
ATLANTIC to ASIA PACIFIC. BRICS countries started giving challenge to these
countries in different sectors, particularly manufacturing sector.
Since 2008 financial crisis, these countries aren’t only facing economic crisis but also
political crisis. This is reflected in rise of neo-rightists in Europe & USA. People in
these countries have become susceptible to political agenda of populist parties, mainly
because of combination of economic crisis, migrant crisis, transnational terrorism &
so-called ‘Islamophobia’.
Thus, it can be argued that these countries are also in the state of transition.

(1c) ‘The prospect of democratic transition in East (china) and South East Asia is grim.
This is not because Asian values are undemocratic; the main obstacle in democratic
breakthrough is state’. Comment.
• The extraordinary economic growth experienced within East Asian and South East
Asian countries-often achieved under different modalities than that of neo-liberal
orthodoxy- has put the political and social arrangements of these countries under the

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spotlight. One of the most important dimension used for comparative examination of
these countries is extent of their democratization.
• While, on the one hand, scholars like Francis Fukuyama claims that democracy
represent the determinate ‘end of human history’ as there’s an irresistible trend in favor
of democratic governance, others challenges it by arguing that idea of a world of
democracies have emerged from the growing significance of non-democratic states
such as Asian countries like China.
• On the democratic front, many Asian countries presents a picture of ‘democratic deficit’
in the form of low level of freedom & rights, separation of powers etc, which are
important criterion for substantial democratic ethos of a political system. Most of the
Asian countries have evolved through hard or soft authoritarianism to some form of
democracy, in the sense of having elections, universal suffrage and political parties.
Yet in some cases they appear to be based on a different socio-political premise. Strong
government invested with the responsibility of upholding collective needs, an absence
of many liberal democratic practices, longevity of political elites etc seem to be the
norm.
For eg- Singapore has been ruled by the people’s action party since independence
under the leadership of Lee Kuan Yew (1959-1990).
• From the western perspective, it is the characteristic features of ‘Asian Values’ that is
undemocratic at its roots. A/Q to it, the primary characteristics of these societies is said
to based upon group orientation, which means that people are more group conscious
than those in the west. As a result, ‘common good’ comes prior to the rights of the
individual. Indeed, it is only through an orderly society which curtails the excesses of
individualism that all members of the community can live safe & satisfied.
For eg:- Chinese government concerning the reversion of Hong Kong to Chinese
sovereignty.
• However, it is misleading to consider ‘Asian values’ as being undemocratic in political
terms as the most important factor for democratic deficit of East and South East Asian
countries. This is so because ‘values’ are necessarily cultural-specific and can be
different from western values.
• On the other hand, it is the nature of the state in these Asian societies that reduces the
prospects of democratic transition in these countries. The states in these societies
exhibit a strong state whose politics have concentrated sufficient power, autonomy and
capacity to shape, pursue & encourage the achievements of explicit developmental

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objectives. In concrete terms, it is the Asian governance model of strong state that focus
on delivery of economic growth political stability, & efficient service rather than on
democratic rights, accountability & checks and balances.
Thus, in these states, development successes overshadows democratic deficit.

(1d) ‘New social movements are the products of post-industrial society that give
importance to socio-cultural rather than political and economic considerations’.
Critically examine.
• A/Q to Doug McAdams, social movements are those organized efforts to promote or
resist changes in social structure that involve recourse to non-institutional forms of
political participation. In concrete terms, social movements involve collective struggle
aimed at bringing social transformation questioning prevailing order, power
relations, struggle for justice etc. Thus, the most important elements of social
movements are collective action, common purpose and social change.
• Earliest modern social movements started in the19th century, were workers movement
against the exploitative nature of capitalism. These traditional social movements tend
to focus on economic concerns & inequalities. They were homogeneous in terms of
the class composition, usually poor or lower working class. Old social movements
assumed the form of proletarian revolution in the sense that they involved working
class going for political action or direct action, like protests, strikes etc., against the
existing economic structure of the society.
• However, new social movement theory argues that the contemporary social
movements are performing collective action in markedly different ways than
traditional social movements. Contemporary social movements are characterized by
strategies, goals, methods & membership distinct from traditional social movements.
• A/Q to Fuchs, new social movements developed in 1960s in response to traditional
social movements that were considered to be irrational & result of personal
grievances and discontent. New social movements are post-materialist movement that
primarily aims at developmental issues and quality of life concerns, such as
environmental protection global peace, civil rights movements, Human rights
movements etc.
• Thus, new social movements are seen as a response to the changing social, economic
& political structure in the post-industrial society. Unlike traditional social
movements, that tend to engage in class conflict new social movements are engaged
in political & social conflict led by a segment of society referred to as ‘new middle

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class’. New social movements encourage members to engage in lifestyle changes and
tend to have supporters rather than members and are characterized by loosely
organized networks. In addition, these movements differ from protest groups or
movements as they often desire to see change on a global scale as opposed to the
single specific issue taken on by protest movements.

(1e) ‘Modern democracy is unthinkable, save in terms of parties’- E.E. Schattsschneider.

Comment.
• The idea that democracy induces governments to be responsive to the preferences of
the people is a central claim of many democratic theorists. A/Q to Robert Dahl,
continuining responsiveness of the government to the preferences of its citizens is a
key characteristics of democracy. As the democratic form of government is regarded
as the government by the people, political parties are considered to be a necessary
institution. Political parties are considered to be essential for the working of modern
democratic states. A/Q to Laski, there’s no alternative to party government, save
dictatorship, in any state of modern size.
• The role of party system in the operation of the democratic polity is new generally well
recognized by political theorists. A/Q to E.E. Schattschneider, political parties created
democracy and modern democracy is unthinkable except in terms of parties. Because
they are the umbilical cord that links citizens to their government. A/Q to Finer,
democracy rests, in hopes and doubts, upon the party system. As democracy postulates
free organization of opposing opinions or ‘hospitality to a plurality of ideas’ and
political parties act as a major political vehicle of opinions and ideas without parties,
electorate would be highly diffused & atomized and opinions too variant and
dispensed. Parties are seen, both by their members and others as agencies for forging
links b/w citizens and policy-makers. Thus, existence of party system is necessary to
bring public opinion to focus and frame issues for the popular verdict and is thus ‘Sine
qua non’ of democracy.

(2a) Scholars of comparative politics argue that ethnic & religious identities are
constructed and reinforced by political factors. Assess the claim through a comparison of
any two countries. One from developed & other from developing world.
• Among the several sub-fields into which political science is divided, comparative politics
is the only one which carries a methodological instead of substantial label. Comparative
politics refers to the study of political institutions, processes and behavior of political

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system of different countries with a view to identify the similarities & differences which
characterizes them.
• The major task of the study of comparative politics is to develop some perspective on
the mixture of constants & variability which characterize a nation-state’s institutions
and contexts in which they operate. However, it is not only concerned with the
comparative study of state & its institutions, but it also deals with non-state political
contexts such as leadership, political socialization, political modernization etc. One
such approach that is best suitable for this is ‘Political Sociology’.
• Political sociology as a discipline aims to examine the interaction b/w politics and
society. In basic terms, it explores to understand the process of interaction b/w
government and society, decision making institutions and conflicting social forces and
interests.
• With the emergence of new states after decolonization process, it became difficult to
understand the political processes in these states in traditional legal institutional
framework. Thus, it was realized that political sociology approach will be relevant for
understanding the political phenomenon in Third world countries because as in these
countries, there’s a gap b/w theory and practice, the study of constitution and other
political structures and institutions is not enough.
• With the emergence of third World countries, which are different from their western
counterparts, it was acknowledged that political actors & institutions, including parties,
pressure groups and social movements in these countries operate within a wider social
context. Thus, it was accepted that political analysis in these societies require the
understanding of their socio-economic context.
• To comprehend the interface b/w politics and society or socio-political processes,
political sociology deals with the study of the social source of political competition
(including social cleavage & identities), social and political approaches (including
political culture and political socialization), processes of political engagement and
competition (including elections, interest aggregation, interest articulation), social
basis for the formation, change and maintenance of political institutions (including
democracy and welfare states).
• Comparative political sociology tends to indicate and study differences in socio-political
traits or characteristics of different countries, to define some cause and effect
relationships in political phenomenon’s of different nation states. In comparative
political sociology, scholars try to understand how sociological factors shape politics
and vice versa and based on these observations, different nation-states are compared in
the following manner—

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• Western societies, defined by freedom & liberty, witnesses very weak political
affiliations and cross-voting in legislatures is a common and accepted tradition. On the
contrary, non-western countries like India, political affiliations are sometimes
generations and cross-voting is seen as case of political betrayed.
• In plural caste-ridden societies like India, political processes such as mobilization,
formation of political parties are based on caste-lines and identity driven. Whereas in
western societies, political processes are generally carried out on class-lines or
economic basis.
• Democracy is still difficult in most of the fundamental religious societies owing to their
social structures, whereas liberal & secular societies of west are thoroughly democratic.

(2b) ‘Middle East and Africa is a region of weak & failed states’. Analyze with the
example of Sudan, Syria & Algeria. Give reasons to explain the phenomenon.
• The ‘state’ has long been regarded as the most significant actor on the world stage,
the ‘basic unit’ of global politics. However, the contemporary modern times have
witnessed transformation of the nature & the role of the state itself. But, the plight of
the state is most serious in the case of ‘pre-modern’ world, which, a/q to Robert cooper
is a world of ‘post-imperial chaos in which states are characterized by their
‘weakness’. (weak/failed states).
• A/Q to UN, ‘failed states’ are political entitles which fail the most basic test of state
power as they’re unable to maintain domestic order & personal security to citizens
such states suffer from at least 3 key failings—
(i) A weak government that lacks legitimacy.
(ii) Political & societal fragmentation (extreme)
(iii) Severe economic weakness.
• The phenomenon of ‘failed states’ is particularly salient in the contemporary middle
east & sub Saharan Africa as most of the failed states in the world are concentrated
here such as Syria, Sudan, Algeria, Sierra Leore etc. A/Q to the fund for peace Indices
of failed states, thirty three are defined as ‘fragile’ or in an advanced process of
collapse. Most of the states in the worst stage of failure are Muslim majority and
located in Middle East & Sub-Saharan Africa. Similarly, the UN Arab Human
Development Report (AHDR) (2016) identified the Arab World as the region that has
experienced the most rapid increase in war and violent conflict over the past decade
and determined that the Middle East encompasses the ‘largest number of countries

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that become failed states’. In addition, the report predicts that ‘’almost three out of
four arras will live in countries with high risk of conflict by 2020’.
Reasons
The roots of this stark state of affairs can be traced back to the WWI creation of the
Arab territorial nation states system which consisted of artificial entities with weak
self-identities, territories that were poorly suited to their populations because of
diverse or rival ethnic groups, religions etc and regimes that lacked legitimacy. Most
Arab states failed to shape a solid and agreed-upon national ethos durng their years
of existence, and their governability & relative stability were reliant on the ‘iron hand’
with which they ruled.
• A/Q to William Zartrnan, states that suffer from internal disintegration (primarily
because of identity politics religion, ethnic etc) and simultaneously are characterized
by weak or non-functioning institutions are liable to become failed states. In such
states, failure intensifies in a kind of vicious circle. The weakness of state’s institutions
reinforces the fragmentation, which in turn further weakness the institutions & their
legitimacy.
• However, failed states are not just a domestic problem. They often have a wider impact
through precipitating refugee crisis, providing a refugee for drug mafia & terrorist
organizations and thus, generate regional instability. The last two decades show that
most of today’s active conflicts, including international terrorism such as ISIS,
emanates from failed states. In other words, crisis that develop in failed states also
harm their surroundings. They’re the biggest generators of humanitarian crisis,
displaced people & refuges, they endanger regime stability in neighboring states and
they constitute fertile soil for the advent of extremism & terrorism.
These effects have a serious global impact as the international community has a
limited ability to intervene in failed states. These limits are the product of various
factors such as lack of political will to intervene, the inherent conceptual &
operational weaknesses of peacekeeping & state-building missions etc.

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(2c) Define Petrostate. To what extent Venezuela’s descent into economic & political
chaos in recent years a cautionary tale of the dangerous influence commodity based
economy can have on developing countries?
• ‘Petrostate’ is an informal term used to describe countries, such as Algeria, chad,
Ecuador, Iran, Mexico, Oman, Qatar, Russia, Saudi Arabia, UAE and Venezuela, with
several inter related features—
(i) Government income is deeply reliant on export of oil & natural gas (i.e., lack of
diversification of economy).
(ii) Economic and political power are highly concentrated in an elite minority and
(iii) Political institutions are weak and unaccountable, and corruption is widespread.
• Petrostates are thought to be vulnerable to, what economists call, ‘DUTCH
DISEASE’, a term coined during 1970s after Netherlands discovered natural gas in
North Sea. In an afflicted country, a resource boom attracts large inflows of foreign
capital, leading to appreciation of local currency and a boost for imports. This sucks
labor & capital away from other sectors of economy, which are more important for
growth & competiveness. As these labor- intensive export industries by behind,
unemployment could rise and country could develop an unhealthy dependence on the
export of natural resources, which could leave petrostate economies highly vulnerable
to unpredictable swings in global energy prices.
Apart from it, since petrostates depend more on export income and less on taxes,
there’re often weak ties b/w government & citizens.
The case of Venezuela
The case of Venezuela crisis has proved it to be a classic example of a failed
petrostate; owing to the following indicators—
(i) Oil sales account for 98% of export earnings and 50% of GDP.
(ii) Falling oil production
(iii) Spiraling economy
(iv) Soaring debt
(v) Hyperinflation (about 80,000%)
(vi) Growing autonomy as President Nicolas Maduro has violated basic tenets of
democracy to maintain power.
All these together have caused a devastating humanitarian crisis, with severe
shortages of basic goods and country shipping into poverty, which ultimately resulting
in increased crime rate and mass immigration.

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Brief Background of Present Venezuelan crisis
• Venezuela’s former President Hugo Chavez came to power in 1998 and promised to
fight poverty & in equality through socialism & nationalize huge amounts of private
assets, including oil companies.
• Social welfare schemes heavily financed by exporting oil, were expanded. As a result,
Venezuela’s poverty rate fell from 50% (1998) to 30% (2012).
• However, when the oil price dropped drastically in 2014, Venezuela suffered a
shortage of foreign currency and this made import of basic essentials like food and
medicines difficult.
• This forced government to borrow to continue social welfare schemes and created
‘BOLIVARS’ (Venezuelan currency) from the central Bank. Venezuela’s money supply
grew from 10.6 bn Bolivars (1998) to 7513 bn Bolivars (2016). This resulted in
hyperinflation and drop in bolivars values and, thus, crippled in economy.
• Apart from the economic crisis, Venezuela is also witnessing a political chaos. This is
due to the fact that it is difficult for a country to avoid the so-called ‘resource cores’
if its state infrastructure or democratic institutions are developed, mature & robust.
For eg:- Strong institutions in Norway have helped the country enjoy steady economic
growth since 1960s, when vast oil reserves discovered in North Sea.
But, Venezuela has witnessed descent into dictatorship particularly since chovez’s
rule, when he ended term limits, took control of Supreme Court & nationalized private
businesses. After succeeding him, Maduro consolidated power through political
repression, censorship & electoral manipulation.

(3a) ‘Political realism, the dominant orthodoxy of the field, took root in dark hours of
liberal tragedy’. Comment. Discuss the grounds on which post modernists criticize
realism.
• In order to make sense of the global politics, various theories, values and assumptions
have emerged through which world affairs have been interpreted. The two mainstream
perspectives on global politics are ‘realism’ and ‘liberalism’, each offering a different
account of the balance b/w conflict and cooperation in world affairs.
• As the discipline of FR took shape following WWI, it drew particularly heavily on
liberal ideas and theories, especially about the desirability of conducting international
politics within a framework of moral and legal norms. However, from the late 1930s

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onwards, such liberal ideas were subject to increasing criticism, especially by realists,
who emphasized on the inescapable realities of power politics such as WWII. This
established international relations as a ‘divided discipline’, a battleground b/w
realism and liberalism, with the former increasingly dominating the academic study
of the subject from 1945 onwards and the latter being marginalized during the early
post 1945 period.
• Realism claims to offer an account of the world affairs that is ‘realistic’, in the sense
that it is hard-headed and devoid of deluded moralizing. For realists, global politics
is about power & self-interest. This is why it is often portrayed as ‘power politics’
model of international politics. As Hans Morgenthan put it, ‘politics is a struggle for
power’. Thus, realist theory of world politics is based on 2 core assumptions—
(i) People are essentially selfish & egoistic.
(ii) The state-system operates in a context of international anarchy as there’s no higher
authority than the sovereign state.
• In addition, the key guide to state craft in the realist tradition is a concern about the
‘national interest’ and considers it to be superior to the question of political morality.
This is the reason that Realism became the hegemonic school of international politics
because its core themes easily explained the cause of cold war period being
characterized by superpower rivalry and a nuclear arms race, making the politics of
power and security undeniably relevant.
• It is in this context that Kenneth Waltz asserted that realism identifies a ‘small number
of big and important things’.
However, in a process that began during the 1970s and 1980s, significantly
challenged the realist tradition by the developments that either ran contrary to realist
expectations or highlighted its limitations,
These included the end of the cold war itself, growing impact of non-state actors on
world affairs, the advance of globalization and the increased significance of issues
related to human rights.
• Although realism’s centrality within international relations came under growing
pressure, but, a/q to Donnelly, realism should form part of the analytical toolkit of
every serious student of international relations and still forms a part of ‘common
sense’ in the field of IR.
Post modernism criticizes realists’ claim of ‘timeless wisdom’—
(i) Concept of Anarchy

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The concept of anarchy is used by realists to describe how international relations is
deeply embedded in power politics. From this perspective, the central feature of
international system is the absence of supranational authority capable of regulating
the behavior of states. However, post-modernists such as Richard Ashley have
challenged this understanding and importance accorded to anarchy by the realists.
He calls it as ‘anarchy proldemetique’, which is based on a ‘myopic’ belief that leads
to policy prescriptions that make war more probable.
(ii) Concept of power
A/q to realists, survival of the state is the main objective of the state in the realm of
international politics. This forces realists to define their concept of power in terms of
tangible measures such as military capacity. On the contrary, post-modernists
consider realists conception of power as a limited notion of power. A/Q to post-
modernists, realists ignore the role and importance of norms, ideas as source of power
in the international relations.
(iii) Concept of actors
For realists based on their state-centered approach to international politics, state is
the only actor in the international realm. Post-modernism criticizes such narrow view
which doesn’t allow realism to get a true picture of the impacts of globalization. They
argue that the realists overlooked the role played by non-state actors in the globalized
world due to the phenomena such as complex interdependence.
(iv) Status-quoism of neo realism.
Neo realists project that the structure of the international system, which is anarchical,
is given and fixed. It constrains the states’ behavior and doesn’t allow the states to
introduce any new element in their relations within international system. Thus, this
assumption brings out the element of ‘status-quoism’ in the neo realists theory. In
response to it, post-modernists like Rob Walker criticizes this approach of neo realism
and argue that being driven by the ideas & beliefs, the international system is bound
to get changed with the change in the course of ideas.

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(3b) A/q to feminists, ‘realist analysis of international politics is built on hyper
masculinity, underlying a militarized conceptualization of the state that delegates
the feminine as a symbolic threat’. Elucidate.
• The study of international politics has traditionally focused primarily on state and
inter-state relations. In the feminist term, the study of international politics has
traditionally been ‘gender-blind’. Due to its emphasis primarily on states and
international relations, sexual politics and gender relations appeared to be of little
relevance.
• The arena of international relations has been dominated by mainstream schools of
realism and liberalism. Realism, being the hegemonic school of JP, provides the most
accurate/acceptable explanation of ‘power politics’ involved in the world politics.
They introduced concepts such as state as unitary actor, national security, BoP etc.
• Therefore, the conventional male-centric approaches to the study of world politics
made room for the entry of feminism. Cynthia Enloe raises the question, ‘where are
the women’. Ann J. Tickner argues that the theory of ‘power politics’, as presented by
realism, is based on ‘masculinst’ assumptions about rivalry, competition and
inevitable concept among power-seeking autonomous states. Tickner argues that
human nature has both ‘masculine’ & ‘feminine’ characteristics and realism
neglected this.
• Therefore, for feminists the principles and concepts of international politics, to be
universally & homogenously applicable & acceptable, must include both ‘masculine’
and ‘feminine’ characteristics. This is called as ‘gender-mainstreaming’, which
means attempt to mainstream gender into decision-making processes by requiring
that, before decisions are made, an analysis is carried out of their likely effects on
both men & women.
• Feminists have adopted the strategy of ‘gender mainstreaming’, which is evident in
their emphasis on developing a gendered conception of security and war. While the
conventional approaches to security present it in terms of ‘national security’ in which
states have prime responsibility for maintaining security, which can be threatened by
another states feminists, on the contrary, suggest to bring human security as the
biggest concern. A/Q to feminists, their notion of security is ‘bottom-up’ which starts
with security of individual & community rather than that of state.
• Similarly, feminists have challenged the conventional ‘protection-myth’ associated
with the concept of war in the international politics. A/Q to Tickner, both sides in a
conflict justify their position by employing the idea that it is the role of male warrior

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to protect the weak & vulnerable (women & children). In this sense, war is justified
and exaggerate the masculine/feminine dichotomy in gender relations. But, in reality,
a large proportion of causalities in a war are women & children. In wartime, women
are particularly subjected to rape and prostitution and other forms of sexual violence
as a systematic and organized tactic of war.

(3c) ‘Regionalisation’ is a dynamic term, implying fluidity & movement. It can be applied
to any stance of cross boarder international political & economic formation’.
Critically examine.
• The idea that world politics is based on global lines has increasingly been challenged
by the rival image of an emerging ‘world of regions’. Since 1945, regional
organizations have sprung up in all parts of the world, giving strength to the idea of
regionalism.
• ‘Regionalism’ is a process through which geographical regions become significant
units, serving as the basis for cooperation among states in the interest of political,
economic and security aspirations. On an effective level, it implies a re-alignment of
political identities from the state to the region.
• Regionalism is theory or practice of coordinating social, economic or political
activities within a geographical region comprising a number of states. The extent of
regional integration may range from cooperation amongst sovereign states on the
basis of inter governmentalism to the transfer of authority from states to central
decision making bodies in accordance with supra-nationalism.
• Regionalism takes different forms depending on the primary areas over which states
choose to cooperate—
(i) Political regionalism- It refers to attempts by states in the same area to strengthen or
protect shared values thereby gaining a more powerful political or diplomatic voice.
For eg: Arab League (1945) was formed to safeguard the independence, sovereignty
& interests of Arab countries.
(ii) Security Regionalism- refers to forms of cooperation designed to protect states from
their enemies, both neighboring & distant ones. This is based on two ideas—
(a) ‘Peace through cooperation’ in which deeper levels of interaction makes war
unthinkable.
(b) Protection against a common external enemy.
(iii) Economic regionalism- refers to the creation of greater economic opportunities
through cooperation among states in the same geographical region since the advent

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of ‘new’ regionalism in 1990’s, it is manifested in the growth of regional trade blocs
& deepening of existing trade blocs.
For eg- APEC (1989), NAFTA (1994), ECOWAS (1975) etc.

• The advance of regionalism across the globe has passed through several stages or
phases. The first phase of this process peaked in the 1960s based on the doctrine of
functionalism, which us expressed in David Mitrany’s formulation as ‘form follows
function’. In this view cooperation only works when it is focused on specific activities
(function) that would be performed more effectively through collective action rather
than by individual states. The successful cooperation in certain function creates
pressure to construct institutional structures that would facilitate such cooperation
European Integration has followed a functionalist path.
• However, since the 1980s, there has been a clear resurgence of regionalism’s ‘second
coming’ or ‘new regionalism’. Whereas earlier regionalism had promoted regional
cooperation and integration over a range of issues such as security, political,
economic etc, the ‘new’ regionalism is essentially economic in character and it largely
takes the form of creation of regional trade blocs.
For eg- APEC (1989), signing of NAFTA (1992), etc
• The surge of new regionalism was driven by a variety of factors-
(i) It reflected the wider acceptance of export –led economic strategies across the
developing world.
(ii) End of cold war encouraged former communist countries to view economic integration
as a means of supporting their transition to market economy.
(iii) Acceleration of globalization in the 1950s & 1990s and establishment of WTO in 1995
led to increased phenomenon of economic regionalism.
• However, steady growth of regional trade agreements has meant that instead of a
common, global free trade system, there’s a complex and overlapping bilateral &
regional arrangement, each with conflicting & contradictory provisions, an
arrangement that Bhagwath called as the ‘Spaghetti bowl’ system.
• However, since the turn of the 21st century pronouncement about stalling of the
regional projects have been a significant theme in the international politics. There has
been a steady inclination towards the idea of self-protectionism and a step towards
de-globalization. This is evident in withdrawal of large economic players like USA out
of TPP and Britain’s exist form the EU (BREXIT). After the impetus that was injected
into European Integration in the 1980s & 1990s, concerns have emerged about the

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stalling of the European Project. These have been associated with tensions b/w the
goals of widening & deepening, about the EU’s declining global competitiveness and
about whether or not monetary union can be made to work in the long run.

(4a) Critically examine the impact of crypto currency like ‘Libra’ on the sovereignty of
nation-states. Examine the possible impact of crypto currencies like Libra on the
hegemony of USA.
• Since Bitcoin’s release in late 2008, the crypto currencies have gained popularity in the
international community as a medium of transaction transcending current financial
institutions and cross-border regulations. The crypto currency has proven itself as a
disruptive technology, resistant to sovereign law & financial regulations and an
alternative to the sovereign state’s concept of fiat money.
• A crypto currency is a digital/virtual currency that uses cryptography for security. It
uses decentralized technology to let users make secure payments and store money
without the need to use their name (i.e., anonymity) or go through a financial institution
(like Bank). They run on a distributed pubic ledger, called block chain, which is a record
of all transaction updated and held by currency holders.
Effect on sovereign states
• One of the most attractive features that crypto currencies possess is the ability to
transact seamlessly across sovereign state borders, intrinsically by passing the
regulations, taxes, tariffs or sanctions to which tradition currency is subjected. By
circumventing the fees associated, international crypto currency transactions are
cheaper for both payees & recipients.
• Thus, following are the challenges posed by crypto currency on states sovereign
authority—
(i) It has weakened sovereign state’s capacity to protect citizens from harm because
they sidestep the regulations that monitor monetary transactions such as trusted
third party involvement, providing personal information’s etc.
(ii) The greater degree of anonymity for both users and transactions, ability to quickly
& confidently move illicit proceeds from one country to another etc., has increased
use of crypto currency as a method for transactions within criminal networks. This
poses increased security challenges to the states.
(iii) Crypto currency can defeat ‘capital controls’, which are defined as the rules/laws
that a country has in place which are designed to limit the flow of capital into or out

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of the country. Capital controls are important and effective tool states, especially
states in economic crisis, can use to stabilize the economy.
For eg- China & Iceland both cite concerns about their right to control capital as a
reason for their crackdown on crypto currencies.
Likely impact of ‘Libra’ on USA hegemony
• The US dollar is arguably the most widely used currency on earth as it makes upto 64%
of all known central bank foreign exchange reserves. That makes it the de-facto global
currency.
• The emergence of crypto currency has also posed new challenges to the ‘global
currency’ (US dollar) as individuals worldwide find new and cheaper methods to
transfer money & transact. States like Venezuela, Iran & Russia are experiencing with
government controlled crypto currencies to build new payment and transfer systems
outside the US-dollar domain to circumvent sanctions. Therefore, Government
controlled and regulated block chain technology may become key to counter US-
hegemonic financial power in the international system.
• In this context, Facebook’s attempt to introduce a globe-spanning crypto currency
(‘Libra’) is significant. Facebook released a prototype of new crypto currency (Libra)
and a digital wallet (Calibra). It is being designed as a form of electronic money linked
to many national currencies. It is an initiative in payments for the world’s biggest social
network with the potential to bring crypto-money into the mainstream. The initiative will
allow more than a billion ‘Un banked’ people around the world access to online
commerce & financial services.

(4b) ‘For China, Hong Kong poses a delicate challenge at a difficult time’, comment.
Analyze the factors for the emergence of recent protests in Hong Kong.
• Since the Tiananmen Square protests (1989), china has been a frequent target of human
rights criticism. These criticisms have focused mainly on its suppression of political
dissent, its widespread use of capital punishment, its treatment of religious minorities
such as Muslim provinces of north western china (such as xinjiang) and, most
particularly, its occupation of Tibet. The international community has constantly
argued that china’s emergence as an economic superpower hasn’t been matched by an

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appetite & effort for political reform. The latest in the list is the emergence of recent
protests in Hong Kong.
• Hong Kong, a special Chinese administrative region with significant autonomy, is
witnessing a historic protest by the civil society posing the greatest popular challenge
to china in recent times. The protest emerged as a response to a proposed extradition
bill that would allow suspects accused of crimes such as murder & rape to be extradited
the mainland china to face trail. The uproar over the bill has reignited a protest
movement that had lost steam after pro-democracy demonstrations in 2014 failed to
force concessions from china.
• Opponents of the proposed bill consider it to be the latest step in a relentless march
towards mainland China’s control over Hong Kong. A/Q to them, the bill aims at
dilution of freedoms & rights enjoyed by Hong Kong citizens under the ‘One country,
two systems’ formula. Hong Kong returned to Chinese rule in 1984 under a ‘One
country, two systems’ formula that allowed freedoms not enjoyed in main land china,
including its own governance system with a high level of autonomy, its own legal
system, free speech and the right to protest. A/Q to protestors, the proposed bill would
be misused to target political opponents in Hong Kong and thus would be a blow to
their eroding autonomy. It is this broader fear, that china is eroding the freedom &
rights guaranteed to Hong Kong for 50 years under a ‘One country, two systems’.
Framework, has led to the recent popular challenge to china. In addition, the growing
pro-democracy movements, rise of groups calling for independence & mass protests
have slowly morphed Hong Kong from an economic issue to a national security concern
for china.
• Apart from the growing intensity & frequency of popular protests that china is facing,
the most important concern for china is the fact that the recent turmoil in Hong Kong
has emerged at a dedicate time for china, which is facing challenges on many fronts
such as a trade war with us, a slowing economy, tensions in the South China Sea etc. it
is due to this fact that international criticism of china’s human rights record, which had
become increasingly curated owing to china’s economic resurgence, has become more
frequent & intense.

(4c) To what extent it is appropriate to suggest that North Korea challenges US

hegemony in Asia-Pacific? Give arguments in support of your point of view.
• The relation b/w USA and North Korea has been a conflictual one at least since the
Korean War (1950), which ended in the division of the Korean Peninsula under the

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respective influence of the US and the erstwhile USSR. Over the years and despite the
fact that it lost its chief benefactor after disintegration of the soviet Union in 1991,
North Korea has remained unabashed in its display of nuclear strength against the
US.
• However, the recent US-North Korea Summit, held in Singapore, resulted in the
signing of a ‘comprehensive document’, pledging establishment of new US-North
Korea relations with commitment to build a lasting & robust peace regime on the
Korean peninsula. In practical terms, the Summit ended with USA’s commitment to
provide security guarantees to North Korea (implying stable regime) and North
Korea’s commitment to complete de-nuclearization of the Korean peninsula.
• Though the US-North Korea Summit could be termed as ‘historic’ in the sense that it
brought the top leadership of the two countries together for the first ever time, there
are certain problems in terms of its outcomes—
(i) De-nuclearization of the Korean Peninsula- Despite being the most contested issue,
the summit has failed to design a concrete action plan on how to achieve complete de
nuclearization of the Peninsula. With no mention of complete, verifiable, irreversible
de nuclearization (CVID), the joint statement failed to categorically define what
constitutes ‘de-nuclearization’ and is thus open to different interpretations. In
addition no mention of specific timeline means that the road to de nuclearization of
the Korean Peninsula is going to be long.
• A/q to Joseph Nye, future negotiations with North Korea are unlikely to result in
substantial disarmament because of the fact that the nuclear weapons are central to
the legitimization of the communist monarchy rule in North Korea.
(ii) The Summit has disrupted the prevailing geo-political status –quo, making a
strategic reset inevitable.
• Joseph Nye has warned about the danger of the ‘cosmetic break through’ of the
Summit weakening US alliances in the region with far reaching ramifications.
(a) Despite having a crucial stake in the de nuclearization of the Peninsula for the
regional security, Japan and South Korea were left out of the summit as USA adopted
‘one an one’ meeting with North Korea.
(b) USA’s unilateral suspension of joint military drills b/w USA and South Korea, even
terming it as provocative, have eroded the confidence in the decades old alliance
framework, which served as the ful Crum of the regional stability. Moreover, scaling
down of the US engagement from the East Asian region is contrary to its traditional
role as a net security provider in the region.

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(c) The biggest beneficiary of these developments is China, as it considers the western
pacific to be its area of influence and seeks a diminution of the US influence in the
region. This will gradually yield strategic space to china in the region. (a/q to Ryan
Hass).
Moreover, given china’s influential relationship with North Korea, china will ensure
that the long term outcomes in terms of shaping the architecture of the Korean
Peninsula are in its favor.

(5a) ‘Although many echoes and remnants of cold war are still with us, the determinants
& the conduct of international affairs have changed drastically’. Comment.
• The metaphor of ‘cold war’ was first used in 1945 in an assay titled, ‘You and the
Atom Bomb’, by George Orwell. The notion of a ‘cold war’ suggests a condition of
‘neither war nor peace’. It is used to describe the post WWII phase which was
characterized by very high level of distrust & antagonism (mainly ideological &
political) b/w two power blocs of US-dominated west and USSR-dominated East. The
metaphor dominated world politics, since mid 1940s, by denoting the divide b/w the
two power blocs. The cold war was supposedly ‘cold’ in the sense that super power
antagonism didn’t lead to a ‘fighting war’ or direct military confirmation b/w USA &
USSR.
• The term ‘new cold war’ or ‘cold war 2.0’ is used to compare the present day tensions
& conflicts to the bitter ideological & military rivalry of the cold war phase. A/Q to
scholars, there is a similar type of mistrust, hostility, moves and counter-moves in
economic, strategic, political and ideological spheres. Scholars like Dmitri Tronin
suggests that cold war 2.0 has started.
• The principal Russian grievance is that when cold war ended, there were verbal
assurances that NATO wouldn’t expand eastwards in exchange for an acceptance that
a re-united Germany could join the organization. However, in 1999, NATO was
expanded eastward to onclude Hungary, Poland & Czech Republic and in 2004,
Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Slovenia, Bulgaria & Romania became its members. Far
from being merely a political alliance, NATO revealed its military intentions when it
intervened in the Balkans conflict against Serbia (historical ally of Russia).
• The Russian pushback has resulted into its war against Georgia in 2008 and its seizure
of crimea and its hybrid war in western Ukraine in 2014. This ushered a new period
of confrontation b/w the west and Russia that has led the US and the EU to conclude
that Russia’s actions are reflective of its core design as a ‘Revisionist power’. Russia,

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in turn, considers these instances as defensive moves aimed against expansion of
NATO over Georgia & Ukraine. These instances of confrontation b/w west & Russia
are said to be symptomatic of ‘new cold war’ era.
• However, on the other hand, scholars like Marx Kramar & vashily Kashin do not
support the idea of ‘new cold war’. The contemporary tensions & conflicts are not the
result of balance of power or universalist ideology, but conscious decisions made by
leaders, the strategies they pursued and a series of definable disagreements in
international politics. The present day relations is not a cold war because—
(i) Russia is not the Soviet Union. Thus, it is not in any position to fundamentally alter
either the balance of power or the structure of the current international systems.
(ii) USA is a power in decline.
(iii) Unlike the cold war period, many new centres of power have emerged in the 21 st
century. i.e., multi polar world order.
(iv) The world today is interdependent which limits action taking capabilities of an actor.
Thus, no scope for ‘Zero-sum’ game.
(v) No real ideological tussle.
(vi) Europe’s dependency on Russia is high.
• Thus, it can be said that the shared history and its repercussions, which raises doubts
about a cold war like confrontation b/w the west and Russia, limits the possibility of
such a recurrence.

(5b) Analyze effect of 2007-09 financial crisis on the processes of global economic
governance in the world.
• The issue of global governance has received growing attention, particularly since the
1990s. The arena in which global governance is most advanced is the field of
economic policy making. This stems from the 1944 Bretton woods agreement, which
sought to establish the architecture for the post WWII international economic order
by creating three new bodies-IMF, World Bank & GATT (replaced by WTO),
collectively known as the ‘Bretton woods system’.
• This system has evolved significantly over time, as it has adopted to the changing
pressures generated by the world economy, especially the financial and economic
crises which have occurred on a fairly regular basis since the 1960s and have become
increasingly frequent and more serious since the 1980s. After both the Asian financial
crisis of 1997-98 and the dot.com crisis of 2000, criticisms were voiced about the
failure of the global economic governance system to provide adequate warnings.

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• However, the global financial crisis of 2007-09 posed a serious & deeper challenges.
Firstly, it was deeper than the previous crises of modern global capitalism, amounting
to the most severe downturn in the world economy since the 1930s. A/Q to World Bank,
global GDP felt in 2009 by 1.7% and the volume of world trade dropped by 6.1%.
Secondly, although its severity varied from country to country, its impact was
genuinely global.
• Thus, the financial crisis of 2007-09 led to calls for the urgent reform of the
architecture of global economic governance.
For eg:- A variety of reforms have been proposed such as changing voting allocations
and decision making processes to increase the political influence of developing
countries in IMF & WB, bolstering their capacity to oversee and regulate the world
economy, with a view to preventing, rather than responding to, future crises.
• However, apart from the rising significance of the G-20, and the declining importance
of the G-7/8, as a mechanism for developing strategy related to world economy the
institutional response to 2007-09 crisis has been modest. The three pillars of the
global economic governance (IMF, WB & WTO) survived the crisis. Although there
has been some adjustment in the allocation of voting rights within the IMF & WB in
favor of developing countries, fundamental power balances within these bodies
remain substantially unchanged. The chief institutional development has been the
establishment of the Financial stability Board (FSB), with the purpose to coordinate
standard setting bodies and to promote the implementation of effective regulatory,
supervisory and other financial policies.
• However, major obstacle stand in the way of effective reform of the global economic
governance. It is in this context, it has been argued that the predominant response of
the global economic governance to the financial crisis of 2007-09 has been-‘business
as usual’.

(5c) ‘Human rights offer a new way of thinking about the future world in utopian terms.
Comment.
• International politics has traditionally been thought of in terms of collective groups,
especially states. Individual needs and interests have, therefore, generally been
subsumed within the larger notion of ‘national interest’. People and morality were
given little attention in the realm of international affairs. Realism, the hegemonic
school of IR, has viewed a concern for human as a ‘soft issue’ in international politics.

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• However, this divorce b/w state policy and the individual has gradually become more
difficult to sustain, especially with the emergence of the concept & concern of ‘Human
Rights’, that emphasizes that people everywhere enjoy the same moral status and
entitlements as ‘human’.
• Human rights are rights (or entitlements) to which people are entitled by the virtue of
being human. They’re a modern & secular version of natural rights. They’re a non-
negotiable ingredient of human identity. A/Q to James Nickel, human rights are basic
moral guaranteed possessed by the virtue of being human. A/Q to Luban, human rights
are demand of all humanity on all of humanity.
• Human rights differ from other kinds of rights in the following way—
(i) Human rights are universal i.e., they belong to all human beings rather than to
members of any particular nation, race, religion, gender, social class etc.
(ii) Human rights are fundamental in the sense that human being’s entitlement to them
cannot be removed as they’re the basic conditions for a truly human existence.
(iii) Human rights are absolute as they cannot be subordinated or violated for powerful
considerations such as national security & interest etc.
• The Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), the two subsequent
International covenants on civil and political Rights and Economic, social and
cultural Rights, and regional instruments like 1950 European convention of Human
Rights etc are foundational documents perceived to lay down the cornerstone
provisions of what Human Rights are. These lists provided a map to navigate the
problems of the time. However, today’s context is very different. As a result, these lists
can no longer be viewed as sacred and, thus, need re-evaluation for the future.
• This is so because the current human rights instruments were defined by states based
on ideas which complement life in liberal capitalist settings. But, there’re many
situations which do not easily fit within confines of traditional human rights regime.
• It is in this context, it has been argued the re-evaluation of human rights regime must
be aimed at achievement of, what is termed to be, an ‘utopia’. This may include new
forms of living and structuring society that better speak to the problems of the present.
It can be used to think about a society which displaces the centrality of the state (being
the biggest human rights abuser). People, rather than governments, could become the
collective definers and gatekeepers of what human rights are and how they’re
protected.
• Similarly, a more communitarian conception of human rights furthering the idea of
rights as held by humans in communities as against to as individuals could help in

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structuring society which go beyond the focus on the individual, which is definitive of
liberal capitalist worldviews. In concrete terms, this may involve placing more focus
on the idea of group rights as opposed to individual rights.
• It is in this sense, it can be argued that re-evaluation of Human Rights can be used to
carve a new vision of society so that human rights can emerge as not a thing of past,
but of the future.

(5d) Short note on BAPA +40

• During the 1960s & 1970s, with the global socio-economic climate entangled with the
cold war politics, developing countries (referred to as ‘Global South’) began seeking
ways to chart the course of their own development by finding alternatives to the
existing economic & political order. In this context, technical cooperation among
developing countries (TCDC) was identified as a pioneering effort to build
partnership b/w countries of the south in the quest for equitable international relations
and a New International Economic Order (NIEO). This ambition, got translated into
Buenos Aires Plan of Action (BAPA) for Promoting and implementing TCDC, a major
cornerstone of the ‘South-South Cooperation (SSC), adopted at the UN conference on
TCDC held in Buenos Aires (1978).
• The BAPA, signed by 138 states, established a scheme of collaboration among the
developing countries, mostly located in the south of the planet, and primarily intended
to promote TCDC. ‘Technical cooperation’ is regarded as a means of building
communication & of promoting wider and more effective cooperation among
developing countries. It is a vital force for initiating, designing, organizing and
promoting cooperation among developing countries. It is a vital force for initiating,
designing, organizing and promoting cooperation among developing countries so that
they can create, acquire, adopt, transfer & pool knowledge & experience for their
mutual benefit and national & collective self-reliance. Apart from it, BAPA defined as
well as serious of concrete recommendations aimed at creating legal frameworks &
financing mechanisms at national, regional, inter-regional and global levels.
• Forty years after the UN conference which gave birth to the idea of South-South
conference, the second High-level UN conference on South-South conference (known
as BAPA +40) was held in Buenos Aires to review four decades of trends & launch a
new strategy to implement the 2030 Agenda for sustainable Development, the globally
agreed blueprint for peace & prosperity.

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Thus, BAPA+40 represent an unique opportunity to review the lessons learned since
1978. Conference (BAPA), identify new areas & mechanisms where south-south
cooperation can add value and commit to build up, an adequate follow-up in the
framework of the UN system.

(5e) ‘The relation b/w democracy and world politics is manifold’. Comment.
• The study of international politics has conventionally paid little attention to social
forces in the sense that ‘states’ rather than ‘societies ‘ were viewed as the principal
actors on the world stage, and relations b/w them were thought to be determined by
strictly political terms (such as power & security) and not by sociological terms.
• However, since the advent of globalization and the resurgence of liberalism, in the
form of ‘neo-liberalism’, in the world politics, the idea that society should be
understood in domestic terms has weakened.
• In concrete terms, the relation b/w nation-states in the realm of world politics is also
based on the nature of their societies & their internal functioning. In this context, the
interplay b/w world politics and democracy occurs at various levels—
(i) At the conceptual level
• Role of nation-states towards its people (such as welfare state).
• Relation b/w, democracies (as explained by ‘Democratic Peace Theory’). In this way,
the idea that democracy creates ‘zones of peace’ is used to deal with relation b/w
political regimes & international conflict.
• Issue of effectiveness of global governance and ‘global civil society’ and its authority
on sovereign nation-states.
(ii) At the Practical level
• Issue of democracy promotion (by nation-states & international organization) and
sovereignty of states. This issue is reflected in terms of question of legality & ethicality
of humanitarian intervention.
• Question about the impact of globalization on the internal functioning of the state (i.e.,
democratic decision making). The emergence of neo-liberalism has led to the ‘retreat
of the state’ creating more space for civil society & international agencies like IMF
& WB.
Thus, with globalization, working of liberal democracy has undergone a substantial
change.

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(6a) Do you agree with the notion that the Marxist approach to the study of international
relations is economic reductionism? Give reason.
• Marxist approach in the context of international relations, contains the following key
elements—
(i) All the theorists within Marxism share the idea that the social world should be
analyzed as a totality. Given the scale and complexities of the social world, the
disciplinary boundaries that characterize the contemporary social sciences need to be
transcended to understand the dynamics of the world politics. Thus, for Marxists, the
academic division of the social world into different areas of inquiry such as history,
philosophy, economics etc., is both arbitrary and unfruitful.
(ii) Another key element of the Marxist approach is the materialist conception of history,
which in concrete terms means that the economic development is effectively the motor
of history.
(iii) Relationship b/w base and superstructure is one of the key elements of Marxism.
(iv) In contrast to liberals, who believe that there’s an essential harmony of interests b/w
various social groups Marxists argue that society is symmetrically prone of class
conflict, which forms another key element of Marxist approach.
• However, Marxism is a very broad field which encompasses as far as international
theory is concerned, two contrasting tendencies—
(i) The first gives primacy to ‘economic analysis and is mainly concerned with exposing
capitalism as a system of class exploitation that operates on national and international
levels. This school of Marxists called orthodox Marxism, present that the familiar
events of world politics, such as wars, treaties, international aid operations, occur
within structures of ‘global capitalism system’. A/Q to orthodox Marxists, the sole aim
of global capitalism is that to ensure that the powerful and wealthy nations continue
to prosper, at the expense of the powerless and the poor. In this context, orthodox
Marxists such as Lenin project imperialism as the international projection of
capitalism or its trans-border characteristics. In addition to World System theory,
proposed by Waller stein, seeks to explain the dynamics of the ‘capitalist world
economy’ as a ‘total social system’.
(ii) The second tendency places greater emphasis on the ideological and cultural
dimension of oppression rather than on economic aspect. As a result, this second
tendency within Marxism is known as ‘post- Marxist’ mode of theorizing. This applies
to Gramscian and critical theory of the international relations.
• The Gramscian School provides an alternative framework for the analysis of world
politics. Theorists of this tradition are less dogmatic about ‘economic determinism’ of

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orthodox Marxists and are more open to cultural & ideological phenomena of
‘hegemony’.
• The critical school, unlike classical Marxists, is based on the philosophical concerns
within international relations and is involved in questions concerning international
society, international ethics, security and emancipation. Thus, while staying away
from ‘economic reductionism’, the critical school, in classical Marxist terms, is
entirely involved in super structural analysis of the international order.

(6b) Discuss the major impediments to UNSC reforms. Mention the recent steps taken by
international community to advance towards the goal.
• The growth in number and significance of international bodies has been one of the
most prominent features of world politics, particularly since the end of WWII. One
such international organization is the UN, which is regarded as an indispensable part
of the international political scene. The UN remains the only international body that
approximates to a form of global governance, providing at minimum, a framework
through which the international community can address concerns ranging from peace
& security, disarmament to environmental protection, poverty reduction and gender
justice.
• However, the UN has long been a controversial body. Given the breadth and
significance of UN’s core mission, a gap b/w expectance and performance has led to
some fundamental criticism being leveled at the UN and its composite bodies—
(i) UN remained paralyzed throughout the cold war period because of the East –West
conflict. The UNSC, nucleus of the UN system, is commonly paralyzed by the difficulty
of passing resolutions. It remains divided b/w P3 and P2.
(ii) The changing nature of war and armed conflicts raises difficulties for the UN in its
peace keeping and peace building roles. In addition, its mandate strain the
relationship b/w the quest of global justice and respect for state sovereignty. The
growing debate about need and nature of ‘humanitarian intervention’ is a result of
this strained relationship.
• In the light of these challenges the issue of UN reform has become increasingly
prominent. There’s a growing agreement that the UN is in pressing need of reforms;
which enhance its efficiency, effectiveness, credibility and legitimacy.
Reforms Required
• Reforms in UN principles

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(i) Article 2 class 7 of the UN charter doesn’t permit UN intervention in the domestic
affairs of sovereign states. However, post-cold war period require greater
intervention in domestic affairs. UN intervenes on the basis of UNGA resolution based
on ‘responsibility to protect’.
(ii) UN charter still carries the reference of ‘enemy states’. Such reference of ‘enemy
states’ has become anachronistic in present context.
• Structural Reforms
(i) General Assembly- There’s a need for better coordination b/w UNGA and UNSC.
Since UNSC remains paralyzed due to veto power, it has been suggested that UNGA
should be given power to override veto by special majority.
(ii) UN security council
• Security council, nucleus of the UN system, is the highest decision making body. It is
the only body of UN having ‘teeth to bite’.
• Calls for the reform of the UNSC focus on 3 key areas—
(a) Transparency in functioning of UNSC- India’s former representative to the UN,
Hardeep Puri in his book ‘Perilous interventions’:- The Security Council and politics
of chaos, has mentioned about the internal chaos in the decision making.
(b) Veto Reforms:- The requirement of unanimity amongst P-5 states has effectively
neutered the UN as the basis for collective security, apart from exceptional
circumstances (Korea & Gulf war). This has created, in a sense, two UNs, one
reflected in the security council, the other in the General Assembly.
Suggestions-
(i) Abolish veto
(ii) Restrict the use of veto powers- veto power should be used only when its non-use can
severely affect a country’s core national interest.
(iii) Over-riding (over-veto) power to UNGA.
(c) Membership Reforms
• Permanent membership of UNSC (P-5) is widely seen to be outdated, reflecting the
great powers of the immediate post-1945 period. It doesn’t actually reflect the changes
that have occurred in the international system after the end of the cold war. In the
present context, the developing nations like India, Brazil, South Africa etc, play a
bigger role in international affairs. In addition, the existing membership reflects a
regional imbalance, with no representation from Africa or Latin America and Europe
being over- represented in the council.

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• Thus, the case for a revised membership is based on the idea that limited geographical
balance combined with the 5 exclusive permanent seats with veto power, makes the
Security Council less representative & legitimate than desired & necessary.
• However, the prospect of UNSC reforms is remote primarily due to institutional
inertia—
• Changing the composition of UNSC involves changing the UN charter which will
further require backing of the two-thirds of UNGA, including the current P 5 member
states which is difficult to obtain due to lack of political will & consensus among them.
Any attempt to enlarge or change the membership of the P5 is highly likely to be
opposed/ blocked by existing P5 states. Furthermore, there’s significant resistance
outside the P 5 to the candidature of states like India due to lack of consensus among
regional groups like G-4, L-69, Uniting for consensus etc.
• One of the major obstacles standing in the way of UNSC reform is the ‘veto power’
veto status couldn’t be removed without the unanimous agreement of the P5 states,
and it is unlikely that any of them would voluntarily abandon their privileged position.
Moreover, the continued existence of permanent veto power is a vital way of ensuring
that the UN retains the support of world’s leading powers.

(6c) ‘May 2019 European Parliamentary elections were considered as most

consequential’. Analyze the future of EU on the basis of recent elections to the
European Parliament.
• One of the EU’s seven major institutions, the European Parliament is the bloc’s only
directly elected body. Its 751 seats are divided b/w the EU countries based on their
population. Unlike most legislatures, the European Parliament doesn’t actually
initiate legislation (which is done by European commission). Still, the Parliament
plays a central role in the system of EU with its supervisory & budgetary
responsibilities as well as its role as the locus of democratic debate on EU-level issues
& action. The European Parliament must approve all laws, including the bloc’s
budget and most trade deals.
Importance of 2019 European Parliamentary elections
Apart from being one of the biggest democratic exercise with around 450 million
voters voting for 751 parliamentary seats, the European Parliamentary election
assumes a great importance. The elections are taking place during a period of political

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turmoil for the EU. Therefore, the results of the European Parliament elections will
determine the following important issues—
(i) Whether members of the European Parliament (MEPs) become stronger defenders of
tolerance & democratic values in Europe, or the Parliament becomes weaker on these
issues.
(ii) The future of the European Union.
Results of the European Parliament election (2019) and its likely effect on EU
(i) The majority of the member states (22 out of 28) experienced likes in voter turnouts,
which is over all the highest in the last 20 years. This is a signifier for a more
politicized debate within Europe.
(ii) The election results presents a picture of a fragmented new European Parliament,
which might create situations of policy paralysis. However, it also presents a picture
of more representative of diverging views in Europe.
(iii) The performance of the pro-EU Green parties (known as the ‘Greens’) with about
70% of the seats in the 751-member European Parliament will give them a lot of
influence in the EU. A/Q to analysis, the ‘Greens’ have managed to articulate a vision
of socio-economic issues-pro-immigrants & pro-Europe.
(iv) The ‘far-right populists’ (characterized by their nationalistic, populist and
Eurosceptic approach to EU) didn’t live upto the hype, but they’re still a strong force
with about 25% of the seats in the Parliament.
(v) The ‘center-right’ and center-left coalitions that have essentially ruled the European
Parliament since 1979 lost their 40-year majority. This represents that the European
voters want a change from the traditional politics and a shift from status quo.

(7a) ‘Changing geopolitical realities have brought a renewed interest in the Bay of
Bengal and BIMSTEC with access to Indian Ocean & Himalayas, BIMSTEC is
becoming a theatre of convergence & competition for china’s BRI, India’s AEP and
Asia-Africa Growth corridor’ Discuss.
• Initially formed as a grouping for economic cooperation among Bangladesh, India,
Srilanka and Thailand, BIMSTEC, comprising of 7 member states (5 from South Asia
and 2 from South East Asia) lying the largest Bay of the world. The grouping accounts
for appropriately 20% of the world population and a combined GDP of $ 2.5 Trillion.
• In contemporary context, when the possibility of enhancing physical, digital and
people to people contact is sub region and scope for intra –regional trade &

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investment is huge, BIMSTEC is a potential facilitator of regional cooperation in true
sense in the Bay of Bengal region, which, apart from being the largest bay in the
world, occupies a central position in relation to global economic flows in a way that
few regions do. More broadly, demographic, economic and security developments in
the region have crucial implications for Asia and global order.
• Yet, despite its status as a key maritime hub in global terms, the Bay of Bengal’s
potential is unused and as such, the Bay of Bengal is one of the world’s least integrated
regions, with abysmal levels of trade, connectivity & cooperation. A/Q to Sunil Amrith,
the absence of BIMSTEC from the public consciousness is problematic.
• However, changing geopolitical relations in the region, such as increased significance
of the ‘Indo-Pacific’ concept, brought about renewed interest in the Bay of Bengal &
BIMSTEC.
BIMSTEC provides an opportunity for India to engage with Southeast Asia
(Central objective of India’s Act East Policy).
As BIMSTEC establishes a linkage b/w South Asia and Southeast Asia, it provides an
opportunity for India to engage with Southeast Asia, at least partially. The scope for
direct connectivity with southeast Asia via North East India, and Myanmar counter-
terrorism and anti-insurgency cooperation with Myanmar & other member, potential
access to alternative energy resources in Myanmar as well as economic opportunities
available in the ASEAN region has been a major reason for India’s interest in
BIMSTEC platform. In addition, India’s ‘look-East’ and ‘Thailand’s ‘Look West’
policy complement each other within the ambit of BIMSTEC. The ongoing India-
Myanmar Thailand Trilateral Highway and the India-Myanmar Kaladan Multimodal
Transit Transport Project are aimed at improving connectivity & economic
cooperation in the sub region, which is a major component of India’s stimulating
outlook towards Southeast Asia as expressed through its ‘Act East’ Policy.
Convergence & competition b/w BIMSTEC and AAGC & China’s BRI
• Another driver for the renewed interest relates to Asia’s changing geostrategic context
in the form of an increasingly capable and assertive china. Beijing is currently making
a massive push to fund infrastructure projects and faster connectivity throughout
South, Central and South East Asia through its Belt & Road Initiative (BRI). In
response, India now seeks to develop alternative east-to-east connectivity plans b/w
south & Southeast Asia across the Bay of Bengal. Consequently, BIMSTEC has

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assumed an even greater importance as a central vehicle for countering assertive
china.
• For some BIMSTEC members like Sri Lanka successfully engaging in the sub-regional
grouping proves its ability to pay a longer role in the BRI. For others, such as
Myanmar & Thailand, BIMSTEC allows for a way to redress ever dependence on
China.
• Apart from China’s BRI, Asia Africa Growth Corridor (AAGC) is another such
initiative that plays an important role in shifting focus on BIMSTEC & Bay of Bengal.
In the AAGC, India and Japan have married their respective countries ‘ACT EAST
POLICY’ and ‘Free and open Indo-Pacific’ aspirations. The AAGC is envisioned to
provide a renewed opportunity for partnership where both regions can complement
each other’s development & growth. In addition, the AAGC aims to bring out
economic gains for Africa through its integration with India, South Asia, Southeast
Asia and Oceania.

(7b) ‘ASEAN outlook on Indo –Pacific (AOIP) is an initial step towards formally
incorporating ASEAN centrality in the evolving Indo-Pacific concept. Critically
examine.
• At the 34th ASEAN Summit in Bangkok, its members states has contributed to the
conversation on the evolving Indo-Pacific concept through the document ‘ASEAN
outlook on the Indo-Pacific (AOIP). The AOIP represents the first formal document
detailing ASEAN’s views on the ‘Indo-Pacific’ concept.
Importance of the AOIP
• It provides an ASEAN normative of the various versions of the Indo-Pacific concept
articulated by major powers such as USA, India, Japan etc.
• A/Q to Harsh Pant, at a time of geopolitical contestation b/w USA and China, it has
become imperative for the ASEAN to reclaim its strategic narrative in its favor so as
to underscore its centrality in the emerging regional order.
• As ASEAN enters into deliberations to carve its own Indo-Pacific Policy, it
underscores a shift in the stand of the sub-regional organization towards the Indo-
Pacific concept.
ASEAN’s perspective on Indo-Pacific (as contained in AOIP)

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• AOIP envisages ASEAN centrality as the underlying principle for promoting
cooperation in the Indo-Pacific region, with ASEAN led mechanisms such as EASP
ASIA SUMMIT.
• The document classifies ASEAN’s perception of the Asia-Pacific & Indian ocean not
as contiguous territorial spaces but rather a closely integrated region.
• AOIP doesn’t intend to create new mechanisms or replace existing ones.
• It emphasizes development and connectivity underlining the need for maritime
cooperation, infrastructure connectivity and broader economic cooperation. Thus,
ASEAN is signaling that it would seek to avoid making the region a platform for major
power competition and aims to shape the geopolitical narrative amid intensifying big-
powers rivalry in the region.
• However, while the ASEAN members has finally managed to articulate a collective
vision for the Indo-Pacific region, there needs to be developed concrete plans
regarding implementation of its vision, and expanding on cooperation with existing
sub-regional mechanisms such as BIMSTEC, Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA)
& Mekong sub regional cooperation.
• Since BIMSTEC involve two ASEAN members (Thailand and Myanmar) in its ranks,
engaging the sub regional grouping will better facilitate existing infrastructural
projects such as India-Myanmar- Thailand Trilateral Highway.
• ASEAN would do well to make use of existing mechanisms within the Mekong sub
regional cooperation framework at a time when china & Japan are locked in a race
to pave their influence in Mekong.
• In terms of maritime cooperation, LORA is the only region-wide body designed to
facilitate regional dialogue at government-to-government level. ASEAN & LORA
could work together in exchanging best practices in regional cooperation. In addition,
ASEAN maritime Forum complements LORA’s agenda on improving maritime safety
& security.

(7c) ‘As observed in past few years, greater involvement of women in terrorist activities
is seen. Women and terrorism has become serious global concern’. Do you think a
more gender specific approach is needed to tackle this new phenomenon. Comment.
• Though it is very difficult to have a global consensus on the term ‘terrorism’, at a very
general level, it can be considered as a political strategy that makes use of violence in
order to create terror & achieve certain ends.

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• Historically, terrorism emerged as a local phenomenon of threat which involved
terrorists using reality available means to spread fear & violence in a limited extent.
However, since 1960s, terrorism grew from a local to a global threat, especially due
to advance of globalization which has increased cross-border flow of people, ideas &
technology.
• However, in recent years, a new phenomenon has emerged as an issue of global
concern in the form og growing women’s support & involvement in terrorist activities,
especially ISIL’s success in recruiting women.
Extent of problem (a/q to CTED TRENDS REPORT, 2019)
(i) Research has estimated that women represent, on average, b/w 10-15% of a terrorist
group’s membership. However, incomplete knowledge of numbers seriously impedes
ability to understand & counter the threat.
(ii) Upto 13% of those who travelled to conflict zones, such as Iraq & Syria, were women.
Among them the largest number of women are from East Asia (about 35%) and least
from sub-saharan Africa (<1%). In addition, only 4% of all recorded returns from
Iraq & Syria are women.
However, as many states do not record gender specific data, it is difficult to obtain a
full picture of the scale of this phenomenon.
(iii) Out of total foreign IS affiliates in Iraq & Syria, 13% are women (significant
numbers).
Need for Gender-specific action plan
(i) Knowledge gaps remain as many member states of UN do not constantly record
gender-disaggregated data on FTFs (Fighting Terrorist Fighters).
(ii) There is very limited knowledge about the women who remain in conflict zone. Another
concern is the fate of local women who lived in these zones. How their situation is
handled will have important implication for long-term peace building in region.
(iii) Gender appears to impact how individuals are recruited to terrorism, with women
more likely to be recruited online than offline. Yet, there’s a limited understanding of
the most effective ways to counter gendered messages online.
For eg:- ISIL propanda materials sought to project massages of female empowerment,
geared specifically towards western women.
(iv) Research suggests that women tend to receive lenient treatment in the criminal justice
system, based on gendered assumptions about their limited agency. Another finding is

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that women also tend to receive more limited rehabilitation & reintegration support,
thus, putting then at potentially greater risk of re-radicalization.
• Therefore, the UNSC has responded by introducing a range of provisions that require
member states to develop gender-specific research on terrorism to consider different
roles played by women, to analyze the drivers of radicalization, & devise gender-
specific counter-narratives, strategies & responses to deal with this concern
effectively.

(8a) ‘The G20 Summit at Osaka came up with a mixed picture on future of Globalization’.
Discuss enumerate the key issues in WTO reforms at present.
• Globalization represents a process that demotes the growing intensify of world-wide
interconnectedness, resulting in a ‘shrinking world’, due to stretching of social,
political & economic activities across political frontiers.
• A/Q to the scholars of international relations the on temporary globalization (1960s
onwards) is described as the ‘Third wave of globalization’, which marks the shift in
economic power from the west to the East and thus, bringing an end to the centuries
of western dominance of the global order. It is in this context, the response of the
developed countries to the process of globalization becomes significant.
• Although globalization has brought people closer to ‘end of geography’, there has
been a shifting trend from globalization to de-globalization due to following reasons—
(i) Although western nations have benefitted immensely from globalization by expanding
the reach of their MNCs & aspiration of talented individuals, the economic power has
been shifting from west to East, which is evident in rapid growth of developing nations
like china, India, Brazil etc.
(ii) In advanced industrial countries, popular support against globalization, in the form
of backlash against migration and trade, is often framed as a matter of compensating
losses caused by globalization.
(iii) Increased exchange and mutual trade b/w nations have made it increasingly tough to
maintain global security. Terrorist organizations like ISIS & Al-Qaeda use tools of
globalization such as internet to propagate their agenda. In addition, the rising cases
of refugee crisis burden the host country with additional responsibility of security and
economic balance.
• These economic, political and security factors results into idea of self-protectionism
and a step towards de-globalization.
• Recent signs of de-globalization are—

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(i) Withdrawal of large economic players like USA and UK from global markets. This is
evident in BREXIT, USA pulling out of TPP etc.
• The recent G-20 Summit at Osaka witnessed Japan attempting to legitimize the
informal pluri lateral (two/more countries) negotiating on digital trade that were
never approved at the WTO. Along with the United states, the EU, Australia &
Singapore among others have supported the pluriateral negotiations on digital trade
with the intention of crafting sweeping rules on data flows, removal of prohibitions on
data localization and cloud computing among others. This represents the global trend
of weakening of multilateral ideas.
• However, India, South Africa & Indonesia have opposed the plurilateral negotiations
on digital trade as it would strike at the very roots of multilateral negotiating process
based on arriving decisions by consensus. Thus, these three countries among others
chose not to sign the declaration on ‘OSAKA TRACK’, arguing that it would
fundamentally weaken the core WTO principles.
Thus, the G-20 Summit at Osaka presents a mixed picture with different approaches/
stands adopted by the developed and developing countries on multilateral
arrangements.
• Since the 1990s, with the accelerated globalization, the issue of global governance
has received growing attention. The increasing trend towards global governance has
been particularly evident in the sphere of economic policy making. This is because
economics is the most obvious area of interdependence amongst states. This idea led
to the emergence of Bretton woods system in the aftermath of WWII. The major factor
behind it was the desire not to return to the economic instability and chaos.
• WTO, formed in 1995 as a replacement of GATT is one of the three pillars of the
liberal international economic order, represented by the Bretton Woods system. In
many ways, the emergence of WTO was a response to the changing imperatives of the
international trading system, linked to the triumph of the neoliberalism &
globalization. The fundamental objective of the WTO’s emergence was facilitation of
free & fair trade.
• However, critics of the WTO argue that subtle biases operate within the decision-
making structures that systematically favor developed countries over developing
countries. These include a general emphasis on consensus based decision making
which tends to disadvantage developing countries which may have no permanent
representation at the WTO or have delegations much smaller than those of developed
countries. Such subtle biases and the general lack of transparency & accountability

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in its decision making processes have led to the WTO being described as a ‘rich man’s
club’.
• Moreover, on the whole, the developed countries like US & regional groupings like
EU have been losing interests in multilateralism. There has been an increasing
tendency of protectionism and anti-immigration policies in the developed countries
like USA. Therefore, on multilateral platforms, both USA & EU have become more
conservative & intolerant of the developing nations.
• Symptomatic to the decline of multilateral spirit in global affairs, the 11 th ministerial
conference (2017) of WTO ended without any substantial outcome. It became the third
such ministerial conference after Seattle (1999) and the Cancun Summit (2003) where
no joint declaration could be adopted.
• One of the most important reason, for this state of affairs with respect to WTO reforms
is the fact the world today is facing the governance gap-a United states (US) that no
longer has the political will nor the economic power to organize the global trade, and
a rising china that’s reluctant to play a greater role. In this context, the issue of trade
war b/w USA and china also assumes a substantial importance, which highlights
concern about the future of WTO as the trade war negates the non-discriminating
principle of WTO.
• Another example of the difficulty in achieving WTO reforms, owing to the
irresponsible stakeholders is the issue of USA systematically blocking the new
appointments to the WTO’s Appellate body, which is the ultimate arbiter of trade
disputes.

(8b) ‘Asia is home to three established space powers-Japan, china & India and there’re
many new players coming up. The new space race is a reflective of the shifting
balance of power & the consequent competition for the Asian strategic space’.
Critically examine.
• The space race, in the 20th century, referred to the competition b/w the two super powers
–US and USSR-to lead development in space. However, in recent years, space has
become highly competitive with more than 60 actors involved in it.
• In this context, Asia has emerged as an important region where countries are involved
in a new form of competition. The fact that 6 countries out of 10-china, India, Japan,

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PSIR Crash Course Test 03 Model Answers

Iran, Israel and North Korea- that have independently launched satellites into orbit are
in Asia is reflective of this new trend.
• But, like in the past, with competition picking up, space is no longer seen from a
peaceful perspective alone and the national security aspects of outer space use are
gaining dominance, particularly in the Asian context, partly due to changing balance
of power equations both with Asia & beyond.
• One of the major factor for this space competition becoming prominent in Asia is
China’s growing space capabilities such as china’s first manned space mission (2003),
developing technologies such as robotic arm, increasing number of close operations of
Chinese satellites and china’s first anti-satellite Test (ASAT) in 2007. All these
developments have forced other Asian powers, like India & Japan, to acknowledge
concerns about the possible security implications of china’s military space programs.
• Therefore, in response to china’s accomplishments in space, India and Japan have
looked at pursuing their own independent space missions speedingly (not merely for
peaceful uses).
For eg:- India’s first anti-satellite (ASAT) test (MISSION SHAKTI) is India’s response
to the potent case of future weaponization of space and shows India’s capability to
safeguard its space assets.
Apart for independent space missions, china’s space programs has led to greater
cooperation in space exploration b/w India & Japan. In pursuance of this, the Japan-
India space Dialogue for enhancing bilateral cooperation in outer space was
established (2018).
• All this suggest that a new space race is heating up in Asia that is compounded by the
region’s changing balance of power alignments.

(8c) ‘Refugees lie at the heart of world politics’. Elucidate. To what extent we can say
that human displacement has become a core concern of contemporary international
politics. Elaborate.
• The state-system of international politics has traditionally been based on the rejection
of intervention. This is reflected in the fact that international law has largely been
constructed around respect for state sovereignty, implying that state borders are, or
should be, inviolable. But, the divorce b/w state policy and the individual, and thus
b/w power & morality, has gradually become more difficult to sustain.

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• International flow, in the form of migration and refugee movement, have become a
particular feature of the modern world. The idea that modern period is an ‘age of
migration’ highlights not only the intensification of cross border migration, resulting
in a hyper-mobile world, but also the growing significance of migration in economic,
social, culture and political terms.
• The phenomenon of migration assumes greater significance in the contemporary
period of global interdependence because the responsibility to act/react in relation to
events on the other side of the world is increased by a recognition of growing global
inter-connectedness and complex interdependence. States can no longer act as if
they’re islands. It is in this context the concept of ‘humanitarian intervention’ has been
justified on the grounds of enlightened ‘self-interest’.
For eg:- Any intervention to prevent a refugee crisis that may create deep political &
social strains in other countries has been justified such as India’s reaction in 1970s
to stop refugee crisis situation emanating from erstwhile east Pakistan.
• It has been argued that the incorporation of the idea of human rights into international
law is one of the great moral achievements of human history. This is so because the
idea of human rights advances the notion that the similarities b/w and amongst human
beings are greater than the differences. This implies that each individual is an
expression of a ‘common humanity’ and other differences, such as nationality,
cultural, social & gendered, amongst human beings are secondary considerations.
• In the contemporary period, the recent refugee crisis, the largest since World War II,
has emerged as a crucial area invoking universal discourse on human rights. A/Q to
UNHCR, by the end of 2017, 68.5 million people were forcibly displaced worldwide
as a result of persecution, conflict, violence or human rights violations. This includes
25.4 million refugees from Syria, Afghanistan, Iraq, Sub-Saharan Africa to Europe
and North America.
• However, despite such a huge extent of displacement, the lack of human rights-based
migration governance & policies at the global, regional & national levels is leading
to the routine violation of migrants rights in transit, at international borders and in
the countries they migrates to Human rights violations against migrants can include
a denial of civil and political rights such as arbitrary detention, torture or a lack of
due process, as well as economic, social & cultural rights such as right to health &
education.
• The denial of migrants rights is often closely linked to discriminatory laws & policies
and deep-seeted attitudes of prejudice or xenophobia. A/Q to human Rights Watch
instead of providing for safe and orderly channels into the western countries,

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especially EU, for asylum seekers & refugees, the EU and its member states have
endorsed policies designed to limit arrivals and to outsource responsibility to regions
& countries outside EU. The deeply flawed EU-Turkey deal and problematic
cooperation with the Libyan authorities reflect this approach.
• A/Q to Amnesty International Report (2017-18) on USA’s anti-immigrants policies—
• USA called for a wall to be built along the USA-Mexico border, allowed for
refoulement (forcible return), increased detention of asylum-seekers & their families,
prioritized deportation of migrants, especially those suspected of crimes.
• It banned entry of foreign nationals from Iran, Iraq, Libya, Somalia, Sudan, Syria &
Yemen and reduced the number of refugees eligible for entry during the 2017 fiscal
year from 1,10,000 to 50,000.
• Such discriminatory policies are inconsistent in principle with the western leadership
in international human rights regime. It indicates refusal to share the responsibility
to deal with the world’s worst refugee crisis. Thus, as the world is approaching the
70th anniversary of Universal Declaration of Human Rights, this is the moment for the
west to reclaim the essential idea of equality and dignity of all people and assume the
role of human rights protector in the real sense.

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 Political Science & International Relations
Crash Course & Test Series - 2019
Test 03
Time Allowed: 3 Hours Max Marks: 250
Name
Test Date
Email Address
Mobile
UPSC Roll No

Instructions:
1. There are EIGHT questions divided in TWO SECTIONS and candidate has
to attempt five questions in all.
2. Question Nos. 1 and 5 are compulsory and out of the remaining, any
three are to be attempted choosing at least ONE question from each
section.
3. Content of the answer is more important than its length.
4. Answers must be written in the medium authorized in the admission
Certificate, which must be stated clearly on the cover of the booklet in
the space provided.
5. Content of the answer is more important than its length.
6. Any page or portion of the page left blank in the Question-Cum-Answer
Booklet must be clearly struck off.
7. All parts of the question should be written at one place itself.
8. Write the test in exam atmosphere.
9. Filling all the details in BLOCK LETTERS is mandatory.
S. No. a b c d e Total
1
2 X X
3 X X
4 X X
5
6 X X
7 X X
8 X X
Grand Total
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Very
Poor Average Good Excellent
Good
Understanding of
Questions
Structure & Flow
(a) Introduction
(b) Conclusion
(c) Overall
Subject
Knowledge
Presentation
(a) Underline
(b) Paragraph
(c) Overall
Overall Remarks:

Dear Student,

_______________________________________________________________

_______________________________________________________________

_______________________________________________________________

_______________________________________________________________

_______________________________________________________________

_______________________________________________________________

_______________________________________________________________

_______________________________________________________________

_______________________________________________________________

_______________________________________________________________

All the best for next test..!!!

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Que.1(a) “The institutional approach has done most to shape the development
of politics as a discipline and remains an important tradition in
comparative politics.” Comment. 10 Marks

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Que.1(b) Discuss the degree to which the nature and core functions of the
state in advanced industrial societies have changed since WW II.
10 Marks.

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Que.1(c) “The prospects of democratic transition in East (China) and South

East Asia is grim. This is not because Asian values are undemocratic,
the main obstacle in democratic breakthrough is state.” Comment.
10 Marks.

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Que.1(d) “New social movements are the products of post-industrial society

which give importance to socio-cultural rather than political &
economic considerations”. Critically examine. 10 Marks.

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Que.1(e) “Modern-democracy is unthinkable, save in terms of parties” – E. E.

Schattschneider. Comment. 10 Marks

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Que.2(a) Scholars of comparative politics argue that ethnic & religious

identities are constructed and reinforced by political factors. Asses
the claim through a comparison of any two countries, one from
developed & the other from developing world. 20 Marks

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Que.2(b) “Middle East and Africa is a region of weak and failed states.”
Analyse with the example of Sudan, Syria and Algeria. Give reasons
to explain the phenomena. 15 Marks

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Que.2(c) Define Petrostate. To what extent Venezuela’s descent into

economic & political chaos in recent years a cautionary tale of the
dangerous influence, commodity-based economy can have on
developing countries. 15 Marks

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Que.3(a) “Political realism, the dominant orthodoxy of the field, took root in
dark hours of liberal tragedy”. Comment. Discuss the grounds on
which postmodernists criticize realism/neorealism. 20 Marks

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Que.3(b) According to feminists, realist analysis of international politics is

built on hyper masculinity, underlying a militarized
conceptualization of the state that delegates the feminine as a
symbolic threat. Elucidate. 15 Marks

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Que.3(c) “Regionalisation” is a dynamic term, implying fluidity & movement,

it can be applied to any stance of cross border international political
economic formation. Critically evaluate. 15 Marks

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Que.4(a) Critically examine the impact of cryptocurrency like “Libra” on the

sovereignty of nation-states. Examine the possible impact of
cryptocurrencies like Libra on the hegemony of USA. 20 Marks

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Que.4(b) “For China, Hong Kong poses delicate challenge at a difficult time.”
Comment. Analyse the factors for the emergence of recent protests
in Hongkong. 15 Marks

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Que.4(c) To what extent, it is appropriate to suggest that North Korea

challenges US hegemony in Asia-Pacific? Give arguments in support
of your point of view. 15 Marks

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Que.5(a) “Although many echoes and remnants of Cold War are still with us,
the determinants and the conduct of international affairs have
changed drastically.” Comment. 10 Marks

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Que.5(b) Analyse effect of 2007-09 Financial Crisis on the processes of global

economic governance in the world. 10 Marks.

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Que.5(c) “Human Rights offer a new way of thinking about the future world in
utopian terms.” Comment. 10 Marks

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Que.5(d) Write short note on BAPA + 40. 10 Marks

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Que.5(e) The relation between democracy and world politics is manifold”.

Comment. 10 Marks

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Que.6(a) Do you agree with the notion that the Marxist approach to the study
of international relations is economic reductionism? Give reason.
20 Marks

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Que.6(b) Discuss the major impediments to UNSC reforms. Mention the

recent steps taken by international community to advance towards
the goal. 15 Marks

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Que.6(c) “May 2019 European Parliamentary elections were considered as

most consequential”. Give reasons. Analyse the future of European
Union on the basis of recent elections to the European parliament.
15 Marks

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Que.7(a) Changing geopolitical realities have brought a renewed interest in

the Bay of Bengal & BIMSTEC with access to Indian Ocean &
Himalayas BIMSTEC is becoming a theatre of convergence and
competition for China’s BRI, India’s Act East & Asia-Africa Growth
Corridor”. Discuss. 20 Marks

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Que.7(b) “ASEAN outlook on Indo-pacific is an initial step towards formally

incorporating ASEAN centrally in the evolving Indo-Pacific concept”.
Critically Examine. 15 Marks

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Que.7(c) As observed in past few years, greater involvement of women in

terrorist activities is seen. Women and terrorism has become serios
global concern. Do you think a more gender specific approach is
needed to tackle this new phenomenon. Comment. 15 Marks

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Que.8(a) The G20 summit at Osaka came up with a mixed picture on future of
Globalisation. Discuss. Enumerate the key issues in WTO Reforms at
present. 20 Marks

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Que.8(b) Asia is a home to three established space powers – Japan, China &
India there are many new players coming up. The new space race is
a reflective of the shifting balance of power & the consequent
competition for ASIAN strategic space. Critically Examine.
15 Marks

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Que.8(c) “Refugees lie at the heart of World politics”. Elucidate. To what

extent we can say that human displacement has become a core
concern of contemporary international politics. Elaborate.
15 Marks

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Space for Rough Work

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Political Science & International Relations9

Crash Course & Test Series - 2019
Test 03
Time Allowed: 3 Hours Max Marks: 250

There are EIGHT questions divided in TWO SECTIONS and candidate has to
attempt five questions in all.

Question Nos.1 and 5 are compulsory and out of the remaining, any three
are to be attempted choosing at least ONE question from each section.

SECTION ‘A’.

1. Comment on the following in about 150 words each : 10*5=50

1(a.) “The institutional approach has done most to shape the development
of politics as a discipline and remains an important tradition in
comparative politics.” Comment. 10 Marks
1(b.) Discuss the degree to which the nature and core functions of the state
in advanced industrial societies have changed since WW II.
10 Marks
1(c.) “The prospects of democratic transition in East (China) and South
East Asia is grim. This is not because Asian values are undemocratic,
the main obstacle in democratic breakthrough is state.” Comment.
10 Marks
1(d.) “New social movements are the products of post-industrial society
which give importance to socio-cultural rather than political &
economic considerations”. Critically examine. 10 Marks
1(e.) “Modern-democracy is unthinkable, save in terms of parties” – E. E.
Schattschneider. Comment. 10 Marks

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2. (a.) Scholars of comparative politics argue that ethnic & religious

identities are constructed and reinforced by political factors. Asses
the claim through a comparison of any two countries, one from
developed & the other from developing world. 20 Marks
2. (b.) “Middle East and Africa is a region of weak and failed states.” Analyse
with the example of Sudan, Syria and Algeria. Give reasons to explain
the phenomena. 15 Marks
2. (c.) Define Petrostate. To what extent Venezuela’s descent into economic
& political chaos in recent years a cautionary tale of the dangerous
influence, commodity-based economy can have on developing
countries. 15 Marks
3. (a.) “Political realism, the dominant orthodoxy of the field, took root in
dark hours of liberal tragedy”. Comment. Discuss the grounds on
which postmodernists criticize realism/neorealism. 20 Marks
3. (b.) According to feminists, realist analysis of international politics is
built on hyper masculinity, underlying a militarized
conceptualization of the state that delegates the feminine as a
symbolic threat. Elucidate. 15 Marks
3. (c.) “Regionalisation” is a dynamic term, implying fluidity & movement, it
can be applied to any stance of cross border international political
economic formation. Critically evaluate. 15 Marks
4. (a.) Critically examine the impact of cryptocurrency like “Libra” on the
sovereignty of nation-states. Examine the possible impact of
cryptocurrencies like Libra on the hegemony of USA. 20 Marks
4. (b.) “For China, Hong Kong poses delicate challenge at a difficult time.”
Comment. Analyse the factors for the emergence of recent protests in
Hongkong. 15 Marks

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4. (c.) To what extent, it is appropriate to suggest that North Korea

challenges US hegemony in Asia-Pacific? Give arguments in support
of your point of view. 15 Marks
SECTION ‘B’
5. Comment on the following in about 150 words each : 10*5=50
5. (a.) “Although many echoes and remnants of Cold War are still with us,
the determinants and the conduct of international affairs have
changed drastically.” Comment. 10 Marks
5. (b.) Analyse effect of 2007-09 Financial Crisis on the processes of global
economic governance in the world. 10 Marks
5. (c.) “Human Rights offer a new way of thinking about the future world in
utopian terms.” Comment. 10 Marks
5. (d.) Write short note on BAPA + 40. 10 Marks
5. (e.) The relation between democracy and world politics is manifold”.
Comment. 10 Marks
6. (a.) Do you agree with the notion that the Marxist approach to the study
of international relations is economic reductionism? Give reason.
20 Marks
6. (b.) Discuss the major impediments to UNSC reforms. Mention the recent
steps taken by international community to advance towards the
goal. 15 Marks
6. (c.) “May 2019 European Parliamentary elections were considered as
most consequential”. Give reasons. Analyse the future of European
Union on the basis of recent elections to the European parliament.
15 Marks

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7. (a.) Changing geopolitical realities have brought a renewed interest in the

Bay of Bengal & BIMSTEC with access to Indian Ocean & Himalayas
BIMSTEC is becoming a theatre of convergence and competition for
China’s BRI, India’s Act East & Asia-Africa Growth Corridor”. Discuss.
20 Marks
7. (b.) “ASEAN outlook on Indo-pacific is an initial step towards formally
incorporating ASEAN centrally in the evolving Indo-Pacific concept”.
Critically Examine. 15 Marks
7. (c.) As observed in past few years, greater involvement of women in
terrorist activities is seen. Women and terrorism has become serios
global concern. Do you think a more gender specific approach is
needed to tackle this new phenomenon. Comment. 15 Marks
8. (a.) The G20 summit at Osaka came up with a mixed picture on future of
Globalisation. Discuss. Enumerate the key issues in WTO Reforms at
present. 20 Marks
8. (b.) Asia is a home to three established space powers – Japan, China &
India there are many new players coming up. The new space race is a
reflective of the shifting balance of power & the consequent
competition for ASIAN strategic space. Critically Examine. 15 Marks
8. (c.) “Refugees lie at the heart of World politics”. Elucidate. To what extent
we can say that human displacement has become a core concern of
contemporary international politics. Elaborate. 15 Marks

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Tips for Writing Good Answers:-

1. Read the question carefully and at least 3-4 times.
2. Note down concepts, facts, examples, keywords related to
the question.
3. Draw a rough outline of the flow.
4. Pay adequate attention to the introduction and
conclusion.
5. Introduction must offer your brief interpretation of the
question and how you propose to develop it.
6. Conclusion must summarize your response to the
question.
7. Make sure answer is
a. Logical and coherent
b. Clear connection between sentences and
paragraphs.
c. Written correctly giving adequate compatibility to
your expression, style and presentation
d. Do not exceed the word limit
e. Write neatly
f. Underline points you wish to emphasize.

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 PSIR Crash Course Test 04 Model Answers

(1a) Discuss the continuity and change in India’s foreign policy.

• ‘Continuity’ and ‘change’ are alienable feature of a working foreign policy and
balancing the both is the key for successful foreign policy.
Continuity in India’s foreign policy
One important aspect of continuity in India’s foreign policy is its quest for strategic
autonomy. States prioritize a variety of external goals including power, security,
survival, justice etc. In this vein, strategic autonomy has been India’s primary
foreign policy goal for the last seven decades. It can be best understood as a state
of independence from the constraints imposed by goals, policies and actions of
other actors in the international affairs. This thinking was in large parts the
motivation behind India’s cold war foreign policy of ‘non-alignment’, which
created space for India to pursue its national interests with maximum autonomy
given the intensely polarized conditions of the cold war. Therefore, India has
continued with the basic characteristics of this policy even after the end of the cold
war. At the same time, keeping in view the developments in international politics
from time to time, changes & adjustments have been made in this policy but these
changes have been more in India’s relations with specific countries rather than in
basic elements of India’s foreign policy. This is so because right from the beginning
it was clear that non-alignment wasn’t an end in itself rather an instrument of policy
designed to safeguard India’s interests. Therefore, it wasn’t a static policy but
subject to change in accordance & needs.
Changes in India’s foreign policy
(i) With the passing of the cold war that necessitated much rhetorical posturing aimed
at avoiding alliance with the superpowers to maintain strategic autonomy, Indian
foreign policy has shed its moralizing concerns and embraced a more overt
pragmatism. In other words, the contemporary Indian strategic thinking reflects a
conscious rejection of Nehruvian ‘idealism’ in favor of more pragmatic mode of
business.
(ii) India’s growing economic power, especially since the liberalization of 1991, has
added significant economic content or overtones to its foreign policy, which also
contributes to pragmatism.
(iii) India’s foreign policy increasingly complicated by the fragmentation of India’s
domestic political sphere into a multiple of regional parties that form often
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unwieldy coalition governments at the federal level. In the new millennium coalition
governments are the norm in India and relatively small regional parties are often
able to detail India’s established foreign policy objectives.
A) Change’s in India foreign policy
The proof Harsh. V. Pant is his work {Book} Indian Foreign Policy has
succinctly coalesced
The thematic background and the evolutionary arc of the foreign policy of the
past 5 years into three paradigms.
(i) Ideational level :- At this level the India has grown interestingly shifting from a
discursive course with real time consequences of how India redefines it’s
alignment in terms of strategic economy for a strong global image is a pre-
emptive for India.
(ii) Structural level :- Managing great power matrix at a time of structural fluidity in
the international order has been a core component in the past 5 years. The
imagery of an Indian P.M with world leaders presents India’s strengthening
position in the global politics and structural order.
(iii) Institutional level :- At this level remapping India’s strategic frontiers should
have important consequences as it redefines India’s role in south Asia and links it
substantively with east and south east Asia, something that has been dormant in
the past years.
Conclusion
The recent change in the India foreign policy is guided by the imagery view of the
Indian PM with the world leaders presents India’s strengthening position in the
global politics and structural orders and according to the foreign secretary Vijay
Gokhale, India’s future would be largely shaped by the kind of role New Delhi
managers to play in the G-20 and the Indio-pacific signaling clearly the changing
priorities of the Indian Foreign policy establishment.

(1b) Suggest how leadership acts as a key determinant in India’s foreign policy.
• Given the highly fluctuating situational factors of the international environment,
the foreign policy of a country is never uniquely determined by one factor, but is
the result of the interplay of a set of different factors. One such factor that defines
the elements of continuity and change in a country’s foreign policy is the role
played by the leadership of the country.

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• The leadership qualities, behavioral traits and the international outlook are major
causal varieties in the process of formulation and implementation of foreign policy.
(i) ‘Nehruvian Consensus’ phase:-
• In the decades following independence, Nehru, who was widely regarded as
‘internationalist’ and ‘idealist’ in outlook, resolutely dominated the conception and
delivery of Indian foreign policy. Therefore, India’s foreign policy during his tenure
was more committed to the collective good of comity of nations, non-alignment,
self-reliance, world peace, disarmament and anti-colonialism. ‘PANCHSHEEL’
was a typical representation of Nehruvian outlook to approaching problems with
other countries.
(ii) Post- Nehru Phase
• Nehru’s immediate successor, Lal Bahadur shastri, had little experience in the
external affairs. Thus, he mostly followed Nehruvian approach and reiterated that
there would be no deviation from the lines of policy laid down by Nehru.
• However, contrasting, by the nature of a strong & decisive personality and
sensitivity to the imperatives of vital national interests, India Gandhi re-oriented
the foreign policy along the lines of realism, more than idealism. This is reflected
in India’s policy with the reference to the liberation of Bangladesh (1971), non-
accession to NPT, and strengthening of ties with the Soviet Union.
(iii) Phase of India’s shift towards West & Economic Liberalization
• This phase, initiated by 1980s, marked an era of India’s shift towards west and
improvement of relations with US. The inclination of Rajiv Gandhi towards West
to get the technological knowledge is a classic example for his differences with the
predecessors, who were inclined more towards East.
• In the early 1990s, the regime of P.V. Narasimha Rao emphasized on the
importance & centrality of country’s economic growth for the sound foreign policy
such a focus necessitated a gradual embrace of the globalization & liberalization,
which were contrasting to the self-reliance & socialist principles that were the hall
mark of India’s foreign policy during the cold war era. In addition, during his
tenure India’s ‘Look East Policy’ to increase economic & strategic engagement
with SEA.
(iv) Phase of India’s engagement with its neighbor
• During this phase, ‘Gujral doctrine’ was propounded to manage India’s
relationships with its neighbours. It was a foreign policy that sought friendship on
the basis of ‘Sovereignty, equality and non-interference, with non-reciprocal

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attitude towards smaller neighbors like Bangladesh, Nepal & Sri Lanka. The Gujral
Doctrine was a roadmap that sought to create trust b/w India and its Neighbors &
emphasized on the importance of unilateral accommodation for friendly relations
with India’s neighbors.
• India’s foreign policy, under Vajpayee regime, was marked by departure from
policy of nuclear restraint, and thus, overcome the issue of strategic restraint that
constrained India’s national security.
(v) Man Mohan Doctrine Vis-à-vis Modi Doctrine of Foreign Policy.
• Man Mohan Doctrine was based on early ‘Nehruvian Realism with an emphasis on
constantly evolving foreign policy in response to changing realities of world. He
stressed that the foreign policy must aim at India’s economic rise & economic
engagement with other countries.
• On the contrary, Modi’s doctrine, containing elements of assertiveness &
unpredictability is based on India’s neighborhood first policy engagement with
Global powers, extensive economic engagement and a focus on Diaspora.
Conclusion:-
• “Foreign Policy is a thought out course of action for achieving objectives in
foreign relations as dictated by the ideology of national interest”. -Dr. Mohinder
Kumar
• So nation need a such kind of leader whose thought of action promotes the
national interest by engaging with all internationally created institutions and
regional organizations across world.{ the new Delhi decision to pray in G-20 and
Indo-pacific shows the forwardness of Indian leadership }.

(1c) ‘India should maximize its soft power in south and south Asia’. Comment.
• Ever since the epithet ‘string of pearls’ gained currency, there has been an
increased focus on the growing ‘tug of power’ b/w India and China in the south &
southeast Asia. While India pursues influence through heightened diplomatic,
bilateral and military engagement, china garners influence through hard
investments in cash-strapped nations suffering from massive infrastructural
deficits. As a result, china’s massive investments in ASEAN nations have brought
these nations closer into its orbit of influence. ASEAN’s trade with China for
surpluses that with India and Chinese FDI in ASEAN is nine times higher than
India’s. Thus, although India enjoys cordial relations with all ASEAN nations, it is

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unlikely that diplomatic engagements alone will garner the groupings support for
India’s Indo-Pacific strategy against china’s raw cash power & growing military
presence.
• Similarly, owing to china’s aggressive investments in infrastructural &
development projects in south Asian countries in India’s immediate neighborhood,
these countries like Nepal & Sri Lanka have demonstrated significant interest in
partnership with china.
• However, the overt-assertiveness of china has driven many countries in East &
Southeast Asia to seek closer friendship with India. It is in this context, India, which
enjoys global soft power through its arts, literature, dance, cinema and close-
historical links with countries of South & Southeast Asia, can make use of its vast
resource of soft power in countering Chinese influence in the region.
• But, India still needs to develop a strategy to leverage its soft power & optimize its
military power to effectively counter china’s hard & cash power.
• However, a/q to Rani D. Mullen, despite the rise of India as a global actor, its
foreign policy engagement in the 21st century has at-times lacked policy coherence
and efficacy, owing to its sacrifice of its soft power for a real politick. A/Q to
Happymon Jacob, India’s evolving foreign policy, based on pursuit of power &
influence, has eclipsed its tradition of normative behavior and principled
positions—
(i) India’s stand vis-à-vis Rohingya refugees is an indication of a change in India’s
traditional strategy to deal with humanitarian issues in its neighborhood. It is in
contrast to its long tradition of offering refuge to the regions homeless.
A/Q to David Malone, since the early 1990s, India’s increased engagement with
Myanmar’s military junta in order to counter increasing Chinese influence in the
region and particularly India’s silence during 2007 democratic, anti-government
uprising, has been widely criticized both within India and abroad. Rani D. Mullen
argues that India’s focus on real politick in its relations with Myanmar highlights
the larger cost that such a foreign policy can have on India’s power of attraction.
(ii) The present status of NAM in India’s foreign policy is in sharp contrast from its
earlier status of being the cornerstone of India’s foreign policy. A/Q to C. Raja
Mohan, NAM is in the state if ‘COMA’. In 2016, only for the second time ever,
India’s PM was not present at the NAM Summit. A/Q to Happymon Jacob,
solidarity with other developing countries, a key objective of NAM, is no more a
foreign policy priority for India. He argues that SAARC and NAM, both India-

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centric institutions, have been sidelined by India’s conscious effort, resulting in a
post-normative foreign policy.
• A/Q to Happymon Jacob, the post-normative turn in India’s foreign policy has both
positive and negative implications. While it allow India to pursue its interests with
a free hand, without any ideological constraints and legacy dilemmas, the post-
normative turn in the form of exclusive focus on hand power for foreign policy
outcomes sidelines India’s rich soft power attributes. In addition, confrontation
seems to have displaced quiet diplomacy as India’s favored & traditional stool for
conflict resolution.

(1d) ‘There are lot of potential areas of cooperation b/w India and Latin America’.
Discuss.
• A/Q to Varun Sahni, Latin America has featured only sporadically, and largely
symbolically, in the history of Indian foreign policy. The case of India-Latin
America relations is like ‘out of sight, out of mind’. This is mainly because Latin
America remains distant region geographically and thus, conceptually too. Both
sides have deepened exchanges with almost all other regions and international
partners in greater measure than with each other.
For instance- India-Latin America trade has reached to the level of $100 billion for
the year 2017-18 (China’s trade being $264 billion).
• A/Q to Harsh V. Pant, despite a highly energetic outreach to the rest of the world,
India still relegates Latin America to the back water of diplomacy. PM Modi, whose
foreign relations strategies are widely regarded as ambitious, has not visited any
LAC after the BRKs Summit (2014; Brazil) and in 2016, he became the first Indian
PM to have missed the NAM Summit hosted by Venezuela. The political visits (only
five visits have been made by Latin American leaders to India since 2014) amounts
to only a token of political engagement b/w India and Latin America countries.
• A/Q to Varun Sahni, Latin American interest in Third World countries is primarily
based on economic dimension, with the region’s relatively high economic levels &
resource abundance complementing the poor countries of Asia and Africa.
• Economic complementarily, in the context of India-Latin America relationship, has
been evident with Indian companies importing large quantities of hydrocarbons
from Venezuela, Mexico, Columbia & Brazil; edible oils and sugar from Brazil &
Argentina; copper and precious metals from Peru and Chile etc. In turn, India

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exports diesel, textiles and manufactured products. Latin American resources are
an ideal fit for Indian technology, industrial capacity and markets. Private
companies have exploited the economic complementarily to invest & trade in
energy, commodities and technology. Indian companies recognize Latin America
as an important market for automobiles, chemicals, pharmaceuticals and
engineering goods.
• However, since 2015 there has been a deceleration in the relationship mainly due
to lack of strategy & measures to consolidate an evidently complementary
relationship apart from physical connectivity, a vital element for growth of trade,
little attempt is made to identify & leverage synergies or opportunities.
(i) Collaborative opportunities in pipelines, land lease, part and railway capacity,
refineries, ware housing etc in Latin America are considered a bridge too far for
the Indian business establishment, which hasn’t ventured to promote investment in
complementary sectors to ensure supplies & value addition.
(ii) Unlike other players in Latin America, like USA, China, Japan and Europe, India
has still to consider participation in Latin American financial institutions like
IADB, Andean Development Corporation, central American Bank etc. in addition,
bilateral banking connections are non-existent.
(iii) There is a lack of major initiatives such as institutional financing or infrastructure
projects.
• Thus, to turn as Latin America’s next big thing, India needs to take a holistic view
of its interests & exchanges with Latin America, including collaboration in
international forum and identifying its priorities & prospects for engagement.
Way forward
(i) Government of India should give incentives to the shipment companies trading with
Latin America.
(ii) A/Q to Harsh V. Pant, if India could obtain membership to the Pacific Alliance, it
could enhance its economic ties with the bloc and assist in balancing china’s
assertiveness and aggressive BRI.
(iii) India must engage with the region on a consistent, rather than ad-hoc basis.
Moreover, India has to pay attention towards all LAC rather than just remaining
focused on Brazil.
(iv) India must see the need for increasing engagement and official political visits to
Latin America to usher in a new era in bilateral relations.

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(v) Equally important is the role of the mass media in reporting initiatives taken by
both sides to build stronger ties. The lack of appreciation and attention in the
popular media underscores a lack of connect b/w the two regions.
(vi) There is a need to promote Latin America studies in Indian universities as well as
Indian studies in Latin America in order to improve the historical, cultural and
people-to-people linkages b/w India and the Latin American region.

(1e) ‘Sri Lanka is becoming a centre for India-China relations’.

• Much of India’s bilateral problems, especially in its neighborhood, flows a
compulsive calculation on what the nation needs to do to keep china out of the
neighborhood’s calculations. In case of Sri Lanka, it used to be the USA during the
cold war and, in the post-cold war phase, it is the china.
• China’s foray into Sri Lanka in recent years has heightened India’s engagement in
the island nation (Sri Lanka). Unlike India, China and Sri Lanka do not share
cultural and linguistic affinity and proximity. Inspite of this asymmetry, china’s
strategic interest and aid diplomacy have led to a close cooperation b/w the two—
• Sri Lanka is seen as ‘an important hub on the maritime silk Road’ by China.
• China has-displaced Japan as Sri Lanka’s major aid donor (annual package of $ 1
billion), emerged as the third largest trading partner and largest foreign investor
with supplying over half of the construction and development loans Sri Lanka is
receiving.
• Some important infrastructure projects developed by china in Sri Lanka include
Hambantota port, Colombo express way, Mattala Airport etc.
• Recently, the delivery of a Chinese frigate (P-625) to Sri Lanka reinforces China’s
role within competition b/w the two Asian nations.
• The political transition in Sri Lanka from ‘passive’ Rajapaksha government to a
relatively ‘active’ Sirisena government has generated hope in India about
prospects improved bilateral relationship with Sri Lanka, ‘the static ship in the
Indian Ocean’.
• A great deal of optimism emanates from the fact that India’s keenness to engage
with Sri Lanka has been met with similar zeal in Sri Lanka to collaborate in host of
energy and infrastructure projects across the island.
• India’s interest in economic cooperation with Sri Lanka is based on two ideas—

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(i) As a part of India’s ‘neighborhood first’ policy which includes economic regional
integration as a vital component.
(ii) India’s massive consumption of hydrocarbons and Sri Lanka’s geostrategic
location in Indian Ocean Sea lines of communication’.
On the other hand, Sri Lanka’s interest in promoting economic cooperation with
India is a part of Colombo’s balancing act b/w India & China. Since Sri Lanka has
given port projects in Colombo & Hambantota to China, it aims at compensate
India with other infrastructure projects in the island.
• Resentment against Indian diplomatic behavior has led smaller neighbors to play
the ‘China Card’ by accepting increase in Chinese influences. A series of
developments in the Indian subcontinent, such as FTA b/w china and Maldives,
China’s long term lease with Sri Lanka for the Hambamtota Port etc, reflects the
growing Chinese influence in the region.
• Thus, a/q to C. Raja Mohan, Instead of attempts to counter balance China in the
Indian subcontinent region of influence, India should focus more on developing a
good neighborhood policy, based on subtle diplomacy along with catering to the
economic & infrastructural needs of the region.

(2a) ‘South Asia is the least integrated region in the world and India is one of the least
regionally integrated major powers’. Critically evaluate. Discuss the structural
impediments India face in its neighborhood.
• SAARC, a regional organization of South Asian nations, was established with the
overarching objective of consolidating South Asia’s economic and geopolitical
potential, and promote the welfare of the regional population.
However, even after more than three decades, SAARC is considered to be one of
the weakest examples of regional integration. In this context, P.V. Rao termed its
performance as a case of ‘retarded regionalism’. In the case of SAARC, a fragile
structure, weak mandate, mistrust and misconceptions and conflict among
countries characterizes the state of affairs.
• Economically, the region (South Asia) is one of the least integrated in the world,
with very low levels of intra-regional trade & investment. A/Q to World Bank’s
report, ‘A Glass Half Full: The promise of Regional trade in South Asia’

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intraregional trade in South Asia is one third ($23Bn) of its potential (≈$ 67Bn)
and accounts for only 5-6% of South Asia’s total trade.
On the political front, SAARC has done little to improve bilateral disagreements &
conflicts, which has been one of the major reasons for the stalling of any progress
within the grouping.
• As a result of the shortcomings of the SAARC and its failure in performing its
desired functions, India and other South Asian nations have shown interest in active
engagement through bilateral & sub-regional means such as BIMSTEC. However,
a/q to C. Raja Mohan, a dysfunctional SAARC can hurt the idea of emergence of a
cohesive South Asian region. In the same line, S.D. Muni argues that a ‘dead-
SAARC’ will only make India’s neighborhood policy more difficult and its
international image unpalatable. This is evident in failure of India’s attempts at
influencing its neighbor’s vis-à-vis China.
(i) Political impediments
(a) The asymmetry b/w India and other member countries, in terms of geography,
economy, military strength & influence in the global arena, make the smaller
countries in SAARC apprehensive. They perceive India as ‘Big Brother’ and fear
that it might use the SAARC to pursue hegemony in the region. The smaller
countries have been reluctant to implement various agreements under SAARC.
(b) South Asia is a region where politics take the front seat and economy is pushed to
the back seat. The inter-state hostilities & suspicious political relationship among
member countries, especially India & Pakistan, have limited SAARC’s ability to
emerge as an integrated regional bloc. In recent times, Pakistan’s non-cooperation
has stalled some major initiatives under SAARC such SAARC satellite project,
motor vehicle Agreement.
(ii) Economic Impediments
(a) Differential development levels and economic disparities in the region, in the areas
of trade, manufacture & services etc, makes it difficult to carry out a viable
economic system out of the unequals.
(b) The intra-regional trade ‘among SAARC countries is significantly lagging as
compared to global trade. Restrictive trade policies of SAARC countries,
dominance of foreign capital, competition for the same foreign markets etc. are
other economic impediments. One of the major failures of the SAARC grouping is
its failure to develop. SAFTA in a desired way.
(iii) Geographical impediments

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The absence of connectivity is another impediment in the process of successful
regional integration among SAARC countries. Good connectivity among members
a major factor for enhancing regional cooperation, is absent in SAARC
arrangement. There are still a lot of barriers to travelling freely b/w the countries
of the region due to lack of connectivity & transportation.
For eg;- India & Bangladesh share a land boundary over 4000 km long, but their
trade is mainly conducted by sea.
(iv) Strategic dissonance
There has been a lack of consensus among member countries with respect to threat
perceptions or security concerns. This has led to divergence in strategic
perceptions in the region. The imperative of jointly protecting the region from
outside interferences is ignored when countries separately assess the situations.
This hinders regional cooperation’s.
For eg- Strategic perspective of India & Pakistan vis-à-vis China are totally
different and sometimes mutually exclusive.
Way forward
(i) India’s policies should display a sense of belonging to the region or a desire to
work with the neighborhood for greater integration & cooperation.
(ii) India must shed its aggression and deal with tricky situations with far more
diplomatic subtlety. The ability of diplomacy lies in subtly persuading the smaller
neighbor to accept India’s position rather than forcing it on them which may
backfire.
(eg:-India Nepal relations during Nepal’s constitution making process in 2015)
(iii) India should not blindly compete with China where china is at an advantage vis-à-
vis India, such as in regional infrastructure projects, due to lack of sufficient
political & financial resources. Thus, India must invest where china falls short,
especially at the level of institution building and the use of ‘soft power’.
Eg:- India could expand the scope & work of the South Asian University (SAU),
including by ensuring that its students get research visas to India without much
difficulty.
(iv) A/Q to Happymon Jacob, china and India’s engagement of the South Asian region
needn’t be based on zero-sum calculations. Rather, they should look for
convergence of interests in the region such as counter terrorism, regional trade &
infrastructure development.

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(2b) ‘Foreign policy of a country is statement of what it stands for and the role it takes
upon itself and projects to the world at large’. –(J.N. Dixit). In the light of above
statement, explain the key underlying themes in India’s foreign policy.
• Foreign policy, in concrete terms, is a combination of principles, interests and
objectives through which a country formulates and conducts its relations in the
international realm. Therefore, a country’s foreign policy national interest;
international environment; and nature & type of relation with other countries. As
these factors are dynamic and keep on changing, countries accordingly have to re-
evaluate their policies from time to time.
• However, there’re also certain long-term aspects of these factors which determine
some basic characteristics/themes of a country’s foreign policy. In the Indian
context, these are certain key basic characteristics of its foreign policy—
(i) Maintenance of freedom in policy formulation—
Being highly influenced by its colonial past experiences, a powerful nationalist
impulse set India to chart out her own independent course in international affairs.
For this, ‘non-alignment’ became the logical framework for India’s foreign policy.
(ii) International peace
Maintenance & promotion of international peace & security has been one of the
overriding goals of India’s foreign policy. However, peace for India is not mere a
‘pacifist neutralism’. A/Q to J.L. Nehru, ‘peace is not simply a renunciation of war,
but an active positive approach towards international relations & problems, which
involves solving problems on the negotiating table.
(iii) Opposition to colonialism, imperialism & Racism
Owing to its own struggle for liberation from colonial rule, cause of liberation of
colonies and elimination of racial discrimination became important objectives of
India’s foreign policy. In fact, anti-colonialism and anti-racialism had been a
matter of faith with India’s foreign policy.
In the work of J.N. Dixit the themes are
(i) Geo-Political compulsions:- because geography control the political
environment of a country and may propel it’s foreign policy and national
interests.

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(ii) Political tradition:- along with the impact of anti-colonial movement India’s
foreign policy is also influenced by a set of political norms and values which it
has inculcated over the years.
(iii) Non-alignment factors:- in this regard Panchsheel was a response to a world
asking for a new set of principles for the conduct of I/N relations that would
reflect the aspiration of all nations to co-exist and prospers together in peace and
harmony.
(iv) Economic constrain and development strategy:- a developing state whole actual
economic strength is how necessarily has a lower power potential in Indian
relations.
(v) Security:- security has several implications. Ever nation state tries to first to
safeguards it’s territorial integrity by pursuing an effective and dynamic foreign
policy.
Conclusion :-
By using the above themes Indian foreign policy increasingly seems structured to
achieve the following objectives like closes ties to countries and multilateral
associations that can help in achieving higher growth rate and being able to
conduct it’s foreign policy as a major Asian power and not just as a relational
south Asia state.

(2c)’ India’s relations with Pakistan have always loomed ominously in the background
of India’s relation with US and China’. Elucidate.
• A/Q to Ashley Tellis, the antagonism b/w India and Pakistan, the two nuclear rivals,
remains one of the greatest tragedies of Asian politics. This enduring rivalry has
not only undermined peace & prosperity throughout the South Asia (as evident in
failure of SAARC as a regional integration platform) but also has constantly drawn
attention of World and regional powers to it.
• The interlocking, ideological, territorial and power-political contestations b/w
India and Pakistan has set the stage for a persistent rivalry and a highly asymmetric
security competition. The asymmetry is evident from the fact that while India is
content with the status-quo by accepting Pakistan’s existence as a state, Pakistan
on the other hand, aims to revise the status quo as it sees India as an existential
threat to its survival.
• A/Q to Ashley Tellis, as the security competition b/w India and Pakistan id not
driven by discrete & negotiable differences any kind of diplomatic solution,

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satisfactory to both India & Pakistan is highly elusive. In addition, any
international intervention to ensure an engagement b/w India & Pakistan is
counterproductive—
(a) India’s geopolitical, economic & military superiority implies that Pakistan cannot
compel it to revise the status quo by force. Since Pakistan lacks the means to extract
desired results from India, the path to peace depends largely on Pakistan’s
willingness to accept its current strategic circumstances.
(b) Pakistan feels emboldened by the international calls for strategic engagement,
believing that its strategy of nuclear coercion can successfully invite foreign
pressure on India to make concessions on territory & other issues of contestations.
(c) Great power mediation is not an adequate alternative for bilateral engagement
since the USA lacks the means to alter Pakistan’s strategic calculus and china lacks
the desire as it can utilize Pakistan to slow down the rise of its emerging Asian
competitor (India).
Role of International community
• A/Q to Ashley Tellis, the international community should recognize that continued
dialogue cannot extinguish the entrenched grievances that drive Pakistan’s
animosity toward India.
• The international community must set upon a course that, instead of merely urging
talks, presses Pakistan to realistically accept its circumstances vis-à-vis India. This
requires a determined effort to compel Pakistan to give up its strategy of using
state-sponsored terrorism & extremism to coerce Indian compliance.

Conclusion :-
The geo-strategic position of the two countries { India & Pakistan } offers the
ground for the world power and the china to showcase their interest in their foreign
policy like U.S try to uses India to contain china and create dominance in the Indian
ocean and same is the case china doing with Pakistan against India

(3a) Critically analyze the role of PMO & MEA in formulation of India’s foreign
policy.
• In a parliamentary democracy, as in India, decision making in foreign policy is
highly diffused among various actors and institutions. It is difficult to decide as to
who makes policy decision and at what level it was decided.

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• Parliamentary government post WWII, has increasingly becomes Prime Ministerial
government and, as such, PMO (Prime Minister Office) plays a major role in policy
formulation including foreign policy decision making.
On the other hand, MEA (Ministry of External Affairs), a key component of foreign
policy architecture, is entrusted with key functions of data collection, policy
formulation & its implementation through various divisions (focused upon different
regions, institutions and major issues).
Nehruvian Era
• Nehru was a one man policy planning, staff & coordinator as well as the source of
major initiatives that put ‘nascent’ India on the world’s diplomatic map. His
personal aura, expertise and consensual power played a major part in his
dominance in India’s foreign policy.
• However, post-1962 china setback, Nehru’s near monopoly began to fracture as
realism began slowly replacing idealism in foreign policy making.
Post-Nehruvian Era
• Weak political leadership, post Nehru’s death, allowed MEA some space to develop
more fully. However, despite this, greater emphasis was put on PMO as the fulcrum
of foreign policy making, leading to the further centralization of decision making
away from Parliament and MEA.
• Since Prime Minister Ship of Lal Bahadur Shastri, PMO has gradually assumed
many functions previously undertaken by other ministries, giving any Prime
minister greater control over both foreign and domestic policy.
• The trend of PMO playing a major role in the foreign policy became evident only
during the Indira Gandhi tenure. PMO’s power was at pinnacle during 1971
Bangladesh liberation war and post war shimla Agreement.
• However, despite being dominated by the national leadership and PMO as a
foreign policy institution, India’s foreign policy and its public presentation became
an important task of MEA. In addition, as foreign policy, unlike domestic policy is
dependent on estimated behavior of another state in a particular case, MEA started
playing an important role in providing intelligent & accurate suggestions and
inputs as it, supposed to be the storehouse of expert knowledge on foreign affairs.
Moreover, with time, MEA is increasingly coordinating across and consulted by

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different ministries and has gained ‘considerable blocking power’ on foreign policy
decision making.
• A/Q to Suhashini Haider, in the present Modi government, unlike its predecessors,
the MEA has been sidelined when it comes to execution even by structures other
than PMO. A/Q to her, under Modi regime, the prominence of India’s security
agencies, especially NSA, has grown is special dialogues with the US, Pakistan,
UAE, China & others.

(3b) Assess the status of India-Russia relations in current context and enumerate the
factors that have given rise to uncertainties. Mention the steps by both countries
to manage the relations on even keel.
• Strong relations with Russia are a key pillar of India’s foreign policy. ‘Similar
political and strategic perceptions of the global affairs’. Used to be the defining
pillar of the relationship b/w India and Russia. In the words of PM Modi, ‘every
child in India knows that Russia is India’s best friend’.
• However, over the last few years, some major issues and instances of divergences
have appeared in the Indo-Russian relationship—
(i) There has been a rise in the bilateral partnership b/w Russia and Pakistan,
especially in the field of security cooperation.
(a) A military cooperation agreement b/w Russia & Pakistan (2014).
(b) A deal for sale of 4 Mi-35 helicopters to Pakistan.
(c) The first Russia-Pakistan counter-narcotics exercise that included naval
participation was held in 2014, followed by a second exercise in Dec 2015.
(d) The first joint military exercise, Druzhba 2016, was held in Khyber-Pustunkhwa in
Pakistan, on the heels of the Uri Attack in India.
(e) Russia’s silence on cross-border terrorism in the Goa Declaration of the 2016
BRICS Summit.
(ii) In recent years, there has been strengthening of Russia-China strategic partnership
and close political relations.
(a) Russian support of Chinese stand on the permanent Court of Arbitration (PCA)
verdict against china’s claims to the disputed South China Sea Islands.
(b) Russia has supported the Chinese belt & Road Initiative, which India has
boycotted.
(c) Russia has begun to boost defence ties with china and is exporting technologies &
systems that it once reserved solely for India.

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(iii) Russia’s recent policy towards Afghanistan identifies the Taliban as a
predominantly local force and recognizes the coincidence of Russian & Taliban
interests against the ISKP. There has been trilateral consultations involving
Russia-China-Pakistan on Afghanistan crisis. This is a break from Russia’s hitherto
policy (convergent with India) that was based on unequivocal support for the
afghan government against Taliban & national reconciliation strategy.
(iv) From the Russian perspective, the rapidly growing proximity b/w India & US,
mainly in defence & security sector, is an expression of differences b/w India &
Russia. The signing of LEMOA and recognition of India as America’s ‘major
defence partner’ appears indicative of paramount changes to India’s traditional
foreign policy.
• However, a/q to P.S. Raghavan, the India-Russia relationship has to be placed in
the larger context of global geopolitical environment of the 21 st century, that is in
transition.
(i) Despite flourishing strategic partnership b/w Russia & China, Russia continues to
view china as a potential strategic adversary, especially in the Central Asian
Region.
(a) Russia doesn’t transfer latest generation of weapons or technologies to china.
(b) Russia is careful about Chinese investment in its hydrocarbon industry.
(c) Russia hasn’t endorsed china’s in South China Sea. In addition, it has strengthened
strategic partnership with Vietnam.
(d) Russia considers Japan as natural partner in resolving regional security issues in
Asia-Pacific.
(e) Russia had called for transferancy in BRI implementation.
(ii) Russia seeks a level of political & economic cooperation with Pakistan as it
consider pak’s role necessary to engage Taliban against ISKP.
(iii) Russia remains principal weapon system supplier to India & it supplies sensitive
technologies to India, which are not sold to any other country. Russia is the only
country involved in nuclear power generation in India.
Steps need to be taken are
(i) We need to increase trade activity with Russia and have a good industrial base
and market Russia have the tech and raw material.
(ii) India is the on of the largest consumer of imported oil but we are dependent on
middle east for supplies we need to strengthen out ties in this field.
(iii) Students exchange programme also has the potential to develop the strength in
ties.

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(iv) The various forward level steps in the field of connectivity has to be taken [
INSTC ] has potential.
(v) Multilateral engagements on the various institutional level has to be taken [ SCO
joining of India act as a forward step ].

(3c) ‘NAM was a noble idea that never had a chance to live’. Discuss. Assess the
relevance of NAM for India in present time.
• The Non-Alignment Movement (NAM), originated in the context of the cold war,
was an attempt by newly independent nations to preserve their strategic autonomy
by not getting entangled in the East-West rivalry shaping the global politics. Thus,
non-alignment was a noble idea that offered the newly decolonized nations, like
India, a third option of not joining the either bloc. A/Q to Shashi Tharoor, NAM
was a policy of developing countries to assert their independence.
• Non-alignment has been an influential tenet of India’s foreign policy since its
emergence from decolonization. It was based on a realistic assessment of India’s
geopolitical situations. Nehru, one of the chief architects of NAM, intended to give
India room to maneuver according to its own interests rather than allowing it to
become confined within the limitations of the cold-war alliance. A/Q to C. Raja
Mohan, NAM was developed & used as a vehicle to pass through the troubled
waters of cold war.
• However, with the end of cold war power politics and emergence of Unipolar
World, non-alignment, both as an international movement as well as the core of
India’s foreign policy, has lost some of its relevance & importance. A/Q to C. Raja
Mohan NAM is in the state of ‘COMA’. It is passing through the crisis of identity
and relevance.
• Many ‘non-aligned’ countries, including India are argued to be continuing NAM
merely as a historical legacy, and have re-oriented their foreign policy towards
strengthening engagements with major powers, such as USA, Russia and China,
for their domestic development agenda. The sparse attendance of state/government
heads at 17th NAM Summit (Venezuela) is the key evidence of the crisis of relevance
of NAM. In this context, questions are being raised about India’s Non-aligned
credentials, particularly after India’s drift towards the US and its allies as evident
in India joining the ‘Quad’ a coalition seen as a counterforce to china’s rise in the
‘Indo-Pacific’.

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• However, a/q to Prof. Rashid-ud-din khan, NAM is a ‘time-less’ organization. He
argues that the uniqueness or complexities of problems in developing countries
mandates a platform like NAM to bring together the developing nations to resolve
them.
• NAM remains relevant for India on the following grounds—
(i) NAM provides a platform of natural leadership for India in building bridges b/w
North & South and South-South.
(ii) NAM is particularly important in India’s quest for the permanent membership in
UNSC. The NAM position mayn’t be decisive, but in the normal process of
consultations, every grouping will get its own weight age.
(iii) It is argued that India’s continued involvement with NAM limits the reach of India’s
engagement with major powers. However, on the contrary, the informal nature of
NAM permits members to operate individually.
(iv) The core values and ideas on which the NAM was based, such as Asian solidarity,
independent existence etc, remain relevant even after the cold war has ended.

(4a) ‘The progress reported in talks b/w India & Pakistan on kartarpur is more than
‘unusual’. What does it indicate about cross-border relations and India’s
Pakistan policy?
• ‘Continuity’ and ‘change’ are inalienable features of a working foreign policy and
balancing the both is the key for any successful foreign policy. However, India’s
foreign policy towards Pakistan, the biggest strategic challenge to India, has been
mostly ‘reactionary’ and ‘incoherent’.
• The ‘on-and-off’ resumption of dialogue process has become more of a pattern b/w
India and Pakistan, owing to their strained relationship. Under the Modi
Government, initially India extended the conciliatory gesture to Pakistan under the
‘neighborhood –first’ policy. However, with several terror attacks, like Uri and
Pulwama, and Pak-sponsored unrest in Kashmir valley and violations of ceasefire
along the Loc led to the deterioration of Indo-Pak relations, which eventually led
to change in India’s policy towards Pakistan, moving away from ‘defensive
accommodation’ to a more aggressive policy, including policy of ‘no talk until
terrorism ends’. As a result, in the last few years, every avenue has been shut down
from those for official dialogues (bilateral & regional) to those for travel, tourism
& trade.

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• In this background of relationship the talks on the kartarpur corridor and the
progress made on it has been an exception and marks a rare moment of
coordination b/w the two countries. There have been rounds of technical meetings
to ensure both sides complete the infrastructure needed to activate the kartarpur
corridor means the government has made an exception from a matter concerning
national policy for a matter of faith and has been an exception to India’s firm policy
on Pakistan.
• However, the project holds importance due to the fact that it has emerged at a time
when few avenues for India-Pakistan relations exist. Also, the project stands apart
for its potential to further other such exchanges, as well as promoting dialogue b/w
the two neighbors.
• Despite the rich significance & potential of the Kartarpur corridor, the differences
b/w the governments over every detail such as number of pilgrims to be
accommodated, security restrictions, documentation etc are a reflection of deep
distrust b/w the two countries. For its part, India has made it clear that corridor
will have no connection with furthering bilateral talks on other issues. Apart from
it, security agencies have voiced concerns about a possible attempt by Pakistan to
use consider to fuel Khalistani sentiment.
Conclusion :-
The talks about Kartarpur Corridor and the progress made on it has been an
exception and marks a rare moment of coordination b/w the two countries which
has potential to take the relations forward ahead of present on-going tensions but
at the same time the voiced concerns of the security agencies about possible attempt
by Pakistan to use corridor for fueling the Khalistani sentiment.

(4b) Discuss the recent developments in India’s foreign policy towards Europe. What
does ‘Brexit’ mean to India?
• The European Union (EU) and India are ‘natural’ partners because of the
following facts—
(i) Both India and EU belong to a multilateral order founded on the projection of
democratic principles.
(ii) While India is one of the fastest growing economies, the EU is the world’s biggest
open market and world’s second largest economy.

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(iii) Both share the challenge of responding to citizens’ needs and aspirations while
contending with pressing global challenges.
(iv) EU is India’s largest regional trading partner, largest destination for Indian
exports and a key source of the investment & cutting edge technologies.
• However, despite being ‘natural’ and ‘like-minded’ partners, India-EU strategic
partnership is known as ‘loveless arranged marriage’ because, for long, India-EU
ties have been largely guided by trade & culture, rather than broad strategic
dimension.
• However, the new strategic and power realities have pushed the two (India and
EU) towards more focusing on the strategic dimension to their relationship—
(i) Chinese challenge- China’s increasing presence in Eurasia and South Asia is
creating similar security concerns for Europe & India.
(ii) BREXIT –a new opportunity- ‘Brexit’ is pushing India to look for new ‘gateways’
to Europe, as its traditional partner leaves the Union.
(iii) Decline of the conventional liberal world order- trade war, crumbing WTO, rise
of protectionism by USA etc
• Therefore, the EU sees a larger role of India in the regional and global security
economic architecture. Thus, EU is working on a new strategy with respect to India,
which is evident in EU’s ‘strategy paper’, outlining the broad road map for
accelerating cooperation with India in a range of key areas—
(a) Strategic partnership
• Focus on developing military-to-military relations.
• Focus on negotiation of a broader contemporary strategic partnership Agreement.
• Intensify dialogue on Afghanistan & central Asia.
• Strengthening technical cooperation on fighting terrorism radicalization etc.
(b) Maritime cooperation
• Identification of common interests of both at policy and operational levels to
enhance maritime security.
• Focus on working with India and other key regional players to help build capacity
of maritime nations in the Indian Ocean & East Africa.
(c) Trade partnership
• Negotiation of a ‘balanced, ambitious and mutually beneficial’ free Trade
Agreement (FTA).
(d) Political Partnership

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Cooperation on foreign policy, promoting effective multilateralism and building on
common values and objectives.
• As a result, India and the EU are currently experiencing a revival of their relations.
A large number of high level meetings and dialogues accompanied by joint
declarations have taken place in the past few years.
The 13th EU-India Summit (2016) (the first Summit after a gap of 4 years) endorsed
the India-EU Agenda for Action 2020, and presented a clear roadmap for the next
five years of strategic partnership. It mentions, amongst others, cooperation in
counter-terrorism, cyber security and maritime security and coordination in
international fora. Apart from it, the 14th EU-India Summit (2017) showed that the
process of regular consultations and dialogue is back on track. It identified many
areas of cooperation such as cooperation in combatting terrorism, clear energy
and climate change and a partnership for smart and sustainable urbanization.
Impact of ‘Brexit’ on India
Challenges
(i) Apart from regional uncertainty, the changing dynamics can potentially
reverberate to reach Asia.
(ii) India’s FTA negotiations with EU might now needs a re-negotiation with the Union.
Additionally, a separate bilateral trade agreement with UK might also need to be
worked on.
(iii) Indian companies, having operations throughout EU, will now have to re-assess
their workforce mobility along with expansion plans & operations.
(iv) A/Q to reports, deepening recession’s risks and unhedged exposure the British
Pound on account of Brexit might impact IT demand, affecting revenues of Indian
IT Cos.
Opportunities
(i) UK would want to develop trade relations with emerging markets from around the
world. Thus India, with its large domestic market, is in a better negotiating position.
(ii) India could emerge as a major source of high tech exports for the UK.
(iii) The UK’s currency is expected to remain weaker, so it would be less expensive for
Indian firms to import from their subsidiaries in the UK.
(iv) UK could try to attract Indian FDI by offering more incentives such as tax breaks,
easy regulations and opening up markets.

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(4c) Discuss the gains of India’s ‘Act East Policy’ so far and the future prospects.
• In their book, ‘India’s Eastward Engagement: from Antiquity to Act East Policy,
S.D. Muni and Rahul Mishra have traced the evolution of India’s engagement with
the East through seven distinct phases—the ancient Hindu Buddist influence, the
Islamic wave, the British era, the Nehru period, the post Nehru phase (1962-1990),
the Look East Policy (LEP) and Act East Policy (AEP since 2014).
• India’s AEP, upgraded from the LEP, serves as a platform for deepening and
strengthening its relationship with ASEAN and the East Asian economies. The
policy involves economic, political & strategic dimensions including establishment
of institutional mechanisms for dialogue and cooperation. The word ‘Act’ signals
higher level of activism.
• As a result, India has upgraded its relations to strategic partnership with Indonesia,
Vietnam, Malaysia, Japan, and republic of Korea, Australia, Singapore and
ASEAN. Thus, the political pillar of AEP, covering strategic, political defence
cooperation stands strengthened, which was evident from the India-ASEAN
commemorative Summit (2018). A convergence of perspectives, increase in the
number & range of agreements, exchanges, and naval exercises, supply of
equipment & training programmes confirm this trend. An important factor for this
improvement in ties with East as a whole is the growing clarity about India’s Indo-
Pacific vision.
• Apart from the political pillar, the economic pillar of AEP has also received much
attention, with much efforts to increase trade, investment, connectivity (projects as
Kaladan multi-model Transport Project etc)., tourism and development
partnership. However, the economic aspect needs a greater push such as
finalization of RCEP etc.
• However, although AEP-LEP has performed reasonably well, but optimal results
are still awaited. A/Q to Harsh Pant, inspite of considerable progress made in
India-ASEAN relationship, there is considerable scope for further growth. A/Q to
C. Raja Mohan, the prevailing security conditions in the Asian region provides a
unique opportunity for greater security and defence cooperation b/w India &
ASEAN. Harsh Pant suggest three C’s of ‘Commerce, connectivity and Culture’ as
terms for upgrading India-ASEAN ties.
• A/Q to Harsh Pant, it is necessary for both India and ASEAN to keep the China
factor in mind and act accordingly to preserve a stable balance of power in region.

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In this context, India is an important of the ‘Quad’ which envisages a tighter
security relationship among India, Japan, Australia & USA.
• Moreover, India needs to play its part as a beneficial strategic partner of the
ASEAN by boosting its domestic economic reforms agenda, enhancing connectivity
with the region and increasing its presence in the regional institutions. Initiatives
such as RCEP, Master plan on ASEAN connectivity (2025) etc must be finalized &
implemented.
In addition, there’re certain sectors, such as digital technologies, where ASEAN,
states are reluctant to take help from the Chinese giants in the field. In such a
situation, the Indian IT sector may take some advantage that can further provide a
boost to India-ASEAN ties.
Economic Angle
(i) The economic pillar has received much attention with effort being put in to
increase trade investment connectivity and tourism besides development
partnership.
(ii) The Asean too was attracted by the potential of a how more open Indian market.
(iii) Through the act east policy the India can use its it sector to provide service for
south Asian countries ( which also helps in the job creation ).
(iv) The potential of bamboo production in the north east states can be tapped
because east Asian countries are the major consumers off bamboo.

(5a) ‘Growing ideological convergence, not just business is drawing India-Israel

relations’. Comment.
• Since the establishment of diplomatic relations b/w India and Israel in 1992, both
have developed significant trade and defence relations and have reached to a level
of being ‘strategic partners’.
• A/Q to some scholars, the current enthusiasm b/w India and Israel is largely driven
by the defence sector, business groups and policy think tanks. One of the most
dominant arguments is that India can benefit in areas such as defence, trade,
agriculture, technology driven development etc. Thus, India’s policy towards Israel
is being guided by real politick and pragmatism.
• On the other hand, other scholars have noted that the flourishing Indo-Israel
relations are not merely ‘transactional’, but also ‘ideological’.

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A/Q to them, in the past, India’s decision of not entering into diplomatic relations
with Israel after independence was driven by Nehruvian ideology, consisting of 4
components-Third World activism, anti-colonialism, and solidarity with Asian –
African through NAM and steadfast support for Palestinian statehood.
Similarly, in the present context, Indo-Israel’s ties are driven by ideological
alignment b/w two countries around ‘cultural religious nationalism’ along with
neo-liberal economic ideology. The way each state defines its national identity has
direct links with the attitudes towards the other. Therefore, the significant rise of
BJP assert closer relations with Israel, which is evident from the fact that the period
1998-2004 and the period since 2014 is instrumented in evolution of ties b/w the
two states.
• In this context, Michael Walzer his book, ‘The Paradox of Liberation: secular
Revolutions and Religious counter revolutions (2015)’ has mapped the role of
ideological alignment b/w India & Israel. A/Q to him, in both the countries, secular
national movements were e\replaced by religious reactionary movements as
opposed to secularism. Thus, he argues that India & Israel went through parallel
paths, at roughly the same time, and appear to be reaching the same outcome.

(5b) ‘As we complete 20 years since Pokhran II, there is a need to reassess India’s
nuclear policy and postures’. Critically examine.
• The nuclear weapons, with their massive destructive capacity, have affected the
international and domestic politics in a way that no other weapons ever have.
They’re distinguished from conventional weapons in the way that they’ve a
powerful deterrent effect due to the risk of mutually Assured Destruction (MAD).
• It has been a long journey since India creased the nuclear Rubicon in 1998 and
declared itself to be a de-facto nuclear weapon state. A/Q to some scholars, this
has contributed to regional strategic stability in South Asia by reducing the risk of
full scale war in the region.
• India’s nuclear doctrine is an important variable determining nuclear stability in
South Asia, especially because the doctrine is considered to be restrained. Despite
being guided by the approach of Mutually Assured Destruction (MAD), it shows
India’s commitment towards nuclear disarmament & a nuclear weapon free world.
India’s nuclear doctrine envisages that nuclear weapons are not weapons of war

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fighting and that their sole purpose is to deter the use and threat of use of nuclear
weapons against India.
Salient features of India’s Nuclear Policy
(i) No-First-use (NFU) Posture
India’s nuclear doctrine envisages NFU posture and also that India will use
nuclear weapons in retaliation. A/Q to some analysts, NFU represents India’s
cultural & traditional abhorrence to nuclear weapons. However, a/q to Bharat
Karnad, NFU may be useful as political rhetoric, but is a liability in a serious war-
planning. It requires India to first absorb a nuclear attack before responding in
kind. A/Q to P. R. Chari, NFU frees Pakistan from fearing an Indian nuclear
response to either terrorism or limited war.
(ii) Credible Minimum Deterrence
This has been criticized on the ground that minimum deterrence can’t be credible.
A/q to Jayant Prasad, it should be minimum credible deterrence. Basrur argues
that India has moved from deterrence to compellence after terror attack an Indian
Parliament (2001).
(iii) No use against non-nuclear weapon state.
It is questioned on the ground that there’s a possibility of nuclear attack by non-
state actors (terrorists) from the soil of non-nuclear weapon states.
(iv) Nuclear deterrence of Chemical & Biological Weapon (CBW) use
India’s nuclear doctrine envisages that India can retaliate against CBW use with
nuclear weapons. A/Q to Manpreet Sethi, CBW are outlawed and if non-state actors
are these weapons, then India’s nuclear deterrent couldn’t be effective because it
is not designed to counter such actors.
(v) Massive Retaliation in case of any nuclear attack
Demands have been made to substitute ‘punitive’ for ‘massive’ in the doctrine. A/Q
to Basrur, massive retaliation is a threat that the enemy will always expect and is
thus, unnecessary, others suggest that Pakistan’s first use might be a very limited
attack calibrated to avoid massive retaliation by India. Another problem is that it
violates the principle of proportionality and is incompatible with minimum

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deterrence. Thus, it is proposed to incorporate ‘flexible response’ rather than
simply relying on ‘massive retaliation’.
(vi) Command & Control
India’s nuclear doctrine maintains that political leadership will command &
control the nuclear weapons and their use. It has been contended that India’s
nuclear deterrence will not be effective unless potential adversaries accept that
India has the operational capacity to employ its nuclear weapons. India’s nuclear
operational capacity is questioned because the doctrine leaves the military out of
the decision making loop. A/Q to shivshankar Menon, the lack of a chief of defence
staff is a serious lacuna in this context.
Conclusion :-
India’s nuclear policy has been long help pause form last two deeds at present
situation India. Instead of minimum credible deterrence it should be credible
minimum deterrence and instead of massive retaliation India should also go for
flexible response as Pakistan is developing weapons ( there is a need to change
doctrine from counter value to counter force).

(5c) ‘A mandate for international peacekeeping can only be effective if rising powers like
India have been given voice to shape the future of governance in this context’.
Comment.
• The UN peacekeeping operations were established in 1948 as a means to maintain
peace in conflict-ridden areas in different parts of the world. In contemporary
times, UN peacekeeping remains one of the most effective tools available to the
international community to respond to the challenges of global peace & security.
As defined by the UN, it is a way to help countries tern by conflict in creating
conditions for sustainable peace.
• In nearly 50 conflict cones around the world, with more than 78000 soldiers and
25000 civilians scattered around 14 countries, UN peacekeepers make up the
second largest military force deployed abroad, after the US military.
• Over the years, the UN peacekeeping mandate has attained a significant
achievements including a Nobel Peace Prize. However, today UN peacekeeping
faces several new challenges due to the changing geopolitical situations.

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• The biggest challenge that UN peacekeeping & mandate is facing is the difference
of opinion b/w the countries of Global North and the Global South with regard to
the scope & mandates of peacekeeping operations. While the countries of the South
are demanding more aggressive peacekeeping, Northern countries are hesitating
to engage their troops with the UN due to the deficiencies. Instead, the countries of
the North are demanding more robust peacekeeping mandates, which countries of
the south fear that this may threaten their sovereignty. For eg:- India has been
critical of the robust mandates which allows the use of force at a tactical level with
the consent of the host state. For India, it means that the boundaries b/w
peacekeeping and other forms of military intervention are becoming too fluid. India
has also argued that this approach puts the security of peacekeepers at risk &
exposes them to difficult legal and political situations. In addition, India claims that
the strong focus on militarization of peacekeeping has distracted the international
community from seeking political solutions to conflicts through negotiations.
• Therefore, India has frequently raised the issue of the exclusion of the Troops
contributing countries (TCCs) (mainly developing countries) from decision making
processes. From India’s perspective this arrangement overlooks the contribution
& expertise in the on-ground realities of the countries like India that could be useful
in effective formulation of mandates & their implementation.

(5d) ‘India needs to uphold the objective of a multipolar world and counter existing
trends of unilateralism & ethnocentrism’. Critically examine.
• Since the end of the cold war, the USA emerged as the sole superpower, resulting
into an essentially unipolar world order. On the other hand, Russia, the biggest
successor of the erstwhile USSR, was considered more as a ‘regional power’.
• However, in the contemporary world, USA is turning as a ‘reluctant superpower’
owing to its emerging policy of protectionism and unilateralism. Apart from it, the
ongoing crisis of migrants in Europe is also seen as a consequence of growing
isolationism of the Europe. Some recent signs of de-globalization includes
withdrawal of large economic powers like USA and UK from global markets,
BREXIT, deadlock at world institutions like WTO b/w developed and developing
nations etc.
• From the Indian perspective, India’s best interest lies in a multipolar world. This
is so because, being an emerging power, it seeks to expand its own room for
maneuver unconstrained by either a latter-day hegemon or a return to a bipolar

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system dominated by two major powers. Its developmental challenges need a
supportive, peaceful & stable international environment.
• Therefore, India should aim at promoting & participating in a countervailing
coalition to constrain any aspiring hegemon or a possible return to a bipolar
system.
For eg:- It should seek to protect the WTO from American attempt to undermine it,
since the WTO’s dispute mechanism is a resource for developing countries.
• The recent G-20 Summit at Osaka witnessed Japan attempting to legitimize the
informal plurilateral (two/more countries) negotiating on digital trade that were
never approved at the WTO. Along with the United States, the EU, Australia &
Singapore among others have supported the plurilateral negotiations on digital
trade with the intention of crafting sweeping rules on data flows, removal of
prohibitions on data localization and cloud computing among others. This
represents the global trend of weakening of multilateral ideas.
• However, India, South Africa & Indonesia have opposed the plurilateral
negotiations on digital trade as it would strike at the very roots of multilateral
negotiations process based on arriving decisions by consensus. Thus, these three
countries among others chose not to sign the declaration on ‘OSAKA TRACK’
arguing that it would fundamentally weaken the core WTO principles.
India needs to keep some feature in mind regarding multipolar world
(i) Exceptionalism of any country both normative and hard power will be challenger
so every country has to work in their own way for benefits.
(ii) Institutional engagement around the global level has to happen to increase the
interdependence.
(iii) The grouping plays an important part in this regard to work towards their better
interest
Recently the Indian’s government decision in citizenship bill to exclude the
Muslims shows the ethnocentric view which will be receive operation at the
global level.
Unilateralism :- The existing ( railing ) concerns against the unilateral trends like
(i) U.S exceptionalism as its core base
(ii) Liberal institutional hegemony

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will be start opposing as the trend of multilateral world increases.

(5e) ‘With China keen to tighten its grips on the crucial Indian Ocean, India’s move
to strengthen ties with island nation, is a necessity’. Comment.
• A/Q to C. Raja Mohan, growing region’s role in shaping global economic
integration, the changing distribution of power among big nations, increasing
political volatility in the littoral, and a host of non-traditional security threats
express themselves more virulently in the Indian Ocean region. All these factors
make the Indian Oceans as a critical realm of world politics in 21 st century.
• The most important factor for the changing geopolitics in the Indian Ocean region
is the growing assertiveness of china in the region. A/Q to Abhijnan Rej, the
assertiveness of china is evident in its challenge to the international law (South
China Sea), construction of artificial islands and its massive connectivity project
(BRI) which involves huge Chinese infrastructural investments in small littorals
such as Sri Lanka, Maldives, Djibouti etc. As a result, the dynamics that emerge
out of China’s growing assertiveness is that of military, economic and
technological competitions in the region. A/Q to David Scott, the changing
geopolitical dimension of the Indian Ocean region is evident in India’s ‘explicit
growing cooperation’, with USA and its allies and ‘implicit growing competition’
with china. This is so because china’s non-market economics and military activism
is beginning to shrink India’s strategic space in the IOR.
• It is in this context, India needs to develop a clear strategy to deal with partner
countries across the Indian Ocean such as Mauritius, Seychelles and Maldives.
Accordingly, India aims to develop & secure economic and strategic cooperation
with island countries and other powers with similar interests—
• Therefore, India’s strategy aims to secure India’s economic & strategic interests in
the Indo-Pacific region—
(i) India & France signed the ‘Agreement for the provision of reciprocal logistics
support b/w their Armed forces’. This is an important step given the wide range of
French military bases in Indian Ocean (Djibouti, Abu Dhabi and Reunion Island).
(ii) India-Indonesia relationship has been elevated to the level of ‘comprehensive
strategic Partnership’. In addition, Indonesia has agreed to give access to the
strategic island of SABANG (close to Malacca strait) for Indian investment.
(iii) Revival of ‘Quadrilateral’ grouping, including USA, Japan, India & Australia,
around the theme of ‘free and open Indo-Pacific’.

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(iv) India- Singapore Bilateral Agreement for naval cooperation was signed. The
agreement will allow Indian Navy ships logistics support at Singapore’s CHANGI
Naval base located near the disputed South China Sea.

(6a) ‘As India’s relation with great power like US, China, Russia and Europe are
getting complicated by their rivalries, country need to follow its traditional policy
of strategic autonomy comment.
• The contemporary world order, being in transition, is characterized by
realignment, de-alignment and multi-alignment. The complexities and shift in
economic, technological and political context of global politics, due to growing
importance of multitude of actors in international economic, strategic and political
relations, has led to restructuring of international relations among major powers
like USA, china, Russia and Europe.
For eg:- Russia is trying to balance the west by aligning with the rising & assertive
china, but wants India to play a decisive role in SCO to counter china’s
assertiveness. Similarly, India is trying to balance china by turning to USA & Japan
(as in ‘QUAD’) while maintaining the importance of its bilateral ties with Russia
(as evident in its purchase of S-400 missile systems form Russia).
• It is in this context, of growing complication in India’s relations with great powers
like USA, China, Russia & Europe, the debate on strategic autonomy makes a
conceptual contribution on how India should deal with these powers. The concept
of strategic autonomy which is a mutation of realism and India’s tradition non-
alignment posture, can be described as a dependence control strategy aimed at
safeguarding its independence in both foreign policy decision making and
protecting strategic assets against external pressure. A/Q to Shyam Saran, strategic
autonomy is simply India’s ability to take relatively autonomous decisions on
matters of vital interest to it. This requires stronger and more diversified relations
with all major powers.

(6b) ‘To what extent it is appropriate to say that with lowering of tensions with China,
India has conceded on China on several issues from Tibet to Quad’. Elaborate.
• India and China have long been considered as the two emerging giants on the world
stage, and the international and regional interactions b/w the two countries are
expected to become a defining feature of what is considered to be an ‘Asian

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Century’. A/Q to S.D. Muni and Suranjan Das, India and China have emerged as
the two most critical players not only in Asia but the world as a whole. A/Q to
Manoj Joshi, India’s relations with China involves the four C’s – ‘Conflict,
competition, cooperation and containment’.
• In the past few years, India-China relations have gone through a tumultuous phase
which include a series of disputes b/w the two countries, including the Doklam
standoff, Beijing’s shielding to Pakistan and India’s principled and consistent stand
at CPEC (China-Pakistan Economic corridor). On the other hand, India’s
acceptance of the USA’s concept of the ‘Indo-Pacific’ and revival of the ‘Quad’
reflects the state of decline in Sino-India relationship.
• However, a/q to C. Raja Mohan, the contemporary world order is characterized
by re-alignment, de-alignment and multi-alignment especially in the context of
global uncertainties owing to USA turning as ‘reluctant superpower’ and its
growing policy of ‘America First’ and ‘protectionism’. Thus, at a time when the
protectionist tendencies in the west are growing, the need for India & China to
work together in global governance has been highlighted by china in recent months.
There has been a release in tensions in the relationship after the informal Wuhan
Summit b/w the two nations. On the longstanding border issues, the leadership of
the two countries have decided to issue strategic guidance to their respective
militaries to strengthen communication in order to build trust and mutual
understanding. With the overall aim of maintaining peace & tranquility in the
border region. In an important move they agreed to undertake joint economic
projects in Afghanistan. Moreover, post the Summit, China won’t be ‘too hard’ with
New Delhi on the issue of BRI.
• On the other hand, India on its part departed from its traditional policy on Tibet
when Modi government decided to invite head of Tibet on government-in-exile to
PM’s swearing in and give the Dalai Lama’s visit to Tawang an official status.
However, a/q to Shyam Saran, as this policy was unsustainable India returned to
its consistent policy similarly, on Doklam, India is keeping low profile on Chinese
building infrastructure & stationing more troops, on the condition that areas
sensitive for India will remain immune from it. Apart from it, while India has shown
interest in using ‘Quad’ as the consultative forum, it is showing official reluctance
on the Quad question, especially its military component.
• All these developments in the Sino-India relationship are not compromising in
nature rather it is aimed at transforming the negative environment surrounding the

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relationship into a positive one, in order to further cooperation and resolve deep-
seated conflicts.

(6c) ‘The deepening of relationship b/w India and Japan serves the goal of
forestalling the emergence of china centric Asia’. Comment. Discuss some recent
developments in India-Japan relations.
• The India-Japan partnership has emerged as a significant contributing to the
stability & security of the Indo-Pacific region. This relationship assumes great
importance as a key component in the emerging strategic & economic architecture
of the Asia-Pacific region. The shared values b/w the two nations have led to a
‘special strategic and global partnership’.
• A/Q to Harsh Pant, the relationship b/w India and Japan is perhaps the best it has
ever been, largely because both countries view the region and the world in very
similar terms. A/Q to him, China’s aggressive foreign policy, accompanied by
growing uncertainties about USA’s reliability as the guarantor of the regional
stability is making it imperative for regional powers to collaborate & cooperate. It
is in this context, both India and Japan have a vision for the region in which Indo-
Japanese relationship plays a central stabilizing role. A greater cooperation b/w
India & Japan is necessary to counter-balance Chinese aggressive foreign policy
(evident in military expansion across strategic nodes in Indo-Pacific i.e., ‘string of
pearls’ and economically pursuing massive infrastructure project (BRI). Japan’s
‘Free & Open Indo-Pacific strategy’ embodies the convergent economic &
strategic imperatives for both India & Japan to maintain peace & stability in the
region, which would eventually lead to the achievement of the vision of a ‘broader
Asia’, linking the Pacific and Indian oceans to form the ‘Indo-Pacific’. There is
growing convergence in the region that the strategic framework of the Indo-Pacific
is seen as the best way forward to manage the rapidly shifting contours of Asia.
This convergence of idea is reflected in the attempts of India & Japan to build a
boarder coalition of like-minded countries with the US and Australia (Quad) to
manage the unfolding strategic realities in the broader Indo-Pacific. A/Q to Harsh
Pant, china’s belligerence and its expansionist agenda has made it impossible for
India and Japan to ignore such mechanism in the region.
• A/Q to Harsh Pant, although it is rare to have such a strategic convergence of this
order b/w any two nations, it is important for the two nations to keep working
together as the two primary democratic actors in the region. Apart from shaping

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the regional balance of power, they need to have their bit for shaping the normative
and institutional architecture of the region.
Economic angle :-
(i) The Asia -Africa growth corridor act as an counter-strategy for the bri-initiative
(ii) The recent economic ties regarding the high speed bullet train b/w India and
japan has deepen the engagement at the global level.
(iii) The recent visit by japan P.M set platform for Modinomics and Abenomics where
a common goal of doubling Japan’s direct investment and the number of
Japanese companies in India by 2019 in order to build a win-win relationship.

(7a) ‘New Delhi’s game plan in Afghanistan has been seriously damaged because of
Washington’s strategy’. Elucidate.
• A/Q to C. Raja Mohan, developments in Kabul valley have always been
consequential to the empires centred around Yamuna. The basic tenets of India’s
policy & approach towards Afghanistan remains centred around its regional and
global interests—
(i) A/Q to Harsh Pant, India’s approach towards Afghanistan has largely been a
function of desire to prevent Pakistan from dominating Afghanistan and using it as
a counter weight to India’s preponderance in south Asia.
(ii) India’s other major interest is to make sure that Islamist extremism remains under
control in its neighborhood. Any breeding ground of radical islamists has a direct
impact on India’s security.
(iii) Afghanistan is also viewed as a gateway to the central Asian region where India
hopes to expand its influence, which is crucial for India’s energy security.
• In pursuance of these interests, India has been trying to project itself as a
significant economic power by emerging as a major donor for Afghanistan with an
increased emphasis on developmental works in Afghanistan such as building
schools, hospitals, dams etc.
• However, A/Q to Kabir Taneja, despite being a steadfast-partner in Afghanistan’s
post-Taliban redevelopment; it seems largely absent in any concrete approach to
court the Taliban into result oriented discussions with Kabul & bring hostilities to
a stop. In the same line, C. Raja Mohan stresses that security is a pre condition for
development in Afghanistan. Therefore, Harsh Pant argues that expanding India’s
development role further, along with enhancing its security profile with greater
military assistance to Afghanistan should be a priority for India.

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• However, the recent USA’s decision to withdraw from Afghanistan has serious
concerns for India’s interest—
(i) A destabilized and Taliban dominated Afghanistan might lead to upsurge in
security concerns in India (esp. J & K).
(ii) Since India is increasing its physical presence in the region through connectivity
projects like chabahar, INSTC etc, an adverse national government in Afghanistan
might halt the connectivity efforts and thus will have an adverse impact on India’s
energy security.
(iii) An unplanned or impatient withdrawal by the US forces may cement regional
instability b/w India & Pakistan.
(iv) A precipitous US exit would allow Afghanistan to emerge as epicenter of global
terror (as during 1990s).
Way forward
• As America pulls out, it leaves room for other major powers like Russia & China
to influence the region. India needs to cooperate with these powers to push forward
peace process.
• India needs to use the good will it has earned to cement the anti-Taliban forces,
without significantly interfering in Afghanistan’s internal affairs.
• A more nuanced Pakistan policy is required to fight a better positioned Pakistan in
the region.

(7b) ‘India-US relations have been thrown off course during past few months’.
Elaborate. Suggest how New Delhi should navigate its ties with USA at present.
• India-US relations has travelled a long road since the time when India and USA
were termed as two ‘estranged democracies’ by Dennis Kux to being ‘strategic
partners’, embodying the most defining partnership of the 21 st century. The
remarkable growth in India-US relations, since the turn of the century, is marked
by closer political coordination b/w the two countries, significant arms sales from
the US to India, high level visits, multiple forums of engagements at the ministerial
& official levels and regular military exercises.
• The United States’ 2016 designation of India as a ‘major defense partner’ is
indicative of the elevated status of India-US defence cooperation under the broader
strategic partnership b/w the two nations.

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• In the year 2018, India and USA made ‘landmark’ progress to bolster their defence
ties—
(i) India-USA first ever ‘2+2 Dialogue’
• India and the US held the first edition of ‘2+2 Dialogue’ involving Indian External
Affairs and Defence Ministers and their American counter parts in Delhi.
• The event culminated with the signing of the long-pending COMCASA
(Communications Compatibility and Security Agreement), an India-specific
version of CISMOA, which is aimed at facilitating interoperability b/w the
militaries of the two nations and sale of high-end technology.
(ii) First ever trilateral meeting with Japan
India’s strategic partnership with the US was displayed at the India-Japan-US
trilateral meeting at the G-20 Summit (Buenos Aires).
• However, a/q to Harsh V. Pant, the Trump administration’s ‘transactional
approach’ is generating some troubles in the India-US relations. The most
important area of concern is the India-US trade relations. Despite the fact that US
goods and services trade with India has reached around $127 billion in 2017,
there’re certain issues that make the economic relations b/w the two countries
‘bumpier’. These include Tariff issues (including IPR), subsidies issues, visa-
related tensions (H1-B visa) etc.
• The latest illustration of growing ‘transnationalism’ in India US relation was the
USA’s withdrawal of the generalized system of Preferences (GSP) on India, which
allowed duty-free imports of goods upto $5.6 billion into the US from India.
• Apart from the trade related issues, other recent irritants in the Indo-US relations
include India’s decision to buy the S-400 air defense missile from Russia despite
USA’s sanctions through CAATSA. Similarly, flaring tensions b/w USA and Iran
and USA’s demands that India comply with the US sanctions on Iran have not only
put India’s energy security at stake but also poses a challenge to India’s strategic
autonomy which has been a central foreign policy objective of India. Finally, New
Delhi is also concerned about the trajectory of the US policy in Afghanistan where
Pakistan wields influence and India’s substantive investment in capacity building
might be fruitless as US engagement with the Taliban makes it a central pillar of
the Afghan politics. All these new irritants in the Indo-US relations have the
potential to derail the momentum that the relationship has gained in recent years.

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• However, a/q to Harsh V. Pant, India shares an interesting relationship with the
US, where every sign emanating from USA is over-analyzed. But, India’s relations
with the US have matured enough that underlying structural and institutional
variables can propel the bilateral relationship in a positive direction. He argues
that despite the turbulence generated by recent contentions, India retains the ability
to confidently bear this as the fundamentals of the Indo-US relationship remain
stronger. Thus, he suggests that India should take the lead in shaping the terms of
engagement of its partnership with US, rather than being carried out by grand
theories & surrounding noise.

(7c) West Asia is characterized by the three major crisis.

1. Israel Palestine conflict
2. Saudi Arabia & Iran Conflict
3. Rise of non-state actors
Discuss India’s present stand with respect to each of these issues.
• West Asia has historically been one of the foremost foreign policy priorities for
India. A/Q to C. Raja Mohan, no other region, outside of the Indian sub-continent,
is so critical for India’s security & prosperity than the west Asia. India’s interest
in the region is driven by its economic & trade ties, energy dependency on the
region and the presence of huge Indian diaspora (7 millions) in the region.
• However, west Asia, in recent past years, has been undergoing momentous
geopolitical changes & turmoils which have created new challenges for India’s
engagement in the region. The changing flux in the region includes rise of radical
& extremist forces, growing sectarian tensions, Saudi-Iran proxy wars in Syria,
Iraq & Yemen, Iran’s nuclear crisis etc.
• Traditionally, India’s policy towards West Asia operates within the framework of
‘middle ground’ or ‘equidistance’ in the intra-regional conflicts, which has helped
India in navigating through the ‘choppy waters’ of West Asia. India thoughtfully
engages with the West Asian actors while at the same time maintaining distance
from regional fractures and conflicts all of which has allowed India to have cordial
relations across the region. The success of India’s policy in West Asia is that India
has largely balanced its approach to the three poles of influence in the region
(Saudi Arabia, Iran and Israel) in a successful manner so that more of them has
overtly criticized India for dealing with the others. This is evident in increased

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counter-terrorism cooperation with Saudi, joint partnership in oil & gas with Iran
and defence development with Israel.
• Therefore, India’s careful & delicate balancing or accommodating act, based on
good relationships with multiple actors, has been the defining feature of India’s
West Asia policy.
(i) Saudi-Iran Conflict
The fact that today Saudi Arabia and Iran are competing in a voracious manner for
supremacy in the region and India’s response to it also provides a good example of
how India manages good relations with both Riyadh and Tehran without either
questioning India about its relationship with other side. Both view India as an
important partner and a big market for their oil & gas resources.
One of the prime examples of Indian diplomacy of having good relations with all
the poles in the region was exemplified during the Yemen crisis, when India,
operating from Sana’s airport, managed to create windows for relief flights for
evacuating Indians by talking to both Iranian-backed Houthi rebels and the Saudi
led Arab coalition.
(ii) Rise of non-state actors
Over the years, India has adhered to non-interventionist policies in the region
which has garnered a measure of appreciation and good wills. But the rise of non-
state actors (like ISIS) has changed the regional & international political landscape
and has, thus, posed fresh challenges for Indian foreign policy-makers in the form
of exposure of India’s growing economic interests in the region and vulnerability
of its sizeable expatriate workforce in the region. The cases of ONGC videsh limited
(OVL)’s investment loss in Syria and the abduction of Indian workers in Iraq
showcases India’s inability both politically & militarily, to protects its interests in
the region in the wake of rise of extremism in the region.
Therefore, India would forge closer bilateral ties on the security front with regional
powers which would help it in tackling the various state & non-state actors exerting
influence upon the region from within & beyond it.
(iii) Israel-Palestine conflict
Since establishment of diplomatic relations with Israel in 1992, India has been
balancing its relations with Israel and Palestine by maintaining its ties with Israel
while re-iterating its pro-Palestine credentials to the Arab World.

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• However, contrary to the earlier regimes, Modi’s foreign policy has accelerated
the ‘de-hyphenation’ in several regimes, i.e., simultaneously promoting good
relations with the two adversarial states and, at the same time, considering the
relationship with one state independently of the relations with the other state.
• In the context of Israel Palestine relationship, this shift in India’s foreign policy is
reflected in the form of India’s recent attempt at ‘de-hyphenating’ the relations with
the Israel & Palestine. This policy is recognition of shift in India’s foreign policy
from normative posturing & idealism to pragmatism and realist assessment of the
contemporary world order.
• Under Modi and Netanyhu, Indo-Israel relations have been expanding in a robust
manner, as is evident in the historic character of an Indian PM’s first visit to Israel
in 2017, marking 25 years of establishment of diplomatic relations b/w the two
countries.
• While on the one hand, there has been a significant deepening in Indo-Israel
relationship, India has re-iterated its, support to Palestinian statehood. During the
visit of Palestinian President Mahmood Abbas (May 2017), India called for a
‘sovereign, independent, united and viable Palestine, coexisting peacefully with
Israel’. However, India avoided any direct reference to East Jerusalem is its
capital, which is a significant departure from India’s earlier stand.
• This shift indicates an Indian recognition of the complexities surrounding
Jerusalem and need for a settlement among the parties concerned, rather than any
one-state solution of the conflict. In the same line, in the after math of USA’s
recognition of Jerusalem as Israel’s capital, India voted in favour of a UN
Resolution opposing the USA’s decision. India’s principled vote emphasizes its
autonomous & independent decision making on the international stage. It also
represents India’s shift from a balancing power to a leading power on international
stage, thus exhibiting itself as a strong responsible actor within the international
system as a strong responsible actor within the international system that retains its
principled position on international stage.
• India, with its unique position in terms of its strong ties with Israel & the Arab
World, can carve out a greater role in overseeing the regional order in West Asia.
India must continue its ‘dehyphonating’ approach i.e., expanding its ties with Israel
in accordance with its strategic interests, while extending its genuine support for
the Palestinian cause.

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(8a) ‘As security deteriorates, politics becomes unstable, external actors alter their
approaches, some creative ways to secure India’s interest in Afghanistan would
have to be contemplated’. Critically examine.
• A/Q to C. Raja Mohan, development in Kabul Valley have always been
consequential to the empires around Yamuna. A/Q to Satinder Lambah, the basic
tenets of India’s policy and approach towards Afghanistan remains centred around
creation of a democratic, stable and strong Afghanistan in its background.
However, a/q to Harsh Pant, in recent times, India’s ties with Afghanistan is driven
by its growing regional and global ambitions.
• However, a/q to Pant, although the unchanged characteristic of India-Afghanistan
relations, India’s ties with Afghanistan in recent times is driven by its growing
regional and global ambitions. He argues that India’s rise in the global inter-state
hierarchy over the last decade has led India to define its regional foreign policy in
more ambitious terms than before and success of India’s afghan policy will
determine if India will he able to emerge as a provider of regional security in South
Asia.
Indian interest in Afghanistan
Regionally & Globally
(i) A/q to Harsh Pant, India’s approach towards Afghanistan has largely been a
function of desire to present Pakistan from dominating Afghanistan and using it as
a counter weight to India’s preponderance in South Asia. A/q to Herz, both India
and Pakistan are involved in a classic security dilemma in their policy towards
Afghanistan.
(ii) India’s other major interest is to make sure that Islamist extremism remains under
control in its neighborhood. Any breeding ground of radical Isla mists under the
aegis of Pakistan has a direct impact on the security of India. Thus, Afghanistan is
the most important frontier in combating anti-India terrorism.
(iii) Afghanistan is also viewed as a gateway to the central Asian region where India
hopes to expand its influence, which is crucial for India nor only because of its oil
and gas reserves which is crucial for India’s energy security but also because other
major powers such as USA, Russia and China are competing for influence in the
region.
• A/q to Harsh Pant, India’s pro-active foreign policy vis-à-vis Afghanistan has been
India’s attempt to carve out for itself a greater role in regional affairs, which is in
consonance with its rising economic and military profile. It is based on India’s

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keenness to be of use to US’s regional policy as against traditional ‘independent’
Indian approach towards its neighbors.
• In the global context by emerging as a major donor for Afghanistan, India is trying
to project itself as a significant economic power. In addition, India wants to
establish its credentials as a major military power in the region that can ensure
stability around its periphery.
Thus, a/q to Harsh Pant, India’s long term ambition to emerge as a ‘great power’
will be assessed by the international community in terms of its strategic capacity to
deal with Afghanistan in its own backyard.

(8b) ‘Given the signs of gathering storm, India must considers not only its own interests
in terms of the ties with Iran, US and its allies but also its position as a regional
power’. Elaborate.
• West Asia has always been a region of complex regional and global dynamics of
all the countries in the region, Iran is the only country that has a direct interface
with central Asia, West Asia and South Asia. This position makes it a fulcrum of
West Asia, and thus gives Iran a chance to carve out a bigger sphere of influence
in the regional & global politics.
• Apart from the issue of a nuclear Iran, which continues to be at the forefront of
debates about regional security in the region, its relationship with USA is also a
matter of great global concern. The relation becomes important because of the fact
that USA, being the global hegemon, seeks to control the behavior of relatively
independent regional hegemons who dominate particular regions of the world.
• US withdrawal from JCDOA, its imposition of unilateral sanctions on Iran and the
recent war of words b/w the two countries have led to a rapid rise of tensions in the
Persian Gulf. India has also been affected by the US sanctions, especially due to
the US pressure on India to cut down oil imports from Iran to Zero.
• Apart from being a challenge to India’s independent strategic autonomy, the US
sanctions has severely put India in a pickle with respect to Iran, which is important
owing to the following deep strategic significance that Iran assumes—
(i) In its immediate neighborhood in the West, India’s interest lie in establishing an
influential position in Afghanistan and have close economical, political & energy
ties with CARs. In this context, Iran has a central role.

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(ii) Indo-Iran cooperation is necessary for India’s connectivity to central Asia and
Afghanistan by bypassing Pakistan.
(iii) Iran being one of the major suppliers of oil to India.
Options for India
• Work closely with other powers like European countries in ensuring that Iran
doesn’t feel compelled to walk out of the nuclear deal.
• Jointly build a sanction-immune financial infrastructure to facilitate Iranian trade.
• India can often Iran to enhance its investment in the chabahar port development
project as well as consider initiating other developmental & connectivity projects.
This will help India not openly defy the US but also at the same time ensure that its
relationship with Iran is not completely derailed.
The recent development have placed India in a difficult situation gives its growing
strategic partnership with the U.S on the on hand and strong bilateral ties on the
other. It acts a pre-JCPOA-like situation having to deal with the US pressure
while simultaneously working to secure its interests vis-à-vis Iran.
Some points which not addressed in answer in are.
(i) Connectivity:- India has multilateral engagement with Iran in the field of
connectivity like (INSTC) international north south transport corridor
(ii) Chabahar port :- where India’s interest are concerned to by pass Pakistan to
reach Afghanistan and central Asia.
(iii) Energy security :- at the time of the oil price hike around the world Iran was the
third target oil supplies for India(which use to trade in Indian currency ).
(iv) IPI Pipeline :- U.S has oppoled IPL pipeline in view of continuing sanctions on
Iran.
Future step US way forward
(i) Experts have argued that India needs to finely balance its approach towards iran
and the U.S since a significant amount of interest ties in both countries.
Conclusion :-
Officially India has started that it would want all parties to continue fulfill their
commitments and resolve all issues “peacefully and thorough dialogue” {more
over according to report 8 million Indian migrants live and work in west Asia and
they could be affected}.

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PSIR Crash Course Test 04 Model Answers

(8c) ‘As the world order is changing in geopolitical and geostrategic terms, India
needs flexible strategy to maximize its national interest’. Comment.
• The idea of ‘New World Order’ has often been used in periods of international
uncertainty & turmoil. The phrase gained most significance in the uncertainty that
followed the decline of the Soviet Union and the end of the cold war. The USA
emerged as the sole superpower resulting into an essentially unipolar world order.
• However, the contemporary world order is characterized by USA turning as a
reluctant ‘superpower’, owing to its emerging power of protectionism, and rise of
China’s economic power and political significance in the 21 st century. However,
rise of China is also seen as part of a larger shift in the balance of global power
from ‘West to East’ with India and Japan also being viewed as key global actors.
In this way, the contemporary world order is seen as an uncertainty b/w two
scenarios- ‘Chinese century’ or ‘Asian century’.
• In the same way, there’re been speculations on the nature of a new world order
over the next quarter century with following dominant geopolitical and
geostrategic possibilities—
Five Geopolitical Trends
Based on varying degrees of distribution of power and the nature of relationship
b/w the resulting major powers.
(a) US as sole superpower
This envisions return of US to its late 1990s & mid-200s role as the sole global
superpower. Status can be expected to align themselves with US strategic
objectives, with sanctions & hard interventions on those representing any threat to
American interests & its allies US can be expected to follow a policy of ‘diplomatic
balancing’, while keeping the option of intervention open.
Other important characteristics are expected to be—
• Conventional, widespread conflicts between states to be non-existent.
• MNCs would be major players.
• Sovereignty of nation states might be eroded, with increased deference to American
objectives both within & outside the bloc.
(b) Full cooperative G2

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PSIR Crash Course Test 04 Model Answers

This trend envisions the US and China coming to an agreement to manage the inter
nation order together, with demarcated zones of influence. Global pacts such as
FTAs or climate management to be negotiated more easily. A fully cooperative G2
can easily dictate terms to all other nation-states.
(c) US-China cooperation
This trend envisions an international order where US-China coopetition is
pervasive i.e., cooperative with some elements of rivalry, due to the interaction b/w
them in the complex interdependent world. Some institutions would be dominated
by one of the other of the pair with a sense of competition in most institutions,
ranging from UN to regional trade blocs. States can be expected to align with either
of them, based on their own strategic objectives. Regional blocs may become
increasingly important. Would order can be expected to be maintained by G2
consultations, ranging from coalition interventions to sanctions, but unilateral
actions may be discouraged.
(d) The New Cold War
This trend envisions a new cold war b/w US and China, with both of them as
competing superpowers with increased mutual distrust, hyper nationalism and
attempts at expanding spheres of influence. World order can be expected to be
maintained by the threat of MAD, with china’s economic strength ensuring a longer
and more sustained conflict than b/w the US and the USSR. Cyber warfare,
propaganda, military alliances would be widespread. The UN and other global
institutions would be seriously weakened.
(e) A multipolar world
• This envisions a continuation of the broad trends in the world order over the last
few decades, with the relative decline of the superpowers and the emergence of a
number of smaller powers.
• An era of multilateralism in international affairs can be expected. States can go for
issue-based coalitions, with no power being able to take unilateral action. This
would allow for a better cooperation on issues of global importance.
• World order can be expected to be maintained by adherence to international
agreements & systems, similarly to pre-world war concert of Europe. However,
there may be difficulty of reaching a consensus.

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PSIR Crash Course Test 04 Model Answers

• Regional blocs are likely to emerge, with reduced barriers to trade as well as high
capital mobility. MNCs would be major players. Sovereignty in nation-states would
be absolute.
• However, based on neo-realists idea, instability and chaos may be a key feature of
such multipolar world.
Certain recommendations for India as the most optional path for India to
secure/maximize its national interests—
Domestic Economic Reforms
(i) Liberalize major sectors, implement labor & factor market reforms so that India
becomes an attractive destination for FDI.
(ii) Focus on the employment elasticity of growth in addition to growth itself.
Collaborate with foreign universities for skilling the workforce.
(iii) Build a social security net to deal with inequality unemployment, skill obsolescence,
and an aging population.
Reforms for India’s engagement with world at large
(i) Three critical military shifts are needed—
(a) From land to sea
(b) From physical to virtual (cyber warfare)
(c) From manpower to fire power.
(ii) Champion the cause of globalization as movement of labor, goods and services is
critical for India’s growth.
(iii) Retain flexibility in terms of alignment be open to larger partnerships & global
projects, as well as unilateral action.
(iv) Partnership with other middle powers, especially those concerned by G2
dominance, such as Iran & Russia.

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 Political Science & International Relations
Crash Course & Test Series - 2019
Test 04
Time Allowed: 3 Hours Max Marks: 250
Name
Test Date
Email Address
Mobile
UPSC Roll No

Instructions:
1. There are EIGHT questions divided in TWO SECTIONS and candidate has
to attempt five questions in all.
2. Question Nos. 1 and 5 are compulsory and out of the remaining, any
three are to be attempted choosing at least ONE question from each
section.
3. Content of the answer is more important than its length.
4. Answers must be written in the medium authorized in the admission
Certificate, which must be stated clearly on the cover of the booklet in
the space provided.
5. Content of the answer is more important than its length.
6. Any page or portion of the page left blank in the Question-Cum-Answer
Booklet must be clearly struck off.
7. All parts of the question should be written at one place itself.
8. Write the test in exam atmosphere.
9. Filling all the details in BLOCK LETTERS is mandatory.
S. No. a b c d e Total
1
2 X X
3 X X
4 X X
5
6 X X
7 X X
8 X X
Grand Total
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Very
Poor Average Good Excellent
Good
Understanding of
Questions
Structure & Flow
(a) Introduction
(b) Conclusion
(c) Overall
Subject
Knowledge
Presentation
(a) Underline
(b) Paragraph
(c) Overall
Overall Remarks:

Dear Student,

_______________________________________________________________

_______________________________________________________________

_______________________________________________________________

_______________________________________________________________

_______________________________________________________________

_______________________________________________________________

_______________________________________________________________

_______________________________________________________________

_______________________________________________________________

_______________________________________________________________

All the best for next test..!!!

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Que.1(a) Discuss continuity and change in India’s foreign policy.

10 Marks

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Que.1(b) Suggest how leadership acts as a key determinant in India’s foreign

policy. 10 Marks.

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Que.1(c) India should maximise its soft power in South and South East Asia.
10 Marks.

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Que.1(d) There are lot of potential areas of cooperation between India and
Latin America. Discuss. 10 Marks.

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Que.1(e) Sri Lanka is becoming a centre for India-China relations.

10 Marks

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Que.2(a) “South Asia is least integrated region in the world & India is one of
the least regionally integrated major powers.” Critically evaluate.
Discuss the structural impediments India face in its neighbourhood.
20 Marks

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Que.2(b) “Foreign policy of a country is statement of what it stands for and

the role it takes upon itself and projects to the world at large.” – J. N.
Dixit. In the light of above statement, explain the key underlying
themes in India’s foreign policy. 15 Marks

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Que.2(c) India’s relations with Pakistan have always loomed ominously in

the background of India’s relation with US and China. Elucidate.
15 Marks

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Que.3(a) Critically analyse the role of PMO & MEA in formulation of India’s
foreign policy. 20 Marks

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Que.3(b) Assess the status of India-Russia relations in current context and

enumerate the factors that have given rise to uncertainties. Mention
steps by both countries to manage the relations on even keel.
15 Marks

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Que.3(c) “NAM was a noble idea that never had a chance to live.” Discuss.
Assess the relevance of NAM for India in present time.
15 Marks

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Que.4(a) The progress reported in talks between India and Pakistan on

Kartarpur is more than ‘unusual’. What does it indicates about cross
border relations and India’s Pakistan policy. 20 Marks

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Que.4(b) Discuss the recent developments in India’s foreign policy toward

Europe. What does “Brexit” mean to India? 15 Marks

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Que.4(c) Discuss the gains of India’s Act East Policy so far and the future
prospects. 15 Marks

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Que.5(a) Growing ideological convergence, not just business is drawing India-

Israel relations. Comment. 10 Marks

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Que.5(b) As we complete 20 years since Pokhran II, there is a need to reassess

India’s nuclear policy and posture. Critically examine.
10 Marks

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Que.5(c) A mandate for international peacekeeping can only be effective if

rising powers like India have been given voice to shape the future of
governance in this context. Comment. 10 Marks

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Que.5(d) India needs to uphold the objective of a multipolar world and

counter existing trends of unilateralism and ethnocentrism.
Critically examine. 10 Marks

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Que.5(e) With China keen to tighten its grips on the crucial Indian Ocean,
India’s move to strengthen ties with island nation, is a necessity.
Comment. 10 Marks

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Que.6(a) “As India’s relation with great power like US, China, Russia and
Europe are getting complicated by their rivalries, country need to
follow its traditional policy of strategic autonomy.” Comment.
20 Marks

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Que.6(b) To what extent it is appropriate to say that with lowering of tensions

with China, India has conceded on China on several issues from
Tibet to Quad. Elaborate. 15 Marks

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Que.6(c) “The deepening relationship between Japan and India serves the
goal of forestalling the emergence of China centric Asia.” Comment.
Discuss some recent developments in India-Japan relation.
15 Marks

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Que.7(a) “New Delhi game plan in Afghanistan has been severely damaged
because of Washington’s strategy”. Elucidate. 20 Marks

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Que.7(b) India-US relations have been thrown off course during past few
months. Elaborate. Suggest how New Delhi should navigate its ties
with USA at present. 15 Marks

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Que.7(c) West Asia is characterized by the three major crisis.

I. Israel-Palestine Conflict
II. Saudi Arabia & Iran Conflict
III. Rise of non-state actors
Discuss India’s present stand with respect to each of these issues.
15 Marks

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Que.8(a) “As security deteriorates, politics becomes unstable, external actors

alter their approaches, some creative ways to secure India’s interest
in Afghanistan would have to be contemplated.” Critically examine.
20 Marks

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Que.8(b) “Given the signs of gathering storm, India must consider not only its
own interests in terms of its ties with Iran, US & its allies but also its
position as regional power.” Elaborate. 15 Marks

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Que.8(c) “As the world order is changing in geopolitical and geostrategic

terms, India needs flexible strategy to maximise its national
interest.” Comment. 15 Marks

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Space for Rough Work

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Political Science & International Relations9

Crash Course & Test Series - 2019
Test 04
Time Allowed: 3 Hours Max Marks: 250

There are EIGHT questions divided in TWO SECTIONS and candidate has to
attempt five questions in all.

Question Nos.1 and 5 are compulsory and out of the remaining, any three
are to be attempted choosing at least ONE question from each section.

SECTION ‘A’.

1. Comment on the following in about 150 words each : 10*5=50

1(a.) Discuss continuity and change in India’s foreign policy. 10 Marks
1(b.) Suggest how leadership acts as a key determinant in India’s foreign
policy. 10 Marks
1(c.) India should maximise its soft power in South and South East Asia.
10 Marks
1(d.) There are lot of potential areas of cooperation between India and
Latin America. Discuss. 10 Marks
1(e.) Sri Lanka is becoming a centre for India-China relations. 10 Marks
2. (a.) “South Asia is least integrated region in the world & India is one of
the least regionally integrated major powers.” Critically evaluate.
Discuss the structural impediments India face in its neighborhood.
20 Marks
2. (b.) “Foreign policy of a country is statement of what it stands for and the
role it takes upon itself and projects to the world at large.” – J. N. Dixit.
In the light of above statement, explain the key underlying themes in
India’s foreign policy. 15 Marks

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2. (c.) India’s relations with Pakistan have always loomed ominously in the
background of India’s relation with US and China. Elucidate.
15 Marks
3. (a.) Critically analyse the role of PMO & MEA in formulation of India’s
foreign policy. 20 Marks
3. (b.) Assess the status of India-Russia relations in current context and
enumerate the factors that have given rise to uncertainties. Mention
steps by both countries to manage the relations on even keel.
15 Marks
3. (c.) “NAM was a noble idea that never had a chance to live.” Discuss.
Assess the relevance of NAM for India in present time. 15 Marks
4. (a.) The progress reported in talks between India and Pakistan on
Kartarpur is more than ‘unusual’. What does it indicates about cross
border relations and India’s Pakistan policy. 20 Marks
4. (b.) Discuss the recent developments in India’s foreign policy toward
Europe. What does “Brexit” mean to India? 15 Marks
4. (c.) Discuss the gains of India’s Act East Policy so far and the future
prospects. 15 Marks
SECTION ‘B’
5. Comment on the following in about 150 words each : 10*5=50
5. (a.) Growing ideological convergence, not just business is drawing India-
Israel relations. Comment. 10 Marks
5. (b.) As we complete 20 years since Pokhran II, there is a need to reassess
India’s nuclear policy and posture. Critically examine. 10 Marks
5. (c.) A mandate for international peacekeeping can only be effective if
rising powers like India have been given voice to shape the future of
governance in this context. Comment. 10 Marks

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5. (d.) India needs to uphold the objective of a multipolar world and counter
existing trends of unilateralism and ethnocentrism. Critically
examine. 10 Marks
5. (e.) With China keen to tighten its grips on the crucial Indian Ocean,
India’s move to strengthen ties with island nation, is a necessity.
Comment. 10 Marks
6. (a.) “As India’s relation with great power like US, China, Russia and
Europe are getting complicated by their rivalries, country need to
follow its traditional policy of strategic autonomy.” Comment.
20 Marks
6. (b.) To what extent it is appropriate to say that with lowering of tensions
with China, India has conceded on China on several issues from Tibet
to Quad. Elaborate. 15 Marks
6. (c.) “The deepening relationship between Japan and India serves the goal
of forestalling the emergence of China centric Asia.” Comment.
Discuss some recent developments in India-Japan relation. 15 Marks
7. (a.) “New Delhi game plan in Afghanistan has been severely damaged
because of Washington’s strategy”. Elucidate. 20 Marks
7. (b.) India-US relations have been thrown off course during past few
months. Elaborate. Suggest how New Delhi should navigate its ties
with USA at present. 15 Marks
7. (c.) West Asia is characterized by the three major crisis.
i. Israel-Palestine Conflict
ii. Saudi Arabia & Iran Conflict
iii. Rise of non-state actors
Discuss India’s present stand with respect to each of these issues.
15 Marks

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8. (a.) “As security deteriorates, politics becomes unstable, external actors

alter their approaches, some creative ways to secure India’s interest
in Afghanistan would have to be contemplated.” Critically examine.
20 Marks
8. (b.) “Given the signs of gathering storm, India must consider not only its
own interests in terms of its ties with Iran, US & its allies but also its
position as regional power.” Elaborate. 15 Marks
8. (c.) “As the world order is changing in geopolitical and geostrategic
terms, India needs flexible strategy to maximise its national interest.”
Comment. 15 Marks

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Tips for Writing Good Answers:-

1. Read the question carefully and at least 3-4 times.
2. Note down concepts, facts, examples, keywords related to
the question.
3. Draw a rough outline of the flow.
4. Pay adequate attention to the introduction and
conclusion.
5. Introduction must offer your brief interpretation of the
question and how you propose to develop it.
6. Conclusion must summarize your response to the
question.
7. Make sure answer is
a. Logical and coherent
b. Clear connection between sentences and
paragraphs.
c. Written correctly giving adequate compatibility to
your expression, style and presentation
d. Do not exceed the word limit
e. Write neatly
f. Underline points you wish to emphasize.

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 PSIR Crash Course Test 05 Model Answers

(1a) ‘Taken as a whole, the tasks of political theory is unquestionably demanding’-

David Held. Comment.
• Political theory implies an intellectual effort to attain a systematic knowledge about
the end and means of political action. It is a set of specified concepts that focus to
describe, explain and predict political processes, events and institutions.
• A/Q to Rajeev Bhargava, political theory is a form of systematic reflection with
following 6 features—
(i) Rational structures
(ii) Generality
(iii) Aspiration for a humanly achievable truth & objectivity.
(iv) Conceptual sensitivity
(v) An explicit mandate to unearth assumptions and presuppositions
(vi) Strong non-speculative intent.
• Describing the nature of political theory, George Catlin observed that the theory
of politics is itself divided into political science and political philosophy. It is a
science as it admits concepts such as justice, equality etc., which are both
observable and testable, and responds to the requirements of reason and
rationalism. On the other hand, political philosophy is a part of normative political
theory as it provides answers to questions such as what is justice, concepts of rights,
distinction b/w ‘is’ and ‘ought’ etc. In addition, political philosophy attempts to
resolve conflicts b/w political theories which might appear equally acceptable in
given circumstances.
For eg- without philosophical approach, both Rawlsian theory of ‘justice as
fairness’ & Amartya Sen’s theory of justice as development of capabilities may
appear equally acceptable.
• In this context, Andrew Hacker in his work ‘Political Theory: Philosophy, Ideology,
Science’ (1961) points to the dual nature of political theory. A/Q to him, every
political theorist has a dual role of a scientist as well as of a philosopher. He argues
that no theorist can make a lasting contribution to human knowledge about politics
unless combining the dual roles in the realms of both science & philosophy.
• Thus, broadly speaking, political theory consists of political science and political
philosophy, which taken together perform three functions—
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(i) Description
(ii) Criticism
(iii) Reconstruction
Political science mainly relies on empirical method which is supposed to be the
most reliable. Hence, it specializes in ‘description’. On the other hand, political
philosophy, being concerned with value-judgement, specializes in ‘criticism’ and
‘reconstruction’.
• However, advocates of positivism and behaviouralism wish to confine political
theory to the sphere of political science. They argue that evaluate statements are
based on determined. Hence the questions of value judgement should be dropped
from the purview of political theory.
• However, since the advent of post-behaviouralism, and the consequent revival of
political philosophy in 1970s & 1980s, there has been a renewed emphasis on
values in the realm of political theory. It is now agreed that value-judgement serves
as an essential guide to social policy and indifference to value judgement will leave
the society in the state of sufferings. It is in this context, David Held, who has
advocated for post-behavioural turn in political theory for what he calls as ‘Credo
for relevance’, has argued that all the functions of the political theory have now
becomes very important and demanding.

(1b) ‘Ideology is a characteristic of totalitarianism’ (Karl Popper) Comment.

• Ideas and ideologies influence political life in a number ways and thus, form an
important element in the realm of political thought & theory. Despite this, it has
been subjected to intense debate among various perspectives, based upon their
nature and the role they play.
For eg- while conservatives view ideology as a manifestation of the arrogance of
rationalism and being abstracted from reality, Marxism, on the other hand, have
seen ideology as a body of ideas that conceal the contradictions of class society
thereby promoting false consciousness & political passivity among subordinate
classes.
• On the other hand, when ideology is conceived as an instrument of influencing
people for the achievement of predetermined goals, it comes close to

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totalitarianism. A/Q to liberals, ideology is an officially sanctioned belief system
that claims a monopoly of truth, often through a spurious claim to be scientific.
In this way, liberal theorists portrayed the regimes that developed in Fascist Italy
& Nazi Germany as historically new and uniquely oppressive systems of rule, and
highlighted the role played by ideologies in suppressive debate and promoting
regimented obedience.
• In this context, Karl Popper, in his work ‘The open Society and its enemies’, has
described ideology in a highly repressive/restrictive manner. A/Q to its usage,
ideologies are closed systems of thought, which by claiming a monopoly of truth,
refuse to tolerate opposing ideas & rival beliefs. Thus, ideologies possess a
‘totalizing’ character and serves as an instrument of social control, ensuring
compliance and subordination. In this way, Karl Popper has argued that being a
‘closed’ system of thought, ideology is a characteristic of totalitarianism and has
nothing to do with an open society.
• In the same line, Hannah Arendt has also emphasized on the important role that
ideology plays in a totalitarian regime.

(1c) ‘Liberalism is not a fixed mode of thought but an intellectual movement’.

Comment.
• Liberalism. Which has been a dominant political philosophy, wasn’t developed at
any point of time by a particular political thinker. Thus, it doesn’t represent any
coherent body of doctrines and has been too dynamic and flexible to be contained
in a precise definition. A/Q to Hacker, although a common term in political
philosophy, it isn’t easy to be defined precisely as different scholars have assigned
a different meaning to it. Some scholars have conceived it as a ‘faith’; others
consider it as an ‘attitude of mind’.
• Owing to this variation, Laski has argued that liberalism is the expression of
temperament rather than a trend. A/Q to him, liberalism implies a passion for
individual liberty and requires a power to be accommodate & tolerant.
Amorphous nature of liberalism

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• The dynamic nature of liberalism as a philosophy is evident from the fact that it has
been continuously changing since its inception. A/Q to Arblaster, liberalism
shouldn’t be seen as a fixed and absolute term, but as a specific historical
movement of ideas that began with Renaissance and Reformation. A/Q to Grimes,
it is not a static creed or dogma, rather a tentative attitude towards social problems.
• Thus, as liberalism doesn’t have a monolithic tradition and has undergone many
changes, it requires a historical rather than a static type of analysis. In other words,
liberalism is not a fixed mode of thought, but an intellectual movement which seeks
to accommodate new ideas in order to face new situations and respond to the
changing needs of the time.
• Liberalism received most detailed and lucid expression in the writings of John
Locke, who is often considered as the father of liberal political philosophy. The
earliest liberal tradition, classical liberalism, was negative in character. Being
based on the idea of self-sufficient individualism, classical liberalism equated
freedom with the absence of external constraints upon individual. It, thus, treated
state as a ‘necessary evil’ and proposed idea of ‘minimal’ or ‘night watchman’
state, in which state’s proper role is restricted to maintenance of orderly existence.
It defended the right to private property & advocated for free market economy.
• However, due to popularity of the doctrine of socialism and crisis of capitalism, the
concept of liberalism undergone a change in modern times. The process of shift
from classical (negative) liberalism to modern (positive) liberalism started with J.
S. Mill, who realized the negative implications of negative liberty as well as
utilitarianism. Mill has brought elements of idealism to reform classical liberalism
and to give humanitarian touch to liberalism. However, T.H. Green is known as the
father of positive or modern liberalism, who advanced a full-fledged theory of the
welfare state. Unlike negative liberalism, freedom for positive liberals is the ability
of individual to develop full potential. The conception of role of state is different in
modern liberalism, which provide for greater role of state and direct intervention
in the form of social welfare for its citizens.
• In the post-World War II period, the liberal tradition went through further
mutation mainly with a view to save mankind from the tyranny of totalitarian system

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or government by majority. This was the contemporary version of classical
liberalism, known as neo-liberalism or libertarianism, which seeks to restore
‘Laissez faire’ individualism. Proponents of neo-liberalism, such as Hayek, Milton
Friedman & Robert Nozick, criticized welfare state and opposed state intervention
on the ground that welfare state became unsustainable & unlimited and
transformed into ‘nanny’ state performing all functions. A/Q to Hayek, welfare
policies of state didn’t benefit the targeted sections & merely resulted into
divergence of resources from productive to non-liberalism called for ‘rolling back’
of the state to restore the individual liberty. They sought to revive the principle of
‘laissez-faire’ not only in economic sphere, but also social & political spheres. In
contemporary world, neo-liberal ideas found practical manifestations through
inter-related principles of liberalization, privatization & globalization.

(1d) ‘The history of all hitherto existing societies has been a history of class struggles’.
(Karl Marx) Comment.
• Karl Marx has been the most influential political philosopher and his work
‘communist manifesto’ has been described by Laski as ‘one of the most outstanding
political documents of all times’.
• The concept of ‘class’ is central to the understanding of the Marxian political
philosophy as it forms the core of the Marx’s attempt to provide a theoretical basis
for the social change. ‘class’ is an economic status based upon the relationship
with the means of production.
Doctrine of class conflict
• A/Q to Karl Marx, class struggle has been the most prominent and recurring feature
of all human societies. He held that the history of all hitherto existing societies has
been the history of class struggle. Thus, Marx, envisaged history as a succession of
struggles b/w opposed classes for economic and political power.
• Except the primitive communist stage, all historical ages have been characterized
by the antagonism b/w the dominant (haves or owners of means of production) and
the dependent (have-nots) classes. In the slavery system, there was class struggle

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b/w masters and slaves, in feudal system, class conflict b/w lords & serf and in the
capitalist system, the bourgeois and proletariat.
• A/Q to Marx, by the virtue of ownership of means of production, the dominant class
exploits the dependent class, which ultimately results into class antagonism. Marx
asserted that the interests of the contending classes are irreconcilable and, thus, no
compromise is possible b/w the conflicting classes. Therefore, Marx held that the
inherent contradiction of conflicting classes of every epoch can be resolved only
through the annihilation of the exploiting classes.
• Thus, the fundamental Marxism thesis is that the class struggle b/w contending
classes is the mechanism or the manner in which society progress from one stage
to another in the course of its historical development. Also, Marxian programme of
action or social revolution is based on idea to put an end to the class struggle by
establishing a classes communist society. It is in this context, it can be argued that
the doctrine of class struggle represents the sociological foundation of Marxism.

(1e) Compare the empirical approach with normative approach.

• The nature, scope and methodology of political science as a discipline remains
contested. There hasn’t get been developed a single well-defined and all-
encompassing method/approach of studying political phenomena. Scholars have
used different methods & approaches depending on their inclination & perception.
• The major point of divergence involved in the study of political theory is the mode
of analysis employed. Although the contemporary political science gives
prominence to empirical mode of analysis, traditional study was dominated by the
normative approach (value-laden approach).
Normative Vs Empirical debate
The normative approach seeks to determine and prescribe ‘values’, whereas, the
empirical analysis involves determining and describing ‘facts’. Proponents of
empirical approach criticize the normative approach on the grand that there is no
‘scientifically valid’ or reliable method of determining values. The ‘reliability’
based criticism of normative approach is based on the fact a normative statement

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of ‘what ought to be’ expresses preference for a order as dictated by moral
principles or ideals. It seeks to serve an ‘intrinsic’ value, which is an end in itself,
such as truth, justice and good. On the contrary, the empirical approach primarily
relies on the observation through sense-experience to described ‘what is’. In this
sense, the empirical mode of analysis can be verified and falsified. The ‘scientific’
affiliation of empirical approach has been criticized for its indifference towards
‘values’, particularly in its ignorance of discrimination b/w higher values and
lower values. A/q to Leo Strauss, by teaching the equality of values, the empirical
method contributes to the victory of the gutter. The descriptive nature of the
approach based on the paradigm of ‘true or false’ limits the relevance of empirical
approach. However, the proponents of empirical approach, while describing its
objective nature, repudiates normative approach due to its subjectivity. T. D.
Weldon, in his work ‘Vocabulary of politics’ (1953), maintains that a political value
is like a matter of taste which can only be stated and not debated.
However, the debate b/w normative and empirical approach is based on the ‘fact-
value dichotomy’ which presents existence of a state of estrangement b/w the two
approaches. Critics of this dichotomy call for a reconciliation b/w the approaches
so as to accommodate empirical as well as normative mode of analysis in the study
of political theory. This argument is based on the realization that discipline of
political science is so complex that it cannot provide any substantive answer by
using any single approach. It is in this context, post-behavioralist emerged as an
attempt to develop an integrated study of political theory based on normative-
empirical synthesis.

(2a) ‘Violence destroy power, it is utterly incapable of creating it’. In the light of above
statement discuss Hannah Arendt view on power.
• Hannah Arendt is regarded as a heterodox thinker in the serve that her political
philosophy doesn’t belong to a systematic philosophy and is described as ‘thinking
without barrier’. Although she has given her own meaning to the conventional
concepts, the common idea connecting her work is the concern for participation in
the civic affairs.
• As against the convention view on power as ‘domination’ (power over), Hannah
Arendt proposes a constructive view of power (power as empowerment or ‘power

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to’). She distinguishes b/w ‘violence’ and ‘power’ to arrive at a constructive view
of power in her work ‘on violence’.
• Arendt argues that ‘violence’ is the property of state which relies on the instruments
of its application and hence, it can be held in possession.
• On the other hand, power is not the property of an individual. It corresponds to the
human ability not just to act but to act in concert. She proposes power as
‘potentiality in togetherness’ and thus ‘sui generis’. It means that power emerges
on its own when people come together and disappears when people disperse. In
other words, power belongs to group or public realm and remains in existence only
so long as the group keeps/acts together. Thus, Arendt thinks power as a potential
political entity that can only be actualized but never fully materialized or possessed.
The only material factor that is required for the emergence of power is the co-
existence and concerted action of people.
• In this way, Arendt envisages a conception of power as acting in concert with one
another and is thus considered as the ‘constructive view of power’.
• Although Arendt admits that ‘power’ and ‘violence’ are not separated from each
other in ‘water-tight compartments’, yet they’re distinguishable. She held that when
either of two rules in its pure form, the other is absent. Violence appears when
power is threatened, and violence can only end in the disappearance of power. It
implies that violence can never be understood through power because violence
appears particularly where power fades away.

(2b) ‘The problem of political obligation is one of the most prominent issues of
political philosophy’. Discuss.
• The relationship b/w individual and the state (i.e., ‘citizenship’) is established by
the allocation of rights and obligations to each. Political obligation refers to the
duty of the citizens to acknowledge the authority of the state and obeys its laws.
• However, the question regarding existence of political obligation and grounds upon
which it can be advanced has been a matter of debate. Some argue that it arises
from a voluntary agreement/ contract, from which the citizens can be released,
others believe it reflects the benefits that the state brings.

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• The classic explanation of political obligation is found in the idea of ‘social
contract’ which implies that there’re clear and rational moral grounds for
respecting the state authority. Thinkers such as Hobbes and Locke explained how
political authority arose amongst human beings, who are morally free & equal. By
analyzing the nature of society without government (state of nature), they suggested
that rational individuals would enter into an agreement (a social contract) to
establish a common authority. This contract was clearly the basis of political
obligation, implying a duty to respect law and the state.
• A different form of social contract theory was developed by Rousseau in his work
‘The social contract (19 ). In Rousseau’s view, government should be based upon
what he called as ‘general will’ of the people, reflecting the common interest of the
society. In this way, Rousseau proposed ‘general will’ as a ground for political
obligation. Such a theory of obligation moves away from the idea of government by
consent.
• Thus, social contract theories share the common belief that there’re rational &
moral grounds for obeying state authority. They, therefore, hold that political
obligation is based upon individual choice and decision, upon a specific act of
voluntary commitment. However, being voluntarist theories, they’re not universally
accepted.
• There’re two principal alternatives to contractual theory as a ground of political
obligation—
(i) Teleological theories-- Such theories suggest that the duty of citizens to respect the
state and obey its commands is based upon benefits or goods. Which the state
provides. In simple terms, political obligation arises from the fact that the state acts
in the common good or public interest.
(ii) Natural duty theories-- It suggest that as the membership of a particular society is
natural, political obligation becomes a natural duty, rather than a matter of
individual choice or voluntary behavior.
• However, Marxists and anarchists, have a very different attitude towards political
obligation. Classical Marxists believe that the state is an instrument of class
oppression. Thus, Marxists have traditionally considered political obligation

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theories as ideological, myth or decision with only purpose to reconcile proletariat
to its continued exploitation. Similarly, anarchists give preference to ‘social
obligation’ over the idea of ‘political obligation’.

(2c) ‘Since society is federal, authority should also be federal’ (Laski). In the context
of given statement, discuss the pluralist arguments against the monistic theory of
sovereignty of state.
• Sovereignty, an essential element of the modern nation-state, is the exclusive right
to exercise supreme authority over a geographical region, group of people etc.
However, despite being a central concept of political theory, the conception of
sovereignty has been diverse depending upon different schools of thought. This
diversity is evident from the debate b/w ‘monists’ and ‘pluralists’.
Monistic theory of sovereignty
It suggests that in a territory, there’s only one sovereign. A/Q to this theory,
sovereignty is inalienable and indivisible.
• However, the monistic theory of sovereignty has been criticized as being a ‘legal’
fiction as no state can exercise sovereignty in an ideal sense. This is so because,
externally, state’s choice is limited by other actors & its relation with them and
internally, sovereignty is limited by various organizations.
Laski regarded the Austinian theory as artificial to the point of absurdity. He held
that no sovereign has possessed unlimited power. He argued that the total
obedience to the dictates of the state is likely to stunt the development of each
citizen’s personality & moral stature. In addition, concentration of power in state
is incompatible with federalism & internationalism.
Pluralist theory of sovereignty (Harold Laski)
• The pluralist theory of sovereignty is based on the idea of political pluralism, which
is the recognition of diversity of interests & beliefs of the citizenry. A/Q to pluralists,
there’re multiple centers of authority rather than a single center of authority in the
form of state.

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• In the words of Laski, ‘since, the society is federal, authority must also be federal’.
A/Q to him, in order to fulfill his multifarious aspirations and needs men join
various associations which cater to the satisfaction of these wants. State is also one
such association which can satisfy only the political needs of the people and
therefore exercises only a partial control over people’s lives. He argues that
allegiance to various associations are partial and proportional to their
contribution.
Therefore, a/q to Laski, as society is essentially federal in nature, it is impossible
and unwise to attempt to confine sovereignty in the state alone. On the contrary, all
authority is federal.
• However, one of the major drawbacks of the pluralist theory is the inconsistency in
their approach. While they criticize any attempt to give excessive powers to the
state, they also claim that state is the most important association in the society as
it plays the role of equilibrium maker among the conflicting interests of various
associations.
• Despite its drawbacks the pluralist theory of sovereignty is preferred over the
monistic theory as it is more realistic view of the concept of sovereignty. Its
desirability and relevance increase in the present age of globalization where
borderless world based on multi-level governance is emerging.

(3a) Critically examine the relationship b/w liberty & equality.

• The relation b/w equality and liberty has been one of the most interesting
controversies associated with the doctrine of liberalism. That liberty and equality
are opposed to each other has been an important theme of early liberalism. Early
negative liberalism preferred liberty over equality as it held preservation of liberty
(absence of restraints) as the principal function of the state. On the contrary,
positive liberalism, as developed in the 20th century, takes the opposite view as it
considers equality as basic liberty. It holds both the attainment of liberty & equality
as complementary to each other.
• The relationship b/w liberty and equality can be conflicting or complementary to
each other depending on how they’re defined.

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• Conflicting
• Most common reasons for conflict or antithetical relation are –
(i) Due to scarcity of resources and nature of its distribution.
(ii) When equality is understood as equality of outcome and liberty as freedom to
choose.
• In this case, equality, to bring evenness, reduces the freedom of choice.
(iii) When liberty or equality is equated with fairness.
• Giving all the resources (meagre) to one by depriving another can be fair to the
extent that at least one can exercise freedom of choice. However, the same situation
can be seen as unfair to others.
• A/Q to Lord Acton- ‘The passion for equality reduces the hope for liberty’.
• Economic equality is essential for the existence of political freedom (liberty). Thus,
liberty, in real sense, is possible only in socialist democracy in which liberty &
equality go together.
• Similarly, equality cannot be established in the absence of political freedom.
• Elton- ‘Men are equal only because all men are intrinsically free’.
• Barker- ‘Equality in all its forms, must always be subject and instrumental to free
development of capacity’.
• Herbert Dean- ‘liberty and equality are not in conflict or separate, they’re different
facts of the same ideal’.
Conclusion
• Liberty and equality are to be reconciled because of the fact that both are means to
the end of realizing development of individual personality on the widest possible
scale’.

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(3b) Do you think freedom can be described as ‘emancipation’. Explain with
reference to Marx.
• In the entire history of political thought, both in influence and in criticisms few
political theorists and thinkers can match Karl Marx. His ideas have acquired the
status of a powerful ideology (Marxism).
• Marx concern about the plight of the down trodden led him to envision a new social
order (classless & stateless) in which there’ll be neither alienation nor exploitation
which is highly philosophical and fascinating. Borrowing the concept of
‘alienation’ from Hegel, Marx propounded his theory of ‘alienation, with an aim to
abolish it and ensure ‘freedom’ of the mankind.
• A/Q to Karl Marx, capitalism has resulted into alienation of man. He argues that
capitalism is in human. It doesn’t allow human beings to realize their true nature.
It is market that dominates in capitalist societies and thus, leads to alienation.
• A/Q to Marx, alienation can be seen as having four basic forms—
(i) Alienation from the object produced
The estrangement occurs because the workers relates to the product of his work as
an object alien to him. The product of worker’s labour strengthen the capitalist
order because capitalists control the profit of the firms they own and are enriched
by it.
(ii) Alienation of workers from the act of labour or activity of production
In a capitalist system, the work that workers perform doesn’t belong to the workers,
but is a means of survival that the workers are forced to perform for capitalists. As
such, his working activity doesn’t spring simultaneously from within as a natural
‘act of credibility’ but rather exists outside of him and signifies a loss of his self.
A/Q to Marx, the activity of workers is degraded to a necessity for self-survival.
(iii) Alienation from society
Being alienated from and antagonistic towards the entire capitalist system, through
which the capitalist appropriates the objects of production for his own enrichment
at worker’s expense, the proletariats see other human beings as opposing

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competition. This produces a sense of alienation and estrangement from the whole
society.
(iv) Alienation from himself or human identity.
The compound of all forms of alienation is that man is alienated from essential
source of human identity or ‘species-being’ and wholeness as a human being. This
form of alienation is evident in the lack of development of many sides of man’s
personality owing to the social antagonism of capitalist system.
• In this way, Marxist conception of freedom is different from its liberal
individualistic concept. Rejecting the theory of atomized individual, Marxist argue
that freedom is not something that an individual enjoys in isolation. For Marx,
freedom is the ability to achieve the totality of human goods, satisfaction of
aspirations, material & spiritual fundamental to which is the mastery and rational
control of the process of production of the material conditions of human life. Thus
Marxists analyzes freedom from the point of socio-economic conditions.
• A/Q to Marxist view, capitalist system of production is not all conducive of human
freedom as it is characterized by constraint (or necessity). Marx demonstrated that
capitalist system deformed the productive activity of man and caused his alienation
in different ways.
• In this context, Marx talked of ‘emancipation’ of workers from the constraints of
capitalist system. He hoped that a violent overthrow of capitalism by the working
class would be followed by transition to socialism, and eventually to ‘communism’.
This final transition would, be characterized by a classless and a stateless society,
which would mark the leap from the ‘Kingdom of necessity’ to the ‘kingdom of
freedom’.

(3c) ‘The true source of rights is duty. If we all discharge our duties, right will not be
far to seek’. –(Gandhi). Critically examine Gandhian view on rights & duties.
• A/Q to J. Bandyopadhyay, only way to understand Gandhian socio-political
thought is to examine the dialectical interplay b/w the real situation and the ideal
situation in Gandhi’s mind. In this sense, Gandhian philosophy & principles are

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seen as an application of Gandhian conception of ethics & morality to the problems
of real life situations.
• The relationship b/w ‘rights’ and ‘duties’ has been a matter of deep contest among
different political theorists. Some treat them as completely separable political
concepts, while others treat them as the two sides of the same coin and thus, co-
related. A/Q to Laski, enjoyment of rights by an individual enjoins on him the duty
to let others enjoy the same right.
• Mahatma Gandhi attached more sanctity to duties rather than to rights. His concept
of the relationship between rights and duties are influenced from ‘Geeta’ which
emphasizes on the performance of duty or ‘Niskaam Karma’. His theory of rights
can be considered as the ‘functional theory of rights’. A/Q to him, rights are present
in duty in embryonic sense. Once we perform our duty, we automatically get the
right i.e., Rights imply duties. Gandhi filed that rights are the opportunity for by
serving them and doing one’s duty. He was convinced that if a right is demanded
without performance of duty, the purpose of the right is not attained, and the right
cannot be sustained. In this way, his concept of rights is a social concept. On the
other hand, his emphasis on duties rather than rights reflects the sanctity and
priority he attaches to means than the end as contrary to Machiavelli who
considered that end justifies the means.

(4a) A/Q o Rawls, ‘the problem of justice consist in ensuring a fair distribution of
primary goods’. Critically examine.
• A/Q to Ton Campbell, justice is the central and commanding concept of current
mainstream normative political philosophy. Rawls’s book ‘Theory of Justice’ has
started what has been rightly called as ‘Golden age in theorizing about justice’.
A/Q to B.N. Ray, Rawls’s book has renewed not only scholarly interest, but also
popular interest in the conception of justice.
• Rawls propounded the liberal-egalitarian theory of social justice and presents a
very strong idea of justice based on the tenets of procedural theory i.e., justice
requires following of just rules.

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• A/Q to Rawls, the purpose principles of social justice is to ensure that the
distribution of benefits and burdens of society is just or fair to all. He argues that
the distribution of ‘social primary goods’ such as liberties, powers, opportunities,
rights etc. is just & fair, if that distribution is made in accordance with the following
principles—
(i) Each person to have an equal right to the most extensive liberty compatible with
similar liberty to others.
(ii) Social and economic inequalities are to be arranged so that they’re both—
(a) To the greatest benefit of the least advantaged, and
(b) Attached to offices and positions open to all under conditions of fair equality &
opportunity.
• A/Q to Rawls, these principles are arranged in their lexical priority, which means
that the first principle must be fully satisfied before the next principle is applied.
Thus, Rawls assign greater importance to equal basic liberties than to other
primary social goods. While Rawls is opposed to any unequal distribution of basic
liberties, he assumes that inequalities in other social goods are inevitable.
Accordingly, his second principle of justice is to keep inequalities within the bounds
of justice-as- fairness.
• Despite occupying a central position within contemporary political philosophy,
Rawlsian liberal egalitarian concept of justice doesn’t remains unchallenged.
• A/Q to C.B. Macpherson, Rawls theory of justice is an elegant defense of liberal-
democratic welfare state. He argues that Rawls doesn’t present an universal
account of justice but an account that rationalizes liberal beliefs and values. Rawls
theory is culture-specific and appropriate only for liberal democratic societies.
• Libertarian scholar Robert Nozick, in his book ‘Anarchy, state and utopia’, argues
that Rawlsian conception of justice is an ‘end-state’ theory, which calls for social
reconstruction in the name of some end-stage goals.
• Marxist scholars criticize Rawlsian liberal egalitarian conception, which
presupposes that the distributions are just or fair within capitalist system. It fails to
address inherent exploitative inequalities b/w capitalists and the workers.

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(4b) ‘The concept of multi-culturalism brings out the drawback of liberal theory of
democracy’. Elaborate.
• The major ideological debate of contemporary time may be the search for effective
ways in which people with different moral values and from different cultural and
religious traditions can live together without civil strife. In this context,
multiculturalism is not only the ideology that addresses this question most squarely,
but it also offers solutions to it.
In this way, multiculturalism deals with the question of reconciliation of the
aspirations of political equality with the fact of social diversifies in the society. It
is in this context, the debate b/w ‘liberalism’ (with central theme of commitment to
the individual) and multiculturalism (with central theme of ‘diversity within unity’)
emerges.
• The term ‘multiculturalism’ has been used in a variety of ways, both descriptive
and normative. As a descriptive term, it refers to cultural diversity that arises from
the existence within a society of two or more groups whose beliefs & practices
generate a distinctive sense of collective identity. As a normative term
multiculturalism implies a positive endorsement of communal diversity, based on
the right of the different cultural groups to recognition & respect.
• Therefore, multiculturalists have raised question on the conception of ‘universal
citizenship’ and consider them as ‘difference blindness’. Real equality, a/q to them,
is ensured not through ‘uniformity of treatment’, but by keeping in mind their
different socio-cultural positions. A/Q to this view, accommodation o diversity is
the true essence of equality and group-specific rights are required to accommodate
the differences.
Multiculturalism –Liberalism interface
Multiculturalism advances a philosophical critique of liberal individualism the idea
that, as individuals, people in all societies & cultures have essentially the same
‘inner’ identity. In contrast, multiculturalists accept an essentially communitarian
view of human nature, which stresses that people cannot be understood ‘outside’
society but are intrinsically shaped by the social culture and other structures within
which they live and develop. In this way, multiculturalists champion a shift from

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liberal ‘universalism’ to ‘particularism’, reflecting an emphasis less on what
people share in common and more on what is distinctive about the groups to which
they belong.
• On the other hand, he tradition of multiculturalism has been criticized by liberals
on the ground that by endorsing cultural diversifies and collective identities, if
threatens cherished liberal commitment to ‘individualism’. The key theme in liberal
criticism of multiculturalism is the threat that it poses to individualism, reflected in
its core assumption that personal identity is embedded in group or social identity.
Multiculturalism is, therefore, just another form of collectivism that subordinates
the rights and needs of individual to those of social group. Amartya sen called this
as the ‘solitaristic’ theory that underpins multiculturalism, which suggests that
human identities are formed by being member of a ‘single social group’. He argues
that multiculturalism thus breeds a kind of ‘ghettoization’ that diminishes cross-
cultural understanding.

(4c) ‘Geopolitics is the core of Arthashastra’. Discuss.

• ‘Arthashastra’ is an extra-ordinary detailed manuscript on the subject of state craft
and is considered to be the most comprehensive political treatise of ancient Indian
political thought. Although it encompasses multi-dimensional subject matters like
ethics, economics, sociology, espionage, warfare, education etc., yet the science of
politics state craft remains the central theme of the treatise. Thus, it is categorized
as the book of public administration rather than political philosophy.
• Kautilya’s Mandal theory is India’s most unique and comprehensive contribution
in the realm of foreign policy, diplomacy and inter-state relations. It is one of the
earliest work on geo-politics. This theory stems from the territorial ambitions of the
ruler, which is based on the notion that each & every state aims at sustenance or
equilibrium of the existing realm accompanied by a constant effort towards
expansion of the empire.
• The exposition of the state relations with the other state occupies much space in
Kautilya’s ‘Arthashastra’. The relations with other states are important because no

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state exists in isolation as every state is competing with every other state for its
survival & progress.
• The Mandala theory is based on the inter-state b/w geographical position of a state
and psychology of rulers. Both a friend and an enemy are constituent elements of
Kautilya’s Mandala theory.
• Kautilya argues that the immediate neighbor state is most likely to be an enemy
(Ari) and a state next to the immediate neighbor is likely to be friendly state(mitra).
Thus, Kautilya envisages a circle of kings (friends & foes) with central point being
the king (vijigishu) and his state. This embraces 12 kings in the vicinity with 5 foes
(1 natural and 4 by the virtue of being enemy’s friends), 4 friends, a mediator state
(madhyama) and a neutral king (udasina).
• A/Q to Kautilya, there’s a natural antagonism b/w the Vijigishu and his immediate
neighbors-‘ari’ (front) and ‘Parshvanighra’ (back). In the same sense, a state next
• A/Q to Kautilya, there’s a natural antagonism b/w the Vijigishu and his immediate
neighbors-‘ari’ (front) and ‘Parshvanighra’ (back). This proposition by Kautilya
is an ancient depiction of what in modern sense called as the classical ‘security
dilemma’ in the international relations. A/Q to him, there’s an inevitable conflict
of interests b/w neighbor states because each king/state is driven by their basic
Rajdharma of protecting & expanding their territorial extent.
• Similarly, the sate next to the immediate neighbors is likely to be Vijigishu’s friendly
state- ‘Mitra’ (Front) and ‘Akranda’ (rearward/ back).
• In this system of circle of kings (Mandala), Vijigishu acts as a sort of balance of
power by asserting his own supremacy. A/Q to Kautilya, the circle is dynamic and
the Vijigishu should strive for expanding his powers and central position (nabhi)
and reduce the powers of other kings in his vicinity.
Thus, Mandala theory, not only establishes the relation b/w geography and
psychology from a realist point of view, but also completely applicable in the
present modern context of international relations among states.

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(5a) Examine the relationship b/w democracy & ethnicity.
• A/Q to Donald Horowitz, ethnicity is a term which designate a sense of collective
belonging based on common descent, language history, culture, race or religion.
The congruence of ethnicity and statehood together constitute a ‘nation’. In this
context, the question of relationship b/w democracy & ethnicity emerges.
• J.S. Mill, in his work ‘Considerations on Representative Government’ has
advanced the view that democracy is ‘next to impossible’ in multi-ethnic societies
and completely impossible in linguistically divided societies. The ethnic challenge
to a democratic plural society, like India, is manifested in the form of the self-
determination movements such as autonomy movements, secessionist movements
and insurgency.
• A/Q to Atul Kohli, in his work ‘can Democracy accommodate ethnic movements?’,
introduction of democracy in a prismatic/plural society as India creates a sense of
insecurity among traditional elites who opt for mobilization based on ethnic identity
to ensure their privileged position. Thus, democracy enhances ethnic movements.
On the other hand, Chandra considers ethnic movements. As a result of the politics
rather than the type of polity. A/Q to Neera Chandhoke, ethnic identities are
pursued in the Indian subcontinent. In the same line, Kanchan Chandra argues that
politics of patronage based on ethnic head counts form the primary factor.
• However, Atul Kohli, asserts that even if democracy creates problem, only it can
offer solution to the ethnic challenges. In the Indian context, he argues that despite
being a democratic nation, India doesn’t have the right type of democracy which
enhances ethnic conflicts in the country. Thus, India requires more democracy to
handle the challenge of ethnicity. In this context, Kohli appreciates the way J.L.
Nehru has tackled linguistic nationalism through democratic approach. On the
contrary, Indira Gandhi preferred personalization & centralization of power to
handle Sikh nationalism which proved counterproductive. In the same line,
Ashutosh Varshney suggests vigorous civic engagement to meet the ethnic
challenge.
• In the view of SD muni, India has successfully survived numerous ethnic movements
because Indians do not have a single identity rather, they have multilayered

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identities. In the same line, James Manor argues that there’re cross cutting
identities and no permanent fault lines in the Indian society.

(5b) Account for the socio-economic profile of parliamentarians in one last decade.
• A/Q to David Truman, the political legislations are not equivalent to steel balls that
‘passively moves down on inclined plane. Instead, they’re, like other human beings
are shaped and influenced by their environment. In this context, Geraint Perry
observes that social background and upbringing of a decision maker (executive or
legislator) influences his attitude & policies. Thus, examination of socio-economic
traits of legislators has assumed considerable importance in the study of Indian
polity.
• Shankar & Rodrigues have classified the evolution of Indian Parliament in the
following phases based on profile of Indian legislators—
(i) Phase I (Uptill 1967)- Parliament was dominated by upper caste members,
especially Brahmins. As a result, women, minorities and OBCs were under
represented. Professionally, lawyers formed the biggest group, followed by
Agriculturalists. In addition to it, most of the members were educated from foreign
educational institutions, including the members from SC’s.
(ii) Phase II (From 1967-1990s) (Transitional phase)
Green Revolution and state reorganization has resulted into ‘1 st Democratic
upsurge’, which was characterized by domination of OBCs in Indian Parliament.
Professionally, Agrarian group formed the largest group, implying the
‘ruralisation’ of Indian Parliament, followed by members from social work group.
During this phase, there was a significant trend of youth joining Indian politics,
mostly influenced by the JP movement & Youth Congress. However, women (8%)
& minorities continued to be under-represented.
(iii) Phase III (1990s onwards) (Plebianisation of Indian democracy)
The domination of OBCs in Indian legislatures remained intact. Also, majority of
parliamentarians joined from the Agrarian and social service background.
However, trend of under-representation continued in the case of womens &

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minorities, projecting the non-inclusive and majoritarian tendency of Indian
politics.
Profile of Parliamentarians in 16th Lok Sabha
• Most educated Lok Sabha (75% graduates, 42% post graduates)
• Most of the members are above 55 yrs of age.
• 58% members are ‘first timers’.
• Professionally, 27% are agriculturalists, 24% social workers and 20% has
business background.
• Unfortunately, 16th Lok Sabha has largest number of members with criminal
background (16% MPs charged with heinous crimes).
• 61 MPs are women (highest)(58 in 15th LS).
Profile of Parliamentarians in 17th Lok Sabha(PRS India)
(i) There’re 267 first-time MPs in the 17th Lok Sabha (314 in the 16th LS) and 230 MPs
have been re-elected (169 in 16th LS).
(ii) The average age of an MP is 54 years. The 17th LS has 12% of MPs below 40 years
(only 8% in 16th LS). Also, there’re fewer MPs (6%) over 70 years. The proportion
of MPs below 40 years of age has steadily declined from 26% in the first LS.
There’re 41% MPs in (41-55) age group and 42% MPs in (56-70) age group.
(iii) In the 17th Lok Sabha, 27% of MPs have studied till 12th class (20% MPs in 16th LS),
43% of MPs are Graduate and 25% post-graduate.
(iv) The representation of women MPs in Lok Sabha is slowly improving from 5% in
the first LS to 14% (78) in the 17th LS (61 women MPs in 16th Lok Sabha).
(v) Professionally, 39% of MPs have listed Political & Social work as their occupation,
38% are engaged in agriculture, 23% MPs have business background and 4% are
lawyers.

(5c) Reasons for decline of left in India.

• From being the largest opposition party in the Independent India’s first General
Election, in a span of 67 years, the Left parties have dwindled to a token presence

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in the Indian politics. The 17th Lok Sabha verdict confirms the long-term dwindling
trend of the Left Parties. The left Front’s national vote share in 2014 (16 th Lok
Sabha) has been 4.8% from the high of 10.6% in 1989. However, in the 17 th Lok
Sabha (2019), the left declined to a vote share of around 2% or less (the lowest till
new) with only 3 MPs in the parliament (Lok Sabha). The decline of left is also in
terms of its geographical presence. It is in this context; it is being claimed that the
Left parties are facing an identity crisis & terminal decline’.
Thus, the main reasons for decline of left in India can be classified as follows—
(i) Ideological – The ideological explanation, most prominently offered by Left
intellectual Prabhat Patnaik, argues that the reduction of Left’s work into
‘mundane’ and pedestrian politics in order to perpetuate its rule and its ignorance
of its larger ideological project of ‘transformative’ politics was responsible for its
overall decline. A/Q to Praful Bidwai, the Left parties haven’t updated their
ideology in accordance with the changing Indian society & remained confined to a
statist notion of socialism based on the Soviet & Chinese models.
In the context of foreign policies, left is still the greatest advocate of ideologies of
non-alignment, anti-Americanism, Third World solidarity & pro-China which has
become redundant & incompatible with India’s contemporary aspirations.
(ii) Theoretical - Praful Bidwai draws attention to two major theoretical short comings
of the Indian Left—
(a) Complete lack of awareness of the tradition of western Marxism in terms of its
discourse on the nature of capitalism. The modern state and the peculiarities of
exercise of power in bourgeois democracy.
(b) Lack of interest to explore the valuable non-Marxist analysis of Indian society &
politics. In simple words, the Left hasn’t creatively conceptualized the politics of
social identities such as caste & religion in India’s political & electoral arena. The
Left has failed to integrate caste politics with its classical class based Marxist
theory without realizing that, in the Indian context, class politics remains marginal
and caste politics is ubiquitous and manifest itself in strong electoral presence.
(iii) Programmatic-

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Left’s presence in mass movement and grass roots mobilization on people’s
livelihood issues, while still substantial, has decreased. They lack enough
imagination to formulate specific strategies of mobilization on issues like land
acquisition, displacement, mining etc.
(iv) Organizational
• A/C to Praful Bidwai, Left in decline, suffers from undemocratic organization
arrangement of ‘Democratic centralism’ which ensures that members can debate
views at party congresses but must strictly abide by collective decisions. It acts as
a restriction on inner party free debates on strategy & tactics.
• The absence of a popular & experienced leadership is a major reason behind Left’s
decline.

(5d) Role of CAG in ensuring accountability in governance in India.

• A/Q to Gandhi, the main characteristic of good governance is that it ensures such
policies that help the poorest and weakest man. Good governance is the exercise of
power for the efficient & effective management of socio-economic and political
resources for the welfare of the people. The major characteristics of good
governance are – Participatory, transparency, accountability, responsive,
effective, equitable & inclusive.
• Governance, in the contemporary social milieu, not just the remit of the
government. It extends to a mature and active civil society, who seeks answers to
systematic performance and presence of probity in government expenditure by
holding government to account.
• The concept of accountability is perceived to be synonymous with the good
governance. The Indian constitution has envisaged a prominent role for public
audit in the country’s governance and accountability framework. Public audit plays
an important role in the scheme of Parliamentary financial control over the
executive bodies. In the Indian context, CAG is the Supreme audit institution of the
country which acts as a watchdog on government finances and functioning.

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• The constitution has envisaged the institution of CAG with mandate of insight into
the performance of different agencies engaged in the financial administration of
the country. In addition to the financial audit, both at the central and the state level,
the CAG ensures performance audit (or value for money) by undertaking an
assessment of performance of an organization or project in the terms of economy,
efficiency and effectiveness (3E’s audit). The reports of the CAG submitted to the
legislatures play a seminal role in the enforcement of executive accountability.
• Thus, Public audit by the CAG is a means to an end rather than an end in itself.
Audit ensures transparency and accountability in implementation of government’s
policies and programmes in accordance with the popular mandate. In other words,
auditing multiple governance entities provides valuable inputs for the promotion of
good governance in the country.
• The broad audit mandate provides CAG access to programme and project
implementation at national and sub national levels. It scrutinizes the allocation,
flow and spending of the public funds and evaluates the performance of the
implementing authorities. Consequently, the CAG’s report on their prompt &
effective utilization provides valuable inputs which stimulate good governance in
the country. In other words, the audit reports of the CAG is a valuable input to
enforce accountability of the public functionary in making judgements on their level
of performance and recommending improvements. In this way, Public Audit by the
CAG is a means for the promotion of good governance in the country.
• Thus, the CAG is intrinsically linked to the good governance of the country as its
role as the highest auditing authority is vital for augmenting the efficacy of
government policies and performance.

(5e) Comment on Syed Ahmed Khan as a modernizer.

Syed Ahmed Khan belonged to the time when the Muslim community was passing
through the phase of stagnation. The situation became more complex when
Britishers recognized Muslim community as primarily responsible for the revolt of
1857. Within the community, there were certain outdated and unsocial practices
which SYed Ahmed Khan considered to be one important factor responsible for the

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prevailing situation of the Muslims in the country. He was fearful enough that under
such condition, Muslim community would not be able to make any significant
contribution in the history of human civilization.
In order to bring Muslim community out from such frustrating situation, Syed
Ahmed Khan started working on the idea that modernity and education brings
recognition. Hence, he wanted Muslims to go for scientific learning and founded
scientific society in 1863. He also started a journal to promote scientific research
which titled ‘Indian Institute Gazette’. He firmly believed that being the most
scientific of all religion, Islam should be interpreted in the light of science. In order
to end some of the practices of Islam with the objective of reforming social practices
of Muslims, he brought a magazine titled ‘Tahzib-ul-Akhlaq’. Such attempts of Syed
Khan to modernize the Muslim community came under attack from orthodox
Muslim sections.
It is true that instead of concentrating on the modernization of Indians he focused
solely on the Muslim community but still his attempts needs to be recognized as
only such path shown by him can result into the revitalization of the Muslim
community.

(6a) Discuss how RTI Act 2005 was a landmark step in ensuring accountability and
transparency in public institutions. How would the recent amendments to RTI
Act impact this?
• Meaningful substantive democracy ought to be founded on the notion of an
informed public adequately equipped to effectively participate in the governance of
the country. If transparency & accountability are the imperatives for sustaining
democratic governance, access to information is a vital instrument of societal
transformation. A/Q to James Madison, a popular government, without popular
information or the means of acquiring it, is but a Prologue to a force or a tragedy
or both.
• In this context, the Right to Information (RTI) Act, operationalized in 2005, was
envisaged as a powerful tool for citizen empowerment and good governance in the
country. The act was aimed as establishing the practical regime of right to
information for citizens to secure access to information under the control of public

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authorities, in order to promote transparency and accountability in the working of
every public authority.
• As a law that empowers the citizen, the RTI Act quickly struck root in a country,
like India, saddled with the colonial legacy of secretive government. It has been an
empowering legislation for citizen as it has initiated the vital task of redistributing
power in a democratic framework. The law has pushed the case for transparency
in administration and been a precious tool for activists to force the bureaucracy to
share information concerning public policy and delivery of services and goods in
the public domain. In this way, the RTI act has brewed quiet a social revolution and
played a vital role in the governance of the country. Soli Sorabji has aptly stressed
that lack of transparency was one of the main causes for all prevailing corruption
and RTI has led to openness, accountability & integrity.
Right to Information (Amendment) Bill, 2019
(1) Removal of the Fixed Term- As per the Act, the CIC and ICs will hold office for a
term of 5 years. The Amendment removes this provision and provides that the
central government will notify the term of office for the CIC and the ICs.
(2) Determination of salary- As per the original Act, the Salary to CIC and ICs (at
central level) will be equivalent to the salary to the CEC and ECs.
But the Amendment empowers the central government to determine the salaries,
allowances and other terms and conditions of service of the central and the state
CIC and ICs.
Analysis of the impact of the Amendment
(i) The amendment is being viewed as implying that, in effect, the terms of
appointment, salaries & tenures of the CICs and ICs can be decided on a case-to-
case basis by the government. This will amount to loss of independence of the RTI
authorities.
(ii) By diminishing the status of CIC, IC and state CIC from that of a SC judge would
reduce their ability to issue directions to senior government functionaries.
(iii) Lack of consultations with the civil society carriers the essence of undemocratic
imposition.

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(iv) On the other hand, those who support the changes brought by the amendment argue
that it doesn’t seek/intend to make any fundamental changes to the RTI. Instead, it
will make the RTI Act more transparent by way of providing express provision for
salaries, allowances and conditions of service of the RTI authorities.
Thus, instead of focusing on the institutional mechanism (i.e., on the commission &
RTI institutions), there is need to focus on reassessing the efficacy of the RTI on the
substantive grounds of providing information and awareness of applicants
regarding their right to know.

(6b) Enumerate the major changes introduced in NHRC Act and in what way these
amendments will strengthen the institutional arrangements for ensuring human
rights in India?
• The National Human Rights Commission (NHRC), a watchdog of human rights in
the country, is a statutory body constituted for the defence of the human rights,
especially of the vulnerable people in the country.
• However, the NHRC of India which draws its mandate from the protection of
Human Rights (PHR) Act, 1993, has been criticized on the ground of its failure to
meet the expectations; As a result, the NHRC has been equated as a ‘toothless
tiger’.
Problems with the Protection of Human Rights Act, 1993
(i) NHRC’s recommendations do not percolate to the ground level as the NHRC
doesn’t have the backing of the Act to penalize authorities which do not implement
its orders.
(ii) The Act doesn’t extend to the state of J&K.
(iii) The Act doesn’t categorically empower the NHRC to act when human rights
violations through private parties’ takes place.
(iv) With respect to the composition of the NHRC, the Act doesn’t specify whether the
members should have proven record of human rights activism or expertise in the
area.

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(v) Under the Act NHRC cannot investigate on event if the complaint was made more
than one year after its incident. Therefore, many genuine human rights grievances
go unaddressed.
• Apart from it, the NHRC was denied A-Grade accreditation in 2017 by the Global
Alliance of National Human Rights Institutions (GANHRI), a UN-based body, due
to commissions failure in ensuring gender balance and pluralism in staff and lack
of transparency in selecting its members & rising political interference. All these
necessitated changes in the NHRC Act, which was actualized in the form of
Protection of Human Rights (Amendment) Act, 2019.
Salient features of the Act
(i) Chairperson of the NHRC- Under the 1993 Act, the chairperson of the NHRC is a
person who has been a chief Justice of the Supreme Court. The 2019 Amendment
Act changes this to a person who has been chief justice of the Supreme Court or a
judge of the Supreme Court will be the chairperson.
(ii) Inclusion of women member
The 1993 act provided for two persons having knowledge of human rights to be
appointed as members of the NHRC.
The 2019 Amendment Act amends this to allow 3 members to be appointed, of which
at least one will be women.
• With respect to other members in the NHRC, the 2019 Amendment Act, provides
for inclusion of chairpersons of NCBC, NCPCR (national commission for
Protection of child Rights) and chief commission for persons with disabilities as
members of the NHRC.
This represents the rising trend of human rights violations of persons from
backward classes, children, persons with disabilities and women.
Term of office- The Amendment Act reduced the term of office to 3 years or till the
age of 70 years, whichever is earlier. Apart from it, the Act removed the 5-years
limit for reappointment.
Significance of the Amendment

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(i) The changes introduced will enable the NHRC as well as SHRCs to be more
compliant with the PARIS PRINCIPLE concerning its autonomy, pluralism and
wide-ranging functions in order to effectively protect human rights. Thus, this will
be bringing the commissions in perfect sync with the global standards.
(ii) The Amendment will ensure transparency in appointment of chairperson &
members of the commission.
(iii) The Amendment Act and changes introduced will ensure conditions to incorporate
civil society, which will strengthen the institutions for effective discharge of their
roles, responsibilities and mandates.
• However, there’re some shortcomings of the Amendment Act that may adversely
affect the working of the human rights institutions.
For eg: - The government will now have a free choice for the NHRC chairperson
as the amendment removed the qualification for the post. In addition, the
amendment could lead to a ‘pick-and-choose’ system in the human rights bodies,
which could be hampering as in most of the cases involving human rights violations
the state is itself one party to it.

(6c) Explain the recent decision of Government of India with respect to the special
status of J & K and discuss its implication for the future of federalism in India.
• Jammu & Kashmir (J&K) enjoyed special status under Art 370 of the Indian
constitution. This Article describes it as a temporary provision and that it will cease
to be operative if the president issues a notification to that effect, provided with the
prior recommendation of the constituent Assembly of the state of J & K.
• The union government introduced two statutory resolutions, one to recommend that
the president issue a notification rendering Art 370 inoperative, and two, to accept
the J & K Reorganization Bill, 2019, which envisages converting J & K into a UT
with a legislature, and carve out Ladakh region as another UT without legislature.
• As a result, the President has issued ‘The constitution (Application to J & K) order,
2019 (which superseded order 1954) related to Art 370. While the order 2019 has
not abrogated Art 370, it has been used to withdraw the special status of J & K. the
presidential order has extended all provisions of the Indian constitution, including

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the chapter on Fundamental Rights (Part III) to the state of J & K. in addition, with
the end of order 1954, the applicability of the provisions of Art 35A (added by the
order) has also been ended and, with this, the special status of J & K.
Abrogation of special status of J&K and its impact on federalism
• Article 3 of the Indian constitution empowers the Parliament to change the
boundaries of a state and to form a new state. But this change requires that a Bill
for this purpose be first referred to the concerned state legislature by the President
for ascertaining its views.
• However, the designation of the state of J & K as a UT with a legislative Assembly
without a recommendation from the state legislature has been raised as a matter of
concern which strikes at the root of federalism, which is a basic feature of the
constitution.
• The method adopted to execute this decision is of special concern because by
equating/replacing the constitution. Assembly of J &K (dissolved in 1959) with the
legislative Assembly of J & K, and parliament appropriating the latter’s powers
since the state is under president’s rule, the central government has acted
unilaterally to reorganize the state of J & K and thus, undermined federal spirit.
• Apart from it, the Supreme Court, in state of West Bengal Vs UoI (1962), attached
the highest importance to an ‘agreement b/w states’ as an essential characteristic
of federalism. In SBI (2016), the apex court accepted the existence of this
compact/agreement in case of J & K. Thus, Art 370 was an essential fact of India’s
federalism as it governed the relationship of the Union with J & K. However, the
abrogation of Art 370 without consultations or considering the views of people of
J & K clearly goes against the principles of federalism.

(7a) Explain the concept of women empowerment and in what way Panchayati Raj
institutions contribute to the women empowerment in India.
• The term ‘empowerment’ has been defined varyingly by different scholars. While
some view it as an end-in-itself, others view it as a multi-dimensional social process

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through which people gain control over their own lives, communities and society.
Whichever way it is defined, it takes place at three levels—
(i) The individual (self-confidence, self-esteem, dignity etc.)
(ii) The contextual (i.e., collective group identity & dignity etc.)
(iii) The relational (i.e., ability to negotiate, communicate and garner support etc.)
• As such, ‘women empowerment’ is a multidimensional concept. It involves social
equality through redefinition of women’s status in existing patriarchal and social
power structures that can offer them freedom from impediments imposed and
ensuring them greater say in socio-political spheres. There are four main processes
underlying women empowerment—
(i) Women’s mobility & social interaction.
(ii) Women’s labour (or employment) patterns
(iii) Access to and control over resources and,
(iv) Control over decision making (in family & community)
Women empowerment & Panchayati Raj Institutions
• Among various processes, women’s participation in political institutions is viewed
as highly empowering. In this connection, 73rd constitutional Amendment Act of
1992 was a historic event towards revitalization of Panchayati Raj, institutions in
general and empowerment of SCs, STs and women in particular. The Act makes
provision for the reservation of 1/3rd of the total number of seats in Panchayati raj
institutions for women. This development, besides making panchayats truly self-
governing units and representative of people, offers women an opportunity to
participate actively in the decision-making process and change conditions for their
own development and empowerment.
• However initially doubts were expressed about the efficacy of the Amendment in
empowering women given the negative stereotype view of women prevalent in
traditional patriarchal society where women, most of them illiterate, are least
acquainted about their expected role in the new setup. Many of them have entered
the Panchayats for the first time and contested election at the dictates of their male
family members.
• However, in practice, the empowerment measures have resulted into substantial
empowerment in the status of women. A/Q to the study Report titled ‘Empowerment

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of women through participation in Panchayati Raj institutions: some structural
impediments and a training strategy. —
(i) Women in larger number than before are participating in Panchayati Raj
institutions.
(ii) More women from weaker sections are now participating than before in PRIs.
(iii) Participation of women in PRIs, rather than being symbolic, is substantive and
development.
(iv) Women participating in PRIs are now more knowledgeable & skilled than before,
owing to wide-ranging training opportunities.
(v) The structural constraints (i.e., age, sex, caste etc.) are losing their importance in
inhibiting women’s participation in PRIs.

(7b) ‘Lateral entry into the bureaucracy from the corporate sector is likely to generate
conflicts of interest, subvert reservation and compromise the independence of the
civil services’. Comment.
• Lateral entry refers to the direct induction of domain experts at the administrative
level to meet the following objectives—
(i) Bring new dimension & fresh talents in policy making
It is important to have people with specialized skills and domain expertise in
important sectors as policy making is becoming complex in nature. The
bureaucracy sees the government only from within, lateral entry would enable
government to understand the impact of its policies on stakeholders the private
sector, the non-government sector & larger public. 1st ARC had pointed out the
need for specialization in 1995.
(ii) Increase in efficiency & governance
Career progression in the bureaucracy is almost automatic which could put officers
in comfort zone. Lateral entrants could also induce competition within the system.
NITI Aayog, in its ‘Three-Year Agenda for 2017-2020, has emphasized that policy
making require specialists and that service delivery ought to be outsourced
wherever possible. It added that it would have the beneficial side effect of bringing
competition to the established career bureaucracy.

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(iii) Increasing complexity in governance-requires specialists and domain experts to
deal with emerging issues like digitization of governance, cybercrime, organized
crime, globalization etc.
Arguments against the lateral entry
(i) The lateral entry will bypass the recruiting process as envisaged by the UPSC
Article 320 provides that the commission must be consulted on all matters relating
to the method of recruitment for the civil services & civil posts. Thus, selections to
senior positions in the union government should be done through UPSC, a
constitutionally mandated institution set up for this purpose.
(ii) A system of lateral entry poses recruitment, functional & operational challenges.
Given the erosion of state’s capability & institutional credibility at all levels, system
of lateral entry runs the risk of degenerating into an uncontrollable ‘spoils’ system
and lead to favoritism, which would compromise the accountability of the
government and lead to a potential loss of internal talent and an atrophy of career
based services.
(iii) Any infusion of ‘cherry-picked’ external talents into the high-profile posts, apart
from adversely affecting the morals of existing bureaucrats is also likely to distort
the incentives of entrants.
(iv) Specifically, the induction of entrants from the corporate sector, into the
bureaucracy may result into conflict of interest and subvert reservation. Since the
motive of private sector is to make profit, there could be no guarantee that the
person coming into the government wouldn’t also try to ensure profits for private
companies. Private sector individuals brought on contract of three or five years
may serve their own interest as they would have no long-term stake in the
government.
In addition, the selection process may adversely impact the constitutional mandate
for affirmative action and would lead to favoritism and politically neutral selection.

(7c) What is the relevance of Parliamentary standing committees? Critically evaluate

the working of Indian committee system and suggest reforms to improve the
working of Parliamentary system.
• Parliamentary standing committee system, for considering bills was created in
1993, as an instrument to assist the working of Parliament in its various activities.

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Standing committees are permanent, constituted every year and work in a
continuous manner.
Significance of standing committee system
(i) Detailed scrutiny and upholding government accountability- Parliament cannot
effectively uphold the accountability of the executive due to the increasing
magnitude & complexity of modern administrative and time constraints of the
sessions of the parliament. Thus, standing committees increase the ability of
parliament to scrutinize government policies and make it accountable through an
informed debate.
(ii) Work in an objective/non-partisan manner-
Parliamentary committees usually work in an objective manner, without being led
by party whips, which allows the members the latitude for a more meaningful
exchange of views.
(iii) Engagement with relevant stakeholders-
The committees provide a forum for engagement with various stakeholders and
experts on subjects it examines.
For eg- The RBI governor was summoned by the finance committee on the issue of
demonetization.
They invite written feedback and may also invite a few stakeholders for their point
of view on subjects.
(iv) Functioning of the committees shows interesting trends in the law-making
priority of the government.
During the 15th Lok Sabha (2009-2014), four DRSCs (Departmentally Related
Standing Committees)- finance, HRD, personal & law and home-accounted for
more than half of all bills considered by the committees. This reflected the focus on
financial sector reforms, higher education reforms, anti-corruption issues, and
security concerns.
Concerns related to the functioning of committee system
(i) The attendance of members in committee meetings have been a cause of concerns,
which is about 50% since 2014-15.

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(ii) Since the committee recommendations are not binding, reports of the committees
aren’t taken up for discussion in parliament except for references in certain debates
on bills.
(iii) Considering the significant amount of work, including that of a technical nature,
performed by the committees, their lack of expertise is a matter of concern.
Relevance of the Parliamentary committee system
The issue of the relevance of the Parliamentary standing committees has come into
spotlight owing the decreasing instances of the referral of bills to the committees
to scrutinize. A/Q to PRS legislative Research, only 25% of the Bills introduced
were referred to committees in the 16th Lok Sabha (2014-19), as compared to 71%
and 60% in the 15th & 14th Lok Sabha. Recently, in the first session of the 17 th Lok
Sabha, all the bills-which included some important Bills such as Triple Talaq Bill,
UAPA Act etc-were passed without the scrutiny of the parliamentary standing
committees.
• However, the relevance of the standing committees is evident from the importance
of the scrutiny of the bills by the committees. In absence of such scrutiny, the
legislations may not become holistic & far-sighted, which may require frequent
amendments. This creates a gap in the continuous, in-depth and comprehensive
control of Parliament over executive. On the larger front, all these undermines the
sanctity of the Parliament and has been a major cause for the increasing trend of
decline of the Parliament.
• Given the important of the Parliamentary committees, there could be case for
strengthening their role through providing with dedicated research staff & experts,
making it mandatory for government to refer a bill (as in UK) & requiring ministers
to appear before them.

(8a) Explain the changes in conflict resolution procedure introduced in the Inter-state
Water Dispute Act, 2019.
• The inter-state relations in India run along the lines of both conflicts and
cooperation. Sharing of water and territories are among the contentious issue’s
b/w two or more states.

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• The inter-state water disputes are one of the most contiguous issues in the context
of Indian federalism. India is a diverse country where many rivers run connecting
two/more states and most of them are swamped with inter-state disputes.
• Analysis of the Tribunal system
(i) In case of a water sharing dispute, the parties (states/UTs) can approach to the
central government. Initially, there was no time limit within which the Union
government should constitute tribunal. It took 20 years to constitute the tribunal for
Cauvery water dispute and that too after specific direction from the Supreme Court.
However, in 2002, ISWDA was amended to make it mandatory for the central
government to constitute a tribunal within 1 year of request.
(ii) From the functioning of the tribunal in the Cauvery issue where final award was
given by the tribunal after 17 years of its constitution, it is revealed that the entire
process took an unduly long time.
However, in case of the time limit of award, amendment was made in 2002 a/q to
which tribunals must give award within 3 years and, in exceptional situations,
within 5 years.
• However, in addition to the inherent defect in the constitution design/mechanism to
deal with these disputes, the nexus b/w water & politics often subverts & substage
their resolution. Thus, it becomes a matter of responsibility of the Union to regulate
inter-state rivers in the national interest.
• In pursuance of this responsibility, the central government has introduced changes
in the Inter –state water Disputes Act, 1956 with a view to streamline the
adjudication of inter-state water disputes and make the present legal’s institutional
architecture robust.
Key provisions of the Inter –state water Disputes (Amendment) Act, 2019
(i) Dispute Resolution Committee(DRC)-to be established by the central government
before referring dispute to the tribunal, to resolve the dispute amicably by
negotiations within one year (extendable by 6 months) and submit its report to the
central government.
If dispute cannot be settled by the DRC, the central government will refer it to the
ISWD Tribunal.
(ii) Establishment of a single Inter-state water Disputes Tribunal

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By the central government, which can have multiple benches. All existing Tribunals
will be dissolved, and the pending cases will be transferred to the new Tribunal.
(iii) Composition of Tribunal- will include a chairperson, vice-chairperson, three
judicial members and three expert members. They will be appointed by the central
government on the recommendation of a selection committee.
The central government may also appoint two experts serving in the central water
engineering services as assessors to advice the Bench in its proceedings. The
assessor shouldn’t be from the states involved in the dispatch.
(iv) Time limit- the proposed tribunal must give its decision on the dispute within 2
years, which may be extended by another year.
• The decision of the Tribunal shall be final & binding. It also makes mandatory for
the central government to make a scheme to give effect to the decision.
Analysis of the changes introduced by the Amendment
• The changes introduced are likely to speed up the process of dispute resolution,
which could avoid loss of time & property.
• The continuous evaluation/assessment of the river basins could be possible owing
to the maintenance of databank.
• On the other hand, some states like Tamil Nadu & Odisha, have raised serious
concerns about the appropriation of more powers by the central government
to decide water disputes b/w states, which can use it unfairly in favors of states
ruled by the same party as that in central government.
Way forward
(i) Inter sate council can play a useful role in facilitating dialogue & discussion among
states.
(ii) As recommended by the MIHIR SHAH Report, water can be brought into
concurrent list and central water authority can be constituted to manage rivers.
(iii) Inter-linking of rivers can help in adequate distribution of river water in the basin
areas.

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(8b) Critically examine the contribution of peasant movements in India during the
colonial rule.
• The predominantly agrarian character of the Indian society ensured that the
country would experience a number of agrarian movements in pre-1947 period.
Most formidable of these were various peasant movements in the country. In the
context of peasant movements in India, ‘Peasantry’ represents the poor such as
subsistence farmers, landless labourers and bonded labourers.
• The peasant movements in India has been instigated by a distinct set of issues taking
prominence at a particular period, though the basic character of all issues
remained attached to the structure & function of the agrarian system in different
regions. However, the dominant issue that instigated such movements was the
exploitative policies that resulted into inequitable agrarian relations b/w
landowners or Zamindars & peasants, impoverishment of the Indian peasantry and
unfair administrative & judicial systems.
• Different phases of peasant movements in India
(i) Phase-I (1857-1899)
• During this phase, peasant movements appeared to be localized in India owing to
the varying degree of the consciousness among them on the one hand, and variation
in the intensity of exploitation under a revenue system on the other hand.
• The movements were directed against the immediate exploiters such as foreign
planters & indigenous Zamindars & moneylenders and was directed towards
specific and limited objectives and redressal of particular grievances such as
lowering of rent, reduction of taxes etc. There was no anti-colonial target of these
movements.
For ex- Indigo Revolt (1859-60) in Bengal, Deccan Riots etc.
• Peasant movements, during this phase, were largely unorganized and no continuity
of struggle or long-term organization. Also, these struggles occurred within the
framework of old societal order lacking a positive conception of alternate society.
(ii) Phase-II (1900-1920s)

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• The peasant movements underwent subtle transformation in terms of their intensity,
character and territorial reach due to the following major factors—
(i) Strengthening of the national consciousness & movement.
(ii) Deepening of the British rule and increasingly exploitative policies in India.
(iii) Arrival of the Gandhian strategy of mass movements.
For ex- Successful peasant movements such as Kheda movement champaran
satyagraha etc.
• These movements turned out be the training ground for the prominent leaders of
the national movement, who integrated mass of peasants with the anti-colonial
struggles in India.
(iii) phase III (1920s-1930s)
• The movement strengthened by the participation of a communist or left oriented
leaders—
(i) Evolution of a pan-Indian perspective with the formation of a pan-Indian peasant
organization i.e., All India Kisan Sabha in 1936.
(ii) Development of autonomous character of the peasant movement in the country vis-
à-vis national movement.
• Instead of localized demands, general demands such as reduction in land revenue,
minimum wages and land reforms.
• During the passive phase of civil Disobedience Movement (1932) many leaders
took to organization of peasants for outlet of their energies in the form of protests.
• During some instances, the peasant movements appeared to take communal form
such as Mappila Revolt (1920s) etc.
(iv) Phase IV (1930s onwards)
• The relatively autonomous character and increasing radicalization of the peasant
movement during the last phase of the national movement led to the growing
revolutionary ideas among the peasants.
• Renouncing the Gandhian ideals of non-violence & satyagraha under the influence
of communist elements, the peasant movements were aimed at decisive struggles
against the colonial rule and the native rested interests in the country.

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For ex:- Tebhaga movement (1946) against permanent land Revenue system in
Bengal; Telangana movement against absentee landlordism and exploitative LR
system.
• However, despite the long history of the peasant movements in India, it hasn’t
resulted into any concrete gains for the peasants. The issue of land reforms has
remained an unfinished agenda. The dissatisfaction with the Indian state has given
rise to left-wing extremism in the rural society.

(8c) ‘Pressure group politics is seen as the informal face of politics’. With regard to
this statement, assess the structure and functioning of pressure groups in India.
• Pressure groups and movements represent an institutionalized factor that
influences the political arena with an aim to materialize their vested interests, other
than power capturing. Pressure groups are those interest groups which try to
influence & pressure every political institution such as political parties, legislature
etc, to serve their own interests. They’re known as the ‘invisible empires’. A/Q to
V.O. Key, pressure groups are ‘private associations to influence public policy’.
Richarad M. Lambert calls them as ‘unofficial government’, which implies that no
government can function effectively without taking their viewpoint under
consideration.
• Rajni Kothari refers to the politics of pressure groups as ‘non-party political
processes’, which in terms of Gabriel Almond’s structural functional approach,
perform the vital ‘input function’ of ‘interest articulation’. On the other hand,
social movements such as Narmada Bachao Andolan (NBA) help in mobilization of
public opinion and interest formation. A/q to Habermas, social movements leads to
opening up of ‘PUBLIC SPACE’ and as a tool of ‘deliberative democracy’, it can
have ‘transformative effect’.
• Robert Hardgrave has analyzed the influential role of pressure groups in politics
as follows—
- They mobilize public opinion and try to gain sympathy for their goals by carrying
out information campaign, organizing meetings, filing petitions etc.

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- They perform the function of modernization of politics and act as reservoirs of
leadership.
- They provide a discussion space for people to express their opinions and use it as
a toll to influence policies of the governance machinery.
• A/q to the influential role played by pressure groups, Jean Blondel classifies them
as ‘protective’ and ‘developmental’ pressure groups.
Pressure groups, being an integral part of ‘pluralist democracy’, are very much in
existence in India, although they’re not identical from those in western countries.
Features of Indian model of pressure groups—
(i) In India pressure groups though comparatively of recent origin have so organized
themselves that they neither oppose nor support any political party with which they
identify themselves, except groups of workers and students who directly & openly
draw their strength from certain parties.
This provides an impression that pressure groups in India are neutral in political
matters but basically, they’re opportunistic.
(ii) As pressure groups in India are required to work in a multi-party system
environment, they often tend to shift their political loyalties, consequently leading
to an unstable and staggering political stance. Without fixed political allegiance,
they appear & disappear on the political scene depending on the demand for their
need and in response to the prevailing conditions.
(iii) An interesting, but peculiar feature of pressure groups in India is the ‘caste or
religious lobby’ which try to influence the interest of particular castes or religion
and demand support for members of the same caste in the legislatures. A/Q to Rajni
Kothari, there has been domination of communal pressure groups in Indian
politics.
(iv) In India, pressure groups largely influence the administrative process rather than
formulation of policy. This created a gap b/w policy formulation and
implementation which is a characteristic feature of a ‘soft’ state.
(v) In the Indian context, as Robert Hardgrave argues, interest groups not only are
agents of interest articulation but they also increase political consciousness. In

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addition to it, pressure groups, in Indian context, act as reservoirs of political
leadership which is most prominently evident for trade union &student unions.
(vi) A/q to Robert Hardgrave and Stanley Kochanak, business or corporate community
constitutes the most powerful pressure groups in India. It is evident in recent times,
as they’re provided with space in India’s foreign relations also. Parallel business
summits are organized along with political summits.
(vii) Unlike western countries, it’s not easy for pressure groups in India to influence
individual members of Parliament due to strong party disciplines.
• In the Indian context, although, a/q to Anand Chakraborty, the Indian government
hasn’t given enough space to the pressure groups they have played a influential
role in the deepening of democracy and checking any arbitrary use of power.
• In India, in terms of Gabriel Almond, institutional and non-associational pressure
groups play an important role. The institutional groups include association among
government institutions such as military, bureaucracy etc. On the other hand non-
associational pressure groups include communal groups such as AIML, RSS etc
who influences Indian politics on the social faultiness giving rise to identity politics.
Christophe Jeffrelot has analyzed the role of RSS in Indian politics. A/q to Paul
Brass, the pressure groups in India are more of ‘religious-orientation’.
• On the other hand, in the contemporary Indian politics, corporate groups assume
greater influences in domestic political landscape as well as foreign relations.

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 Political Science & International Relations
Crash Course & Test Series - 2019
Test 05
Time Allowed: 3 Hours Max Marks: 250

Name
Test Date
Email Address
Mobile
UPSC Roll No

Instructions:
1. There are EIGHT questions divided in TWO SECTIONS and candidate has
to attempt five questions in all.
2. Question Nos. 1 and 5 are compulsory and out of the remaining, any
three are to be attempted choosing at least ONE question from each
section.
3. Content of the answer is more important than its length.
4. Answers must be written in the medium authorized in the admission
Certificate, which must be stated clearly on the cover of the booklet in
the space provided.
5. Content of the answer is more important than its length.
6. Any page or portion of the page left blank in the Question-Cum-Answer
Booklet must be clearly struck off.
7. All parts of the question should be written at one place itself.
8. Write the test in exam atmosphere.
9. Filling all the details in BLOCK LETTERS is mandatory.
S. No. a b c d e Total
1
2 X X
3 X X
4 X X
5
6 X X
7 X X
8 X X
Grand Total
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Very
Poor Average Good Excellent
Good
Understanding of
Questions
Structure & Flow
(a) Introduction
(b) Conclusion
(c) Overall
Subject Knowledge
Presentation
(a) Underline
(b) Paragraph
(c) Overall
Overall Remarks:

Dear Student,

________________________________________________________________

________________________________________________________________

________________________________________________________________

________________________________________________________________

________________________________________________________________

________________________________________________________________

________________________________________________________________

________________________________________________________________

________________________________________________________________

______________________________________________________

All the best for next test..!!!

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Que.1(a) “Taken as a whole, the tasks of political theory is unquestionably

demanding.” David Held. Comment. 10 Marks

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Que.1(b) “Ideology as a characteristic of totalitarianism.”- Karl Popper.

Comment. 10 Marks.

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Que.1(c) “Liberalism is not a fixed mode of thought but an intellectual

movement.” Comment. 10 Marks.

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Que.1(d) “The history of all hitherto existing societies has been a history of
class struggles.” – Karl Marx. Comment. 10 Marks.

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Que.1(e) Compare the empirical approach with normative approach.

10 Marks

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Que.2(a) “Violence destroy power, it is utterly incapable of creating it”. In the

light of above statement discusses Hannah Arendt view on Power.
20 Marks

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Que.2(b) “The problem of political obligation is one of the most prominent

issues of political philosophy. Discuss. 15 Marks

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Que.2(c) “Since society is federal, authority should also be federal.”-Laski. In

the context of given statement, discuss the pluralist arguments
against the monistic theory of sovereignty of state. 15 Marks

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Que.3(a) Critically examine the relationship between liberty and equality.

20 Marks

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Que.3(b) Do you think freedom can be described as emancipation? Explain

with reference to Marx. 15 Marks

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Que.3(c) “The true source of right is duty. If we all discharge our duties,
right will not be far to seek.” – Gandhi. Critically examine
Ghandhian view on rights and duties . 15 Marks

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Que.4(a) According to Rawls, “the problem of justice consists in ensuring a

fair distribution of primary goods.” Critically examine. 20 Marks

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Que.4(b) “The concept of multiculturalism brings out the drawback of

liberal theory of democracy.” Elaborate. 15 Marks

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Que.4(c) “Geopolitics is the core of Arthashastra.” Discuss. 15 Marks

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Que.5(a) Examine the relationship between democracy and ethnicity.

10 Marks

40

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Que.5(b) Account for the socio-economic profile of parliamentarian in one

last decade. 10 Marks

42

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Que.5(c) Reasons for decline of left in India. 10 Marks

44

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Que.5(d) Role of CAG in ensuring accountability in governance. 10 Marks

46

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47

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Que.5(e) Role of Sir Syed Ahmed Khan as moderniser. 10 Marks

48

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Que.6(a) Discuss how RTI Act 2005 was a landmark step in ensuring
accountability and transparency in public institutions. How would
the recent amendments to RTI Act impact this? 20 Marks

50

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Que.6(b) Enumerate the major changes introduced in NHRC Act and in what
way these amendments will strengthen the institutional
arrangements for ensuring human rights in India ? 15 Marks

54

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Que.6(c) Explain the recent decision of Government of India with respect to

the special status of Jammu & Kashmir and discuss its implication
for the future of federalism in India. 15 Marks

57

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Que.7(a) Explain the concept of women empowerment and in what way

Panchayati Raj Institutions contribute to the women
empowerment in India. 20 Marks

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Que.7(b) “Lateral entry into the bureaucracy from the corporate sector is
likely to generate conflicts of interest, subvert reservation and
compromise the independence of the civil services.” Comment.
15 Marks

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Que.7(c) What is the relevance of Parliamentary Standing Committees?

Critically evaluate the working of Indian committee system and
suggest the reforms to improve the working of parliamentary
system. 15 Marks

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Que.8(a) Pressure group politics is sometimes seen as the informal face of

politics. With regards to the above statement, assess the structure
and functioning of pressure groups in India. 20 Marks

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Que.8(b) Critically examine the contribution of the peasant movements in

India during the colonial rule. 15 Marks

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Que.8(c) Explain the changes in conflict resolution procedure introduced in

the Inter-State Water Dispute Act, 2019. 15 Marks

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Space for Rough Work

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Political Science & International Relations9

Crash Course & Test Series - 2019
Test 05
Time Allowed: 3 Hours Max Marks: 250

There are EIGHT questions divided in TWO SECTIONS and candidate has
to attempt five questions in all.

Question Nos.1 and 5 are compulsory and out of the remaining, any three
are to be attempted choosing at least ONE question from each section.

SECTION ‘A’.

1. Comment on the following in about 150 words each : 10*5=50

1(a.) “Taken as a whole, the tasks of political theory is unquestionably
demanding.”- David Held. Comment. 10
1(b.) “Ideology as a characteristics of totalitarianism.”- Karl Popper.
Comment. 10
1(c.) “Liberalism is not a fixed mode of thought but an intellectual
movement.” Comment. 10
1(d.) “The history of all hitherto existing societies has been a history of
class struggles.” – Karl Marx. Comment. 10
1(e.) Compare the empirical approach with normative approach. 10

2. (a.) “Violence destroy power, it is utterly incapable of creating it”. In the

light of above statement discusses Hannah Arendt view on Power.
20
2. (b.) “The problem of political obligation is one of the most prominent
issues of political philosophy. Discuss. 15

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2. (c.) “Since society is federal, authority should also be federal.”-Laski. In

the context of given statement, discuss the pluralist arguments
against the monistic theory of sovereignty of state. 15
3. (a.) Critically examine the relationship between liberty and equality. 20
3. (b.) Do you think freedom can be described as emancipation. Explain
with reference to Marx. 15
3. (c.) “The true source of right is duty. If we all discharge our duties, right
will not be far to seek.” – Gandhi. Critically examine Ghandhian view
on rights and duties 15
4. (a.) According to Rawls, “the problem of justice consist in ensuring a fair
distribution of primary goods.” Critically examine. 20
4. (b.) “The concept of multiculturalism brings out the drawback of liberal
theory of democracy.” Elaborate. 15
4. (c.) “Geopolitics is the core of Arthashastra.” Discuss. 15

SECTION ‘B’
5. Comment on the following in about 150 words each : 10*5=50
5. (a.) Examine the relationship between democracy and ethnicity. 10

5. (b.) Account for the socio-economic profile of parliamentarian in one

last decade. 10
5. (c.) Reasons for decline of left. 10
5. (d.) Role of CAG in ensuring accountability in governance in India. 10
5. (e.) Role of Sir Syed Ahmed Khan as moderniser. 10
6. (a.) Discuss how RTI Act 2005 was a landmark step in ensuring
accountability and transparency in public institutions. How would
the recent amendments to RTI Act impact this? 20

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6. (b.) Enumerate the major changes introduced in NHRC Act and in what
way these amendments will strengthen the institutional
arrangements for ensuring human rights in India ? 15
6. (c.) Explain the recent decision of Government of India with respect to
the special status of Jammu & Kashmir and discuss its implication
for the future of federalism in India. 15
7. (a.) Explain the concept of women empowerment and in what way
Panchayati Raj Institutions contribute to the women empowerment
in India. 20
7. (b.) “Lateral entry into the bureaucracy from the corporate sector is
likely to generate conflicts of interest, subvert reservation and
compromise the independence of the civil services.” Comment. 15
7. (c.) What is the relevance of Parliamentary Standing Committees?
Critically evaluate the working of Indian committee system and
suggest the reforms to improve the working of parliamentary
system. 15
8. (a.) Explain the changes in conflict resolution procedure introduced in
the Inter-State Water Dispute Act, 2019. 20
8. (b.) Critically examine the contribution of the peasant movements in
India during the colonial rule. 15
8. (c.) Pressure group politics is sometimes seen as the informal face of
politics . With regards to the above statement, assess the structure
and functioning of pressure groups in India. 15

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Tips for Writing Good Answers:-

1. Read the question carefully and at least 3-4 times.
2. Note down concepts, facts, examples, keywords related to the question.
3. Draw a rough outline of the flow.
4. Pay adequate attention to the introduction and conclusion.
5. Introduction must offer your brief interpretation of the question and how you propose
to develop it.
6. Conclusion must summarize your response to the question.
7. Make sure answer is
a. Logical and coherent
b. Clear connection between sentences and paragraphs.
c. Written correctly giving adequate compatibility to your expression, style and
presentation
d. Do not exceed the word limit
e. Write neatly
f. Underline points you wish to emphasize.

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 Political Science & International Relations
Crash Course & Test Series - 2019
Test 06
Time Allowed: 3 Hours Max Marks: 250
Name
Test Date
Email Address
Mobile
UPSC Roll No

Instructions:
1. There are EIGHT questions divided in TWO SECTIONS and candidate has
to attempt five questions in all.
2. Question Nos. 1 and 5 are compulsory and out of the remaining, any
three are to be attempted choosing at least ONE question from each
section.
3. Content of the answer is more important than its length.
4. Answers must be written in the medium authorized in the admission
Certificate, which must be stated clearly on the cover of the booklet in
the space provided.
5. Content of the answer is more important than its length.
6. Any page or portion of the page left blank in the Question-Cum-Answer
Booklet must be clearly struck off.
7. All parts of the question should be written at one place itself.
8. Write the test in exam atmosphere.
9. Filling all the details in BLOCK LETTERS is mandatory.
S. No. a b c d e Total
1
2 X X
3 X X
4 X X
5
6 X X
7 X X
8 X X
Grand Total
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Very
Poor Average Good Excellent
Good
Understanding of
Questions
Structure & Flow
(a) Introduction
(b) Conclusion
(c) Overall
Subject
Knowledge
Presentation
(a) Underline
(b) Paragraph
(c) Overall
Overall Remarks:

Dear Student,

_______________________________________________________________

_______________________________________________________________

_______________________________________________________________

_______________________________________________________________

_______________________________________________________________

_______________________________________________________________

_______________________________________________________________

_______________________________________________________________

_______________________________________________________________

_______________________________________________________________

All the best for next test..!!!

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Que.1(a) Write short note on Structural Realism as given by Kenneth Waltz.

10 Marks

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Que.1(b) Examine the relevance of political economy approach to

comparative politics. 10 Marks.

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Que.1(c) Mention India’s concerns in RCEP. 10 Marks.

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Que.1(d) Enumerate the major challenges faced by postcolonial states.

10 Marks.

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Que.1(e) To what extent it is appropriate to consider national interest as a

pseudo theory. 10 Marks

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10

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Que.2(a) Explain the concepts of balance of power and its relevance in

present world order. 20 Marks

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Que.2(b) “Marxism is both a critical approach questioning mainstream policy

driven approaches as well as classical approach embedded in
philosophical tradition.” Critically analyse. 15 Marks

15

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Que.2(c) Feminist perspective on international relations demonstrated the

value of taking women experience more seriously and how the
discipline of International Relations is based on gendered ideas.
Comment. 15 Marks

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Que.3(a) To what extent global trend is in favour of democracy? Will the 21st
Century be the Chinese century? 20 Marks

21

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Que.3(b) Why political regionalism made less progress in general than

economic regionalism? Is the process of European integration in
danger of unravelling? 15 Marks

25

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Que.3(c) How can terrorism be distinguished from other forms of political

violence? How religion has transformed the nature of terrorism?
15 Marks

28

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Que.4(a) Elucidate the transdisciplinary nature of modern comparative

politics. Identify the contribution of political sociologists in this
context. 20 Marks

31

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Que.4(b) Critically evaluate the relevance of Kaplan’s system approach.

15 Marks

35

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Que.4(c) “UN is not a political system operating in vacuum, it has become the
microcosm of world politics.” Comment. 15 Marks

38

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Que.5(a) Ties with Bhutan form the most important pillar of India’s
neighborhood first policy. 10 Marks

41

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42

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Que.5(b) Revoking NFU does not necessarily mean giving up restraints but it
leaves India’s nuclear doctrine more ambiguous. 10 Marks

43

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44

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Que.5(c) For all its current troubles, WTO may still emerge as the lynchpin of
global trade governance. 10 Marks

45

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46

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Que.5(d) Strategic implications of India’s engagements in INSTC. 10 Marks

47

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48

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Que.5(e) Geography as a determinant in India’s foreign policy. 10 Marks

49

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Que.6(a) Discuss the geopolitical implications of the scrapping of Article 370.

20 Marks

51

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Que.6(b) Discuss the prospects and current status of India-Africa

Cooperation in maritime domain. 15 Marks

55

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Que.6(c) Discuss the issues and challenges that hamper improvement of

relations between India and the two Koreas in the context of Modi
government’s “Act East Policy”. 15 Marks

58

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Que.7(a) “As intra Arab as well as Arabs and Iranian conflicts are getting
sharpened, New Delhi can no longer limit itself to the agenda of not
taking sides.” Critically examine. 20 Marks

61

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Que.7(b) “North Asia is becoming a critical theatre in global geopolitics,

having potential to upset the balance of power between the key
players in the region.” Discuss. 15 Marks

65

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Que.7(c) “The Belt and Road Initiative is a part of broader Chinese policy
orientation to gain strategic depth in the inner Asia hinterland and
manage geostrategic pressures from US & Japan.” Comment.
15 Marks

68

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Que.8(a) “Indian concerns on cross border terrorism emanating from

Pakistan and the present policy of US getting over the messy Taliban
with the help of Pakistan may create cross currents in Indo-US
relations which require deft handling.” Comment. 20 Marks

71

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Que.8(b) “India-China are engaged in a complex rivalry that involves a

context over territory as well as over status in Asia.” Elucidate.
Discuss the current state of China-Pakistan relations and its
implications for India. 15 Marks

75

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Que.8(c) Trump administration sanction on Iran have potential to seriously

damage Indian ties with Iran or hinder the strategic partnership
with USA. 15 Marks

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Space for Rough Work

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Political Science & International Relations9

Crash Course & Test Series - 2019
Test 06
Time Allowed: 3 Hours Max Marks: 250

There are EIGHT questions divided in TWO SECTIONS and candidate has to
attempt five questions in all.

Question Nos.1 and 5 are compulsory and out of the remaining, any three
are to be attempted choosing at least ONE question from each section.

SECTION ‘A’.

1. Comment on the following in about 150 words each : 10*5=50

1(a.) Write short note on Structural Realism as given by Kenneth Waltz.
10 Marks
1(b.) Examine the relevance of political economy approach to comparative
politics. 10 Marks
1(c.) Mention India’s concerns in RCEP. 10 Marks
1(d.) Enumerate the major challenges faced by postcolonial states.
10 Marks
1(e.) To what extent it is appropriate to consider national interest as a
pseudo theory. 10 Marks
2. (a.) Explain the concepts of balance of power and its relevance in present
world order. 20 Marks
2. (b.) “Marxism is both a critical approach questioning mainstream policy
driven approaches as well as classical approach embedded in
philosophical tradition.” Critically analyse. 15 Marks
2. (c.) Feminist perspective on international relations demonstrated the
value of taking women experience more seriously and how the

https://telegram.me/UpscPdfDrive
 https://telegram.me/UPSC_PDF

discipline of International Relations is based on gendered ideas.

Comment. 15 Marks
3. (a.) To what extent global trend is in favour of democracy? Will the 21st
Century be the Chinese century? 20 Marks
3. (b.) Why political regionalism made less progress in general than
economic regionalism? Is the process of European integration in
danger of unravelling? 15 Marks
3. (c.) How can terrorism be distinguished from other forms of political
violence? How religion has transformed the nature of terrorism?
15 Marks
4. (a.) Elucidate the transdisciplinary nature of modern comparative
politics. Identify the contribution of political sociologists in this
context. 20 Marks
4. (b.) Critically evaluate the relevance of Kaplan’s system approach.
15 Marks
4. (c.) “UN is not a political system operating in vacuum, it has become the
microcosm of world politics.” Comment. 15 Marks
SECTION ‘B’
5. Comment on the following in about 150 words each : 10*5=50
5. (a.) Ties with Bhutan form the most important pillar of India’s
neighborhood first policy. 10 Marks
5. (b.) Revoking NFU does not necessarily mean giving up restraints but it
leaves India’s nuclear doctrine more ambiguous. 10 Marks
5. (c.) For all its current troubles, WTO may still emerge as the lynchpin of
global trade governance. 10 Marks
5. (d.) Strategic implications of India’s engagements in INSTC. 10 Marks
5. (e.) Geography as a determinant in India’s foreign policy. 10 Marks

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6. (a.) Discuss the geopolitical implications of the scrapping of Article 370.

20 Marks
6. (b.) Discuss the prospects and current status of India-Africa Cooperation
in maritime domain. 15 Marks
6. (c.) Discuss the issues and challenges that hamper improvement of
relations between India and the two Koreas in the context of Modi
government’s “Act East Policy”. 15 Marks
7. (a.) “As intra Arab as well as Arabs and Iranian conflicts are getting
sharpened, New Delhi can no longer limit itself to the agenda of not
taking sides.” Critically examine. 20 Marks
7. (b.) “North Asia is becoming a critical theatre in global geopolitics, having
potential to upset the balance of power between the key players in
the region.” Discuss. 15 Marks
7. (c.) “The Belt and Road Initiative is a part of broader Chinese policy
orientation to gain strategic depth in the inner Asia hinterland and
manage geostrategic pressures from US & Japan.” Comment.
15 Marks
8. (a.) “Indian concerns on cross border terrorism emanating from Pakistan
and the present policy of US getting over the messy Taliban with the
help of Pakistan may create cross currents in Indo-US relations which
require deft handling.” Comment. 20 Marks
8. (b.) “India-China are engaged in a complex rivalry that involves a context
over territory as well as over status in Asia.” Elucidate. Discuss the
current state of China-Pakistan relations and its implications for
India. 15 Marks
8. (c.) Trump administration sanction on Iran have potential to seriously
damage Indian ties with Iran or hinder the strategic partnership with
USA. 15 Marks

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Tips for Writing Good Answers:-

1. Read the question carefully and at least 3-4 times.
2. Note down concepts, facts, examples, keywords related to
the question.
3. Draw a rough outline of the flow.
4. Pay adequate attention to the introduction and
conclusion.
5. Introduction must offer your brief interpretation of the
question and how you propose to develop it.
6. Conclusion must summarize your response to the
question.
7. Make sure answer is
a. Logical and coherent
b. Clear connection between sentences and
paragraphs.
c. Written correctly giving adequate compatibility to
your expression, style and presentation
d. Do not exceed the word limit
e. Write neatly
f. Underline points you wish to emphasize.

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 Political Science & International Relations
Crash Course & Test Series - 2019
Test 07
Time Allowed: 3 Hours Max Marks: 250
Name
Test Date
Email Address
Mobile
UPSC Roll No

Instructions:
1. There are EIGHT questions divided in TWO SECTIONS and candidate has
to attempt five questions in all.
2. Question Nos. 1 and 5 are compulsory and out of the remaining, any
three are to be attempted choosing at least ONE question from each
section.
3. Content of the answer is more important than its length.
4. Answers must be written in the medium authorized in the admission
Certificate, which must be stated clearly on the cover of the booklet in
the space provided.
5. Content of the answer is more important than its length.
6. Any page or portion of the page left blank in the Question-Cum-Answer
Booklet must be clearly struck off.
7. All parts of the question should be written at one place itself.
8. Write the test in exam atmosphere.
9. Filling all the details in BLOCK LETTERS is mandatory.
S. No. a b c d e Total
1
2 X X
3 X X
4 X X
5
6 X X
7 X X
8 X X
Grand Total
 https://telegram.me/UPSC_PDF

Very
Poor Average Good Excellent
Good
Understanding of
Questions
Structure & Flow
(a) Introduction
(b) Conclusion
(c) Overall
Subject
Knowledge
Presentation
(a) Underline
(b) Paragraph
(c) Overall
Overall Remarks:

Dear Student,

_______________________________________________________________

_______________________________________________________________

_______________________________________________________________

_______________________________________________________________

_______________________________________________________________

_______________________________________________________________

_______________________________________________________________

_______________________________________________________________

_______________________________________________________________

_______________________________________________________________

All the best for next test..!!!

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Que.1(a) Estimate the utility of the systems theory in social sciences.

10 Marks

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Que.1(b) Explain Berlin’s notion of value pluralism. 10 Marks.

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Que.1(c) Comment : ‘The end of obedience is protection.” (Thomas Hobbes).

10 Marks.

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Que.1(d) Comment : Robert Dahl’s concept of deformed polyarchy.

10 Marks.

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Que.1(e) Comment : “The sole end for which mankind are warranted,
individually or collectively, in interfering with the liberty of action
of any of their number is self-protection.” 10 Marks

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Que.2(a) ‘Political Science is a master-science, “architectonic” in its

character, from which all other practical sciences take their cue’.
(Ernest Barker). Discuss. 20 Marks

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Que.2(b) Do you agree with the view that liberal theories are based on
‘atomism’, whereas communitarians have a ‘social thesis’? Present
your line of argument. 15 Marks

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Que.2(c) “The Political ideology of Globalization is Neo-liberalism.”

Comment. 15 Marks

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Que.3(a) To what extent does the Rawlsian goal of achieving social justice
depend on an overarching consensus among cultural, religious, and
ideological groups? 20 Marks

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Que.3(b) “Democratic theory presupposes self-determination, human rights

and social justice.” Discuss this with particular reference to M. K.
Gandhi. 15 Marks

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Que.3(c) What do you understand by Multi-culturalism? Discuss Bhikhu

Parekh’s views on Multiculturalism. 15 Marks

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Que.4(a) Comment : “Fascism is the destruction of liberal ideas and

institution and institutions in the interest of those who own the
instruments of economic power.’ (Laski) 20 Marks

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Que.4(b) Examine the conditions that are required for the maintenance of
legitimacy in modern societies. 15 Marks

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Que.4(c) Comment : “Power is never the property of an individual; it belongs

to a group and remains in existence only so long as the group keeps
together.” (Hannah Arendt). 15 Marks

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Que.5(a) Comment : “Material well-being alone is supreme. For spiritual good

and sensual pleasures depends upon material well-being.”
(Kautilya). 10 Marks

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Que.5(b) Evaluate the contributions of Buddhist tradition to Indian political

thought. 10 Marks

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Que.5(c) Comment on the Marxist and Radical Humanist phases of M. N. Roy’s

thought. 10 Marks

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Que.5(d) Discuss Shri Aurobindo’s views on Cultural Nationalism. 10 Marks

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Que.5(e) Explain how peasant movements promoted nationalist ideas during

the struggle for Indian independence. 10 Marks

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Que.6(a) What are the provisions for constitutional protection of right to

freedom of religion and how far have they succeeded in promoting
secularism in India? 20 Marks

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Que.6(b) “Cooperative federalism produces a strong central, or general

government, yet it does not necessarily result in weak provincial
governments that are largely administrative agencies for central
policies. Indian federation has demonstrated this.” (Granville
Austin).
Examine the uniqueness of Indian federalism in the light of above
statement. 15 Marks

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Que.6(c) The role of Indian Prime Minister in the federal system was always
controversial. Do you agree with this statement? Give reasons for
your answer with apt examples. 15 Marks

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Que.7(a) “The roots of India’s growing problems of governability are more

political than socio-economic, that is, they are located in India’s
political structure.” Discuss. 20 Marks

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Que.7(b) “Tradition is not always incompatible with Modernity”. Comment

on the statement with reference to the modernization trends in
Indian policy. 15 Marks

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Que.7(c) ‘The role of the Indian Judiciary in recent years has been one of
dynamic judicial activism.’ Elucidate. 15 Marks

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Que.8(a) Account for the changes in the socio-economic profile of legislators

during last one decade in India. 20 Marks

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Que.8(b) Make an assessment of the composition, functioning and the role if

the Election Commission of India in the conduct of free and fair
elections. 15 Marks

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Que.8(c) In what ways do civil liberties and human rights movements

influence the working of Indian democracy? Give your answer with
suitable examples. 15 Marks

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Space for Rough Work

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Space for Rough Work

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Political Science & International Relations9

Crash Course & Test Series - 2019
Test 07
Time Allowed: 3 Hours Max Marks: 250

There are EIGHT questions divided in TWO SECTIONS and candidate has to
attempt five questions in all.

Question Nos.1 and 5 are compulsory and out of the remaining, any three
are to be attempted choosing at least ONE question from each section.

SECTION ‘A’.

1. Comment on the following in about 150 words each : 10*5=50

1(a.) Estimate the utility of the systems theory in social sciences.
10 Marks
1(b.) Explain Berlin’s notion of value pluralism. 10 Marks
1(c.) Comment : ‘The end of obedience is protection.” (Thomas Hobbes).
10 Marks
1(d.) Comment : Robert Dahl’s concept of deformed polyarchy. 10 Marks
1(e.) Comment : “The sole end for which mankind are warranted,
individually or collectively, in interfering with the liberty of action of
any of their number is self-protection.” 10 Marks
2. (a.) ‘Political Science is a master-science, “architectonic” in its character,
from which all other practical sciences take their cue’. (Ernest
Barker). Discuss. 20 Marks
2. (b.) Do you agree with the view that liberal theories are based on
‘atomism’, whereas communitarians have a ‘social thesis’? Present
your line of argument. 15 Marks

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2. (c.) “The Political ideology of Globalization is Neo-liberalism.” Comment.

15 Marks
3. (a.) To what extent does the Rawlsian goal of achieving social justice
depend on an overarching consensus among cultural, religious, and
ideological groups? 20 Marks
3. (b.) “Democratic theory presupposes self-determination, human rights
and social justice.” Discuss this with particular reference to M. K.
Gandhi. 15 Marks
3. (c.) What do you understand by Multi-culturalism? Discuss Bhikhu
Parekh’s views on Multiculturalism. 15 Marks
4. (a.) Comment : “Fascism is the destruction of liberal ideas and institution
and institutions in the interest of those who own the instruments of
economic power.’ (Laski) 20 Marks
4. (b.) Examine the conditions that are required for the maintenance of
legitimacy in modern societies. 15 Marks
4. (c.) Comment : “Power is never the property of an individual; it belongs
to a group and remains in existence only so long as the group keeps
together.” (Hannah Arendt). 15 Marks
SECTION ‘B’
5. Comment on the following in about 150 words each : 10*5=50
5. (a.) Comment : “Material well-being alone is supreme. For spiritual good
and sensual pleasures depends upon material well-being.” (Kautilya).
10 Marks
5. (b.) Evaluate the contributions of Buddhist tradition to Indian political
thought. 10 Marks
5. (c.) Comment on the Marxist and Radical Humanist phases of M. N. Roy’s
thought. 10 Marks
5. (d.) Discuss Shri Aurobindo’s views on Cultural Nationalism. 10 Marks

https://telegram.me/UpscPdfDrive
 https://telegram.me/UPSC_PDF

5. (e.) Explain how peasant movements promoted nationalist ideas during the
struggle for Indian independence. 10 Marks
6. (a.) What are the provisions for constitutional protection of right to freedom
of religion and how far have they succeeded in promoting secularism in
India? 20 Marks
6. (b.) “Cooperative federalism produces a strong central, or general government,
yet it does not necessarily result in weak provincial governments that are
largely administrative agencies for central policies. Indian federation has
demonstrated this.” (Granville Austin).
Examine the uniqueness of Indian federalism in the light of above
statement. 15 Marks
6. (c.) The role of Indian Prime Minister in the federal system was always
controversial. Do you agree with this statement? Give reasons for your
answer with apt examples. 15 Marks
7. (a.) “The roots of India’s growing problems of governability are more political
than socio-economic, that is, they are located in India’s political structure.”
Discuss. 20 Marks
7. (b.) “Tradition is not always incompatible with Modernity”. Comment on the
statement with reference to the modernization trends in Indian policy.
15 Marks
7. (c.) ‘The role of the Indian Judiciary in recent years has been one of dynamic
judicial activism.’ Elucidate. 15 Marks
8. (a.) Account for the changes in the socio-economic profile of legislators during
last one decade in India. 20 Marks
8. (b.) Make an assessment of the composition, functioning and the role if the
Election Commission of India in the conduct of free and fair elections.
15 Marks
8. (c.) In what ways do civil liberties and human rights movements influence the
working of Indian democracy? Give your answer with suitable examples.
15 Marks

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 https://telegram.me/UPSC_PDF

Tips for Writing Good Answers:-

1. Read the question carefully and at least 3-4 times.
2. Note down concepts, facts, examples, keywords related to
the question.
3. Draw a rough outline of the flow.
4. Pay adequate attention to the introduction and
conclusion.
5. Introduction must offer your brief interpretation of the
question and how you propose to develop it.
6. Conclusion must summarize your response to the
question.
7. Make sure answer is
a. Logical and coherent
b. Clear connection between sentences and
paragraphs.
c. Written correctly giving adequate compatibility to
your expression, style and presentation
d. Do not exceed the word limit
e. Write neatly
f. Underline points you wish to emphasize.

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 Political Science & International Relations
Crash Course & Test Series - 2019
Test 08
Time Allowed: 3 Hours Max Marks: 250
Name
Test Date
Email Address
Mobile
UPSC Roll No

Instructions:
1. There are EIGHT questions divided in TWO SECTIONS and candidate has
to attempt five questions in all.
2. Question Nos. 1 and 5 are compulsory and out of the remaining, any
three are to be attempted choosing at least ONE question from each
section.
3. Content of the answer is more important than its length.
4. Answers must be written in the medium authorized in the admission
Certificate, which must be stated clearly on the cover of the booklet in
the space provided.
5. Content of the answer is more important than its length.
6. Any page or portion of the page left blank in the Question-Cum-Answer
Booklet must be clearly struck off.
7. All parts of the question should be written at one place itself.
8. Write the test in exam atmosphere.
9. Filling all the details in BLOCK LETTERS is mandatory.
S. No. a b c d e Total
1
2 X X
3 X X
4 X X
5
6 X X
7 X X
8 X X
Grand Total
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Very
Poor Average Good Excellent
Good
Understanding of
Questions
Structure & Flow
(a) Introduction
(b) Conclusion
(c) Overall
Subject
Knowledge
Presentation
(a) Underline
(b) Paragraph
(c) Overall
Overall Remarks:

Dear Student,

_______________________________________________________________

_______________________________________________________________

_______________________________________________________________

_______________________________________________________________

_______________________________________________________________

_______________________________________________________________

_______________________________________________________________

_______________________________________________________________

_______________________________________________________________

_______________________________________________________________

All the best for next test..!!!

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Que.1(a) How does comparative political sociology help in understanding of

socio political process of different countries of the world?
10 Marks

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Que.1(b) Discuss the changing nature of modern state with reference to the
role of transnational actors? 10 Marks.

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Que.1(c) Comment: “International politics, like all politics is a struggle for

power.” 10 Marks.

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Que.1(d) Examine the changing nature of security in the recent times?

10 Marks.

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Que.1(e) Explain the concept of ‘Hegemonic stability’? 10 Marks

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Que.2(a) Examine the idea of balance between security and liberty in modern
international politics. Do you think the liberal international order
is more security –friendly? Discuss. 20 Marks

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Que.2(b) “Collective Security and Collective Defence are the institutional and
state mechanisms to sustain the domination of powers that be in
international politics.” Elaborate. 15 Marks

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Que.2(c) Explain how far ‘Deutsch’s model explains the framework of

international interdependence. Do you think that the processes of
interdependence and integration have grown steadily in the post–
cold war globalization trajectory? 15 Marks

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Que.3(a) Identify the major differences between the Classical Realism of

Hans Morgenthau and the Neo-Realism of Kenneth Waltz. Which
approach is the best suited for analysing international relations
after the Cold War? 20 Marks

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Que.3(b) Examine the changing perspective of the US foreign policy towards

South Asia in recent times and its implications of prospects of peace
in the region? 15 Marks

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Que.3(c) Discuss the evolution of non-proliferation of nuclear weapon in the

post-Cold War period? Make assignment of the current state of
nuclear security scenario. 15 Marks

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Que.4(a) Discuss the significance of Non-Alignment Movement as a unique

contribution of the non-western world to world politics?
20 Marks

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Que.4(b) Explain the expanding concept of India’s Act East Policy. Explore the
scope of convergences between Modi’s Act East & Putin’s Asia Pivot
policy? 15 Marks

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Que.4(c) Is it correct to conclude that the Arab street revolutions have

radically altered the political power scenario of the west Asian
countries? 15 Marks

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Que.5(a) “Domestic problems and historical legacies apart from other factors,
constitute major strains Indian foreign policy.” Discuss this
statement with suitable examples? 10 Marks

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Que.5(b) Role of Indian Parliament in determining its influence in the making

of India’s Foreign policy. 10 Marks

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Que.5(c) Has the recent Indo–Israeli relationships given a new dynamics to

India’s stand on Palestinian statehood? 10 Marks

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Que.5(d) To what extent is multilateralism a reality with regard to India’s

relations with Central Asian states? 10 Marks

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Que.5(e) Enumerate current heads in India–EU relations? 10 Marks

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Que.6(a) “The economic content of India’s Foreign trade in increasingly

growing.” Substantiate the statement with economic diplomatic
engagement of India in the last decade? 20 Marks

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Que.6(b) Suggest measures so that India’s partnership with Africa becomes a

true symbol of South-South cooperation delivering clear cut
economic and political dividends to both sides of the equation?
15 Marks

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Que.6(c) “Indo-Pak relationship veers around the peaceful settlement of the

Kashmir issue.” Critically evaluate various alternatives for its
solution? 15 Marks

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Que.7(a) “Regional cooperation makes sense only in the event of there being,
at least as the bottom line, a degree of ideological cohesion and/or
economic dependence . The SAARC members have neither.”
Comment? 20 Marks

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Que.7(b) River water disputes are emerging as a major source of irritation

between India and its neighbours. Identify the sources of conflicts
and suggest the remedial measures? 15 Marks

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Que.7(c) The recent move of USA to withdraw from the Paris Climate
Agreements is a setback in the consensus achieved on protecting the
world environments. In this context assess the future of
collaboration in climate change at global level? 15 Marks

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Que.8(a) Critically analyse the geo-political circumstances, that has played

the role in India’s decision to change the status of Jammu & Kashmir.
20 Marks

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Que.8(b) The NRC issue opens up a pandora box for the future of India-
Bangladesh relations. Comment. 15 Marks

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Que.8(c) While the talks of alliance may be premature, time suggests France
can be India’s the most trusted strategic partner. To what extent
France can be described as the new-Russia? 15 Marks

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Space for Rough Work

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Space for Rough Work

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Political Science & International Relations9

Crash Course & Test Series - 2019
Test 08
Time Allowed: 3 Hours Max Marks: 250

There are EIGHT questions divided in TWO SECTIONS and candidate has to
attempt five questions in all.

Question Nos.1 and 5 are compulsory and out of the remaining, any three
are to be attempted choosing at least ONE question from each section.

SECTION ‘A’.

1. Comment on the following in about 150 words each : 10*5=50

1(a.) How does comparative political sociology help in understanding of socio
political process of different countries of the world? 10 Marks
1(b.) Discuss the changing nature of modern state with reference to the role of
transnational actors? 10 Marks
1(c.) Comment: “International politics, like all politics is a struggle for power.”
10 Marks
1(d.) Examine the changing nature of security in the recent times? 10 Marks
1(e.) Explain the concept of ‘Hegemonic stability’? 10 Marks
2. (a.) Examine the idea of balance between security and liberty in modern
international politics. Do you think the liberal international order is more
security –friendly? Discuss. 20 Marks
2. (b.) “Collective Security and Collective Defence are the institutional and state
mechanisms to sustain the domination of powers that be in international
politics.” Elaborate. 15 Marks
2. (c.) Explain how far ‘Deutsch’s model explains the framework of international
interdependence. Do you think that the processes of interdependence and

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integration have grown steadily in the post–cold war globalization

trajectory? 15 Marks
3. (a.) Identify the major differences between the Classical Realism of Hans
Morgenthau and the Neo-Realism of Kenneth Waltz. Which approach is the
best suited for analysing international relations after the Cold War?
20 Marks
3. (b.) Examine the changing perspective of the US foreign policy towards South
Asia in recent times and its implications of prospects of peace in the
region? 15 Marks
3. (c.) Discuss the evolution of non-proliferation of nuclear weapon in the post-
Cold War period? Make assignment of the current state of nuclear security
scenario. 15 Marks
4. (a.) Discuss the significance of Non-Alignment Movement as a unique
contribution of the non-western world to world politics? 20 Marks
4. (b.) Explain the expanding concept of India’s Act East Policy. Explore the scope
of convergences between Modi’s Act East & Putin’s Asia Pivot policy?
15 Marks
4. (c.) Is it correct to conclude that the Arab street revolutions have radically
altered the political power scenario of the west Asian countries?
15 Marks
SECTION ‘B’
5. Comment on the following in about 150 words each : 10*5=50
5. (a.) “Domestic problems and historical legacies apart from other factors,
constitute major strains Indian foreign policy.” Discuss this statement with
suitable examples? 10 Marks
5. (b.) Role of Indian Parliament in determining its influence in the making of
India’s Foreign policy. 10 Marks
5. (c.) Has the recent Indo–Israeli relationships given a new dynamics to India’s
stand on Palestinian statehood? 10 Marks

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 https://telegram.me/UPSC_PDF

5. (d.) To what extent is multilateralism a reality with regard to India’s relations

with Central Asian states? 10 Marks
5. (e.) Enumerate current heads in India–EU relations? 10 Marks
6. (a.) “The economic content of India’s Foreign trade in increasingly growing.”
Substantiate the statement with economic diplomatic engagement of India
in the last decade? 20 Marks
6. (b.) Suggest measures so that India’s partnership with Africa becomes a true
symbol of South-South cooperation delivering clear cut economic and
political dividends to both sides of the equation? 15 Marks
6. (c.) “Indo-Pak relationship veers around the peaceful settlement of the
Kashmir issue.” Critically evaluate various alternatives for its solution?
15 Marks
7. (a.) “Regional cooperation makes sense only in the event of there being, at least
as the bottom line, a degree of ideological cohesion and/or economic
dependence . The SAARC members have neither.” Comment? 20 Marks
7. (b.) River water disputes are emerging as a major source of irritation between
India and its neighbours. Identify the sources of conflicts and suggest the
remedial measures? 15 Marks
7. (c.) The recent move of USA to withdraw from the Paris Climate Agreements is
a setback in the consensus achieved on protecting the world
environments. In this context assess the future of collaboration in climate
change at global level? 15 Marks
8. (a.) Critically analyse the geo-political circumstances, that has played the role
in India’s decision to change the status of Jammu & Kashmir. 20 Marks
8. (b.) The NRC issue opens up a pandora box for the future of India-Bangladesh
relations. Comment. 15 Marks
8. (c.) While the talks of alliance may be premature, time suggests France can be
India’s the most trusted strategic partner. To what extent France can be
described as the new-Russia? 15 Marks

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Tips for Writing Good Answers:-

1. Read the question carefully and at least 3-4 times.
2. Note down concepts, facts, examples, keywords related to
the question.
3. Draw a rough outline of the flow.
4. Pay adequate attention to the introduction and
conclusion.
5. Introduction must offer your brief interpretation of the
question and how you propose to develop it.
6. Conclusion must summarize your response to the
question.
7. Make sure answer is
a. Logical and coherent
b. Clear connection between sentences and
paragraphs.
c. Written correctly giving adequate compatibility to
your expression, style and presentation
d. Do not exceed the word limit
e. Write neatly
f. Underline points you wish to emphasize.

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