SOURCE: Europe 1450 to 1789: Encyclopedia of the Early Modern World, vol. 1. NOTE: The attached text is the pre-publication working copy of the published article. Consult the published version before citing this text. ANABAPTISM is the name for several related branches of continental European lay Protestantism. These groups first began emerging after 1525 and were most prominent in (but not limited to) German- and Dutch-speaking territories. In German and Dutch the terms Wiedertäufer and Wederdooper (rebaptizers) carry old, negative connotations dating back to a time when rebaptism was a capital crime in the Holy Roman Empire. By contrast, Täufer or Dooper (baptists), Taufgesinnten or Doopsgezinden (the baptism-minded), and "Mennonites" (strictly speaking a group-specific term which sometimes is applied loosely as an umbrella category for all later Anabaptists except the Hutterites) are used more widely today. In current scholarly English the name "Anabaptist" ("one who baptizes again") is widely accepted as a neutral term which has lost its older, polemical sense. While the first Anabaptists were often baptized twice, once as infants in the medieval church and again as adults in the early years of the Reformation, the overwhelming majority throughout the early modern era were baptized only once as adults after first confessing their faith publicly. There were some features common to most Anabaptist groups throughout the early modern period. Like other Protestants, Anabaptists rejected papal authority in favor of biblical authority. However, while most other Protestants began establishing new professional clerical élites soon after the initial ferment of the Reformation, Anabaptists maintained their reliance on lay leadership much longer, and it was not uncommon among early groups to believe that ordinary men and women could receive direct inspiration from the Holy Spirit. Like other Protestants, Anabaptists emphasized the importance of grace for salvation, but they also placed a great deal of emphasis on the need for true faith to result in the transformation of believers' lives. And like other Protestants, Anabaptists also accepted only two sacraments, communion and baptism. Their symbolic, commemorative understanding of communion was similar to that held by Reformed Protestants. But unlike the majority of other major Christian communities, Anabaptists rejected child baptism in favor of believer's baptism as practiced by the earliest Christian communities. Interpreting Anabaptism. One of the dominant twentieth-century interpretations of Anabaptist history was outlined by the Mennonite historian Harold Bender in an influential essay from 1944 entitled "The Anabaptist Vision." In it he argued that "Anabaptism proper" had a single point of origen (Zurich) and an unchanging core of ethical features (discipleship, brotherhood, and nonresistance or Christian pacifism) which defined it. The reason for this narrow definition was to establish a clear distinction between true and false Anabaptists. The latter were those who, although they practiced believers' baptism, also participated in revolutionary politics and/or held mystical, spiritualist beliefs. From the point of view of church historians trying to establish an appropriate pedigree for modern Mennonites, these kinds of "fanatics" were not appropriate forbears. By contrast, nineteenth- and twentieth-century Marxist historians were among the first sympathetic interpreters to raise the theme of radical politics to prominence in Anabaptist studies. They were interested in Anabaptists as defenders of an ideology of the poor at a crucial stage of the Reformation when mainstream reformers were allying themselves with the interests of capital and the feudal ruling class. Few historians of Anabaptism today are Marxists, but issues that the Marxists addressed -- the social character of Anabaptist groups, and the centrality of revolutionary events like the German Peasants' War of 1525 and the period of Anabaptist rule in Münster from 1534 to 1535 -- continue to be prominent. Scholars since the 1960s and 1970s have generally rejected these interpretations. If the older Mennonite scholarship has influence today, it is mainly in the general interest in ethics and beliefs. Scholars since the later twentieth century have continued to investigate these themes, usually without imposing modern denominational assumptions about "Anabaptism proper." In part because of the influence of Marxist research, most acknowledge today that the first Anabaptists held a wide range of views about the use of force, as well as the proper relationship between believers and secular rulers. The newer social and intellectual history has shown that regional diversity was one of the hallmarks of Anabaptism. The way ideas spread among Anabaptist groups plus the important role of women in early Anabaptist groups have also received more attention in recent scholarship. Today it is common to write about Anabaptism as part of "the Radical Reformation." In the 1960s George Williams defined the term in contrast to "the Magisterial Reformation" and "the Counter-Reformation" and gave it a meaning which emphasized intellectual and theological features. By contrast, in the 1970s the German historian HansJürgen Goertz proposed defining as "radical" those groups and individuals who broke with the social, political and ecclesiastical norms of their day. In Goertz's interpretation, anticlericalism and laicism were key impulses shared by the first reforming movements in the early 1520s. By the mid 1520s rifts developed among reformers. Those who founded mainstream Protestant churches moderated their once radical positions when it became possible to establish alliances with secular authorities. Anabaptist groups were among the early campaigners for radical reforms who refused to compromise with authorities and therefore eventually found themselves forced to the margins of society. The early coalitions of radicals did not include only Anabaptists, but also spiritualist opponents of child baptism. While leaders at first could campaign for a complete Anabaptist reformation of society, separatism became the main option left open to proponents of adult baptism active a few years after the Peasants' War and the period of Anabaptist rule in Münster. The focus on radical reform is significant, because it integrates Anabaptist history into the main currents of early Reformation studies. After the first stage of the Reformation, Anabaptist groups underwent a transformation from dynamic early reforming movements to more established communities. The concentration of Anabaptist and Radical Reformation studies on the period until about 1550 has meant that the character of institutionalized Anabaptism of the early modern period remains largely unexplored. Early Anabaptist Groups. Throughout Europe the first generation of Anabaptists included men and women from a wide range of social backgrounds. University-educated scholars, former priests and monks, and artisans and other commoners were among their first leaders. Even the educated, many of whom quickly fell victim to executioners, tended to hold anti-intellectual prejudices, preferring the simplicity of a life lived according to Christ's example to the intricacies of academic theology. Like medieval dissenters and reformers, most early Anabaptists emphasized active holiness and ascetically disciplined lives as prerequisites for salvation, and frequently held apocalyptic, prophetic, spiritualistic, mystical, anti-institutional understandings of their connections with God. Radical reformers like Andreas Carlstadt, Thomas Müntzer and Caspar Schwenckfeld were among those who rejected child baptism before 1525. Although they never baptized adults, their influence on Anabaptist groups was strong. Since Klaus Deppermann, Werner Packull and James Stayer published the essay "From Monogenesis to Polygenesis" in 1975, it has been common to make distinctions between three regional forms of Anabaptism: Swiss, southern German and Austrian, and northern German and Dutch. The authors' further research has shown that there were many interactions and exchanges connecting groups, especially in Swiss, southern German and Austrian territories. Nonetheless, it remains useful to chart differences, as well as interactions, between regional cultures of Anabaptism. In Swiss, southern German and Austrian territories there was a strong affinity between the Peasants' War and Anabaptism. In the aftermath of the conflicts of 1525, disillusioned activists sought to give religious expression to the ideals that the peasants and commoners had fought for earlier. The Anabaptist practice of community of goods emerged as a result. The first adult baptisms began in Swiss territories in early 1525. The Swiss Brethren included many early supporters of Ulrich Zwingli who had become dissatisfied with his conservative turn. Key leaders in this branch included Conrad Grebel (1498?-1526), Balthasar Hubmaier (1480?-1528), Felix Mantz (1498?-1527), and Wilhelm Reublin (1480?-after 1559). Their Christianity tended to be legalistic, literal, scriptural in character. The Schleitheim Articles of 1527 are a famous expression of Swiss Anabaptism in its most radically separatist mode. Compared to Swiss Anabaptists, southern German and Austrian Anabaptist groups were influenced much more strongly by Thomas Müntzer's brand of spiritualism and mysticism. Apocalyptic expectations among believers were also especially strong into the later 1520s. Key leaders in this branch included Hans Denck (1500?-1527), Hans Hut (d. 1527), Pilgram Marpeck (1495?-1556), and Melchior Rinck (1494-after 1545). After the 1520s these groups became indistinguishable from the Swiss -- except for Marpeck's group, which was prominent for publishing ventures doctrinal in which writings by such diverse figures as Luther and Schwenckfeld were edited to serve Anabaptist objectives. Anabaptists were faced with often severe persecution. From an anti-Anabaptist point of view, the baptism of adults was an anti-Christian rebaptism which threatened to disrupt unity and order in the Christian polity. Thus, sixteenth-century rulers tended to interpret the act of baptizing adults as an act of rebellion and heresy. Although Anabaptists amounted to only a small minority in most territories, the attention paid them by authorities meant that their impact was much greater than their numbers might suggest. At the 1529 Diet of Speyer rebaptism was declared a capital crime in the territories of the Holy Roman Empire. Both Catholic and Protestant governments executed unrepentant Anabaptist men and women. Anabaptist responses to persecution varied. In the immediate aftermath of the Peasants' War a small minority chose to fight back futilely. Some believers recanted when threatened with punishment, while others stayed steadfast in the face of hardship, hoping for rescue upon Christ's imminent return. When confronted with the choice, some preferred martyrdom over the betrayal of their faith; the ca. 2000 who died for their faith were of comparable numbers to the martyrs of the far more numerous Protestant churches. Another option was Nicodemism, hiding their forbidden faith from central authorities while pretending to conform. Many chose exile. One region where persecution was particularly intense was the Catholic Habsburg Tyrol. Here Anabaptism in the late 1520s was the main form of popular reform. Jakob Hutter (d. 1536) and other leaders arranged the relocation of large numbers of believers from the Tyrol to Moravia, where some members of the local nobility were willing to provide the Anabaptists with land to live in peace. The relative safety of Moravia also attracted many refugees from Switzerland and southern Germany. In the Moravian sanctuaries, competing branches melded into new hybrid forms of Anabaptism. In Dutch and northern German territories, where the Peasants' War was of little consequence, Anabaptism had a largely (although not entirely) separate history. Melchior Hoffman (1500?-1543) began baptizing believers in these territories in 1530. In 1531 after harsh repression, he decided to suspend baptisms until the End Times, which he felt were then soon approaching. The suspension of adult baptism did not halt the movement's spread. A turning point came in February 1534 when an Anabaptist faction won elections in the Westphalian city of Münster. By that time the city had become a New Jerusalem for believers from the surrounding region and the Netherlands after baptisms had resumed. Catholic and Protestant authorities in neighboring territories reacted by laying siege to the city. Under the stresses of the siege, community of goods and polygamy were practiced. The siege armies broke through the city's walls in June 1535. The captured leaders, including Jan van Leiden, the self-styled Anabaptist king, were executed in gruesome fashion. Dutch and northern German Anabaptists after 1535 had to come to terms with the shock of the Münster years. Melchior Hoffman's distinctive belief in Christ's nature untainted by human corruption remained a characteristic of successor groups for many decades. A number of leaders vied for influence among the Melchiorite remnant after 1535. These included Jan van Batenburg, who led a militant minority; David Joris (1501?-1556), whose brand of spiritualism attracted many adherents before 1540; and Menno Simons (1496-1561), a former Catholic priest who advocated the formation of disciplined, separatist communities of nonresistant believers as an alternative to the excesses of Münster. The Mennonites were the most successful faction after about 1540. Later Developments. The character of Anabaptist groups went through some significant transformations over the course of the early modern era. While the first Anabaptists were voluntary converts to the new faith, most Anabaptists after the middle of the sixteenth century were born into established communities of faith. They accepted both adult baptism and political discrimination as part of their inheritance. It was only after the first generation of the Reformation that nonresistance (which denominational historians emphasized in their interpretations) rose to the central position that it enjoyed throughout most of the rest of the early modern period. Over the course of the sixteenth century the separatist Anabaptists' radical rejection of mainstream society diminished, and secular governments tended to be more accepting of the peaceful, withdrawn dissenters that the Anabaptists had become. In southern territories, persecution forced believers to relocate from cities and towns to the more secluded countryside. Anabaptists in the Swiss highlands were hunted by authorities until the middle of the eighteenth century. The Amish, followers of Jakob Amman (d. 1730), formed in the 1690s, in part to try to establish pure communities of the faithful without any compromises. Many emigrated eventually to North America. Unlike the single family households the Swiss Brethren preferred, a unique feature of Moravian Anabaptism was that a portion of its members organized themselves in large social, religious and economic cooperatives that have remained typical of Hutterite communities (named after Jakob Hutter) to the present day. Hutterites thrived in Moravia beside other noncommunitarian Anabaptist groups until the beginning of the Thirty Years' War, when they lost noble protection and migrated to new havens in Slovakia, after which they were driven further east, until in the late nineteenth century they joined the wave of Russian emigration to North America. Anabaptist groups thrived in the Protestant Netherlands and northern German territories, largely because they had received special privileges from secular authorities after the 1570s. Mennonites, the dominant group of Anabaptists in these regions, had strong communities in the Dutch countryside (e.g. Friesland) and in urban centers like Amsterdam, and even as far east as Danzig/Gdansk. Under the stresses of war and persecution, Anabaptists had left the southern Low Countries in the sixteenth century for the relative safety of Protestant-controlled territories to the north. In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, new Anabaptist communities formed. These included groups known as Waterlanders, Flemish, Frisians, and High Germans, and later also Lamists and Zonists. Although their ecclesiastical affairs were organized mainly locally and congregationally, conferences or synodal structures did emerge in the seventeenth century to link communities. The Dutch and northern German Mennonites were the first Anabaptists to employ professional, university-trained clergymen. Most Mennonites were what we might call "conforming nonconformists". They were religious nonconformists in their unique practice of baptism, as well as in their refusal to swear oaths or bear arms. In the seventeenth century, they (like other Protestant groups) commonly expressed their desire to preserve a unique confessional identity by using confessions of faith. In these statements, they also typically emphasized their adherence to the basic doctrines of the Christian creeds, and their politically conformist view that true Christians were obedient subjects. As communities they paid taxes, even war taxes. In some jurisdictions Mennonites held minor political offices, but in most cases they accepted exclusion from positions of public authority. Early modern Mennonites were instrumental in creating a sense of pan-Anabaptist identity. They argued that their Anabaptist forbears were not fanatics, heretics or rebels, as many Catholic and mainstream Protestant polemicists alleged. Rather, they were believers who had been especially faithful to Christ's teachings. A rich martyrological tradition emerged in which Mennonite writers memorialized executed believers from groups all across Europe. Significant numbers of Mennonites prospered economically in the early modern era, and some were able to establish substantial merchant enterprises. They used part of their wealth to support co-religionists suffering hardships in other regions. In the eighteenth century Dutch Mennonites tended to be well integrated into their societies, and some even participated in Pietist or Enlightenment circles. In the 1780s a significant proportion were active in the Patriot Movement during its rebellion against the Orange regime. Some even gave up the principle of nonresistance to bear arms against the government. After the early nineteenth century this radical phase was eagerly forgotten. Bibliography Secondary Works Driedger, Michael D. Obedient Heretics: Mennonite Identities in Lutheran Hamburg and Altona during the Confessional Age. Aldershot, 2002. Dyck, C.J. An Introduction to Mennonite History: A Popular History of the Anabaptists and the Mennonites. Scottdale and Waterloo, 1993. Goertz, Hans-Jürgen, ed. Profiles of Radical Reformers: Biographical Sketches from Thomas Müntzer to Paracelsus. 2nd ed. Scottdale, 1982. Hecht, Linda A. Huebert and C. Arnold Snyder. Profiles of Anabaptist Women: Sixteenth-Century Reforming Pioneers. Waterloo, 1996. Mennonite Encyclopedia. 5 vols. Hillsboro, 1955-1959, 1990. Mennonite Quarterly Review. Goshen, 1927-. One of the key forums for scholarship on Anabaptism. Includes important essays like "The Anabaptist Vision" and "From Monogenesis to Polygenesis". Packull, Werner O. Hutterite Beginnings: Communitarian Experiments during the Reformation. Baltimore and London, 1995. Snyder, C. Arnold. Anabaptist History and Theology: An Introduction. Kitchener, Scottdale and Waterloo, 1995. Stayer, James M. Anabaptists and the Sword. 2nd ed. Lawrence, 1976. Stayer, James M. The German Peasants' War and Anabaptist Community of Goods. Montreal and Kingston, 1991. Stayer, James M. "The Radical Reformation." Handbook of European History, 1400-1600. Vol. 2. Edited by Thomas A. Brady Jr., Heiko A. Oberman, and James D. Tracy. Grand Rapids, 1995, pp. 249-282. Stayer, James M. and Werner O. Packull, trans. and eds. The Anabaptists and Thomas Müntzer. Dubuque and Toronto, 1980. A collection of influential essays and excerpts from books, many translated from German and Dutch. Williams, George Huntston. The Radical Reformation. 3rd ed. Kirksville, 1992 [1962]. MICHAEL DRIEDGER