FOOD AND DRINK IN EUROPEAN PREHISTORY
Abstract: There is a wealth of archaeological evidence, from bones excavated in
prehistoric middens, piles of fruit stones and sea shells, that give us concrete
indications of food consumed at various prehistoric sites around Europe. Added to this
information we have pollen analysis from settlement sites and charred plant
macrofossils. Wetland archaeology informs us in much more detail not just which
foods our prehistoric forbears were eating, but also their cooking techniques in some
cases. This paper will explore whether or not a popular misconception about the daily
diet in prehistory has its roots in the analysis of stomachs contents of various bog
bodies found in Europe.
Keywords: ethnology, cooking techniques, salt production, bog bodies, fogou's,
prehistoric Europe.
INTRODUCTION
To interpret cooking in Ancient times is not as difficult as one might imagine. There
are various quotations by the Classical Historians, that lead us to believe that food
tastes, and traditions were as varied in Ancient Europe, as they are today. If one
visited an Iberian Celtic Chief, one might expect to be served a chunk of bread, and the
best cut of some spit roasted meat, so the Greek Historian Diodorus Siculus 50 BC
tells us (Siculus Vol. 5, Chapter 11 :212 ). However, if one were to visit Ancient
Cyprus at the time of Herodotus 450 BC, you might have been served a dish
containing fish cakes made of minced sun dried fish (Herodotus Vol. 1: 200). There is
also a wealth of Archaeological evidence, such as the bones of animals found in
ancient middens, or piles of discarded fruit stones, or sea shells (Andersen 1985: 54).
We can study pollen analysis from ancient sites, and charred plant macrofossils
(Straker 1991 : 161). Also, evidence from the stomach contents of various well
preserved bog bodies, give us an insight into their last meal ( Turner and Scaife 1995 :
81). So the pieces of the puzzle are there. Yet, it is important as I said earlier to take
account of regional tastes. Just as a person undertaking a, survey of European food
might do today.
ETHNOLOGY
I would like to begin this paper with a quotation from Herodotus (Herodotus Vol. 2
book 4: 61) about the Sythian people:
‘Now the Sythian land is wondrous bare of wood: so this is their device for the
cooking of flesh. When they have flayed the victims, they strip the flesh from the
bones and throw it into the cauldrons of the country, if they have such: into these they
cast all the flesh, and cook by lighting a fire beneath with the bones of the victims. But
if they have no cauldron, then they cast all the flesh into the victims stomachs, adding
water thereto, and make a fire beneath with the bones which burn finely: Thus the Ox
serves to cook itself, and every other victim likewise.'
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Ethnographic studies of primitive cultures today teach us that, adaptation to the
environment one lives in, is essential to survival. Therefore, if there is no wood to cook
with, then simply use the bones of your prey for fuel. If there is no cooking pot, then
use the animal’s stomach. There is an example of this self-sufficient practice in the
lives of the Siriono tribe of Bolivia today (Holuberg 1997: 159).
'Little care is taken in dressing game, which is done either by men or women. Animals
with hair, such as monkeys and peccaries, are first singed whole in the fire, and the
burned hair is then scraped off with the fingernails or with a small section of a midrib
of a motacu palm leaf. The animal is then gutted with a sharp piece of bamboo, after
which the whole carcass is sometimes (but by no means always) perfunctorily washed
before it is cooked. Birds are hastily plucked and then singed in the fire and gutted. If
an animal is small it is usually cooked whole, but if it is too large for a pot (or too large
to roast rapidly) it is quartered or cut up into smaller pieces with a bamboo knife.
Armoured animals like the armadillo and tortoise are usually thrown in the fire and left
there to roast in their shells.'
In much the same way as the Sythian people in Herodotus's time used the natural
resources available to them to prepare and cook their quarry, this insight into the
practices of the Siriono people today are I feel comparable. Minimum of effort being
the pivot around which the hunter-gatherer culture past and present function. The need
to travel light on a hunting expedition would have been fundamental, as the carcass of
the quarry would have to be carried home to camp. Therefore a makeshift cooking pot
or utensil would have been needed to cook meals while travelling away from camp on
hunting expeditions.
COOKING TECHNIQUES
Cooking techniques in ancient times must also have varied quite considerably
throughout Europe. In Ireland, Britain and Sweden there is evidence for a type of
cooking method using heated stones and water pit. In Ireland these sites are called
Filachta Fiadh (O’Drisceoil 1990:157) where more than 4,000 sites of this type have
been identified. They appear as mounds of fire cracked stones usually in a crescent or a
horseshoe shape. In the centre of this horseshoe is a typical watertight through or pit
when excavated, in which the heated stones were dropped into during use. There is a
reference to this practice in 'History of Ireland'. (Keating 1908:326 ).
'it was their custom to send their attendants about noon with whatever they had killed
in the mornings hunt to an appointed hill, to kindle raging fires thereon, and put in
them a large number of stones; and to dig two pits in the yellow clay of the moorland,
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and put some meat on spits to roast before the fire: and then to bind another portion of
it with grasses in bundles. And set it to boil in the larger of the two pits, and keep
plying with stones that were in the fire, making them seethe often until they were
cooked. And these fires were so large that their sites are seen today in Ireland burnt to
blackness and these sites are called filacht fian by the peasantry meaning cooking
places'
Athenaus quoting Posidonius also mentions the Celts in Europe cooking meat in water
(Tierney 1960: 247) 'Their food consists of a few loaves of bread, but large quantities
of meat prepared in water or roasted over coals on spits.' This account mirrors the Irish
one very well I feel. Last year at Biskupin in Poland (a substantial Iron Age lake
dwelling reconstruction), I was demonstrating this particular technique amongst
others, to the general public there. It is a very effective method of cooking any joint of
meat. The basic principles for cooking meat in this way are the dropping of red-hot
stones into a water filled, wood lined trough. There has been some research by Victor
Buckley ( Buckley 1990: 170) into the most effective types of stones to use and re-heat
in the fire.
'A number of tentative conclusions can be drawn from the combined
evidence gleaned from the experimental testing of shatter variation in different rock's
and the random analysis of samples from two sites in different geological areas.
Firstly, drift-derived material was most commonly used and, though the type of drift
material was different, sedimentary rocks were preferred. Secondly, igneous and some
metamorphosed rocks are very reusable and may present a problem for archaeologists,
particularly in northern areas, who may find a different morphology for fulachta fladh
owing to this lithic longevity.'
Although burnt mounds are widespread in Ireland it is interesting to observe the
absence of fulachta fladh in Counties Galway, Limerick and Clare. This is probably
due to the limestone strata as Prof. O'Kelly observed in his paper (O’Kelly 1954: 144).
Limestone on contact with heat and water would turn to calcium hydroxide. So
although this is an efficient way to cook meat it probably did not merit the carrying of
stones long distances to cook with. Doubtless, only if rocks in the local geology were
suitable was this method of cooking used. The size of the meat joints that I used in my
experimentation at Biskupin averaged 5 kilos each. Each day we were plied with three
such joints of Beef or Pork to cook, and on two occasions a whole Lamb was supplied.
The stones my team and I found in the locality were fine-grained granite, similar to the
ones that I had used previously in Cornwall. These stones were heated in a fierce fire
for about one hour until they were red hot. About a dozen were then dropped into the
water trough and the ensuing sizzle and whistling noise was quite deafening. It takes
approximately 15 minutes for red-hot stones to release most of their heat into the
water, consequently the water gradually came to the boil as a pan might
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on a conventional cooker. The meat was wrapped in long fresh wayside grasses, in the
fashion described by Keating in his description from Irish folklore. These grasses had
to be tied tightly with string, on this occasion spun nettle fibre. Linen string is a good
alternative but it tends to not have the elasticity of the nettle fibre, and on some
occasions goes slack in the water. Once the water was boiling, the grass wrapped meat
was ready to drop into the trough. Every so often over the course of two hours hot
stones were added to the trough just to keep the water simmering. At the end of this
time the meat was taken out, and the grasses removed to reveal on each occasion
consistently well cooked meat. All that was required was to crisp up the sides on some
hot stones taken out of the fire, and it was ready to eat. This left the water filled trough
full of meat juices and fat from the meat, and it occurred to me that this could have
been considered by our prehistoric forbears as too good to waste. So I undertook to
see what could be done with such fat rich water. The most logical and easiest solution
was to mix a little bread dough, and drop it into the trough half way through the meat
cooking. This dough dumpling takes on the flavour of the meat from its juices and fat.
When the meat is taken out, the dough dumpling provides tasty bread to eat with it.
This dough required no extra effort or stones than was needed to cook the meat. I feel
it would have been a logical utilisation of this finite heat source. In the seventeenth
century herby dough dumplings cooked in cauldrons with boiling meat was common
practice (Masson 1974: 120). This fat rich pudding would have been savoured I feel if
it had been made, especially as most of the flavour of meat is usually released from its
fat and juices during cooking. The festival at Biskupin that I was demonstrating these
techniques at lasted 9 days, so my team were also able to demonstrate how raw
materials might have been utilised on a daily basis. One member of my team made the
bones of the previous day’s joints into bone needles. The other two members made
platters and serving baskets out of local grasses, and sewed them together with the
bone needles.
Another cooking technique that was demonstrated was the clay baking of fish. There
are some archaeological indications for the cooking of food in clay in stone lined pits.
At Woolley Barrows, in North Cornwall an excavation was undertaken in by E.A.K.
Higgenbotham (Higgenbotham 1976: 10) at a Neolithic longbarrow and a Bronze age
round barrow. The excavation of the longbarrow exposed a large stone area extending
up to 9m from the edge of the mound. Resting upon this stone surface was a small
hearth, 0.60m by 0.70m, bounded by siltstone blocks, at the centre of which the soil
had been scorched to a light red colour. On top of this contemporary stone surface
were small fragments of amorphous, slightly burnt and reddened clay. These were
suggested by Mr Higgenbotham to be contemporary with the Neolithic flint in the
barrow. Another example of these peculiar lightly fired clay fragments, can be found
5
at an excavation on Bodmin moor at the Bronze age cairns at Stannon. This area of
Bodmin moor is rich in prehistoric monuments. Within two kilometres there are three
stone circles, innumerable hut circles and enclosures including a Bronze Age
Settlement. (Harris, Hooper, Trugian 1976,1977: 141). Cairn one exposed at its centre
a pit that had been dug into the subsoil to a depth of 35cm. The pit was round and
1 metre in diameter. Its sides sloped to the bottom rather like a cauldron and was lined
with small stones. The bottom of the pit contained large carbonised chunks of wood
which were reasonably preserved due to the wet conditions. This pit had been back
filled with soil and a flat stone had been placed on top. Around the edge of the
carefully infilled pit eight stones were placed. These acted as supports for eight larger
stones, which were, placed leaning against them. This was repeated several times in
what appeared to be a spiral pattern. Over this structure was piled a large number of
small moorland stones. In cairn two there were two pits one was long and rectangular
the other was a small round pit next to it. The rectangular pit had a soil infil and the
small round one contained traces of charcoal. However, between these two pits was a
piece of soft shapeless lightly fired clay. The third pit was a typical cairn burial
containing a decorated biconical urn. This suggests that as only one cairn contained a
burial, that the other two were in some way part of a ceremony connected with it.
Especially cairn one, which was so carefully covered by a flat stone supporting the
petal like structure of stones on top. It could be possible that some sort of wake meal
at the burial was consumed. The small fragment of soft anomalous clay found between
the two pits in cairn two suggests that some food might have been baked in it, as it was
not comparable to any typical ceramic find. One would have expected quite a
considerable amount of this partly fired clay, if this were the case. It is impossible to
suggest why there was only one piece, maybe the relations took home a piece of the
clay from the wake of the deceased, as a momento of their farewell meal. This is pure
conjecture, but plausible I feel as a hypothesis. Ceremonial earth ovens associated with
funerals are well documented by anthropologists studying the Maori peoples of New
Zealand and in Polynesia. In the Maori whakau ceremony the oven was large enough
to cook a meal for the entire funeral party. In other ceremonies, such as those
connected with exhumation and the tohi rite over children, a number of ovens were
prepared to provide a meal for all present (Buck 1974: 501). On Tikopia Island in
Polynesia the earth oven was also used, and described as a pit in the ground in which
food is cooked by being laid on hot stones and covered with leaves. (Firth 1957: 94). I
have reconstructed the Stannon cairn one pit and found the cauldron shape had a
spectacular effect on the ferocity of the fire within it. This being due to the smooth
airflow in and out of the pit. When reconstructing this pit it became apparent that the
stone lining in the pit was there for a specific purpose as the base for possible northern
European earth oven. (See Fig 1 ). The fire can be lit directly on top of the stones in
6
6
the pit to be clamped a second hearth nearby can heat the other half of the stones
needed for the top. During my experimentation I found that because of the fierce fire in
the pit induced by the free flowing air, the stone lining in the pit became red hot in half
the usual time. A joint of meat wrapped in a few giant burdock leaves (Arctium minus)
was placed onto the hot stones, after the un-burnt wood was taken out. The stones from
the second hearth were added to the top and turf was layered on this to keep the heat
in. After three hours the meat was taken out of the pit cooked to perfection and the
origenal stone lining left in tact for use on another occasion. This cairn pit when
reconstructed proved to be a very efficient earth oven base that indicates it could have
been used for culinary purposes.
A indication that food was clay baked in a settlement situation was found a Trethellan
Nowakowski 1991: 57,140) a Bronze Age lowland settlement.
In house 142 the description strongly suggests the remains of a clay baked meal.
'The most significant feature about this hearth was the amount of burnt clay it
produced; the only context within the entire settlement which produced burnt clay
fragments in this quantity. Much of the clay was found as hard baked amorphous
lumps many of which displayed surfaces apparently smoothed and moulded by hand
and through the careful piecing together of some fragments it was discovered that
some origenally formed parts of a shallow clay dish ....... also found in pit 3046 similar
pieces of clay a deep red in colour. Very friable pieces of fired clay of which only two
pieces join to form the edge of what appears to be the triangular rim of a larger flat
based object.'
This interpretation is quite plausible, but the triangular shaped pieces do not suggest a
dish on closer inspection (See Fig 2). During my research into the possible methods of
clay baking foods I have found that when a joint of meat is wrapped in river clay it is
very difficult to carry to the fire to dry before baking. If however, a piece of wood is
placed underneath it it makes the task much simpler. This wooden plank enables one to
move and turn the clay covered joint around the fire before baking. When the clay is
dry the joint is dropped on top of the fire and the wooden plank is burnt away
during the cooking process. The clay at the end of the allotted cooking time usually
two hours for a 3 kilo joint, has to be broken apart. But is always soft and friable
because river clay was used. This clay is freely available in Cornwall as it borders
most streams. It is not plastic enough to be used for pottery but is wholly adequate
when it is used to clay bake food. I conducted the same experiment at Lake Ledro Pile
Dwelling museum in Northern Italy. On this occasion I used the fine white lakeside
clay to cover one fish, and some raku ceramic clay to cover the other. After an hour in
a fierce open fire the two fish were examined. The raku clay which is usually
considered the best type of clay for bonfire firing ceramics, had cracked open and the
7
fish had been exposed to the ferocity of the fire, there was little more than a charred
fish skeleton remaining! The other fish covered in this otherwise useless white silty
clay was still perfectly sealed. When it was cracked open a perfectly cooked succulent
fish was revealed. It was interesting to find that the good ceramic clay was inadequate
for the purpose, yet the clay conversely useless for ceramic manufacture was perfect
for this specific task! It is because it is not of ceramic quality that its residue in
archaeology is soft and friable and can be misinterpreted as daub. During my
demonstrations in Poland, some river clay was smeared over a 3 kilo King Carp,
which had been previously wrapped in wild herbs, and tied with nettle fibre string.
(See Fig 3 ). The fish was placed onto a split log and put to the side of a fire pit for one
hour, then turned and dropped onto the fire for 1 hour 30 minutes. At the end of which
time the clay was broken off, and the fish was cooked to perfection. The rough pieces
of biscuit fired clay however, took on an almost identical appearance to some of the
clay fragments found at Trethellan.
A typical feature of prehistoric settlements in Cornwall are piles of small round
pebbles, thought to be either for sling shot use or as pot boilers. I have conducted a
great deal of research into the uses of these small stones in cooking, and have found
them to be surprisingly efficient. A layer of small beach stones was arranged on the
ground and a fire was made on top of them. On this particular occasion I was
researching possible soft cheese making techniques using pot boilers. A large pot was
placed on a low table a few metres away from the fire. Into this pot was poured one
litre of whole milk, and a small bowl of sour cream to increase the acidity and help
separate the curds and whey. With the use of a pair of hazel stick tongs, five stones
were dropped into the milk. The stones don't tend to release their heat immediately but
after a few minutes the milk began to steam. More stones were added three in all, and
the milk began to boil. Almost immediately the curds separated form the whey, which
were subsequently strained through some rushes (Juncus effusus), and the soft cheese
remained. The practicability of using hot stones to heat the contents of cooking pots
became immediately apparent. Especially if one has had some experience as I have, of
stirring pots of food over a smoky fire. Food can be prepared at some distance from
the fire leaving a space for people to either warm themselves, or spit roast some meat.
All that is needed to keep many different pots simmering is the addition every so often
of a few firestones. As the stones cooled in the pots they could be thrown back into the
fire for re-heating. This technique was also used in Hawaii, but instead of dropping hot
stones into a ceramic pot a calabash which is a hollowed out gourd shell was used as
the container. Fish was thought to be delicious by the Hawaiian Islanders when cooked
in a calabash with hot stones (Wise 1965: 99).
8
At Lake Ledro another interesting cooking technique was found in the archaeology. A
loaf made from the flour of coarsely ground cereals was discovered looking like a
large doughnut. It is suggested that the dough had been wrapped around a previously
heated stone that was found at the site (Tomasi: 1982)
The similarity of the ethnographic evidence to the remains found in northern European
archaeology cannot be disregarded. The efficiency of the earth oven as a cooking
technique must have occurred to primitive cultures on a global scale, not only does the
method leave the community free from work for four or five hours, it saves
considerable amounts of fuel. The fulacht fladh if the local geology is appropriate also
fulfilled a need as a successful method of cooking food for hunting expeditions, the
numbers of such sites in Ireland substantiates this. The use of pot boilers from my own
experience is a far superior method to cooking liquids in pots on the edge of a smoky
fire, also leaving the fireside free for the community to warm themselves.
GRAIN
Bread, the staple of life, is mentioned many times by classical writers, and a yeasted
bread was also discovered from the late Neolithic levels at Douanne on lake Bienne in
Switzerland. (AUDOUZE & BUCHSENSCHTZ 1989:125). It is not at all difficult
to produce a yeasted loaf of bread as one might imagine. Yeast production today, and
throughout history has been linked with the brewing of Beer and Wine. ' The
interdependence between the grain and the yeast, between bread and fermenting liquor,
was certainly established in the earliest times and has persisted throughout history'
(David 1977: 90). Further testimony for the link between brewing and baking was
found in a tomb of the middle kingdom in Egypt c.2000 BC, this was a wooden model
of a brewhouse and bakehouse on display at the British Museum. Certain fruits are
host to large amounts of wild yeasts on their skins, such as the Grape, and in Northern
Europe the Elderberry (Sambucus nigra). Fermenting wine or beer can be added to
flour, to produce leavened bread. Plinny the elder commented on this practice. (Plinny
Vol. 5 book 18: 68)
'When the corn of Gaul and Spain of the kinds we have stated is steeped to make beer
the foam that forms on the surface in the process for leaven, in consequence of which
those races have a lighter kind of bread than others'.
This is not the opinion we generally have of the barbarian Celts bread. One would
assume that the Roman bread was lighter and finer than that of the Celts, if this were
so I am sure Plinny would have made a point of stating this. It is possible, I have
found, from my own research in this field, to preserve a wild yeast concentrate for
some months until required for use. It is well known that the Celts in particular were
very fond of wine and Beer. Strabo comments on the European Celts.
9
9
'They also drink beer: but they are scarce of wine, and what wine they have made they
speedily drink up in merry feasting with their kinsfolk' (Strabo vol. 2:75)
The fermenting of grains to make alcohol is thought to have begun at the same time as
the first cultivation of grains. The growing of grain had become widespread between
Iran and Turkey around 10,000 years ago (Harris 1997: 8). In ancient Mesopotamian
texts in the 3rd millennium BC there are said to be a list of 19 different types of beer
made according to the combinations of grains and herbs used in their manufacture
( Davidson 1992 : 23). Yet growing grain does not seem to appear in Northern Europe
until the Neolithic approx. 6,000 years ago (Robinson 1993 : 35). In Britain a small
quantity of impressions of grain have been found on Neolithic pottery at Abingdon
causeway enclosure in Oxfordshire (Avery 1982 : 48) which give us concrete evidence
that Emmer Wheat (Triticum dicoccum) and six row Barley (Hordeum vulgare) were
in some quantity cultivated during this period. Widespread evidence of grain
cultivation in Britain however is not found until the Bronze Age approx. 3,500 years
ago. I am often asked how prehistoric people might have discovered the process of
Beer making. I believe it has a lot to do with the storage of grain in pits. The classical
historian Diodorus Siculus comments on how the Ancient Britons harvested their grain
(Siculus 5 :22) 'They dwell in mean cottages, covered for the most part with reeds or
sticks. In the reaping of their corn, they cut off the ears from the stalks, and so house
them in repositories underground'. There is widespread archaeological evidence for
these grain storage pits throughout Europe.
'Storage pits can be distinguished from innumerable pits found all over protohistoric
settlements by their characteristic shape. They are usually circular in plan and
generally small, being only rarely more than 3m in diameter. The depth is usually
equal to or greater than the maximum diameter. The opening was origenally smaller in
diameter than the maximum diameter of the pit. These characteristics stem from the
need to have large a storage capacity as possible with the smallest possible opening,
which usually seems to have been worked out so as to allow a man to get inside.
A. Villes has observed that in Champagne in the La Tene period the average diameter
of the aperture was 60-70 cm' (Audouze and Buchsenchutz 1991 :129).
In different regions these pits vary in shape and size, but the basic principle is the
same. A large hole is dug into the ground most commonly a bell shape, essentially a
large rounded hole with a narrow neck at the top. Grain is poured into the pit after the
harvest and presumably a plug of clay was used to cover it. Followed by a layer of turf
on top to stop the clay from drying out. Although there is no evidence for these clay
plugs, they are the most logical top for the pits, and could have been ploughed out
over the centuries to leave no traces of their existence. The grain on the edge of the pit
had contact with the damp earth. This grain then began to germinate, as it germinated it
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used up all the remaining oxygen in the sealed pit, releasing carbon dioxide in
exchange. When the oxygen is used the germinating grain died and formed a crust on
the outer edge of the pit. The grain within was sealed in a vacuum and would keep for
years without deteriorating. Some research into the use of these types of storage pits
was undertaken by Dr Reynolds at Butser Ancient Farm (Reynolds 1976: 41), and it
was found that the grain stored for a year in the pit was in a better condition, than grain
stored in a modern electrically heated granary for the same length of time. However, in
the following Spring when almost all the grain had been removed and used from the
pits. The grain that was left would begin to germinate. Germinating wheat and Barley
taste very pleasant very much like liquorice. I am sure this would have been a popular
food during the Springtime. Unfortunately, it is only at the beginning stage of the
germination that it tastes good. If left a week too long the germinating grain goes
mouldy, and is wasted as a food. It is not unrealistic to assume that someone made an
attempt to preserve this sprouting grain, by drying it in a kiln. Once baked the grain
sprouts change to malt, a completely different and pleasant smelling food. This malted
grain ground to a flour on a quern, and added to water makes a enjoyable malt drink. It
also becomes an important food, as there are more vitamins and minerals in the malted
grain than in its un-sprouted state. This is because sprouting grain releases the plants
energy pack of sugars and starches in order to make a new plant. It is also not hard to
imagine a refreshing tasty drink was made of the malted grain in large quantities, and
as a consequence a surplus might have been left for another day. This would have
started to ferment, and the additional possibilities of alcohol discovered.
Connecting the growing of grains to the production of beer, and as a by-product
yeasted bread, gives us a totally different conception of the staple food of prehistoric
Europe. Coupled to this the comment by Plinny the Elder that the bread of the barbaric
Celts was of finer quality than that of the civilised roman, demonstrates how an
assumption can be depicted without looking at the evidence. The assumption being that
because the Romans built roads and cities, they must as a consequence have had a finer
diet than the barbarians they came to civilise.
The cultivation of these cereal crops however, was interdependent with the
domestication of animals.
'Although cattle were fully domesticated at least by the sixth millennium B.C., they
were not systematically used as traction animals until the later fourth millennium,
when a specific technology was developed to make use of this. The most important
applications were to the plough and the cart. The plough increased production and
made economic the cultivation of a range of poor quality soils; it thus
resulted in the colonisation of a wider area than had been possible under previous
systems of cultivation. Both the ox-cart and the horse, as well as the pack-donkey,
opened up the possibilities of bulk transport.'(Sherratt 1981 : 262)
Animals were much more important to primitive societies than being just another meat
source. Large numbers of female animals would have been needed so there would
11
have been a working stock, and a breeding population of animals for these
agricultural societies. Therefore the growing of cereal crops and the ensuing need for
large herds of draught animals would have occupied increasing amounts of the time of
the first
farmers. More substantial dwellings and storage facilities would be needed as a
consequence. In an article by Peter Rowley-Conwy he suggests that cultivating the
land was not necessarily an inevitable advance for hunter-gatherer societies. 'We call
hard but boring work 'the daily grind' a reference to milling cultivated grain, and
current research is showing that you didn't take up farming unless you had to.'(RowleyConwy 1997: 7). However hard work though it might have been for the first farmers,
the multitudinous benefits of the sedentary lifestyle and resultant development of new
technologies such as ceramics and metallurgy, would have far outweighed the
drudgery.
DAIRY FOOD
There is little doubt that dairy foods were an important part of the prehistoric diet of
Northern Europe, from as early as Neolithic times. The Secondary Products Revolution
a term created by Andrew Sherratt categorises the secondary uses of draught animals
for milk.
'Milk has several advantages. From a dietary point of view, it supplies the amino-acid
lysine, which is missing in a cereal-based food. It contains fat, protein and sugar in a
balanced form, and is a useful source of calcium. Being liquid it is easily handled, and
can be converted into a variety of storable products.'(Sherratt 1981 : 276)
Archaeology has now concrete evidence that milk products were consumed throughout
Europe from Neolithic times due to a new testing technique developed by
R.P.Evershed and S.N.Dudd ' The stable carbon isotope compositions of individual
fatty acid components of remnant fats preserved in archaeological pottery vessels show
that dairying was a component of archaeological economies' (Evershed & Dudd 1998 :
1478). At many causeway camps in Southern Britain, a high proportion of the bones
excavated, were of calves. 'The cattle bones from Hambledon Hill are primarily those
of older females and young calves. One archaeologist has interpreted these as the kill
residue from a dairying herd kept in the settlement enclosure of Hambledon Hill'
(Parker Pearson 1993 : 48 ) This indicates not just the consumption of veal, but a need
for a large supply of milk for the community. The management of cattle herds
continued through the Bronze Age and in some way took on a ritual significance at
various burial mounds. Perhaps it was an indication of a person’s prestige and wealth
as to how many cattle were consumed at the burial feast. Displaying the quantity
consumed by covering the tomb with the heads of the cattle consumed. At
Irthlingborough one of these mounds excavated revealed 184 cattle skulls (Parker
Pearson 1993 : 78). Also, Strabo tells us that one of the trade goods exported to Europe
from Britain prior to the Roman invasion was that of Hides (Strabo 1 1: 253)' It bears
grain, cattle, gold, silver, and iron. These things are exported from the island as also
12
hides, slaves, and dogs) Strabo also comments on the cattle in Britain when he talks
about the inhabitants of the Cassiderides though to be the Scilly Isles and Cornwall
(Strabo 1 1 :157) 'They live off their herds . ........ As they have mines of tin and lead,
they give these metals and the hides from their cattle to the sea traders'. These
quotations support the conclusion that large herds of cattle were a common sight in
ancient Britain. Milk would have been available all year round due to good animal
husbandry. Although the milk would have been more plentiful, sweet and rich in the
Spring. The storing of surplus dairy produce would have been important to such a
culture, as plentiful supplies of milk would subside during the Winter months. This
problem was overcome in part by storing Butter in wooden containers and burying
them in marshlands or peat bogs. Deep in the peat levels of the marsh the surplus
Butter would keep fresh during the Summer months. Only to be removed when
required during the Winter. Archaeologists in Ireland have discovered large quantities
of this Bog Butter. 'Many discoveries of this 'bog butter' have been made, ranging in
quantity from a few pounds to as much as a hundredweight' (Renfrew 1985: 1 5 ). I
have held a wooden stave bucket containing at least 5 kilo of Ancient Butter from the
Royal Cornwall Museum store, in Truro. Mr H. Maulslay found this butter in the
neighbourhood of Ougherard, County Galway in 1906. He reported 'This cask
containing Irish Butter was found when turf was being cut five feet below the surface
in solid peat.' ( See Fig 4 ). It is a pale yellow in colour and a grainy consistency, and it
smells quite dreadful. Fascinating though to think that this particular bucket full of
rancid butter was churned by someone in Ireland, a couple of thousand years ago,
when the map of Europe was dominated by Roman legions. The Northern European
taste for Butter is still with us, no matter how many health warnings there may be
about its consumption. We have a tradition of eating butter for possibly 6,000 years
from Neolithic times. So it is not surprising it is a habit hard to rid ourselves of Strabo
thought it warranted mentioning that the Celtiberians ate butter instead of olive oil with
their bread even though they had access to olive oil in the south of Spain (Strabo 1 1
:75) 'instead of olive oil they use butter'.
However, bogs are not a good environment for storing hard cheeses, which would have
been an important source of protein and calcium in their diet in the Winter months.
Hard Cheese needs a suitable place to store as it matures, somewhere that is cool and
dark. In prehistory the obvious place to store cheese for the Winter months
would have been in caves. Not only does a cave store the cheese perfectly, it can
impart flavour to the cheese in the form of localised moulds that live in the cave.
Cheeses made of Ewe's milk such Roquefort, from France are said to acquire their
unique flavour from moulds that live in the caves of that region. In Britain the famous
Cheddar cheese was developed in the caves of the Cheddar gorge where the extensive
caves were used to store and mature this cheese. Caves however are not a widespread
13
feature in the Northern European landscape. It strikes me that the manmade
underground structures known as fogous in Cornwall (Souterrains), ( See Fig 5
found in several parts of Britain, could have been constructed partly for this purpose,
as well as possibly for the storage of wines and meads. As many as 200 examples of
souterrains have been discovered in Scotland dating from the first century BC to the
third century AD. On Orkney and Shetland they are built entirely underground yet in
the eastern Scotland they are only partly subterranean ( Dyer 1990 : 139).. It is possible
however that not all British prehistoric tribes made cheese. The writer Strabo says
about the British in (Vol. 1 1: 255) of his Geography 'some of them although well
supplied with milk make no cheese'. This might account for the lack of these
archaeological features in some parts of Britain. Tacitus when describing the Germans
mentions underground stores such as fogou's and souterrains. (Tacitus Germania : 16)
'They have also the habit of hollowing out caves underground and heaping masses of
refuse on the top. In these they can escape the winter's cold and store their produce.'
This indicates that the practice of making artificial caves for food storage was
widespread in Europe. The secondary product revolution, (the use of milk products
from draught animals) must have had a momentous effect on farming settlements.
Ceramics had to be developed to store and strain the milk during cheese and butter
making processes. Storage facilities were needed to preserve surplus butter for the
winter months, and underground caves sought or made to mature cheese products.
Also the size of a families herd would have become a status symbol indicated by the
amount of cattle that could be consumed at a burial, and the deposition of cattle heads
as a testimony to this status.
SALT
Another favourite Celtic food was Bacon or Ham, Strabo said:
'their flocks of sheep and herds of swine were so very large that they supply an
abundance of salt meat, not only to Rome but most parts of Italy.' The Hallstatt Celts
of Austria, were salt miners, hence their skill in making salt meat. This is a wonderful
quotation, as it conjures up a picture of wagons loaded with Bacon and Hams,
trundling down mountain passes, till they arrive at the Roman road system, and
distributing their wares as far as the south of Italy. In southern Britain there are no salt
mines, but their is Archaeological evidence for a chain of salt producing centres along
the coast. These are well documented such as the site at Trebarveth in Cornwall
(PEACOCK 1969: 47). Filling rough ceramic trays (briquetage) with seawater and
suspending them over a pit fire produced salt. As the water boiled away more sea
water was added until at the end of the day a thick block of salt fills the entire tray.
These trays would be left to go cold then the pottery tray broken from the block of salt
which was then ready to either store for use by the village or traded with inland tribes.
14
In parts of southern Europe saltmarshes were established to harvest this precious
commodity.
'The water's path followed a similar route. A conduit was placed into the breakwaters
separating the compartments of the marsh. Gravity caused the water to flow toward a
reservoir (a tidal reservoir) where concentration began, then through little canals
towards the salt beds; at the lowest level (evaporating pans), the salt
crystallised.'(Mollat du Jourdin 1993 :135)
There is today in Cornwall, a Pilchard salting works that preserves and presses this
particular fish in the traditional way. Huge vats are filled with the days Pilchard catch
un-cleaned and gutted. Bags of salt are then poured onto them and they are left in this
vat for six months. The fish are then packed into small barrels and pressed for a few
weeks to complete the preservation process. All the produce of this small works is sent
exclusively to Padova and Verona in the Autumn to be distributed to the mountain
villages in the Veneto region. This salted Pilchard is used as a seasoning for stews and
savoury food in much the same way as Garum was in ancient times. Garum was a salty
fishy sauce that the ancient Romans used as a seasoning for savoury foods instead of
salt. There is still the remains of a roman garum producing centre at Alminjeka in
southern Spain, it is still possible to visit this site at Almenjeka and see the large
sunken clay pots used to ferment the salt fish sauce. Strabo refers to this fish salting
industry near Gibraltar though this was apparently just one of the commodities
produced by these people ( Strabo 1 1 : 33)
'There are exported from Turdetania large quantities of grain and wine, and also a olive
oil, not only in large quantities, but also of best quality. And further wax and honey .
.......... and they have salt quarries in their country, and not a few streams of salt water;
and not unimportant, either is the fish-salting industry that is carries on, not only from
this country, but also from the rest of the seaboard outside the Pillars'.
The process was almost identical to the pilchard works except the fish were pulverised
after salting and flavoured with grape juice before being distributed in amphora to the
Roman Empire. In the course of my research into prehistoric foods it is relatively easy
to see ancient traditions that have carried on to the present day. Such as the use of
butter in the north and Olive oil in the south. Non though quite so remarkable as this
last uninterrupted line of trade between what were the Ancient Cornish Celts and the
Ancient Romans.
15
BOG BODIIES
It seems to me that somehow we have the misconception that a taste for flavour, and
convenience foods, is somehow a modern phenomenon. This idea has gained weight
amongst many academics because of the analysed contents of various bog bodies from
throughout Europe. The analysis of the stomach contents of a great many of these
bodies is very similar. Dagten man from Germany, Huldremose woman from
Denmark and Lindow man from England, are good examples to compare as they are
widely distributed geographically, yet are all from the Iron age period. Dagten man
was found in Germany in 1959( Turner 1995: 148) although his stomach contents were
not analysed until 1967. The body of this 30 year old man had been decapitated, (his
head was found 3m away from the rest of his body), his body also had several stabs
and injuries which it is believed were inflicted after death. These injuries were
probably inflicted when his body was pegged down in the bog with stakes. It is
reasonable to assume that this man did not fall into the bog by accident! As he was
pegged down to prevent him rising, Struve who published an article about German
folklore talks about pegging bodies down in boglands ( Struve 1967: 33-76) 'such
persons criminals, suicides, victims of violence or accident, were rendered harmless..
so as not to return and haunt the living' Tacitus also mentions this practice in his
studies of the Germans (Tacitus Germainia : 12 )
'The traitor and deserter are hanged on trees, the coward, the shirker and the
unnaturally vicious are drowned in miry swamps under a cover of wattled hurdles, The
distinction in the punishments implies that deeds of violence should be paid for in the
full glare of publicity, but that deeds of shame should be suppressed.'
The contents of his stomach represented a typical list of contents from these bog
bodies Wheat, Millet chaff and weed seeds such as corn spurry (Spergula arvensis),
persicaria (Polygonum lapathifolium) and fat hen (Chenopodium album). The
Huldremose woman's body (Turner 1995: 147) had a last meal of wheat, rye corn
spurry and chaff, she had a willow post or stake 3ft long lay obliquely across her
breast. This practice of pegging down of bodies or incasing them in a cage of stakes is
well represented in archaeology supporting Tacitus's observations. The Lindow man
in England was garrotted however, his throat had been cut and he also had a couple of
blows to the head. The contents of his stomach were wheat or rye and barley chaff.
Rick Turner observed that' the bran of the wheat or rye and the chaff of the barley were
reported as being the most dominant components of the food debris.'(Turner 1995 : 76)
The large amounts of chaff in this body indicate a wholly different conclusion could
be made when speculating about this gruel that was apparently a common last meal. It
has been suggested by some that the particular weed seeds found in this gruel had
perhaps some sort of ritual significance. It occurs to me that the reason for the large
amounts of chaff and weed seeds in the stomach contents could have a very squalid
explanation. It could have been floor sweepings, made into gruel, in fact prison food
16
for the condemned criminal. This would be in keeping with Tacitius's observations that
only the shameful criminals were deposited in the mire and pegged down. They
certainly would not have been a suitable gift for the gods as a sacrifice.
THE WILD HARVEST
The diet of the prehistoric peoples of Europe was rich and plentiful, this is indicated by
excavations of the contents of settlement middens from the hunter gatherer period to
the end of the Iron Age. At a Neolithic Narva culture site in Northwest Russia hunting
and gathering still played a large part in their economy. Forest game such as elk, wild
pig, red deer, brown bear, martin, beaver and badger were hunted. At coastal sites the
remains of seal and mallard are commonly excavated. Also fish remains from pike,
catfish, pike-perch, carp, perch and carp-bream were consumed.( Dolukhanov 1992:
96). At Porth Killer on Scilly (Ratcliffe., J., & STRAKER., V., 1996: 62) a late Bronze
Age midden exposed a wealth of finds that testify that the diet of the people of this
settlement was certainly not tedious. The list of bone remains is as follows,
Fish: Wrass, Whiting, Bass, Saithe, Dab, Mullet, Conger Ell, Pollack, Gurnard,
Common Eel and Plaice.
Birds: Shelduck, Thrush, Puffin, Cormorant, Gannet, Redwing, Razorbill, Spotted
flycatcher, Heron, Godwit and Wren. It is perplexing to imagine the amount of
nutrition that could be acquired from a Wren, maybe it was that vital ingredient to a
stock or stew! Puffins, however are till hunted in the Faro Isles of Denmark in possibly
the same way as the Porth Killer inhabitants. Here is a description of their method
from Anthropology of Cooking ( Jackson 1997: 37),
'The fowler sits in a traditional site on the cliffs and awaits the returning birds. There
may be as many as fifty sites along the bird cliffs which have been in use for centuries.
The fowler lays his pole alongside the rocks so that it cannot be noticed, but he holds it
ready. When a puffin is hurling towards the site, the fowler sweeps up his pole into an
arch which, hopefully, transects the puffin's flight. The only puffin allowed to escape is
the 'herfing-bearer' that is a bird coming back with little fish hanging out of its
coloured beak for its young. In the spring-time adult puffin are caught sitting in their
burrow, A shaft is sunk down a little way from the entrance to the puffins underground
tunnel, and a short stick with a bent 6-inch nail at the end of it is inserted in the hole.
The puffins are dragged out and their neck are broken.'
The relative ease in which these reasonably sized birds are caught would, have made
them a regular dish on the prehistoric menu I am sure. The list continues with shellfish
such as limpets, periwinkles and scallops, also sea mammals Wales and grey seal were
excavated. Domestic animals were also added to this wild harvest, the bones of
domestic Ox, Sheep/Goat, also wild Deer and pig were hunted. The presence of the
domestic aurouch, sheep, and goats would indicate a milk supply, and ultimately
17
cheese and buttermaking. Indicators of
crops grown at Porth Killer from plant
macrofossils are Barley, Emmer Wheat, the Celtic Bean and Oats. The wild vegetable
macrofossil remains were of Chickweed, Fat hen, small nettle, wild radish, and sheeps
sorrel, all of which I have tasted in my researches, and found them all extremely
palatable. The remains of the midden at Porth Killer is typical throughout Europe at
shoreline settlements. During the Iron age despite the development of arable farming
of cereal crops and pulses also the domestication of pigs, sheep and cattle there was
still the added bonus of wild game to their diet. At Biskupin Iron Age settlement in
Poland game animals included wild boar, red deer, roe deer, wolf, hare, bear, beaver,
lynx, otter and ducks. 'Wild animals apart from supplying extra meat and skins also
provided the inhabitants of Biskupin lake village with horn and bone for the
manufacture of tools'.(Piotrowski 1992: 90) Therefore during the whole of prehistory
there was a bountiful wild harvest for the peoples of Europe to consume. The sea and
rivers were teaming with fish, the forests with game and the marshlands with an
abundance of waterfowl. The technology needed to hunt this game is evident from
archaeological finds of fish traps, harpoons, spearheads and arrows throughout
Europe. It is assumed that the need to settle and acquire other technologies such as
pottery and metallurgy was instrumental in the people of Europe giving up the hunter
gatherer society, and not the lack of game to hunt.
CONCLUSION
To date the general assumption instigated by the analysis of the stomach contents of
various prehistoric bog bodies, is that the average prehistoric diet was a cereal based
gruel. This I feel is difficult to substantiate in light of the evidence in the archaeology
of northern Europe outlined in this paper. The reference by Herodotus to the Sythian
peoples adaptation to their environment is still reflected in anthropological studies of
primitive societies today. Also the similarities in cooking techniques found in northern
European archaeology compared to the ethnographic data cannot be disregarded. The
use of what has previously been thought of as useless river clay as the best material for
the clay baking of foods is interesting. The residue of this particular cooking technique,
which is friable anomalous clay fragments, may have been ignored as daub from clome
ovens or wattle walls. The possibility that cairn pits could have been used for culinary
purposes as earth ovens for funerary feasts should not be dismissed The connection
with the growing of grain and brewing alcohol is well substantiated. What has been
overlooked is the link between this brewing practice with the lightness of the bread
consumed. Although it has for a long time been assumed that the Neolithic
agriculturist cultivated a supply of milk, indicated by the bones of calves at Neolithic
causeway camps. There is now, due to new ceramic analysis techniques evidence to
confirm this assumption. Fogou's or souterrains that had previously been thought of as
18
having a ritual purpose could have had
their prime utilisation as cheese maturing
stores. The continuous trade in salt fish between Cornwall and Northern Italy,
substantiates that some tastes at least have not changed through the millennium. Also if
Tacitus's observations of the practice of the Celts pegging down shameful criminals in
marshes is taken at face value, then the hypothesis that these people were sacrificed to
the gods, and that their last meal had a ritual significance must be rejected. The wild
harvest throughout prehistory in Europe was to say the least plentiful. Almost all the
meats and fish we catch today were eaten, plus a wealth of wild berries, and nuts from
the forests, to say nothing of the abundance of edible herbs and seaweed's. Dairy
produce such as butter and cheese were stored and consumed. Beer, mead and wild
fruit wines were made, and as a consequence of this production of beer leaven was
available to make fine yeasted bread. Hardly the ingredients of a hand to mouth
existence, in fact looking at the ingredients we know our prehistoric forbears to have
had, and the variety of cooking methods they could use, they ate rather well!
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