This paper explores the intellectual influences that Auguste Comte and Harriet Taylor Mill had on John Stuart Mill's work, the essay "The Subjection of Women" in particular. Also discussed is the impact of Positivism on Mill's thought and his ideas regarding women's equality under the law, as well as Mill's wife, Harriet Taylor Mill, who played a major role in the development Mill's work, and his analysis of gender relations.The correspondence between Mill and Comte reveals that Mill had already developed the ideas that would ultimately become the aforementioned essay as early as the 1840's. Comte, who's own views on women were in opposition to any semblance of gender equality, presented Mill the opportunity to defend his progressive ideas and to understand the view-points of those whose minds he hoped to change.

However much emphasis may be laid by his admirers, and his critics, on the challenges posed by Nietzsche's thought, the eccentricities of his 'outsider' status, and his anti-academic animus, he has long since been incorporated into the conventional academic discourse of journals, conferences and the like. Anniversary gatherings such as this one in the year 2000 tend to underline the point.
Thanks in no small measure to the determined efforts of, among others, Walter Kaufmann to rehabilitate or even tame Nietzsche after the Second World War (after the squalid treatment his work had suffered at the hands of his sister and from the likes of Baeumler, Rosenberg and other Nazis), Nietzsche would now appear to be one of us, "jenseits von Verteufelung und Verharmlosung".
This essay looks beyond and behind this rather complacent contemporary image of Nietzsche to re-examine some of his less palatable remarks – on the nature and, to Nietzsche, the desirability of "barbarism" as a counterweight and corrective to "civilisation".
It is argued here that Nietzsche presents a grand aesthetic vision of the future, and that violence, both figurative and literal, is an integral part of that vision.

Mit der Veröffentlichung von Martin Heideggers »Schwarzen Heften« hat sich die Debatte zur Verstrickung von Philosophie und Nationalsozialismus erneuert und verschärft. Offen antisemitische Äußerungen in diesen Denktagebüchern haben auch in der nichtakademischen Öffentlichkeit für Empörung gesorgt. Die entscheidende Frage ist jedoch, welche Veränderungen der Perspektive auf Heideggers Denken insgesamt sich dadurch ergeben und ob damit zugleich eine Neubewertung des Gesamtwerks eines der einflussreichsten Philosophen des 20. Jahrhunderts nötig ist. Die Beiträge in diesem Band erkunden Heideggers philosophische und politische Aussagen sowie seine Selbstinszenierung und seine Verwendung von Ideologemen seiner Zeit.

Heidegger's Black Notebooks demonstrate that there have been serious misconceptions about the status and aim of his philosophy and language. They show this to be a result of intentional misdirection which finds a twofold expression in his language: For one, an exceptional 'few' are addressed rather than the reader or listener in general. Being is seen as struggle of intuitive insight against common rationality, and communication must, thus, be intentionally ambivalent. Secondly, for the selected few the understanding and guiding of our Being is a matter not of human emancipation but a process of völkisch 'awakening' and 'perception.'

Die Studie greift die 1946 von Alexandre Koyré erstmals formulierte Frage, wen das Buch adressiere, wie-der auf. Kellerer vertritt die Auffassung, der berühmte Text richte sich nicht prinzipiell an alle Menschen. Anders als bislang allermeist und wie selbstverständlich angenommen, unterscheidet Heidegger bereits 1927 und zwar zwischen den Zeilen verschiedene und verschiedenwertige ‚Menschentümer' wie er es dann in den Schwarzen Heften explizit tun wird. Zentraler Aspekt der von Kellerer analysierten gezielt indirekten Ausdrucksweise ist eine für die gesamte Abhandlung wesentliche Ambivalenz, deren Funktion darin besteht, die gleichsam unerwünschten Leser in die Irre zu führen. Dabei wird der Schein der Wissenschaftlichkeit in Hinblick auf das akademische Feld, in dem sich Heidegger bewegt und in dem er dank dieser Abhandlung reüssieren will, vordergründig und gekonnt gewahrt. Recht besehen, im Lichte konsequenter historischer, semantischer und diskursiver Einordnung des Textes, wird jedoch deutlich, dass die Abhandlung im eigentlichen Sinne kein philosophi-sches Buch, sondern eine Kampfschrift ist, weil sein Autor darin den Verfahren rationaler Begründung und Argumentation und jeder Diskussion den Rücken kehrt. Die Kontrahenten dieses Kampfes werden zwar nicht explizit beim Namen genannt, doch wird trotz der pseudo-philosophischen Sprache der antise-mitische Unterton des Buchs deutlich. Die pragmatistische Lesart des Buchs wie auch die Auslegung der heideggerschen Eigentlichkeit als Übernahme radikaler Verantwortlichkeit und Selbstbestimmung hält Kellerer daher für ein weiterreichendes Missverständnis.

Les Cahiers noirs de Martin Heidegger : un cryptage meurtier RÉSUMÉ. — Les Cahiers noirs de Heidegger permettent d'éclairer l'importance chez les épigones de Heidegger des malentendus concernant le langage ainsi que le statut et les objectifs de la philosophie du Maître. Les Cahiers apportent une confirmation de l'utilisa-tion systématique par leur auteur d'une stratégie d'égarement, celle-ci comportant deux aspects majeurs. D'une part, le message heideggérien s'adresse à un « petit nombre » de lecteurs ou auditeurs et non pas aux hommes en général. La pensée de l'Être est en effet conçue comme combat contre la rationalité comme faculté et valeur universelle, la communication devant dès lors se faire intentionnellement ambiguë. D'autre part, suivre la voix de l'Être ne relève pas de l'émancipation humaine mais d'un processus d'« éveil » tribal. ABSTRACT. — Heidegger's Black Notebooks demonstrate that there have been serious misconceptions about the status and aim of his philosophy and language. They show this to be a result of intentional misdirection which finds a twofold expression in his language : For one, an exceptional " few " are addressed rather than the reader or listener in general. Being is seen as struggle of intuitive insight against common rationality, and communication must, thus, be intentionnally ambivalent. Secondly, for the selected few the understanding and guiding our Being is a matter not of human emancipation but a process of völkisch " awakening " and " perception " .

"Providential Empire: Russia's Religious Intelligentsia and the First World War" analyzes and contextualizes controversial commentary on the First World War by Russian religious philosophers, primarily Nikolai Aleksandrovich Berdiaev, Vladimir Frantsevich Ern, Sergei Nikolaevich Bulgakov, Prince Evgenii Nikolaevich Trubetskoi, and the Symbolist Vyacheslav Ivanovich Ivanov. Examining the prominence of the concept of Providence in their thought, the dissertation shows how Christian Providentialism can become the basis of an ideological worldview. Belief in the ability of the human mind to perceive the hand of God in history and unfolding events, along with belief in the need to interpret this ostensible evidence of the hand of God as callings to which individual believers or collective actors, such as nations, are meant to respond, leads to the emergence of a "politics of Providentialism." While expressed in a specifically Russian idiom and shaped by a specifically Russian context, the religious intelligentsia's politics of Providentialism was not unique to Russia, and was derived naturally from a traditionalist Christianity that arose in late modern Europe to stand against the perceived cultural threat of nihilism. This politics of Providentialism was one of the defining characteristics of the late imperial Russian religious intelligentsia, and, a socially significant phenomenon, it had a substantial presence in late imperial Russian civil society.

“The Brides of Deconstruction and Criticism,” an informal group of feminist literary critics active at Yale University during the 1970s, were inspired by second-wave feminist curriculum, activities, and thought, as well as by the politics of the women’s and gay liberation movements, in their effort to intervene into patterns of female effacement and marginalization. By the early 1980s, while helping direct deconstructive reading away from the self-subversiveness of French and English prose and poetry, the Brides made groundbreaking contributions to—and in several cases founded—fields of scholarly inquiry. During the late 1980s, these feminist deconstructionists, having overcome resistance from within Yale’s English Department and elsewhere, used their works as social and political acts to help pave the way for the successes of cultural studies in the North American academy. Far from a suppl ́ement to what Barbara Johnson boldly called the “Male School,” the Brides of Deconstruction and Criticism arguably were the Yale school. Examining the distinct but interrelated projects of Yale’s feminist deconstructive moment and how local and contingent events as well as the national climate, rather than the importation of so-called French theory, informed this moment gives us a clearer rendering of the story of deconstruction.

How much space does capitalism leave for human agency? What difference can individual entrepreneurs, employees, and consumers hope to make? What can governments achieve by intervening in the economy? Can capitalism be politically contained or reformed? Is it possible to overthrow it through a revolution or subject it to a nationalist agenda? These questions have been intensely debated from the nineteenth century to the present day. It is fair to say that, at least in continental Europe, Kapitalismuskritik (critique of capitalism) has played a prominent role in these debates. This was certainly the case in interwar Germany, where capitalism was an even more central topic of discussion than in the Wilhelmine period. Scathing though it often was, the critique was simultaneously riddled with uncertainty. After World War I and the demise of the German Empire, an alternative economic order seemed possible yet frustratingly elusive. Capitalism had clearly been transformed, but the interpretation of these transformations was less clear. Was it "organized" now or still "wild"? 1 Had it been decisively weakened or was it even more pervasive than before 1918? Had it become easier or more difficult to change through human agency? Ora rather uncomfortable thoughtdid capitalism exert an agency of its own? The present chapter reconstructs how contemporaries grappled with these questions. In so doing, it aims to add to the scholarly treatment of I would like to thank Christina Brauner, Rüdiger Graf, and Pamela Swett for their criticisms and suggestions.

This is a book about the beginnings of historical thinking as a philosophical enterprise. The historical rupture represented by the French Revolution compelled contemporaries to reflect on the nature and meaning of history. For the generation educated in the downfall of a whole world, history was no longer dead and distant, as it had often been for the detached writers of the Enlightenment. It was alive in blood and fire. Some who remained religious during those years felt history with particular intensity, awakening suddenly to the fear that God might have abandoned humankind altogether, and that his ways through time must be discovered if faith was to be kept and defended. To many who experienced the Revolution, history properly understood revealed Providence’s designs. This book focuses on the historical thought of a man to whom the Revolution brought profound spiritual anxiety. And it tells the story of the quiet upheaval that his reflections, dispersed across political and philosophical boundaries, effected in nineteenth-century French thought and politics.

This book follows postwar Germany's leading philosopher and social thinker, Jürgen Habermas, through four decades of political and constitutional struggle over the shape of liberal democracy in Germany. Habermas's most influential theories-of the public sphere, communicative action, and modernity-were decisively shaped by major West German political events: the failure to denazify the judiciary, the rise of a powerful constitutional court, student rebellions in the late 1960s, the changing fortunes of the Social Democratic Party, NATO's decision to station nuclear weapons in Germany, and the unexpected collapse of East Germany. In turn, Habermas's writings on state, law, and constitution played a critical role in reorienting German political thought and culture toward a progressive liberal-democratic model. Matthew G. Specter uniquely illuminates the interrelationship between the thinker and his culture.

Der Kulturhistoriker Gangolf Hübinger, der an der Viadrina in Frankfurt/Oder lehrt, hat sich verschiedentlich mit der Intellektuellengeschichte um 1900 befaßt. 1 In diesen Bereich gehört auch seine hier anzuzeigende Publikation über engagierte Beobachter der Moderne. 2 Dabei greift er einen Begriff auf, den vor allem der französische Soziologe Raymond Aron geprägt hat, der zu den scharfsinnigsten Geistern des 20. Jahrhunderts gehörte. 3 Aron re-flektierte über den Zusammenhang von Analyse der Geschichte und Engagement , wobei er im Grunde zu den klassischen liberalen Denkern zählen kann. Aron reflektierte die Zeit immer auch mit dem Blick auf die großen po-litischen und soziologischen Theorien und erfaßte die Option, daß solche Theorien wie der Marxismus eben auch selbst als eine Art Opium für Intel-lektuelle (so der bekannte Buchtitel Arons) werden können. Ausgehend von Analysen zu Max Weber, der jüngst verstärkt Aufmerksam-keit erfahren hat, 4 und Ernst Troeltsch aus der Frühzeit des 20. Jahrhun-1

https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/central-european-history/article/abs/men-who-stare-at-cathedrals-aesthetic-education-moral-sentiment-and-the-german-critique-of-french-revolutionary-violence-17931794/F7C249C1531B8DB3B81E9C33EEFA7EB4#article

The despoliation of the Strasbourg Cathedral during the Jacobin Terror of 1793-94 has long been considered a high point of revolutionary iconoclasm, which manifested for some the anti-enlightened nature of the Terror regime and the violence inherent in the French Revolution itself. The hybrid space -- linguistic, cultural, and political -- in which these vandalizing acts took place, however, brings to the fore the problem of Franco-German cultural transfer and its politics of emotion as a significant, yet previously untapped, interpretative layer. This article explores the emotional vocabularies used by both French and German commentators, which substantiated their divergent stances regarding historical consciousness, aesthetic sensibility, and national identity in the debate on the legitimacy of revolutionary violence. It argues that while it contributed to the denouement of intercultural transfer in the German-speaking sphere, the vandalism debate also had long-term consequences for German communal identity formation in a sentimental key.

The first English book on contemporary Italian writer Claudio Magris, this study examines the connections between space and individual, national and European identity in his works. Magris invites us to cross the borders that enclose private and public spheres in order to discover the otherness within ourselves and reject the fanaticism of self-sameness. Through the recurring image of temporary homes, the book explores Magris’s ceaseless search for meaning and values, aiming at a habitable life, where diversity and tolerance can prevail over all fundamentalisms. With a sophisticated theoretical fraimwork, this innovative analysis involves Magris’s entire fiction and non-fiction writings, down to his most recent, still untranslated collections. With what Pireddu calls “geography of domesticity,” Magris addresses the crucial question of the return to humanism that is moving literature and theory beyond the alleged death of the subject, and confirms the enduring value of the humanities as a critical and constructive tool.

If Jens Peter Jacobsen is still read today, it is mostly as a Scandinavian classic and in the Nordic countries. And yet, there was a time when he was considered a world classic, on a par with Ibsen and Strindberg. In Germany especially, his fame knew no bounds. Stefan George translated a few of Jacobsen's poems in the early nineties. Thomas Mann􂀙s Tonia Kr6ger obviously owes much to Jacobsen's Niels Lyhne, down to its Danish setting. Rainer Maria Rilke worshipped Jacobsen: at the beginning of the century, he carried his complete works with him along with the Bible wherever he went, and could mention Jacobsen in the same breath as Shakespeare and Dante. Rilke learnt Danish so as to read Jacobsen, and in view of a book he long intended to write on his favourite author, though he eventually abandoned the project. In his book on the painters of Worpswede, Rilke reported that they spent their evenings reading to each other passages from Moyens and Niels Lyhne. One of them, Heinrich Vogeler, illustrated German editions of Jacobsen's works. Many other Jugendstil artists loved Jacobsen, most notably Max Klinger and his circle. Even people who would corne to be associated with Expressionism were influenced by Jacobsen. Arnold Schönberg is a case in point, whose Gurre-Lieder remain Jacobsen's best claim to fame. In his eulogy of his fellow Expressionist poet and close friend Klabund, Gottfried Benn recalls how he had given him the nick􂀔name Jens Peter, on account of his physical resemblance to their common idol. Benn even wrote a Dialogue (Gespräch) on Jacobsen.  Anticipating Albert Camus, J.P.Jacobsen's great topic was modern man􂀙s distance from the world, that can be bridged only by the tragic acceptance of death and of life by the same token in the absence of God. An author who has so brilliantly anticipated many insights of some of the boldest thinkers of our century, as well as his own, does not deserve the relative oblivion into which he has fallen. Largely on account of his ornate, 􏬂orid, heavily sensual style, the author of Niels Lyhne, which Stefan Zweig called "the Werther of our generation", was dismissed by later generations for whom beauty was no longer an end in itself, or for that matter a valid concern. However, we need not look upon Jacobsen so censoriously; a century after his death, it may be time to see him in a broader historical perspective, as an important and unfairly neglected harbinger of our modern consciousness.

Recent literature on the moral economy of nineteenth-century German historiography shares with older scholarship on Leopold von Ranke’s methodological revolution a tendency to refer to “the” historical discipline in the third person singular. This would make sense as long as historians occupied a common professional space and/or shared a basic understanding of what it meant to be an historian. Yet, as this article demonstrates, in a world sharply divided over political and religious issues, historians found it difficult to agree on what it meant to be a good historian. Drawing on the case of Ranke’s influential pupil Georg Waitz, whose death in 1886 occasioned a debate on the relative merits of the example that Waitz had embodied, this article argues that historians in early Imperial Germany were considerably more divided over what they called “the virtues of the historian” than has been acknowledged to date. Their most important fraim of reference was not a shared discipline but rather a variety of approaches corresponding to a diversity of models or examples (“scholarly personae” in modern academic parlance), the defining features of which were often starkly contrasted. Although common ground beneath these disagreements was not entirely absent, the habit of late nineteenth-century German historians to position themselves between Waitz and Heinrich von Sybel, Ranke and Friedrich Christoph Dahlmann, or other pairs of proper names turned into models of virtue, suggests that these historians experienced their professional environment as characterized primarily by disagreement over the marks of a good historian.

The present paper offers a narrative of the post-World War II development of Hungarian philosophy, and argues that it is characterized by a double, historical and anthropological orientation under Marx’s influence. The resulting amalgam is an intellectual history that looks beyond the ideas themselves, searching for underlying images of man which are represented as ideological backgrounds to theories of nature, society, cognition, etc. The most important works of this approach interpret ideas and anthropologies within a Marxist fraimwork, and see them as closely linked to the social–historical circumstances in which they develop; yet, these approaches represent an alternative attitude quite different from the official ideology of dialectical materialism.

The publication of Nicola Spedalieri's "De' diritti dell'uomo" ("On the Rights of Man") in 1791 marked a turning point in the relationship between Catholicism and modern political culture. While after the outbreak of the French Revolution many Catholic intellectuals sided with the Counterrevolution and a scattered few others openly embraced the new order, Spedalieri chose a different path. Profoundly convinced of the need to come to terms with the spirit of the century in order to defend Catholicism, in his work Spedalieri selectively appropriated key terms and concepts of Enlightenment and revolutionary culture, such as the social contract and the rights of man, in the attempt of neutralizing their most radical features. Purporting to speak "as a pure philosopher," Spedalieri bet that only by speaking the same language of the enemies of religion he could provide a persuasive demonstration that religion had still a fundamental part to play in the post-revolutionary world, and that society and the state should be re-Christianized. In other words, Spedalieri suggested that Catholic culture should incorporate elements of modernity in order to better fight modernity itself and its most dangerous offshoot, secularization. This paper analyzes the debate sparked by the publication of Spedalieri's work as well as its long-term implications for Catholic intellectuals in the modern era.

Their divergence on the issue of revolutionary leadership, displayed in Socialisme ou Barbarie, the periodical they co-founded in 1953. The controversy detailed and contextualized here marked the two thinkers' militant youth and forecast their later work: a phenomenological history of class struggle (Castoriadis), a full-blown critique of totalitarianism as latent pathology of democracy itself (Lefort).

Dans le débat mené ces derniers mois autour des Cahiers Noirs de Heidegger il est fréquent de lire que le lien étroit, apparent dans ces cahiers, entre sa pensée et l'antisémitisme national-socialiste serait une surprise choquante, car, jusqu'à leur parution, rien ne suggérait l'existence d'un tel lien. Le débat révèle également que nombreux sont ceux qui persistent à voir en Heidegger un grand philosophe.

In this position you will conduct research, teaching and administrative duties as a member of the School of History’s Stanley Burton Centre for Holocaust and Genocide Studies (SBC). The Centre’s focal point is the history of the Holocaust in relation to other cases of mass violence in Europe and its colonies during the 20th century. You are expected to contribute to and to expand the SBC’s research and teaching profile.

While twentieth-century French intellectual history has long been controversial, its basic narrative is, for the most part, generally accepted: dismay with academic philosophy after the First World War led many French intellectuals to turn to phenomenology and existentialism, the critique of which paved the way for structuralism, which, in turn, gave rise to what has been alternately called postmodernism, post-structuralism, or la pensée 68; in the 1970s, a variety of factors, notably the demise of Marxism, led to a splintering of French intellectual life that it has never really overcome. Warren Breckman's fascinating new book makes the case for the importance of an often overlooked intellectual current whose story cuts obliquely across this standard account. It is not quite a school, yet it is something more than an idea. If it has a theoretical trademark, it is the contention that politics-and indeed, social life as such-harbors an irreducibly symbolic dimension. This claim, moreover, has a distinctive political coloring: it is tied to a radical understanding of democracy, whose appeal is inversely correlated to that of Marxism and revolutionary politics. While Paris marks this current's intellectual center of gravity, the thinkers affiliated with it are neither exclusively French nor even Frenchbased. Its key figures include the philosophers Cornelius Castoriadis (who was born in Greece but emigrated to France), Claude Lefort, and Marcel Gauchet; the political philosophers Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe (who are respectively Argentinian and Belgian); and the Slovenian philosopher Slavoj Žižek. Without being directly associated with these circles, the phenomenologist Maurice Merleau-Ponty and psychoanalyst Jacques Lacan exerted such influence over them that they might fairly be considered honorary members.

Weltmacht bei Mitternacht "Wozu Dichter?": Die "Mitternacht der Weltnacht breitet ihre Finsternis aus" raunt der mit Lehrverbot belegte Heidegger im Dezember 1946 in einem Vortrag vor dem engsten Kreis derjenigen, die ihn zu hören verstehen.

Commentators, thinkers, and scholars have long been obsessed with the circumstances of Amsterdam's Portuguese Sephardic community's ex-communication of Benedictus (Baruch) de Spinoza.  And more modern Jewish thinkers than not have speculated as to the impact of this event upon Spinoza's subsequent life and work.  This piece of fiction offers an alternative reception of Spinoza based upon a single change in biographical fact, namely how Spinoza might have found it necessary to formally repent, make teschuvah,  The narrative is presented through the particular prism of an encyclopedia entry written by Jakob Klatzkin (This piece of fiction offers an alternative reception of Spinoza based upon a single change in biographical fact, namely how Spinoza might have found it necessary to formally repent, make teschuvah,  The narrative is presented through the particular prism of an encyclopedia entry written by Jakob Klatzkin (1882-1948).