Understanding Physical Education

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Understanding Physical Education
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U N D E R S TA N D I N G
P H Y S I C A L E D U C AT I O N
Ken Green
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Ken Green 2008

First published 2008
Apart from any fair dealing for the purposes of research or private study, or criticism or review, as permitted under the
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Printed on paper from sustainable resources
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For my parents, Betty and Stanley
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Contents
Introduction
1 The Nature and Purposes of Physical Education
1
7
2 Policy and Physical Education
23
3 The State of Physical Education
45
4 Extra-Curricular Physical Education
62
5 Assessment and Examinations in Physical Education
78
6 Health and Physical Education
96
7 Youth Sport and Physical Education
117
8 Gender and Physical Education
137
9 Social Class and Physical Education
154
10 Ethnicity and Physical Education
167
11 Disability, Special Educational Needs and Physical Education
187
12 Teaching Physical Education
207
Conclusion
227
References
236
Index
269
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Introduction
In very many countries worldwide, young people between the ages of

approximately 5 and 16 experience physical education (PE) on a reasonably
regular basis. This is, then, a book about something almost everyone is
familiar with and about which many people including politicians,
sportsmen and women, the media, parents and pupils, as well as physical
educationalists themselves hold deeply felt, often polarized views. Indeed,
because they are students or practitioners of PE and sport, readers of this
book are far more likely to be true believers than sceptics in the value of PE
and sport. With that in mind, it is worth establishing at the outset what the
book is and is not trying to do.
The book is primarily intended for those either studying PE or training
to be teachers. It is not a book about how to teach PE. Rather, it represents
an attempt to understand PE by examining some of its most fundamental
issues (for example, the relationship between PE, sport and health) and
enduring themes (such as the nature and purposes of PE) as well as some of
the more significant developments in the subject in recent years
(examinations in PE, for example).
The book starts from the premise that there is a tendency for many
people professionally engaged with PE to write and talk about the subject in
a manner that not only takes certain beliefs for granted, but also presents
them as orthodox, even factual. Such discourses often express unexamined
value assumptions. Examples of research in PE carried out under the shadow
of an ideological agenda are plentiful. In such cases, analyses tend to be
juxtaposed with the authors views about the way things ought to be. In order
to cast a suitably critical eye over claims and counter-claims and, in so doing,
arrive at a more considered, and empirically grounded, perspective on
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U N D E R S TA N D I N G P H Y S I C A L E D U C AT I O N
contemporary PE, the book attempts to avoid offering value judgements on

the various topics under scrutiny. Indeed, one of the objectives is to recast in
a new light some of the taken-for-granted assumptions about PE. Many of the
chapters contribute to ongoing debate by challenging some orthodoxies and
debunking a number of myths about PE.
Whatever the ideological position of the reader it would be difficult to
deny that PE and school sport elicit considerable political and media attention. Physical educationalists in the UK are said to be living and working in
exciting times (Taplin, 2005: 3) as a consequence of substantial financial
investment and political attention. The plethora of PE and sports-related initiatives introduced by governments and sporting bodies, the ongoing interest
among the media, as well as the rapid expansion of sports-related programmes at university level tell us something about the topicality of PE and
sport in school more generally.
Yet there are those who would argue that the growth of sport and
sporting organizations has led to PE losing its coherence. For this reason it
is said to have become increasingly difficult to write an introductory text for
a topic (PE) that is hard to pin down, as its terrain develops and its borders
become more contested and nebulous. Nonetheless, most commentators
could readily identify a good deal of continuity in PE; for example,
continued concern about the relationship between PE and health promotion
and ongoing or lifelong participation in sport. There have, however, been
changes alongside the undoubted continuities. Physical educationalists are
now, for example, one part of a much larger network of people interested in
the relationship between PE and youth sport, educational achievement and
health than previously.
Some of the changes or developments witnessed in PE are short term,
while others occur over a lengthy time span. Some of the changes are cyclical
(for example, with each new generation of PE teachers), while some are
episodic (such as the introduction of a National Curriculum for PE or the
development of Specialist Sports Colleges). Still other changes are
cumulative and are reflected in long-term, less obvious, transformations or
trends; the academicization and sportization of PE, for example. The book
attempts to identify the more significant changes and continuities, not least
in order to speculate in the Conclusion on the direction in which PE might
be developing.
THE SCOPE AND FOCUS OF THE BOOK

Many of the most important issues in contemporary PE involve processes
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INTRODUCTION
beyond the gym or changing rooms, and even beyond the school gates. To
begin to appreciate the assumptions upon which practices in, and beliefs
about, PE are based, it is necessary to travel some distance from PE.
Inevitably, the book delves into territory some of which is adjacent to PE
(such as youth sport), some of which is further away (for example, public policy, ethnicity and obesity).
It is inevitable with a book of this kind that decisions are made about
what and, equally importantly, what not to include. A comprehensive understanding of PE requires an appreciation of the historical emergence and
development of the subject and its antecedents. I have, however, found it necessary to omit such a history from this text in order to go into greater depth
in some areas (such as health-related exercise [HRE] and youth sport) that are
particularly significant aspects of contemporary PE. This decision was made
a good deal easier by the existence of a superlative text on the topic in the
form of David Kirks (1992) Defining Physical Education.
Although this book makes frequent reference to PE in primary schools,
the focus is on secondary school PE, because it is here that the subject takes
on the identity of a specialized subject taught by specialist teachers in specialist settings. The bulk of what is known as PE as an institution occurs in,
or is significantly influenced by, secondary school PE.
Examples from England (and, to some extent, Wales and the rest of the
UK) will provide many of the case studies for each of the chapters.
Nevertheless, it is possible to identify commonality in the provision for physical education within the various (European) education systems (Fisher,
2003: 137) as well as common trends and issues in policy towards PE across
Europe and worldwide. Consequently, the cross-cultural and international
relevance of the various topics such as the nature and purposes of PE, HRE,
youth sport, gender, class and ethnicity, and teaching to understanding PE
in all parts of the world are, even where self-evident, highlighted by reference
to international research.
TERMINOLOGY
All the chapters explore and, where necessary, define concepts central to
them in order to indicate how particular terms are used. For the purposes of
the book, PE will be taken to refer to those physical activities and sports
organized (and usually overseen) by PE teachers or their representatives
during the (sometimes extended) school day and week. Very often this
includes what some might prefer to call school sport, and that issue proves to
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be a leitmotif of the book. The term sport is taken to incorporate both

competitive game-contests (that is, sports such as football, hockey, basketball
and badminton) and more recreationally oriented physical activities (such as
swimming, aerobics and cycling) often referred to as lifestyle or lifetime
activities. Sometimes, the phrase sport and physical activities is used in
order to highlight the significance of recreational or lifestyle activities to
the point being made.
Many countries use the term elementary to refer to the junior end of the
schooling spectrum; broadly speaking, ages 5 to 11. The preference in this text
is for its English equivalent namely, primary schools purely because
much of the data provided in the illustrative case studies of England specifically refer to primary pupils.
THE STRUCTURE AND PERSPECTIVES OF THE BOOK

The book has a conventional and logical structure. The first few chapters
cover the fundamentals of PE, namely, the ostensible nature and purposes of
PE, policy affecting the subject and the state of contemporary PE.
Thereafter, the focus is on the aforementioned enduring themes and recent
developments. In some cases, the length of the chapter reflects not merely
what I take to be the particular significance of the topic (for example, youth
sport) but also the extensive and multidimensional nature of the relevant
material (as in the case of health and PE). Of necessity, many chapters that are
deserving of books in themselves appear truncated.
It is often said that PE is a field with open borders and, precisely because
it is impossible to capture from a single perspective, its study tends to be a
multidisciplinary and sometimes interdisciplinary undertaking. Consequently, the book incorporates pedagogical, philosophical, physiological,
psychological and sociological perspectives as the subject matter requires.
Nevertheless, it is underpinned, usually implicitly, by a broadly sociological
perspective. In other words, it takes as read the premise that processes such as
education are socially constructed and, as a consequence, are processes. For
this reason PE cannot be described with any sense of finality.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
The dramatic growth of robust bodies of knowledge related to PE over the
past few decades has enabled the construction of a much more evidence-
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INTRODUCTION
based and adequate portrait of PE. A text of this kind is only possible because
of the body of work produced by many colleagues researching PE around the
world. I hope that my reliance upon their work throughout the book will
stand as some kind of testimony not only to their contributions, but also to
the vibrant nature of research into PE both now and in the recent past.
In addition to the above general acknowledgement, I want to thank a
number of colleagues for their constructive criticism on drafts of the various
chapters. I am grateful to Mike McNamee not only for his insightful
comments on Chapter 1 but also for the much needed philosophy tutorial
that accompanied them. For their insightful comments on Chapter 2, my
thanks go to Patrick Murphy, Daniel Bloyce and Andy Smith. I take the fact
that each managed to keep their comments to below three figures as an
indication that I am, in sociological terms at least, making progress! For their
useful advice on Chapter 3, I owe a good deal to Ken Hardman and Joe
Marshall and I am particularly grateful to my colleague Helen Odhams for
her thoughtful commentary on Chapter 5. Chapter 6 bears the hallmarks of
salutary advice from Ivan Waddington, Miranda Thurston and Luke Jones,
and for her helpful comments on Chapter 8 I am indebted to Anne Flintoff.
Similarly, the commentaries provided by Tansin Benn and Tess Kay were
immensely useful in Chapter 10. Tess has been the very epitome of a critical
friend and I am particularly appreciative of her time and effort. For their
advice on Chapter 11, I am grateful to Hayley Fitzgerald and Andy Smith.
My sincere thanks are also due to Susan Capel and my colleague Steve Tones
for their rich and detailed feedback on Chapter 12. I particularly want to
thank John Evans, a founding father of the sociology of PE, not only for his
thoughts on my concluding remarks but more especially for his continuing
support. Not for the first time, nor hopefully the last, I am deeply indebted
to Miranda Thurston for her comments on the whole of the manuscript. Last,
but by no means least, I must thank Marianne Lagrange and Matthew Waters
at Sage Publications for their support and forebearance in seeing the project
through to completion.
It has been one of the features of correspondence with colleagues that
their observations and criticisms have not only been pertinent and, where
necessary, critical but always sympathetic and helpful. Where I appear to
have ignored their advice it has not necessarily been because I have
disagreed. In some instances, it has simply not been feasible to go into much
greater depth or detail because of the word limit on the book. In other cases,
where I have not been entirely persuaded by their observations, I fully accept
that my analysis may well prove to be deficient and absolve them of any
blame for my inadequacies. In all cases, I hope that colleagues will recognize
where I have attempted to do their comments justice. Where there are
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deficiencies with the arguments contained in the book, I claim sole

responsibility: Understanding Physical Education is a process in which I feel a
little further along now than when I began!
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The Nature and Purposes

of Physical Education
Around the time when the National Curriculum for Physical Education
(NCPE) for England and Wales was taking shape, Alderson and Crutchley
(1990: 38) articulated a long-standing, and seemingly fundamental, concern for
the subject-community of PE when they asked, But what is it that children
should know of, be able to do, and appreciate about (the) activities in which
they participate? Alderson and Crutchley (1990: 3840) observed that there
appears to be no professional consensus regarding what being physically educated really means nor how that state is best achieved. They concluded that,
in short there is, in large measure, a simple belief that involving children in a
selection of physical activities will achieve valuable educational ends.
Alderson and Crutchley need not have appeared so surprised, however,
for the nature and purposes of PE have been keenly contested for more than
half a century. The fact that the Qualifications and Curriculum Authority
(QCA, 2005a: 1) saw fit to ask the question What is the purpose of physical
education in the school curriculum? more than a decade on from the introduction of the NCPE in England and Wales, illustrates the persistent and
enduring uncertainty surrounding the nature and purposes of PE. This lack
of philosophical and conceptual coherence is not only an issue in Englishspeaking countries; Naul (2003) talks of the absence of a consensus on the
nature and purposes of PE across Europe. This state of confusion and uncertainty appears ironic when one considers the extensive academic literature
since the 1960s on education per se and PE and sport in particular.
This chapter examines the debate surrounding what PE is or should be
about that is, its purported nature and purposes through the eyes of those
who theorize the subject, in the first instance. Recognizing that philosophers
views regarding the nature and purposes of the subject might not be shared by
those who either deliver or are on the receiving end of PE, the chapter concludes with a brief portrayal of the perspectives of PE teachers and their
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pupils. This serves as a basis for exploration of the nature of PE, in practice
rather than theory, in the remainder of the book.
T H E O R I Z I N G T H E N AT U R E A N D P U R P O S E S O F
P H Y S I C A L E D U C AT I O N
Philosophical deliberations in the mainstream tradition of English-speaking
philosophy typically involve arguments or statements rather than findings, and
tend not to point to empirical evidence for their justifications. Rather, they tend
to take the form of microscopic linguistic scrutiny (McNamee, 2005: 2) involving a number of fine conceptual distinctions (Kilminster, 1998: 8) intended to
establish the precise meaning of concepts central to the topic under scrutiny.
The conventional starting point for educational philosophers in the liberal-analytical tradition has been to establish what is meant by the key concept of education and to draw out from this the implications for physical
education; in other words, to reduce education to a central case and tease out
the key features or criteria of that case (McNamee, 2005). What is conventionally labelled the PetersHirst (and sometimes Petersian) approach to
exploring the concept of education after the two architects of liberal analytical philosophy of education in the UK, Paul Hirst and Richard Peters (1970)
starts from the premise that education has fundamentally to do with knowledge of a valuable kind. Knowledge, in turn, is said to take two general forms
propositional (or theoretical)1 and practical. Propositional knowledge is
said to be made up of two components: information and judgement (White,
2006). Practical knowledge refers to skills or abilities what Peters, rather
scathingly in the eyes of physical educationalists, viewed as the knack of performing some practical activity or other. For analytical philosophers of education, however, only the former theoretical knowledge could be said to be
educationally valuable because only it possesses the capacity to transform
peoples comprehension of the world around them and thus enhance their
capacity to act upon it as rational, autonomous individuals the goal par
excellence of a liberal education. For Hirst (1974), anything labelled education must be fundamentally about the development of theoretical or propositional knowledge. Thus, the view of educationally worthwhile knowledge as
principally concerned with the development of intelligence exercising good
judgement in adapting means to ends (White, 2006) led to the conclusion
that education refers to the initiation of the unlearned into those intrinsically
worthwhile forms of knowledge that were constitutive of rational mind
(McNamee, 2005: 2). On this standard, or orthodox, view what distinguishes
education from other forms of socialization and training is concern with the
initiation of pupils into the various (inevitably theoretical) forms of rational
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enquiry and associated bodies of knowledge (Carr, 1997) which, ostensibly at

least, form the basis for the cultivation of individual autonomy.
This line of argument provides the foundations for an essentially academic (Reid, 1996a: 95, emphasis in the original), curriculum model; one
revolving around taxonomies of intelligence and, consequently, a number
(typically seven or eight) supposedly logically distinct forms of knowledge (in
the sense that they comprise differing ways of knowing, or methodologies, as
well as differing bodies of knowledge). These forms of knowledge are, in turn,
manifest in distinct academic subject disciplines (such as mathematics,
English, science, geography, history and religious studies), among which
those subjects grounded in abstract thought (such as philosophy itself) are
deemed the most important and widely prized (in the sense that they point
the way to or open up just what human understanding consists of).
From the 1970s, the PE subject-community (and PE academics, in particular) became increasingly preoccupied with the negative connotations of
the standard, academic conception of education and the associated purposes
of schooling. Philosophers of education had cast a dim light on PE
(McNamee, 2005: 1) on the basis that the value of the subject (whatever that
was) did not reside in its contribution to the development of rational,
autonomous individuals. If PE is not concerned with the acquisition and mastery of theoretical knowledge, the argument went, it is by the very nature of
education non-academic and thus non-educational. In other words, physical
activities have no educational significance in themselves and only acquire
such significance when they are treated as contexts for pursuing goals and values which are truly educational and, according to the orthodox philosophy of
education, these are essentially theoretical or propositional (Reid, 1996a).
As McNamee (2005) observes, the hegemony of the PetersHirst thesis
left physical educationalists with two options: first, to acknowledge that the
traditional PE curriculum, in the games-dominated form it had developed,
had either to undergo a radical change of identity and redefine itself as an
academic subject in the school curriculum, or else acknowledge its incorrigibly marginal status (Reid, 1997: 6) in other words, to accept the nonacademic and therefore non-educational (or, at best, marginal) status of PE;
or, second, to argue that despite appearances, the physical activities which
comprise the familiar PE curriculum might somehow be shown to have
academic significance and thus educational worth (Reid, 1996a; 1996b).
To many physical educationalists it became apparent that, if the possession of academic credentials was a condition of entry to education proper,
then they were (and remain) obliged to direct their subject away from the
familiar idea of the teaching and learning of practical physical activities
(Reid, 1996a: 95) necessarily made problematic by the conventional conceptions of knowledge and education and towards academic aspects of PE; that
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is, towards the study of sport (as illustrated by publicly recognized examinations in PE) rather than the practice of sport. Caught in the glare of the prevailing academic view of education, physical educationalists have been
constrained to distinguish between the practical performance of physical
activities that typically constitute PE and the academic or theoretical knowledge which these activities are claimed to be a vehicle for. This tendency has
been exacerbated by a perceived need to bolster the place of PE on the academic curriculum at a time of growing competition for curriculum space.
According to Reid (1996a: 102), this new orthodoxy redefines PE in terms of
the opportunities which it provides for theoretical study and, in doing so,
implicitly accepts the superiority of the kinds of knowledge that are expressed
predominantly in written or verbal forms rather than by practical demonstration. The orthodoxy is said to be illustrated by several relatively recent trends:
the dramatic growth of examinable PE; the proliferation of PE/Sports Science
degrees; and the widespread acceptance and adoption of the academicization
of PE in current curriculum and assessment policy.
Unsurprisingly, perhaps, over the past 30 years or more the PE community has attempted to extricate itself from the awkward theoretical corner that
the standard academic conception of education contrives and which has left
the subject on the horns of the recreationalism/academic dilemma. The most
popular way in which physical educationalists have tried to justify the educational worth of PE has been to point to the contribution it is said to make to
other, supposedly intellectual, dimensions of education. In this manner, sport
has been projected as a vehicle for (intellectual) lessons in character development, moral education, health education and aesthetic education. The fact
that aesthetic activities were one of the supposed forms of knowledge propagated by Hirst and other liberal philosophers of education in the 1960s
allowed a number of philosophers to offer the supposed aesthetic aspects of
various activities (for example, in the form of dance and movement education) as a justification for PE, if not quite for the educational worth of the subject. Similarly, moral education provided a suitable opportunity to suggest
that one aspect of PE, competitive sports (and particularly team games), provided young people with lessons in morality (in relation to fair play, for example) as well as personal characteristics or virtues (such as self-discipline,
perseverance and courage) and social characteristics (such as loyalty and civic
virtues of subordination to the collective). When viewed in this light, it is
unsurprising that the PE profession has long tended to parade its supposed
wider social objectives publicly among its professional aims (Evans and
Davies, 1986).
Whatever the merits or demerits of such approaches to justifying PE,
McNamee reminds us that there are, in essence, three ways of responding to
the lines of argument of the PetersHirst kind:
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1 to dispute the position in its own terms

2 to deny the presuppositions of those terms
3 to assert or argue for a counter position (McNamee, 2005: 4).
In the remainder of the chapter this framework is used to explore, in turn, the
three most important responses to the orthodox conception of PE.
Arguing for the educational nature and worth of practical

knowledge
The first of McNamees options amounts to accepting the premise of the standard conception of education that the essence of education is theoretical
knowledge but challenging its seemingly inevitable consequence the marginalization of PE in short, to argue for the educational worth of practical
knowledge as knowledge of a valuable kind. Andrew Reid has been one of the
more recent in a long line of philosophers (see, for example, Aspin, 1976; Carr,
1979; 1997; Whitehead, 2001; 2006) who have argued the case for an alternative approach to justifying the place of PE on the curriculum. Not content
with the traditional response to this dilemma in the form of the reconciliation of the traditional content of the PE programme with the academic
requirements of the orthodox view of education (via character development,
for example) Reid argues for an alternative reading of the concept of education broad enough to accommodate practical and physical as well as theoretical and academic pursuits (Carr, 1997: 196). In accepting the starting point
(the centrality of knowledge to education) but denying the conclusion (that
only intellectual knowledge counts as educationally valuable) of the
PetersHirst thesis, Reids position represents a modification of the orthodox
academic view of education by making a case for various forms of practical
activity and skill as educationally significant knowledge (Carr, 1997). For
Reid, practical knowledge (knowing how) is, in its own way, every bit as
sophisticated and educationally valuable as propositional knowledge (knowing that). Reid also dismisses the claim that practical knowledge is based on
theoretical knowledge and is, in effect, reducible to theoretical knowledge (of
the kinds that conventionally are studied as distinct, academic, subjects in
their own right, within the field of Sports Science, such as biomechanical
analysis and the psychology of motor-skill acquisition). He dismisses the
notion that there is a kind of intellectual reasoning process at work which precedes actual practical performance and that the latter cannot take place without the former. For Reid (1996a), accepting this view makes redundant the felt
need of many physical educationalists to search for and then highlight (or
simply bolt on) the supposed academic components of PE. The net result of
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Reids position is that it ceases to be the status of PE which is seen as problematic but, rather, the academic view of education and its preoccupation
with theoretical knowledge.
Working within the analytical philosophical tradition, Parry (1998) and
Carr (1997) point to a number of problems with attempts, such as Reids, to
find educational worth in the games and activities that make up the
conventional PE curriculum. Many would be quite willing to accept, they
argue, that there is knowledge of a kind in practical performance.
Nevertheless, it is not knowledge of the right kind to bestow educational
significance on physical activities of the kind associated with PE. Reid and
others who attempt such an approach are, they argue, simply unable to show
where the supposed educational significance or value of the practical
knowledge expressed in practical performance lies; it neither helps
illuminate other knowledge nor develops individuals ability to think
rationally or insightfully. The upshot is that Reid and others who share his
point of view are unable to provide compelling grounds for the inclusion of
PE practices within the school curriculum.
Still working within the analytical framework, Carr (1997) provides an
escape route for those who, like Reid, appear determined to find a justification for the place of PE. Carr suggests that the solution lies in observing
what he views as the crucial conceptual distinction between education and
schooling. In other words, while education necessarily involves the
inculcation of academic knowledge, schooling incorporates other, additional
knowledge and skills, whether vocational, recreational, domestic or
otherwise. In short, schools have a plurality of goals and purposes only one
(though a large one) of which is educational (Carr, 1997: 203). For Carr (and
Barrow, 1983, before him) talk of education (conceptualized in Peterss [1966],
terms as initiation into worthwhile knowledge that transforms our
understanding of the world around us) when one means schooling (initiation
into activities that prepare us for adult life) and schooling when one means
education is a confusion that bedevils much theorizing about education let
alone PE. For Carr (1997), initiation into ways of knowing is best viewed as
the defining role of education, while initiation into valuable cultural
practices (discussed below) is the defining role of schooling, and it is this
latter dimension that allows PE into the frame.
Much of the debate about the nature and purposes of PE (and education)
has taken place against a backdrop of widespread acceptance of the fundamental tenets of the analytical philosophical approach an approach that has
been heavily criticized in a manner consistent with the second of McNamees
alternatives, namely, to challenge the starting point of the analytical conception of education.
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Pointing to the socially constructed nature of PE

Overlapping the development of linguistic philosophy, and its widespread
application to education from the 1960s onwards, was the growth of two interrelated branches of sociology, namely, the sociologies of knowledge and of
education. Together, they focused attention on the social construction not only
of education per se but of knowledge itself. Educational sociologists took as
their starting point not abstract (and, in their view, sterile) debates about the
essence and meaning of terms such as education but, rather, the ways in
which school curricula and subjects could be seen to be the constructions of
groups of influential people and which tended, inevitably, to reflect particular ideologically dominant values and preferences (Kirk, 1992). In this regard,
curricula as a whole, as well as school subjects in particular, were said to
reflect the struggles between groups of people who strove to establish their
own preferred versions of their subjects, and nowhere more so than in PE.
Similarly, and with the growing criticisms of philosophical perspectives
on social processes (Kilminster, 1998), a number of philosophers (see, for
example, McNamee, 2005; White, 2006) have themselves pointed to the ways
in which the analytical philosophical perspective enshrined in the
PetersHirst conception of education was a reflection of the ideological predispositions of liberal philosophers of the time. When they claimed to be
exploring PE from a neutral, value-free perspective, analytical philosophers
of education conveniently overlooked the fact that the analytical approach
itself rested upon a number of (ideological) assumptions and implicit value
judgements. Attention was drawn to the fact that the abiding concern of
philosophers such as Peters and Hirst was representing education as a vehicle
for the development of intelligent, rational, self-governing and, as a corollary,
free individuals that reflected the dominant tradition of thought at the time
in the form of the liberal ideal of a society of autonomous individuals. This
was, in short, a conception of education based on the cultural world and a
hegemonic liberal ideology of the time rather than the value-neutral, empirical study of education that it purported to be (White, 2006). On this view,
education needs to be understood for what it is in practice, namely, a normative concept, in the sense that it is shaped by a variety of culture-specific, historical and political factors (McNamee, 1998: 88). Under the banner of
ideological neutrality, McNamee (2005: 4) observes, the analytical philosophy of education seemed to smuggle in an awful lot of values and, in truth,
entailed little more than a crystallization of the kind of curriculum favoured
by British grammar and public schools in the UK over the last 100 years or
so. The ideological roots of what was to count as education and appropriate
curriculum content were planted firmly in theories of innate intelligence
traced back to early Protestant beliefs in predestination and the power of
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rational thought (White, 2006). The ramifications for the structure of postSecond World War schooling in, for example, the UK grammar2 schools with
their more academic curricula based on distinct subject disciplines for the
innately intelligent and secondary schools for the rest has had far-reaching
implications for education policy, the structure of schooling and the curriculum and, eventually, PE.
The liberal-analytical philosophical tradition has directed academic
reflection upon PE towards a search for supposedly timeless, essential, necessary truths; not least because philosophers have aspirations to reach such higher
truths. But there is and can be no sharp line of demarcation between what is or
should be inside and what is or should be outside PE (McNamee, 2005). We are
bound to concur with McNamee (1998: 88) when he argues that those who look
for conceptual unity are wasting their time: There is no meaningful essence to
the concept of PE in that way. Rather, it is necessary to recognise the inherent
openness of the concept of physical education; pluralism in activities, pluralism
in values. While not so rootless as to be an essentially contested concept, there
appear to be a good many equally legitimate conceptions of what counts as education. Although it makes no sense to view education as meaning whatever we
want it to mean, a concept such as education (which revolves around the notion
of upbringing and introducing young people to what any given society at a particular point in time views as knowledge of a valuable kind) inevitably has a
wide variety of potential interpretations.
The third response to the standard or orthodox conception of education is
to focus attention on the value dimension of the education equals knowledge of
a valuable kind equation. This is a more radical position and one which views
it as unnecessary to start with a template for PE that revolves around distinguishing between superior or inferior kinds of knowledge in educational terms.
Instead, this position involves arguing for a distinctly different conception of
the nature and purposes of PE a general model of education as initiation into
sports and games as major cultural institutions (McNamee, 2005: 5). This, as
we shall see, is not only McNamees preferred position but that of many contemporary PE academics and, implicitly at least, teachers.
Justifying sport as a valued3 cultural practice

A number of educational philosophers have argued that the starting point for
debating the purposes of education and thus PE should not be the concept of
education as such, precisely because there is no conceptual essence or nature
to education and therefore no essential criteria by which to measure it. Rather,
the starting point should be the preparation of young people for adult life in
their society. Then, what we will want to achieve in educating will be deter-
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mined by what we think desirable in adult human beings (OHear, 1981: 1).
This is an account of education based on the notion of a worthwhile life
rather than identifying those activities that ostensibly inform and develop the
mind, although the latter may well be an aspect of the former.
Ironically, given his position as an architect and high priest of liberal
analytical philosophy of education, Paul Hirst proclaimed his own change of
mind (Hirst, 1994) in the mid-1990s. In line with the alternative starting
point signified in the notion of a worthwhile life, Hirst came to view education as the initiation of young people into valued cultural practices (or valued human practices as they are sometimes referred to) rather than initiation
into forms of knowledge. Formal education (in school) from this perspective
involves not so much the initiation of young people into ways of knowing
but, rather, into those distinctive forms of activity worthwhile in life (Arnold,
1992; 1997) valued cultural practices. From this perspective one such significant cultural practice, for very many people, in very many countries
around the world, would be sport and physical activity. If education is conceived of in terms of initiation into such practices, then PE justifies its place
on the curriculum as initiation into the valued cultural practice of sport:
it is our duty to open up to our students the significant sporting inheritance of our cultures so that they may come to savour its joys and
frustrations and know a little about that aspect of the cultures which sporting practices instantiate (for no one would seriously deny their enormous
significance in modern societies). (McNamee, 2005: 7)
The evident status of sport as an established cultural institution confirms for

many that sport is not only appropriate subject matter for education and for
schools but also for PE. The view of sport as a valued cultural practice has
found practical manifestation in recent years in the notion of sport education
a conception of PE very much associated with the proselytizing of an
American physical educationalist, Daryl Siedentop (1994) and one which has
taken hold at the level of academe (see, for example, Kirk, 2005) if not at the
level of PE practice (Penney et al., 2002). On this view, PE should be about
more than simply teaching the skills and knowledge necessary for playing
sport but, rather, would involve teaching pupils about the culture of sport. It
would mean, in other words, initiating young people into the rituals, values
and traditions of a sport (Siedentop, 1994: 7) the customs and conventions
(Arnold, 1997: 71) as well as the skills and practicalities. Sport education,
according to Siedentop (1994: 4), involves helping youngsters to develop as
competent, literate, and enthusiastic sportspeople.
In the next section, I try to show how even though academics may have
moved on, in philosophical terms, the standard conception of PE continues to
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cast a lengthy shadow over the philosophies of PE teachers. Before doing so,
however, it is worth noting how what might be termed official definitions of
PE because they are encapsulated in legislation in England and Wales, for
example express the main debates surrounding justifications for PE.
T H E D E B AT E C A P T U R E D I N O F F I C I A L D E F I N I T I O N S
Among a vast array of claims for the benefits of PE, successive NCPE have consistently displayed a tendency to conceptualize PE in terms of both sides of the
philosophical debate over the nature and purposes of PE. In other words, the
NCPE has tended to point up the educational nature and worth of the activities
that constitute PE at the same time as identifying sport as a valued cultural
practice. In claiming that PE educates young people in and through the use and
knowledge of the body and its movement, the original NCPE for England and
Wales (DES, 1991; emphasis added) grounded the justification for the subject
in the development of theoretical knowledge and practical skills and in the initiation of youngsters into the practices and traditions of sport.
Similarly, the latest iteration of the NCPE (to be introduced in 2008)
includes a section on the importance of physical education in which it points
to many of the justificatory themes to be found in the philosophical debates
surrounding the nature and purposes of PE. The notion of informing the
mind rather than merely using it the supposedly theoretical or propositional dimension of the standard conception is referred to obliquely at three
points: first, in the so-called underpinning knowledge, an understanding of
the concepts that underpin success; second, in making intellectual judgements about how to select and apply appropriate tactics, strategies and compositional ideas; and, third, in contributing to pupils personal and social
development. The major alternative philosophical justification of valued cultural practices (and, by extension, sport education) is alluded to in the claim
that pupils learn to take on different roles and responsibilities, including
leadership, coaching and officiating.
The twin ideas of developing sporting skills (in order to facilitate participation in sport as a valued cultural practice) and justifying sport as a vehicle
for informing and developing the mind are also to be found in the Position
Statement on Physical Education of what, until recently, was the lead body for
PE in the UK (the Physical Education Association of the United Kingdom
[PEA-UK]4), which stated that PE involves both learning to move and moving to learn (Stewart, 2005: 33).
So much for the official conceptualization of PE to be found in the
NCPE for England and Wales, what do those involved at the sharp end PE
teachers and their pupils think the subject is about?
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P H Y S I C A L E D U C AT I O N A C C O R D I N G T O P E T E A C H E R S
Coherent theoretical conceptions of PE, of the kind associated with academic
philosophizing, are very difficult to find on the ground, that is, among PE
teachers themselves. Nevertheless, it is possible to tease out a number of features of their views from various studies of PE teachers.
Mason explored the views of secondary heads of PE departments regarding differences between PE and sport and found broad agreement among the
secondary school Heads of PE that PE is a wider concept than sport
(1995a: 3). In rehearsing the view that PE should be seen as part of the education of the whole child whereas sport is an activity undertaken to provide
that education (1995a: 3), these heads of PE echoed the widely held view at
least among academics that PE cannot simply be reduced to sport (see, for
example, Kay, 2003). The standard, academically oriented view of physical
education as the acquisition of intellectual knowledge particularly in relation to personal and social development lay just below the surface in several
quotations from teachers in Masons (1995a) study who described PE, variously, as educating children through physical means, an educational experience whereas sport is participation in an activity; more than participation
looking at the personal and social aspects of their development, not just teaching
skills; teach[ing] them a little bit more about themselves, about others, the social
aspects of PE, about the rights and wrongs of the way they regard other people
(cited in Mason, 1995a: 3; emphases added).
The prevalence of such views seems to confirm the belief that the standard conception of education (and, thus, PE) is tantamount to an orthodoxy,
in the sense that it is so widely accepted at all levels of the subject-community
that it has become something from which it is difficult, even heretical, to
dissent. There is, in effect, an in-built constraint or inertia in education in the
form of teachers and academics who, having grown up with subjectdisciplines, have become disciples of those subjects with all the ideological
involvement and associated vested interests that entails.
However, there are a number of studies which suggest that far from holding coherent, consistent views revolving around conventional educational
justifications for their subject PE teachers rarely hold anything that can be
called a philosophy. In a relatively recent study, Green (2003) suggested that
confusion and contradiction were common features of PE teachers views.
What PE teachers articulated was, in effect, a checklist of aims that typically
centred upon words and phrases like enjoyment, health, skills and character. On a sympathetic reading one might interpret this, along with Reid
(1997), as value pluralism a multiplicity of justifications for PE based on a
plurality of values such as health, sports performance and character development. It seems more likely, however, that teachers do not possess the kinds of
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coherent, reflexive philosophies that some claim. Green (2003) suggests that
the philosophies of PE teachers tend to follow their practices, rather than
vice versa as might conventionally be expected. In other words, PE teachers
tend, in practice, to seize upon convenient, retrospective rationalizations or
justifications for the things they actually do in the name of PE. The philosophies of PE teachers in Greens (2003) study tended to incorporate several
ideas or ideologies emphasizing one dimension, such as sports participation
(for its own sake), among an amalgam of additional justifications, such as
health or character development. Their emphasis on enjoyment of competitive sport (ironically, one of the things which appears most likely to alienate a
good number of pupils from PE) suggested that PE teachers perceived their
subject as somehow different from the rest of the curriculum.
Elsewhere, George and Kirk (1988) have demonstrated how Australian PE
teachers tended to be anti-intellectual, to celebrate physicality and to accept
unquestioningly the presumed health benefits of sport and PE. Similarly, Laker
(1996a: 28) claimed that most sports-minded people and that naturally
includes most physical education teachers, have a feeling, an intuition, that
sport and physical education contribute to personal and social development.
Several studies indicate that vague and unexamined claims about sports externalities (Coalter, 2005: 191) the benefits or goods such as improved health
and character development that are said to occur as a by-product of participation continue to underpin PE teachers claims for their subject.
It is clear that there is something of a gulf between what academics have
to say about the nature and purposes of PE and PE teachers views about what
they are trying to do. In terms of the nature of their subject, PE teachers are
apt to claim that theirs is essentially a practical subject (McNamee, 2005: 1)
based upon simply doing sport and physical activity. It is worth noting that,
despite the theoretical acknowledgement of the importance of affective
(broadly speaking, psychological) and cognitive (broadly speaking, intellectual) outcomes of PE (for example, in the NCPE for England and Wales [DES,
1991]), the content of the subject remains physically oriented (Laker, 1996a;
1996b). For teachers, PE is far more practically oriented, impressionistic and
reactive than the kind of abstract philosophizing commonly associated with
professional philosophers. This is not at all surprising. Academics can be
expected to develop the kinds of abstract philosophy that attempts to bring
PE into line with other elements of the curriculum by developing an educational rationale for physical activity based around achieving similar goals,
albeit by different means. Physical education teachers philosophies, however, are an expression of their predispositions and enthusiasms blended with
the constraints of their practical situations. Neither is it surprising that skill
acquisition featured as one of the few overtly educational goals of PE teachers philosophies in Greens (2003) study, for it is what one would expect with
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common-sense philosophies. Nothing constrains PE teachers to think

through their views in a systematic manner and identify links between the differing aspects. Consequently, they remain a mish-mash characterized by preferred and ideological conceptions. On the other hand, a great deal constrains
teachers to fashion their thoughts to match the necessities of practice and
their habitual preferences.
Physical education teachers are in something of a double bind. The insecurity of their professional status and position in relation to other competing
groups makes it difficult for them to exert significant leverage within the network of groups with an interest in PE. This, in turn, makes it less likely that
they will be inclined to adopt the kind of detached perspective on their subject that might enable them to be clear about their identity and status. This is
because, when people are in situations of vulnerability and insecurity, they
inevitably find it difficult to control their own strong feelings about events
that can deeply affect their lives. Consequently, they find it hard to adopt a
relatively detached perspective on the events they are caught up in, especially
where they have little control over them. Ironically, as long as they cannot
approach such events with greater detachment, it will be correspondingly difficult for physical educationalists to extend their understanding and control
of both themselves and their situation.
Several distinguished commentators claim that real change has occurred
in the ideologies and practices of PE teachers in the past 15 to 20 years (Evans,
1992; Kirk, 1992). Concern with HRE, in particular, has assumed a more prominent place in the philosophies and practices of PE teachers. At the same time,
education for leisure and sport for all (Hendry et al., 1993; Scraton, 1992),
together with the promotion of active lifestyles, have become more central justifications among PE teachers. Nevertheless, sport, and especially team games,
continue to be the most prominent activity area in the vast majority of curricula for boys and girls in secondary schools (see Chapter 3) and lie at the heart
of many teachers philosophies of PE, albeit alongside other justificatory ideologies. In this regard, PE teachers appear to view sport as worthy of its place
on the school curriculum primarily as a valued cultural practice.
While PE teachers cling to the view that their subject is in some way educationally worthwhile, their philosophies tend to be an amalgam of sometimes conflicting ideological positions (regarding the relationship between
sport and education, for example). As a result, although PE is presented as
different from sport, for many PE teachers they appear virtually synonymous.
P H Y S I C A L E D U C AT I O N A C C O R D I N G T O T H E P U P I L S
Anyone who has taught PE or lectured sports science students will have
abundant anecdotal evidence that young people tend not only to view PE as a
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radically different subject to others on the curriculum but also to see it in ways
that frequently differ from the perspectives of their teachers. Although there is
a dearth of empirical studies of young peoples perspectives on PE and sport
(Dyson, 2006) what evidence there is sends several fairly consistent messages.
Pupils in secondary schools in England (Laws and Fisher, 1999) similar to
their counterparts in the USA (see Dyson, 2006) appear to view PE as primarily about enjoyment and a break from more academic subjects. Many, and
older secondary school pupils in particular, equate PE with sport and competitive team games (Lake, 2001). In Thorburn and Collinss (2006) study pupils
typically cited non-serious or, at the very least, contrary reasons to those typically embedded in standard, educational justifications for PE, commenting
upon the benefits of socializing and taking what amounted to a break from
other academic aspects of schooling. OSullivans (2002) study of Irish 1112year-olds, suggested that fun/enjoyment, health and to become good at the
activity were primary motives for taking part in sport and physical activity in
and out of school. Similarly, Macdonald et al.s (2005: 197) study of Australian
youngsters confirmed fun, fitness and competence as important reasons for
children to participate in sport, with fun, unsurprisingly, being the most important factor for younger children. Fisher (2003) cites Eggers (2001) study of over
1,000 Swiss pupils and Zvans research with Slovenian children in which in
both cases enjoyment, health and social reasons or social interaction were the
top three motives for doing PE. Smith and Parrs (2007) study of 1516-yearolds views on the nature and purposes of PE revealed similar perceptions of PE
revolving around fun, enjoyment and sociability.
What amount to non-educational justifications for PE revolving
around fun and social interaction with their peers seem to be the major
motivations for young people as far as PE and sport are concerned. Smith and
Parr (2007) observed that pupils, like teachers (Green, 2003), were able and
inclined to articulate some of the more philosophical justifications for PE to
do with health promotion and personal development, but these were essentially rhetorical and bore little resemblance to their more deeply felt views
regarding the centrality of fun and enjoyment to the nature and purposes of
PE. It seems that primary- and secondary-aged pupils view PE as essentially
recreational, as synonymous with sport, and do not recognize in practice the
supposed educational purpose and value of PE (Jones and Cheetham, 2001).
It is clear that school pupils interpret PE in more restricted, practical terms
than PE teachers, policy documents or academic philosophers would want or
maybe even expect. This should not be seen as surprising there is ample evidence that young people see the main purpose of education as being to help
them acquire qualifications and necessary skills for employment (Hallam and
Ireson, 1999), so unless they foresee a career in sport, it is hardly remarkable
that they view it in recreational, less serious terms.
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CONCLUSION
This chapter has provided a brief outline of the main philosophical attempts
to establish the nature and purposes of PE (the theoretical furniture of the
subject) before juxtaposing those with the philosophies of PE teachers and
the perceptions of young people. First, the debate shifted towards and then
away from issues to do with the kinds of knowledge that PE is supposedly concerned with before veering in the direction of something that lies at the heart
of philosophical conceptions of education the notion of value and what constitutes educationally worthwhile knowledge.
The chapter concludes that attempts to define PE reflect a misplaced
tendency to view the subject as made up of some kind of timeless essence. But
there is no essence to PE in the sense of something immutable and relatively
timeless that the subject is and must always be if it is to count as PE. Physical
education emerged and developed over time as a consequence of the toing and
froing of various competing interest groups (see Kirk, 1992). In other words,
it is simply what it has become. That it appears to have an essence is entirely
due to the manner in which an identifiable pattern or tradition has become
recognizable in the practice of PE over time. The QCA (2005a: 1) claims that
views of PE have changed considerably over the course of the last century.
The extent of this change is, however, debatable. There have been some
changes in philosophy and practice but there has also been a good deal of
continuity, not least in the form of the persistence of gymnastic and healthrelated activities, generally, and games, in particular.
In order to understand PE contemporarily it is necessary to view it as a
process and to return to some of the fundamental issues that have provided
the basic ideas and justifications as well as significant aspects of the language
within which debates are still conducted. At the same time, it is necessary to
remember that characteristic of attempts to establish the nature and purposes
of PE is the manner in which much of the debate assumes what, ostensibly at
least, the protagonists purport to be examining. Physical education teachers
and, for that matter, academics often appear to be romantic conservatives by
nature. They often appear to assume that PE is a good thing if only they
could find out exactly why! In this vein, a leading German PE academic
pointed to the proven benefits of physical education in the overall development of children and youth and the indispensable role of physical education
in the education process (Doll-Tepper, 2005: 41). Similarly, in the UK, the
Central Council for Physical Recreation (CCPR, 2001: 1) recommends that
those involved with planning PE curricula should recognize the unique role
physical education plays in raising academic standards, promoting healthy
living and in teaching pupils to manage risk as well as developing physical literacy and confidence in movement. Such views amount to what de Swaan
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(2001: 96) refers to as a shared illusion brought about where ideological

over-extensions are smuggled into the analysis (Kilminster, 1998: 91) leading advocates towards value-related, ideal-type constructs.
The remainder of this book focuses upon the debates and issues surrounding PE in practice. Inevitably, however, this will involve returning to
ideologically laden questions about the nature and purposes of PE.
RECOMMENDED READING
McNamee, M. (2005) The nature and values of physical education, in K.
Green and K. Hardman (eds), Physical Education: Essential Issues. London:
Sage. pp.120.
NOTES
1 Although several authors use the terms intellectual and theoretical
interchangeably, this chapter follows McNamees preference for the terms
theoretical and propositional and reserves the term intellectual to refer
to a subcategory of theoretical knowledge; in other words, higher-order
theoretical thinking of the kind connoted in everyday uses of the term
intellectual.
2 Grammar schools were selective secondary schools introduced in England
and Wales by the 1944 Butler Education Act. Entry was restricted to those
who passed the eleven-plus examination.
3 Philosophers might observe that the term valuable would be preferable to
valued in the phrase valued cultural practices because the former suggests that there are good reasons why they should be seen as such, whereas
the latter asserts it as a fact. However, proponents of this view (see, for
example, Arnold, 1992; 1997) do consider it to be an empirically observable
fact that cultural practices such as sport are valued. Hence, the preference
for the term valued.
4 The Physical Education Association of the United Kingdom (PEA-UK)
recently merged with the British Association of Advisers and Lecturers in
Physical Education (BAALPE) to become the Association for Physical
Education (AfPE).
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Policy and Physical

Education
When people talk about policy towards PE, what do they actually mean by
policy and what, if anything, is the significance of policy for the practice and
practitioners of PE? Murphy and Waddington (1998) remind us of the need to
ask several basic questions about policy:
Are the goals of particular policies clear?
Where policies have several goals, are they mutually compatible?
What likely outcomes might be associated with the implementation of
these policies?
Indeed, might the achievement of one policy goal have consequences
which militate against, even undermine, the achievement of yet others?
This chapter attempts to answer some of these questions as they relate to PE.
Various aspects of the policy process are explored as a basis for making sense
of the large number of policies currently affecting PE in the UK and internationally. Two particularly significant policies in England and Wales the
National Curriculum for Physical Education (NCPE) and the Physical
Education, School Sport and Club Links (PESSCL) strategy are examined
in some detail in order to illustrate aspects of the PE policy process.
POLICY IN THEORY
Policy is a statement of intent regarding achieving, maintaining, modifying or
changing something. Policies tend to begin life as issues: policy implies a desire
to move from what is perceived to be an unsatisfactory state of affairs to a more
satisfactory one (Murphy, 1998: 104). This is why Penney and Evans (2005: 21,
emphasis added) define policy as someones (an individuals, institutions, local
23
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or central governments) authoritative decision about how things should be.

The goals of policy lie somewhere on twin axes between specific/relatively simple and multidimensional/complex and short- and long-term poles.
Policy networks
It is impossible to understand developments in policy, and their effects upon
practice in PE, except in relation to the various networks of individuals and
groups with whom physical educationalists are unavoidably interdependent.
Physical education teachers interact with each other, their teaching colleagues,
their pupils and even the parents of the pupils. That is self-evident. Less obvious, however, are the people and organizations that physical educationalists are
unlikely to meet face to face but who affect the context in which they work.
Indeed, in increasingly differentiated and interdependent societies it is highly
likely that members of networks, such as PE, will be unaware of the extent to
which they are linked to other groups of people. Moreover, teachers may not
entirely appreciate the many and varied ways in which their individual and collective scope for action is constrained by their interdependence with people and
groups they do not have day-to-day contact with and do not know personally.
The PE policy network in England, for example, includes groups far and
wide with a vested interest in young people and sport, such as government
departments (the Department of Culture, Media and Sport [DCMS],
Department of Health [DoH] and Department for Children, Schools and
Families (DCSF)1, for example), government quangos (especially Sport
England), governing bodies of sports (such as the British Olympic
Association and the Football Association) and their representatives
(including the Central Council for Physical Recreation, sports development
officers [SDOs] and the media).
In modern societies occupational groups such as teachers are increasingly intertwined with groups and networks far beyond the school gates. The
chains of interdependence linking PE teachers with others with an interest
in their subject have lengthened and become more complex over time.
Sometimes, this has been by design. Government, for example, chose to
include representatives of sport (and elite sportsmen, in particular) on the
working party established in the late 1980s to develop the NCPE for England
and Wales. Similarly, physical educationalists themselves often choose to
become involved with groups that may have an impact, directly or indirectly,
upon PE (for example, professional associations such as the Association for
Physical Education in the UK [AfPE]). Elsewhere, independence is contingent. Physical education teachers often become bound up with groups beyond
PE when, for example, they turn for assistance (with the day-to-day practical-
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P O L I C Y A N D P H Y S I C A L E D U C AT I O N
25
ities of delivering PE) to governing bodies of sport and SDOs of one type or
another who are only too ready in pursuit of their own vested interests to
extend their spheres of influence by providing materials and expertise.
Given the lengthening chains of interdependence between PE teachers and
other groups of people, it is hardly surprising that PE has become an extremely
crowded policy arena (Houlihan, 2000) and one which gives expression to the
vested interests of a large number of people and organizations. This has had two
effects. First, individuals and organizations that may once have been regarded
as outside an educational policy network (particularly sporting and sports
development organizations) are now repositioned not merely within that network but central to it (Penney and Evans, 2005: 256). Second, as the policy network of PE has become more extensive and complex it has become more opaque
to those in its midst the PE teachers themselves.
It is important to recognize that networks of dependencies are also networks of expectations. In all countries, education systems are simultaneously
blamed for economic and social problems yet paradoxically expected to solve
them (Dodds, 2006: 541). In England, for example, government has expectations of PE as a vehicle for health promotion and social inclusion. Many governing bodies of sport, for their part, expect PE to serve as a vehicle for the
flow of talented athletes. Similarly, school governing bodies and their head
teachers pursue group and personal interests when demanding that their PE
departments achieve the kinds of recruitment and examination success that
might give them an advantage in the educational marketplace. Such expectations are typically grounded in taken-for-granted assumptions each has
towards the other.
So much for the complexities of the context in which policy emerges and
develops and is, eventually, implemented. The policy process itself is also
more dynamic than it often appears.
The policy process

Traditionally the path from policy to practice is viewed as a relatively straightforward one. People, with authority to do so, generate and send forth policy
and those on the ground PE teachers, for example receive and implement
it. However, this ideal-type, hierarchical and linear model of policy implementation distorts a more complex, contingent and dynamic process. The traditional view of policy implementation simply underestimates, among other
things, the issues raised at the outset of this chapter, namely, the propensity
of policy-makers to introduce policies with several, more-or-less clear goals
that are neither straightforward to implement, nor entirely compatible, nor
result in the outcomes anticipated.
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Nor should the policy process be viewed as democratic and rational.

Penney and Evans (2005: 22) stress that policy is not a routine consequence of
mutual agreement. Struggles over values, interests and goals develop as a
consequence of the differential power relations of interdependent people
and/or groups of people with vested interests who, whatever the balance of
power between them, simply cannot ignore (certainly not without consequences) the existence, expectations and demands of others in their networks.
Consequently, policy formulation and implementation is dynamic. It is a
complex, ongoing, always contested process, in which there are struggles over
values, interests and definitions (Penney and Evans, 2005: 22) and which
expresses fundamental and contested ideological views of how not only
schools but also individuals and society are and ought to be.
One aspect of the policy process that tends to be overlooked is the relative
power of practitioners at the grass roots level to amend policy in its implementation and, in doing so, influence not only the outcome of current policies
but also future policy-making. Thus, conventional distinctions between policymakers and implementers and policy-making and implementation are artificial
and inadequate (Penney and Evans, 2005). This begins to explain why policy
towards PE, in particular is dynamic and complex and is continually made and
remade (Penney and Evans, 2005: 24, emphasis in the original).
Given the interdependence of those in the policy community, it is
inevitable that we see both cooperation and conflict in the implementation,
and in the making, of educational policy (Fitz et al., 2006). People and groups
are involved in dynamic interrelationships that inevitably favour one group,
or constellation of groups, over others. This is why the policy process rarely
follows the neat, rational models of change set out in some of the literature
(Dopson and Waddington, 1996: 544) and the outcome of policy is frequently
something that no party ideally wanted, intended or anticipated.
Policy and power

Because policy networks are networks of interdependence they always involve
relations of power. This is because power is an aspect of social relations and a
characteristic of a persons position within a particular network, such as a PE
department or school. Physical education teachers are, therefore, inextricably
bound into power relations with parents, pupils, head teachers, local education authorities, government ministers, governing bodies of sport and even
the media. Power differentials between PE teachers and others upon whom
they are more or less dependent, necessarily place limitations upon their relative capacity to make a difference. So, in order to make sense of policy
development and implementation, it is necessary to view the different kinds
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of power relations between teachers and other parties in terms of balances of

power (and power ratios) rather than zero-sum relationships (Elias, 1978;
Penney and Evans, 2005).
Recognizing and appreciating the particular ties between people and
groups and the power relationships associated with these is fundamental to
understanding policy formation and implementation. Within all networks there
are asymmetrical balances of power which favour some more than others: some
have relative positions of power (a positive balance) and others have positions
largely characterized by dependence (a negative balance) (de Swann, 2001: 36).
Indeed, the history of PE is a history of shifting power-balances, as illustrated
in the battle for ideological ascendancy between those (typically female PE
teachers) favouring Swedish gymnastics and those (for the most part, male PE
teachers) championing English public school games within PE in the UK in
the first half or the twentieth century (Kirk, 1992).
No group, however, is entirely powerless. Even people or groups that
occupy a superior power position are still dependent upon those whose power
ratio is a good deal less power is never remotely one-way (Kilminster, 1998;
Murphy, 2007). So, although schools and PE teachers are necessarily constrained by policy and legislation, government is always dependent upon
them because it is they who are charged with implementation. Because even
the most carefully-picked teams evolve their own game plan (Fitz et al.,
2006: 3) and because their attention tends inevitably to focus upon the
practicalities of the process of implementation it is a long way (p. 2) from
government ministers and policy-making to the practice of PE teaching on a
wet winters afternoon on an inner-city school playing field. There is
slippage (Curtner-Smith, 1999; Penney and Evans, 1999): what is actually
delivered tends to be different, in one way or another, from what was
originally intended. Because the implementation of policy is never straightforward, unplanned outcomes are an inevitable feature of the policy process.
The theme of slippage between policy and implementation is returned to
later on in this chapter.
Shifting power balances in PE

What fundamentally distinguishes the relatively more established from the
less established groups in any policy network are the power resources at the
disposal of one side or another (Mennell, 1998: 124). In the case of the relationships between PE teachers and their pupils (and, to some extent, their colleagues) the resource is typically persuasive (in the form of offering
inducements and withholding rewards) and occasionally coercive (in the form
of punishments, such as expulsion from a group or activity). In terms of head
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teachers and their PE departments, it tends to be all three sources of power:

economic, coercive and persuasive. In terms of the relationship between PE
teachers and quangos, such as Sport England, it tends to be both economic
and persuasive, with PE departments and their schools dependent upon government policy (for example, with regard to the designation of Specialist
Sports College [SSC] status).
The status differentials between teachers of PE and those teaching other
academic subjects provides an example of shifting power-balances, where
subjects or disciplines behave like competing states striving to maintain
clear territorial boundaries against outsiders (Mennell, 1998: 194). The
increasing use-value of examinations in PE for the standing of schools (see
Chapter 5) in the various league tables that are increasingly a feature of
marketized education systems has, for example, served as a power resource
for PE teachers, making many head teachers and their colleagues more
dependent upon them for examination success, thereby bolstering the status
of PE within schools.
Many of the organizations involved in the PE policy network try to influence the nature and purposes of PE, be they government (the DCMS, for
example), charities (Youth Sport Trust [YST]), governing bodies (the Football
Association [FA]) or even teachers themselves (AfPE). One of the features of
recent policy developments in PE has been the manner in which the balance
of power in school sport in England and Wales has been tilting away from PE
teachers and towards external agencies (such as the YST, SDOs and governing
bodies of sport) as the latter have become increasingly interested in, and more
directly involved with, PE. In this regard, it has been instructive to see how
organizations such as the YST have managed by degrees to control certain
resources (such as specialist sports equipment) which teachers (especially in
primary schools) have needed or wanted.
A structural feature of networks such as PE is competitive rivalry. Just as
newly emerging public schools in nineteenth-century Britain came to understand and imitate their superiors and form coalitions in order to compete for
opportunities and resources, so physical educationalists today are compelled
to orientate themselves towards and consider the ideas and concepts of potentially rival groups such as sports governing bodies at the national level and
SDOs and sports coaches at the local level as the power gradient between
teachers and other agencies flattens out and alliances and mergers occur. As a
result, it is immensely difficult nowadays to champion one model of PE. A
number of physical educationalists feel compelled to begin to identify with
and thus claim to deliver some of the goods of competing interest groups
(for example, talent identification, health promotion, academic and vocational qualifications, and social inclusion).
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The blindness of policy

Policies are often predicated on the assumption that policy and outcome are
one and the same, and that the impact of interventions will be homogenous;
that is, that NCPE, for example, will have similar if not identical results in
both male and female PE departments in all secondary schools in all regions
of England and Wales. The assumption is that PE can be used anywhere by
anybody and can be expected to achieve similar, if not identical, results. But
the impact of policy is contingent and is not guaranteed, because there are so
many variables, such as geographical location and, as later chapters show, the
social dynamics of gender, social class and ethnicity.
Given that no group or individual will have total knowledge of any particular area or situation, the outcomes of policies are inevitably blind, inasmuch as policies often have unintended as well as intended outcomes or
consequences. This is so because peoples intended actions take place in webs
of unplanned interdependencies often with people and groups beyond PE
teachers control, such as school governing bodies or local education authorities. Developments elsewhere in education (the marketization of education
and the growth of examinations in PE, for example) or even society in general
(such as the obesity epidemic) may have consequences for PE, shaping the
direction in which the subject develops. And PE teachers, like any employees,
are constrained to respond often in a piecemeal manner to the changing
landscape of their occupation.
The consequences of todays responses to pressing issues will provide the
context for tomorrows policies and practices. Nowhere is this better illustrated, perhaps, than the indirect consequences of the 1988 Education Reform
Act in the UK, and the educational marketplace (Gorard et al., 2003) that
ensued, for the growth of examinations in PE and the content of contemporary PE programmes for older pupils.
POLICY AND IDEOLOGY

When considering the policy process we need to keep in mind who the policymakers and implementers are and what vested interests they represent, as well
as the ways in which their interests may converge and coincide. This is
because much policy towards PE and sport is often intended to bolster or sustain a particular ideological position (Murphy, 1998). Policies are unavoidably
value-laden because they are constructions of people or groups of people.
Different ideological positions (for example, viewing talent identification and
development as a central purpose of PE) express differences in interests
among the competing groups. Policies involve struggles and contests over
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goals and aspirations, over whose voices should be permitted a hearing

(Penney and Evans, 2005: 21) as well as the status accorded to these voices.
Penney and Evans (2005) utilize the concept of discourse the ways in which
people communicate their, often implicit, ideological (and, therefore, valueladen) positions to shed light upon the ideas (or ideologies) that can be
hidden or visible, implicit or explicit in policy texts. The multiple discourses that Penney and Evans (2005: 29) suggest are contained in policy
documents are, in effect, partial expressions of ideologies. These discourses
are veiled expressions of ideological objectives. In this manner, government
White Papers can be seen to circumscribe what is acceptable and, by extension, unacceptable to think and do in the name of PE. Penney and Evans
(2005: 32), for example, talk of a strong reaffirmation, through policy
towards PE and sport over the last decade or more, of the taken for granted
structure and core content of the PE curriculum alongside a relative
absence of any significant shift in thinking about PE (p. 32). This amounts,
in effect, to window-dressing whereby policy-makers are more interested in
being seen to be doing something rather than labouring under the belief that
its implementation will achieve much (Murphy, 2007).
In order to understand the ideological positions that inform policy
towards PE and sport, we need to appreciate that those involved with PE,
especially teachers, tend to have strong emotional orientations to the subject.
Thus, policy evokes deeply felt responses from protagonists who often connect
to the prevailing occupational ideology. Indeed, to the extent that any policy
(such as SSCs) gives expression to a wider social perception and chimes with
at least some of the taken-for-granted assumptions of the practitioners themselves (for example, the desirability of sporting success for schools, links with
sports clubs and the utilization of coaches and SDOs in PE), then it is likely
to be pushing at an open door. Such situations illustrate the process by which
external constraints become internalized as self-restraint by the practitioners
themselves. Sometimes external constraints are not necessary because the
implementers share the aims of the policy-makers (Murphy, 2007). This can
be seen in a strand of the governments PESSCL strategy (DfES/DCMS,
2003) the gifted and talented scheme the aim of which, among other
things, is to profile and track pupils with sporting ability.
In this section I will attempt to apply the various aspects of the policy process
to PE. First, I focus on one of the most significant developments in the
history of PE in England and Wales: the NCPE. The NCPE was introduced
in 1992 and subsequently revised in 1995, 2000 and 2008 in order, at least in
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part, to take account of some of the unforeseen outcomes of the previous

versions (such as the perceived disadvantages to pupils and teachers of
making games a compulsory element at all key stages after 1995). I also
discuss a number of salient developments in the wider political and sporting
arenas, to demonstrate the processual character of PE; that is, the ways in
which developments in PE are intertwined with developments in the broader
policy networks. An increasingly prominent feature of the policy landscape
for PE in the UK has been the emergence of a government department
(DCMS) which has begun to encroach upon some of the responsibility for PE
traditionally held by its home department (DCSF). Until relatively recently
only a few European countries (most notably, France, Germany and the
Netherlands) have had government departments with responsibility for sport
as an aspect of leisure. Despite the fact that few governments in the 1960s
gave any explicit budgetary or ministerial recognition to sport, it is now an
established feature of government [in] most economically developed
countries (Houlihan, 2005: 163).
The development of government policy implies the identification of a
problem in need of a collective solution that cannot simply be left to the professionals. In the UK in recent years these problems are said to have been,
among other things, a diminution of traditional team games and the alleged
failure of PE and sport to avert the health/obesity crisis or confront rising
levels of juvenile delinquency. In this regard, the presence of ideological
underpinnings to PE-related policy is most clearly seen in two developments.
First, the shift in government policy on PE and school sport from what
Coalter (2006b) has referred to as sport for all to sport for good: conviction
about the capacity of sport to contribute to social change has fuelled a wide
range of sports-based initiatives directed at diverse groups, the objectives of
which lie beyond sports participation, to effecting change in young peoples
lives (Kay, 2005: 91). Second, an increasingly ideologically driven, tendency
to refer to PE as PE and School Sport (PESS).
The Departments for Culture, Media and Sport and Children,

School and Families
The political home of sport in the UK the DCMS is a relatively new
development. The significance of the DCMS lies in the implicit recognition
by government of the supposed desirability of the state being centrally
involved in the provision and management of sport as a significant aspect of
British culture.
The DCMS is relatively small in both financial and political terms and,
as a consequence, frequently finds itself in less powerful positions, in relation
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to other government departments, in terms of policy development and implementation. The other major government department concerned with PE and
school sport is the DCSF. In contrast to the DCMS, the DCSF is an economic
and political big hitter. Nevertheless, and despite its educational remit, PE
has not been a priority for the DCSF and, as a consequence, the advent of the
DCMS has enabled the sports lobby to adopt a more prominent and powerful
role in the policy network for PE.
The state of sport in schools has been high on the agenda of the DCMS
since its inception. Although largely neglected in the 1960s and 1970s in
policy terms, the 1980s witnessed a change in the political importance of
sport in schools and, therefore, PE (Houlihan and Green, 2006). A moral
panic over the alleged precarious state of young peoples health, as well as
their academic attainment and behaviour, alongside the relative lack of
success of elite sportsmen and sportswomen in England, led to a growth in
political concern with sport in and out of school. Consequently, PE acquired
a higher political profile.
Around the time that the DCMS was established, a major new player in the
PE policy network in the UK came into being the Youth Support Trust (YST).
The Youth Sport Trust and the National Junior Sports Programme
The YST was established in 1994 as a charitable organization with the selfproclaimed intention of developing and implementing PE and sport programmes for young people up to the age of 18, in both their schools and local
communities. The PE profession was one of a range of agencies identified by
the YST as potential partnership organizations. The YSTs vehicle for the
development and implementation of quality sports programmes was the
National Junior Sport Programme (NJSP) launched in 1995 with the aid of
7.7 million of UK government Lottery Sports Fund money. The NJSP was
expected to have a major impact on the nations sporting chances by providing children with a pathway from the school playground into the international sporting arena (Department of National Heritage [DNH], 1996). The
NJSP features the so-called TOPs schemes TOP Play (for primary schools)
and TOP Sport (secondary schools) which provide child-friendly equipment
as well as training and support for teachers; especially those in primary
schools where there has long been a dearth of equipment and expertise.
The extent of the penetration of the YST into PE is illustrated by the
encouragement it has offered for suitably qualified maintained secondary
schools in England to apply for designation as SSCs,2 which the YST has a
contract with the DCSF to develop. The specialist schools programme of
which SSCs are a feature was launched by a Conservative government in
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1994 in order to help secondary schools to develop strengths and raise standards in a chosen specialism (OFSTED, 2005a: 5): to act, in effect, as centres
of excellence for particular subjects, such as languages, technology, science
and, eventually, sport. There are currently well over 2,000 specialist schools in
England of which almost 400 are designated SSCs. The first SSC was established in 1997 by a newly elected Labour government. The SSCs are maintained secondary schools that receive additional funding from the government
in order to: (1) increase participation and raise standards in PE and sport in
a family of elementary and secondary schools in their vicinity; and (2) identify and develop young sporting talent in partnership with sports clubs in
their communities.
As the pre-eminent institutional force behind the recent emphasis on
school sport and PE (Houlihan and Green, 2006: 85), the YST has taken the
lead in championing the alleged value of school sport and PE. Consequently,
it is widely regarded as having been a good deal more influential in shaping
government policy towards PE and school sport than professional interest
groups. This can be no accident given that the YST is a carrier of the dominant (sporting) ideological perspective favoured by government and the
media. Nor is it surprising, given that the government was instrumental in
setting up the YST in the first place.
The YSTs TOP Play and TOP Sport projects were and are ostensibly
meant to extend sporting and physical activity opportunities for youngsters.
In reality, in primary schools at least, these sport-oriented programmes often
provided resources which primary school teachers saw as immensely useful,
not to say necessary, in delivering PE in their resource-scarce context
(Thorpe, 1996). Because PE is not particularly strong in the primary sector
and because the resources for sport (or some sports) provided by the TOP Play
scheme were so abundant there has been ample potential for sport and even
a single sport to dominate the PE curriculum (Thorpe, 1996). In this regard,
the development and success of sporting curriculum packages for primary
schools similar to those in the UK in Australia and New Zealand (Aussie
Sport and Kiwi Sport) led to such packages becoming a kind of de facto PE
programme (Alexander et al., 1996).
The establishment of a government department with responsibility for
sport, alongside the emergence of the YST and the concomitant introduction
of SSCs, has put in place the preconditions to push PE and school sport centre stage (Houlihan and Green, 2006: 75) politically. Kirk (1992) was certainly
prescient in describing the 1990s as a watershed in discourse regarding the
relationship between PE and school sport. Even though the various departments of state tend to seek different objectives through sport some of which
are incompatible sport in general and school sport in particular has often
been presented as a significant cross-departmental vehicle (Houlihan and
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Green, 2006: 77) for broader social and political objectives over the past 20
years. On such occasions, policy specifically related to PE usually reduces it
to sport and redefines it in relation to broader social and political objectives.
Nowhere is this better illustrated than in the development of a School Sport
Alliance comprising the DCSF the DCMS, the UK National Lotterys New
Opportunities Fund (NOF) and the YST.
Having said something about the nature of policy, the two main governmental players and one of the more influential agencies in the PE policy
arena, the next section focuses upon a number of relevant developments in
policy towards PE in England and Wales in recent decades, starting with a
policy that, for many, represents the most profound change of all: the NCPE.
The National Curriculum for Physical Education in England and

Wales
The introduction and development of the NCPE in England and Wales in the
1990s provides a useful illustration of policy as a social process in which
vested interests and deep-seated values are expressed and contested (Penney
and Evans, 1999) and balances of power between the various interested parties shift. The National Curriculum for primary and secondary education in
England and Wales was a product of the Education Reform Act (ERA) of 1988.
The ERA established a statutory curriculum for pupils aged 5 to 16 involving
four so-called Key Stages at 7, 11, 14 and 16 years of age which, as the title
suggests, are taken to represent distinct and significant periods in childrens
education. Alongside the core subjects of the National Curriculum English,
Mathematics, Science (and Welsh in Wales) are foundation subjects, one of
which is PE. All subjects consist of Programmes of Study (content) and
Attainment Targets (in effect, learning objectives) for each Key Stage. Within
the Programmes of Study for the NCPE, introduced in 1992, pupils are
required to experience six areas of activity in a broad and balanced curriculum (DES, 1991): athletic activities, dance, games, gymnastic activities, outdoor and adventurous activities and swimming. Attainment Targets are
expressed in End of Key Stage Statements about pupils achievements. In
PE, these focus upon what used to be known as planning, performing and
evaluation. Following adjustments in the NCPE in 2000 these components
have been further refined by the NCPE to be issued in 2008 to: (1) becoming
physically competent in performance; (2) evaluating and improving performance; and (3) developing the ability to make informed choices about involvement in healthy, active lifestyles.
Since its inception in 1992, the NCPE along with the National
Curriculum as a whole has been revised in 1995, 2000 and 2008. While the
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separate Subject Task Groups (such as the Working Party on the NCPE)
charged with developing the original National Curriculum in the 1980s
worked relatively independently in drawing up their own curriculum structure and attainment targets, they were inevitably influenced by their individual and collective value-orientations towards their subjects. Notable within
the process of developing the original NCPE was the prestige afforded to
sports people, including elite sports performers and a sports-keen public
school head teacher (Talbot, 1995). The NCPE was developed with very little
input from physical educationalists, who have remained on the margins of
policy development through every iteration of the NCPE despite the fact that
NCPE makes strong demands of teachers (Evans et al., 1993).
The National Curriculum for Physical Education 1995

The changes to NCPE brought about by the 1995 revision need to be understood in the policy context of the 1990s and the governments increasing
desire to intervene in education, in general, and PE, in particular. As well as
the effective lobbying of many sports governing bodies there was a background of British sporting failure at major international competitions (such
as the Olympic Games and the soccer World Cup). In 1995, the then recently
formed DNH published what was only the second-ever White Paper on sport
in the UK, Sport: Raising the Game, setting out the Conservative governments
intention to bring about a sea-change in the prospects of British sport (DNH,
1995: 1). Sport: Raising the Game extolled the virtues of, and sought to retrieve
a presumed decline in, competitive team sports (Roberts, 1996a). This was
despite substantial evidence demonstrating that: (1) within the overwhelming
majority of schools competitive sports, and team games in particular, had
maintained a dominant place on the PE curriculum (Penney and Evans, 1998;
Roberts, 1996a; 1996b); and (2) general trends in participation reflected
increases in fitness-oriented, less competitive, individual, flexible lifestyle
activities such as walking, swimming, cycling, keep fit/aerobics and weight
training.
Central to the twin policy developments of Sport: Raising the Game and
the revised NCPE was what was claimed to be a much needed renaissance of
sport in schools. The then Conservative Prime Minister and government
sought not only to re-establish the centrality of sport in schools, but also to
prioritize certain kinds of physical activities team games while marginalizing others (Penney and Evans, 1999). Having identified sport as the most
significant element of the PE curriculum, Sport: Raising the Game pointed to
an alleged need for extra sporting provision in schools and ushered in the
development of awards Sportsmark and Sportsmark Gold for those
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secondary schools providing quality PE and sports programmes in the form

of provision (especially in extra-curricular PE) of opportunities for competitive sport. It also stipulated a minimum number of hours of extra-curricular
PE and introduced the award of SSC status to those PE departments and
schools deemed suitably sports-oriented and qualified to act as focal points
for the development of sport in their communities or regions. Thus, Sport:
Raising the Game pointed policy firmly in the direction of the assumed connection between sport in school and the development of elite sport (Houlihan,
2000; Houlihan and White, 2002).
This shift in emphasis was also reflected in the two major (and related)
changes required by the revised NCPE of 1995: an emphasis upon (1) sport
(and particularly the activity area of games) at all key stages of schooling;
and (2) performance from within the triad of planning, performance and
evaluation.
Although the government claimed this was a dramatic shift in policy, in
reality the two policy interventions of 1995 the revised NCPE and the government White Paper, Sport: Raising the Game merely reinforced a tendency
inherent in PE for half a century to prioritize a sport and performance-based
definition of PE over other conceptions of the subject; for example, as a vehicle
for health promotion. In positioning and privileging (Penney and Evans,
1998; 1999) a particular ideological view of the true nature and purposes of PE
centring upon performance in sport and games in public and professional
debate, government policy reinforced the prevailing view among practitioners
that the PE curriculum should focus upon content (in the form of activity
areas). In doing so, it served to further harden the hierarchy of areas of activity
long established within the subject within which games were accorded the highest status and other activities subordinated (Penney and Evans, 1999; 2005). The
outcome of the 1995 revision of NCPE was a narrow curriculum experience,
especially for boys. From 1995, games occupied between 50 and 70 per cent of
Key Stage 3 PE, with the other three areas of activity required by the National
Curriculum squeezed into the remaining time.
The National Curriculum for Physical Education 2000

The very real difficulties experienced by PE teachers in forcing the activity
area of games onto 1516-year-old young adults coupled with the Labour
governments receptiveness to the idea that a broader diet of activities for
older pupils might be necessary to encourage participation in physical
activity (and thereby offset the rising tide of obesity) led to the requirement
to teach the activity area of games to all age groups being rescinded in NCPE
2000 (QCA and DfEE, 1999a). The NCPE 2000 played down the emphasis on
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sports performance in two ways. The first was by stipulating that games
become an option rather than a requirement at Key Stage 4. The second was
the growing strength of the health-related exercise (HRE) lobby as a result
of increased concern with a seeming explosion of lifestyle diseases such as
obesity provided the preconditions for the stipulation in NCPE 2000 that
HRE be a permeating theme of all the activity areas that together made up
the NCPE.
Despite the fact that the revised NCPE for 2000 loosened the grip of sport
and games especially for 1416-year-olds at Key Stage 4 policy statements
since 2000 have reinforced the overt pro-sport ideology of successive
Conservative and Labour governments since the mid-1990s and bolstered perceptions of PE as being sport in school. Consequently, the next major policy
statement on sport since Sport: Raising the Game A Sporting Future for All
(DCMS, 2000) ostensibly restored the encouragement of mass participation as
a policy objective (Houlihan, 2002) and focused particular attention on extending the range of sporting opportunities available to youngsters after school (via
extra-curricular PE) as well as creating further SSCs. The five central strands
to A Sporting Future for All were: rebuilding sports facilities (see Chapter 3), creating further SSCs, greater support for after-school (extra-curricular) sport (see
Chapter 4), creating School Sports Co-ordinators to facilitate inter-school sport
and to improve the range of opportunities for competitive sport beyond the curriculum, as well as coaching support for the most talented youngsters
(Houlihan, 2000). A Sporting Future for All confirmed school sport as central to
successive governments conceptions of PE and did not change the dominant
conception of PE as synonymous with school sport. Nor did it undermine the
governments commitment to integrating school sport with talent identification
and elite sporting development (Houlihan, 2002).
Government policy towards sport in general, and sport in schools in particular, has further underlined the already clear contours of PE and youth
sport. Nowhere is the observation that yesterdays policy is todays policy context better illustrated than with the PESSCL strategy introduced in an
attempt to provide an overall coordination strategy for the many policies and
strategies towards PE and school sport in England and Wales.
The Physical Education, School Sport and Club Links (PESSCL)

strategy
The PESSCL strategy is intended to establish an infrastructure for PE and
school sport and has four key policy outcomes which can be summarized as
increased participation and increased motivation, attitudes and self-esteem
on the part of pupils, and improved standards of performance, and increased
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numbers of qualified and active coaches, leaders and officials in schools and
sports clubs/facilities (Loughborough Partnership, 2005).
At the heart of the PESSCL strategy are School Sport Partnerships. The
partnerships (previously the School Sport Coordinator [SSCo]) programme is
a core feature of the PESSCL strategy, with over 400 partnerships and more
than 3,200 SSCos in secondary schools in 2007. School Sport Partnerships
amount to families of schools required to work together to develop PE and
sporting opportunities for young people. All state-maintained schools in
England are now part of a Partnership. Partnerships typically consist of a
Partnership Development Manager based at an SSC and who is typically an
established and experienced PE teacher charged with supporting the
Partnership and up to eight secondary school SSCos secondary school (PE)
teachers released from their timetable for two days per week and responsible
for developing PE and school sport in their school and their (four to eight)
feeder primary schools (Easton, 2003). The SSCos are responsible for coordinating and developing intra- and inter-school sport and physical activity in
general, and sporting competition and local community and club links in particular. Each primary and Special School (see Chapter 11) in the Partnership
has approximately 45 primary and Special School Link Teachers who are
released from teaching for 12 days each year to help improve the quantity and
quality of PE in their own school.
According to the DCMS/DfES (2005), schools that have been in a
Partnership for three years possessed a number of features: they offered an
average of 14 different sports at primary level and 20 at secondary; provided
football almost universally, closely followed by athletics and dance and gymnastics; involved over a third of pupils in competitions between schools; had
links with clubs in five different sports on average at primary level and 11 at
secondary; and the vast majority held a sports day. The DCMS/DfES (2005)
state that, according to its School Sport Survey, the greatest progress in participation in terms of numbers and time allocation in the Partnership schools
has been in primary schools. It is necessary, however, to introduce a note of
caution when considering the limited research on SSCs, not least because, in
order to justify the additional monies allocated to them, they are required to
demonstrate the whole-school impact of their specialism. Among other
things, this involves SSCs demonstrating that the primary schools in their
partnerships enable two hours or more per week of high quality PE and
sport. Indeed, if SSCs bear any resemblance to the much heralded City
Academies, first introduced in 2002, then there is no substantial evidence, as
yet, that such schools are performing any better for equivalent students than
the ones they replaced (Gorard, 2005). In other words, the claim that the
emergence of SSCs and partnerships between schools and between schools
and sports clubs has offered increased sporting opportunities to young people
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as well as energised physical education in many schools and enthused large

numbers of pupils (Fisher, 2003: 142) is an empirical claim for which there
appears to be only limited and equivocal evidence. Indeed, there is every reason to believe that many of the issues reported in the 2001 Office for
Standards in Education (OFSTED) report on SSCs remain live; that is,
although schools with high participation rates in sport also experience lower
truancy rates and better behaviour, there have been no significant improvements in academic achievements measured in terms of GCSE grades A* to C
in SSCs. But it would be a mistake to assume a simple cause and effect relationship of this kind. Aspects of departmental management in SSCs that are
said by OFSTED to need improvement, might cast doubt on the tag of excellence or good practice associated with the label specialist school because
they include some of the things such as lesson planning, schemes of work
and the evaluation of teaching that might be considered fundamental to all
schools and all PE teachers.
Nowhere, perhaps, is the influence of hitherto outsider groups to PE
more obvious than the PESSCL strategy (DfES/DCMS, 2003) developed by
multi-agency consultation (Penney and Evans, 2005) involving interested
parties beyond the government departments responsible for sport (DCMS)
and education (DfES). In this regard, the overlap between PE and sport policy development is no longer incidental and nor are those in authority content
for it now to be left to chance (Penney and Evans, 2005: 26).
CONCLUSION
This chapter began by asking several questions about the goals of policies,
including their clarity, compatibility and consequences intended or otherwise and concludes with an attempt to respond to each of these in turn.
Are the goals of particular policies clear?

Policies towards PE and school sport in England and Wales over the past
decade or so have changed the PE terrain quite substantially. The PESSCL
strategy, in particular, gives expression to the more central positioning of
sporting interests in PE policy that successive governments have allowed
those lobbying for sport to obtain. The pervasiveness of references to PE and
school sport not only in policy statements but also among the PE profession
suggests that school sport is viewed as sufficiently significant such that it is
no longer realistic to talk of PE in isolation (Bloyce, 2007). Indeed, because
schools are expected to provide more opportunities for sport within and
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beyond the curriculum as well as treat extra-curricula sport as forming a sporting continuum with the formal PE curriculum, references to PE and school
sport may represent a stage in a process of redefining PE as sport education or
even simply sport in schools.
The ideological pre-eminence of sport notwithstanding, the goals of government policy towards PE rhetorically, at least continue to be varied, and
tend to include health promotion, academic attainment and social inclusion
alongside the development of sport and sports performance; goals which are
by no means compatible.
Where policies have several goals, are these mutually compatible?

Many of the goals of contemporary education policy are complex and, sometimes, incompatible or contradictory. As in many English-speaking countries
worldwide, the direction of educational reform in the UK since the 1980s has
been towards an educational market (Gorard et al., 2003) and the goal of individualized school improvement through competition (Evans et al., 2005: 223).
In many countries, marketization of education and schools has taken the form
of a decentralization of control (for example, Local Management of Schools in
England and Wales) and funding (such as Grant-Maintained Schools in
England and Wales and Charter Schools in the USA). Such policies are predicated on the claimed benefits of specialism and diversity in school provision and choice for parents, as well as the assumed ability of educational
markets to deliver improvements in terms, for example, of standards of academic attainment and proportions of the school-age population gaining suitable qualifications. More recently, however, government policy in England
and Wales has shifted to include calls for collaboration and partnership as
the main method of improving schools (Evans et al., 2005). This shift towards
the, seemingly incompatible, policies of incorporating partnership alongside
competition is most obvious in policy towards PE. Policies regarding SSCs,
for example, require partnerships between schools and between schools and
sports clubs, sport coaches and development officers as well as competition
between schools for, among other things, the recruitment of talented athletes
and examination success.
The potential for incompatibility between several stated aims is also seen
in the manner in which policy towards PE has compounded the long-standing
tension between elite sport and mass participation at the school level. The
PESSCL strategy illustrates, par excellence, the impact on government policy
of the well documented and publicized anxieties among governing bodies of
sport about whether or not PE was and is maintaining a sufficient flow of participants. A recent evaluation of the PESSCL strategy highlights the persist-
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ent tension between the gifted and talented emphasis in policy and the
widely promulgated aim of increasing participation among young people.
If government and PE claims are taken at face value, one could be forgiven for thinking that sport in general, and sport in schools in particular
(typically in the guise of PE), is some kind of panacea or wonder drug that, if
administered in sufficient doses, would rid society of a breadth of social ills
ranging from the obesity epidemic, through deviancy to national self-esteem!
Physical education teachers and academics can often be heard, along with
government ministers, making grandiose claims for the efficacy of school
sport and PE in helping to tackle spiralling obesity rates among children,
improving Britains sporting performance as well as offering young people an
alternative to hanging around on street corners (Baldwin and Halpin, 2004:
1). In addition to opening PE up to ridicule by making such unjustified assertions physical educationalists are offering a hostage to fortune to anyone
charged with monitoring and evaluating the professions achievement of such
idealistic objectives.
What likely outcomes might be associated with the

implementation of these policies?
While childrens participation in sport and physical activity is not seen as
exclusively the responsibility of either the PE profession or those involved
with sport (for example, governing bodies of sport, sports clubs, coaches and
SDOs), the values, objectives and methods of each are, nonetheless, often a
source of rivalry and contestation; not least in terms of how each perceives the
others role and responsibilities. Chief among the significant differences
between sports coaches and SDOs and PE teachers is their raison dtre. In the
words of a much used aphorism in PE, the game is not the thing, the child is.
More than a decade ago, Capel (1996: 3144) indirectly pointed up the potentially negative impact on the general extra-curricular involvement of PE
teachers if their primary concern was to become identifying talent and helping talented pupils establish links with outside agencies and clubs.
Official views of PE often portray sport as the primary focus of PE, and
this view is more likely to be confirmed than challenged by physical educationalists themselves. However, greater involvement in PE by sports coaches
and SDOs might have a number of unintended consequences that even those
PE teachers ostensibly in favour of their involvement would not be happy
with ranging from the de-skilling of PE teachers (Thorpe, 1996) through to
their partial or even complete replacement.
The more the power differentials between more established (such as PE
teachers) and less established (SDOs, for example) occupational groupings
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with an interest in PE diminish, the more the course of PE is likely to

become indeterminate, fluid and beyond the control of any single individual
or group (Mennell, 1998: 262). The increasing support given to agencies
beyond PE means that the balance of power within the subject-community of
PE has become more evenly distributed in recent years and, thus, the
activities of PE teachers are more constrained than they were when PE
teachers had greater control of their subject. Ironically, PE teachers have
probably been complicit in their own marginalization. In their search for
greater occupational security and professional standing, physical
educationalists academics as well as practitioners have tried to position
themselves at the nodal point of broader, more pressing political issues
such as the obesity epidemic by seeking to forge alliances or advocacy
coalitions (Houlihan and Green, 2006: 84) with other more powerful
government departments, such as the DoH. This is one substantial reason
why PE teachers perpetuate the widely-held belief that sport performs
manifold welfare functions (Heinemann, 2005: 183).
What is the significance of policy for practitioners?

In broad terms, curricula might be viewed as the meat in the sandwich
between, at one end of the educational process, philosophizing upon the
nature and purposes of the subject and, at the other end, the actual delivery
of the curriculum by teachers. Curricula represent the what? in between the
why? and the how? But curricula are processes; they develop over time and
depend for direction upon the intended and unintended outcomes of the
struggles between various interested individuals and groups within, but also
beyond, the immediate policy network of PE. As a result, policies are
complex and sometimes contradictory and seldom straightforward in their
implementation.
Policy towards PE inevitably constrains PE teachers. While the NCPE,
for example, reflects the dependence of physical educationalists upon
government (and, indirectly, the sports lobby), it is at the same time an
example of how policy can never simply be dictated however strongly the
policy-makers believe it should be. Organizations may will the ends and even
the means but they cannot guarantee either. Because the policy process
involves many people at different levels and because it is a human process it
is susceptible to adaptation and change in the process of being implemented
by practitioners.
The limits to the states capacity to control the practices of PE teachers
is evident in the delivery of the NCPE (Curtner-Smith, 1999). Teachers tend
to be portrayed as the final link in a chain between policy and practice. The
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image conveyed in ideal-type models of policy is one of a transmission of

policy to those whose task is to translate it, in an essentially direct manner,
into practice (Penney and Evans, 2005: 23). But teachers have certain
mediating powers. Penney and Evans (2005) highlight the active role of the
practitioner in policy and curriculum change and what they refer to as
slippage in the implementation of policy: in other words, a disjuncture
between the practice of teachers in classrooms and the goals or principles as
outlined in particular policies or legislation. Teachers are able to find room
for manouevre or slippage within the requirements of the NCPE, for
example, and some areas of PE (for example, the introduction of
examinations into PE) may be changeable, and quickly, on the basis of an
initial intervention by a relatively small group of PE teachers. Still other
areas (such as PE teachers penchant for activity choice with older pupils)
might persist despite policy prescription. What PE teachers actually do in
the name of PE is, it seems, often at odds with official policy. Rather than
simply implementing the NCPE, research suggests that teachers have
persistently modified the NCPE to make it fit with their views about PE and
to make it manageable within their particular working environments
(Curtner-Smith, 1999; Green, 2003). This appears to be especially true in
primary schools among teachers who possess little subject-specific expertise
nor often a desire to teach PE. Indeed, it is also likely that some of these
processes of mediation are done in a relatively non-reflective manner
(Murphy, 2007). Assumptions that a standardized NCPE leads, straightforwardly, to standardized pupil experiences and guaranteed outcomes, as
well as raised standards, have been shown to be misplaced.
This chapter opened by observing that the notion of policy itself necessarily presupposes a judgement about appropriate ends; that is, policy implies
a desire to move from what is perceived to be an unsatisfactory state of affairs
to a more satisfactory one. This means that policy is inevitably ideological: it
involves value-laden views about the way things ought to be. For those who do
not share the analysts ideological presuppositions this inevitably de-values
analyses of policy that point to a preferred policy response.3 It may mean that
debate about policy simply involves proponents of particular positions talking
past one another unless they engage at a fundamental level with the ideological presuppositions that underpin their preferred policy options.
Despite the ideological nature of policy and the potential incompatibility of various policies, it is difficult to deny that sport has become more and
more prominent not only in policy towards PE but also in the justification for
the practice of PE in many countries. Whether or not this represents the
transformation of PE into school sport in other words, the sportization4 of
PE is an issue we will cover in the Conclusion. Either way, the fact that the
government expresses a strong ideological commitment to sport does not
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mean that it will provide the resources necessary to realize its vision (Murphy,
2007) nor, indeed, realistically expects its policies to be successful!
RECOMMENDED READING
Bloyce, D. and Smith, A. (forthcoming) Sport Development and Policy in Society.
London: Routledge.
Houlihan, B. (2003) Politics, power, policy and sport, in B. Houlihan (ed.),
Sport and Society: A Student Introduction. London: Sage. pp.2848.
NOTES
1 The DCSF replaced the former Department for Education and Skills
(DfES) in June 2007.
2 The specialist schools concept is not exclusive to England and Wales. Since
the beginning of the 1980s, primary schools in Berlin, for example, have
been able to mark themselves out as distinct in much the same way that
British schools do by emphasizing a particular subject (such as sport)
(Pfister and Reeg, 2006). In Berlin, some pupils receive additional PE
lessons through the primary years and schools choose the particular PE
content of lessons.
3 I am grateful to Patrick Murphy for this point.
4 The term sportization was originally coined to refer to the process by
which folk games and pastimes were transformed into modern-day sports.
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The State of Physical

Education
In very many developed and developing countries worldwide, PE is a

conventional (in the sense of being generally practised), often compulsory
element of primary and secondary school curricula (Hardman and Marshall,
2005). Despite the formal status of PE in many countries, it has become an
orthodoxy in PE circles to advocate the view that, since the early 1970s, PE
has been in a state of decline and marginalization when measured, for
example, in terms of the number and quality of facilities and suitably
qualified teachers, time devoted to PE and curriculum content. The
supposed downturn in the fortunes of PE is said to have occurred not only in
countries in the English-speaking world such as Australia, the USA
(Dollman et al., 2006) and the UK (DCMS, 2000) but in many countries
worldwide (Doll-Tepper, 2005; Hardman and Marshall, 2000; 2005). The
situation in the USA, where there are said to be especially large differences
in the way in which PE is delivered and promoted (Welk et al., 2006: 679)
between but also within states is indicative of the differences between
countries worldwide. In approximately one-third of the countries or
provinces in Hardman and Marshalls (2000) worldwide survey, for example,
PE provision was said to be, at best, minimal and, in some cases, nonexistent. The seemingly declining state of PE is widely believed to reflect the
diminishing status of the subject, particularly in primary schools.
Using several recent surveys, this chapter examines various components
of PE (from facilities through to curriculum time and content) in England
and Wales while making reference to the rest of Europe and the USA in
order to explore some of the assumptions (such as that between time spent in
PE lessons and young peoples ongoing adherence to sport) that are often
implicit in commentaries on the condition of PE. In the process, the chapter
asks a number of questions about the alleged state of PE, including:
45
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Are developments in facility provision, curriculum time and content, as

well as teaching personnel indicative of a decline in the state of PE
rather than merely change some aspects of which may be good while
others may be bad?
To what extent do perceptions of decline reflect physical educationalists
preferred views regarding what constitutes (1) sufficient PE; (2) the right
kinds of activities; and (3) an appropriate blend of facilities, curriculum
content and teachers?
It is important to bear in mind that, whatever the statutory requirements with
regard to school PE in particular regions and countries around the world, the
preconditions for delivering PE in primary and secondary schools can and do
differ markedly within and between developed, developing and third-world
countries. Large-scale investment in PE in England in recent years, for example, stands in marked contrast to other areas of the world, including North
America (Hardman, 2007). Nevertheless, England and Wales make an interesting case study for consideration of the issues surrounding the state and status of PE; not least because many of the developments and processes at issue
elsewhere in the English-speaking world and Europe especially are being,
or have been, played out there.
First, it is worth exploring the state of the facilities that house PE in
England and Wales before going on to examine the numbers of suitably qualified teachers, time devoted to PE and curriculum content.
T H E S TAT E O F P E : F A C I L I T I E S
The provision of suitable and well-maintained sports facilities in schools is
not only an issue in Britain (Central Council for Physical Recreation
[CCPR], 2001) and Europe (Hardman and Marshall, 2005) but also
worldwide (Hardman and Marshall, 2000). Teachers in both primary and
secondary schools in the Sport England (2003b: 33) survey reported an
increasing level of dissatisfaction with the adequacy of facilities available to
their school over the eight-year period between 1994 and 2002 (40 and 39 per
cent of primary and secondary school teachers, respectively, in 2002
compared with 23 and 24 per cent in 1994). Primary school teachers with
responsibility for PE expressed particular dissatisfaction with school halls,
outdoor pitches/fields and playground areas, while specialist PE teachers in
secondary schools reported reduced access to cricket nets, tennis courts and
outdoor swimming pools over the same period (Sport England, 2003b).
Despite the general perception of decline among the teachers surveyed,
the vast majority of secondary schools in England at the time owned or had
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T H E S TAT E O F P H Y S I C A L E D U C AT I O N
47
access to outdoor pitches and sports fields (Sport England, 2003a), approximately two-thirds (64 per cent) had access to a multi-purpose sports hall
(Sport England, 2000a) and 45 per cent owned or had access to an indoor
swimming pool. Of 13 specific facilities surveyed, greater availability of eight
was reported in 2002 compared with 1994 (Sport England, 2003a). Teachers
also reported increased access to athletics facilities, school halls and playground areas over the same time span.
Secondary schools tend to possess more and a greater range of facilities
than primary schools. Nonetheless, the latter appeared to have more facilities
available for their use overall in 2002 than was the case in 1994 (Sport
England, 2003a). This was particularly so in the form of school halls and
indoor swimming pools but also of multi-purpose sports halls, outdoor
purpose-built sports areas, synthetic athletic tracks, cricket nets and tennis
courts. Amid this picture of relative improvement, half of the primary
teachers in the Sport England (2003b) survey considered school hall (49 per
cent) and playground area (55 per cent) provision for PE to be adequate.
Indeed, the figures stood at two-thirds (65 per cent) for outdoor
pitches/fields, three-quarters for indoor swimming pools (79 per cent) and
grass/other track (74 per cent).
Overall, the Sport England findings suggested not so much a decline in
facility provision in schools as a shift in the mixture of facilities available to
schools especially secondary schools from an emphasis on those facilities
(typically, outdoor grass pitches) that support the teaching of traditional team
and partner games, towards those suited to indoor-based sports and physical
activities and more reliable, all-weather playing surfaces facilities such as
astro-turf . These trends are in line with Robertss (1996a: 49) observation
that, according to the Community Use of Sports Facilities (Hunter, 1995) survey,
schools in England and Wales had been enhancing rather than reducing their
sports facilities.
The observation that, over time (especially when viewed over the course
of the half-century existence of secondary PE), facilities for school sport in
England have been steadily improving should not disguise the fact that provision for PE can be less than ideal and sometimes inadequate for intended
use especially in primary schools where the marginal position of PE can be
made worse by unsatisfactory facilities. Where provision for PE in both primary and secondary schools is poor, both outdoor (for example, playing fields)
and indoor facilities (gymnasia and sports halls) tend to be inadequately
maintained (with pitches commonly being susceptible to drainage problems)
and cold. Indoor facilities can also be inadequate for the numbers of pupils to
be taught. Such problems with facilities and resources tend to be worse in
those countries with increasingly marketized education sectors where
changes towards the localization of school management and budgetary
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arrangements have led many schools to redirect some of their expenditure

away from expensive items such as the maintenance and upkeep of facilities
and the transport used for travel to sporting fixtures and off-site activities.
In England and Wales, the sale of school playing fields has proved to be
the most contentious aspect of facility provision. However, as far as public
playing fields are concerned, in 959 redevelopment applications considered
during 200304, 72 (playing) fields were created and 52 lost, out of about
44,000 pitches across 21,000 sites (BBC News, 2005a: 1). Nevertheless, this
did not prevent the National Playing Fields Association claiming that almost
45 per cent of Englands sports pitches had been lost since 1992 and describing the situation as shameful (BBC News, 2005b: 1). Such responses are typical of the animated manner in which those representing the major national
games have responded to the sale of public and school playing fields. By
responding in this way, the sports lobby have clouded the issues surrounding
outdoor facilities, tending to overlook the fact that they are neither powerless
nor at the mercy of the planning process. Sport England is obliged to check
every planning application involving a playing field (although public playing
fields have to be twice as large as school fields to acquire protection) and is
entitled to object if it thinks that sport will lose out in short, playing fields
can only be sold off as an absolute last resort. Indeed, because the proceeds
must be used to improve facilities (especially outdoor facilities), wherever
possible, there has been a general improvement in facilities in terms of a
closer match between participation trends among young people and the mix
of indoor and outdoor facilities. For secondary schools, the sale of playing
fields has tended to result in a substantial increase in the number of allweather surfaces available to schools (Roberts, 1996a). Indeed, campaigners
who continue to argue that there still need to be more outdoor rather than
indoor sports spaces are flowing against rather than with trends in sports participation (see Chapter 7).
While it is undoubtedly true that effective learning and teaching may
well be dependent upon the provision of suitable facilities and equipment, no
clear or incontrovertible evidence can be found regarding what constitutes
either a bare minimum or optimal amount or quality of provision. The significance of this is highlighted by the fact that participation in sport and
physical activity among young people and adults in the UK plateaued more
than a decade ago, even though the quantity and quality of public and commercial provision has ebbed and flowed. Indeed, school or dual-use (school
and local government) sports centres often considered the backbone of secondary school PE and sporting facilities are a relatively recent phenomenon.
While there are now over 2,000 sport and leisure centres in the UK, there were
virtually no indoor sports facilities of this kind in the 1960s. Before the 1970s,
almost the only indoor facilities in the UK were (mostly Victorian) swimming
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baths and dance halls. During the 1970s and 1980s, local government (sometimes working in partnership with, for example, the Sports Council) set about
an ambitious plan of developing sport and leisure centres in every town in the
UK. Inevitably, many facilities that were new in the 1970s and 1980s now
appear run down, dated and in need of investment. This impression is
probably exacerbated by the rapid growth of attractive commercial sports and
fitness centres over the past decade.
However, the kind of investment subsidy required to achieve substantial
improvements in facilities is very probably unaffordable by local or central
governments. Nor, for that matter, is it politically viable. Heinemann (2005:
181) observes: To the extent that the traditional welfare states of western
industrialized countries are heading towards (funding) crises the sports
system will also be affected by such developments and will be required to
adjust and adapt.
Before moving on to explore the state of PE in terms of PE teachers, a
caveat needs to be added with regard to facilities. A central contention of this
chapter has been that if the situation in England and Wales in recent decades
is at all indicative of developments in other western industrialized countries,
then caution is called for regarding whether facilities have, in fact, deteriorated in the manner that many physical educationalists claim. However, the
situation in developing countries, even in Europe, can be markedly different.1
Countries in Eastern Europe, for example (especially the former Soviet bloc
countries) have been particularly affected by political developments over the
past decade or so. At the same time, however, it is important to bear in mind
that many of these countries have always relied heavily on the voluntary
sports club sector for (extra-curricular) sporting facilities in particular.
T H E S TAT E O F P E : P E T E A C H E R S
Virtually all secondary schools in England (Sport England, 2003a), as with
English-speaking countries around the world, have at least one member of
staff with a specialist PE qualification. However, the same cannot be said with
regard to PE specialists in primary schools. Although many primary (elementary) schools in the USA do have PE specialists, in many countries (Australia
and the UK, for example), PE in primary schools is taught by classroom teachers with limited training in PE. Indeed, only a minority of primary schools in
Sport Englands study had a qualified PE specialist either on a full-time (9 per
cent) or part-time (22 per cent) basis: Instead, the vast majority of primary
schools (93 percent) rely upon class teachers or other staff to teach PE (Sport
England, 2003b: 767). In the USA, although the government mandates a
highly qualified (fully licensed) teacher in every classroom in core subjects it
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does not do so in PE (Dodds, 2006: 542). Indeed, the No Child Left Behind
policy (US Department of Education, 2002) in the USA encourages the use of
highly qualified teachers for all subjects except PE (Collier, 2006). It comes as
no surprise, therefore, to find that the marginality of PE in relation to other,
more academic, school subjects often leads to a feeling of isolation among PE
teachers; especially those at the primary level where there might only be one
physical educationalist in any school (Stroot and Ko, 2006).
In a number of countries, increasing class sizes have been a growing concern in recent decades (Tsangaridou, 2006a) and have added to the pressure
on teaching resources. In England and Wales, pupilteacher ratios worsened
in PE during the 1990s as the size of teaching groups grew as a consequence
of increased pupil numbers alongside static (or, in the case of Years 10 and 11,
declining) numbers of specialist PE teachers. This development added further impetus to the tendency for PE departments to make use of outside agencies for a supply of sports coaches and SDOs to aid the delivery of curricular
and extra-curricular PE.
Physical education departments in England and Wales have always been
inclined to make use of non-specialist teachers especially in the delivery of
activity-choice or option PE for upper-school pupils and extra-curricular PE.
However, this tendency has grown over the past decade, aided by the willingness of external agencies to become more involved in schools and government
policy constraining schools in this direction (see Chapter 2). Specialist Sports
Colleges are particularly likely to make use of specialist coaches; particularly
in order to support less accessible activities, such as ice-skating, horseriding, martial arts and golf in lessons and out of school (OFSTED, 2005a:
29). Nowhere is the trend towards broadening the range of people (or adults
other than teachers [AOTT] as they are known) permitted involvement in PE
more evident than in primary schools. According to Sports Coach UK (2004),
approximately 140,000 AOTTs (including SDOs, sports coaches, parents and
other adults) were delivering sports sessions within primary schools. The
trend towards increased use of AOTTs coaches and SDOs, in particular is
reflected in the emergence of commercial companies providing sports coaches
for schools. In this vein, most School Sport Partnerships in the Loughborough
Partnership (2005: 29) survey reported an increase in the number of coaches
working within the Partnership.
The marginal position of PE in primary schools worldwide (Hunter,
2006) and the increased use of AOTTs is justified by the schools themselves in
terms of the lack of PE and sporting expertise and correspondingly low levels
of confidence among primary teachers regarding the teaching of the subject
(see Chapter 12). This, in turn, tends to be a consequence of the lack of personal sporting expertise among would-be primary school teachers, compounded by the relatively minor part that PE plays in their training (Hunter,
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2006) many trainee primary school teachers receive little more than a days
training in PE (Caldecott et al., 2006b). Since 2003, a Coaching for Teachers
scheme in England and Wales has provided opportunities for teachers and
other adults involved with extra-curricular PE to gain sports governing body
qualifications. The significance of the long-standing shortage of primary
school teachers with sporting expertise and PE qualifications is highlighted
when one considers the relatively high degree of autonomy and control teachers in primary schools worldwide tend to have over what happens in the name
of PE, as well as the way in which it happens (Hunter, 2006).
Despite the seemingly bleak portrait of the numbers and availability of
suitably qualified PE teachers worldwide (even in countries where PE is part
of a statutory national curriculum), in England and Wales the QCA (2005a)
and OFSTED (2005b) feel able to point to what they perceive as an improvement in the quality of PE teaching, generally, and particularly in primary
schools in recent years. Despite the lack of primary teachers with sporting
enthusiasm, let alone suitable training in PE, schools in England and Wales
have, for a number of years, had designated curriculum leaders with responsibility for PE in their schools. This system is said to have been improved by
the advent of School Sport Partnerships and the requirement for each primary
school in a partnership to have a nominated Primary Link Tutor.
T H E S TAT E O F P E : T I M E
The study of time became an established dimension of PE research in the
1980s in the form of the Academic/Active Learning Time in Physical
Education (ALT-PE) research. This branch of PE research focused on the
proportion of PE lessons pupils actually spent on task; that is, actively and
appropriately engaged with purposeful, learning-related tasks (Van Der
Mars, 2006). More recently, concern with time has shifted from the ways in
which it is spent to the more fundamental issue of the overall amount of time
available for PE.
In many ways it is the apparent reduction in time devoted to curricular
PE that has precipitated the widespread claims of decline in the state and
status of PE. On the basis of their international survey of the state and status
of physical education, Hardman and Marshall (2005: 45) reported marked
variations across Europe between the amounts of PE curriculum time
prescribed and actually delivered. Hardman and Marshall (2005) pointed, for
example, to reductions as high as 25 per cent in curriculum time for PE in
Germany since 1990 and substantial reductions in Sweden. Elsewhere,
Dollman et al. (2005: 893) reported less time and expertise in many schools
for implementing structured physical activity programmes in Australia and
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a reduction in involvement in daily PE from 42 per cent of children in 1991

to 28 per cent in 2003 in the USA.
In the UK, a decline in time allocated to PE within the curriculum in
England has been apparent since 1974 (Hardman and Marshall, 2000; Harris,
1994a; Sport England, 2000a) and, in particular, since 1992 (Sport England,
2000a). As in the USA, the decrease in time for every secondary year in
England appears to have been particularly marked among the 14 to 16 age
group (Hardman and Marshall, 2000; Harris, 1994a) with young people in this
age bracket experiencing a slow but steady decline in the proportion receiving two hours or more PE (Sport England, 2003a: 5). At the same time, a
trend towards teaching periods of one hours duration has added to the time
pressures on PE (Hardman and Marshall, 2000; Sports Council for Wales,
1995). Despite this, the UK governments Public Service Agreement Target for
school sport is to have increased the percentage of 516 year olds who spend
a minimum of two hours each week on high quality PE and school sports to
85 percent by 2008 (DCMS/DfES, 2005: 3) as a step towards the overall
target of every child receiving two hours of curriculum PE each week by 2010
(Harris, 2005; QCA, 2005a).
Time for PE is a particular issue in the primary sector, with evidence of
insufficient curriculum time and sometimes (for example, countries and
regions of Africa) no time at all for primary-aged pupils in particular
(Hardman and Marshall, 2000). Reduced curriculum time is said to be attributable to a lack of facilities and specialist teachers and the marginal status of the
subject in relation to other areas of school curricula (Hardman and Marshall,
2000). With this in mind, the Chief Inspector of Schools for England and Wales
expressed concern regarding primary schools apparent failure to devote enough
time (as well as other resources) to pupils physical development: In most of the
primary schools, Key Stage 1 pupils usually had less PE teaching than those at
Key Stage 2 (OFSTED, 2005a: 2), and both compared unfavourably with the
greater amount of time allocated to PE in secondary schools.
But how far is government off the target of two hours in England and
Wales? Despite widespread concern it appears that the apparent decline in
time devoted to curriculum PE has been reversed, in England at least, with
the amount of curriculum time allocated to PE having increased substantially
since the end of the 1990s (DCMS/DfES, 2006; Sport England, 2003a). In
1999, 33 per cent of youngsters in Years 211 (that is, primary and secondary
schooling) received two or more hours per week of PE. By 2002 this had
increased to 49 per cent, a 5 per cent increase since 1994 (Sport England,
2003a). More recently, the DCMS/DfES (2006) has claimed that, according to
its 200506 School Sport Survey of over 16,800 schools, 80 per cent of pupils in
schools (comprising 82 per cent in primary and 78 per cent in secondary
schools) participated in at least two hours of high quality PE and sport in a
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typical week. These figures include both curricular and extra-curricular (or
out-of-hours school sport) provision. Nonetheless, over half (61 per cent) of
the more than 5 million pupils included in the DCMS/DfES (2006) study
received two hours of PE entirely within the curriculum, with the greatest
progress towards that threshold having been made in the primary sector.
According to DCMS/DfES (2006), across all year groups in their survey,
pupils spent an average of 111 minutes each week on curriculum PE on
average 110 minutes for primary schools and 112 for secondary schools; that
is, eight and 10 minutes under the targets in secondary and primary schools
respectively. It is particularly interesting to note that the three school years in
which pupils appear to receive more than two hours curricular PE in England
are Years 7 to 9; that is, the first three years of secondary schooling. The
Loughborough Partnership (2005) reported the mean curriculum time for the
22 schools in its study as just over (Years 7 and 8) or just under (Year 9) two
hours for both boys and girls. At Years 10 and 11 the mean fell to one-and-ahalf hours and in Years 12 and 13 (ages 1618) it fell to less than one hour. The
mean times for upper secondary Years 10 and 11 in the DCMS/DfES (2006)
study were very similar, at 97 minutes and 94 minutes respectively. Whatever
the picture previously, it seems that since the mid-1990s there has been an
increase in the time allocated for PE in primary and secondary schools in
England and Wales (QCA, 2005b; Sport England, 2003a).
At one level, the QCAs (2001) observation that time is a valuable
resource is obvious. It is worth pausing for a moment, however, to ask just why
governments, the Council of Europe, the International Council for Sports
Science and Physical Education (ICSSPE) and, for that matter, PE teachers
themselves consider the time allocated to PE and school sport and the twohour threshold, in particular to be of such importance. Of course, the call
for a minimum of two hours may well be based on perceptions of an historical norm or ideal-type. At the same time, two hours may provide a conveniently round figure as a line in the sand beyond which the PE
subject-community feels it cannot afford to retreat, in political terms. But that
should not dissuade us from asking if there is any more to the two hours
threshold than this? And, indeed, there appears to be. It is argued, for example, that insufficient time would militate against high levels of participation
and achievement (QCA, 2001). But is two hours a minimum for teaching
NCPE? It appears not for, as the DCMS/DfES (2005: 9) report points out,
both the primary and secondary allocations of curricular PE time in England
and Wales are above the recommended time needed to cover the PE programme of study effectively (75 minutes per week at Key Stages 1 and 2 and
90 at Key Stage 3). In this regard, the QCA (2001) acknowledges that the overall amount of time allocated to PE is less important than the way it is distributed and used. Therefore, it is worth asking what two hours of PE each week
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is deemed necessary for? Might it be, for example, for skill development,
health promotion or the encouragement of lifelong participation? Roberts
(1996a) argued that there is no evidence to suggest that two hours is a critical
threshold for either maintaining health and fitness, nurturing a liking for
sport or even developing a longer-term commitment to participation. It may,
however, be that the more time young people spend in physical activity the
more likely they are to develop their fundamental skills: Fisher et al. (2005:
684) found that fundamental movement skills were significantly associated
with habitual physical activity even though the association between the two
variables was weak. Either way, the real significance of time allocation to PE
may well lie in the potential for coverage of a range of activities. The Office
for Standards in Education (2005b) comments that, in SSCs, the breadth and
balance of activities are much better as a result of at least two hours a week of
PE in both Key Stages 3 and 4.
Before leaving the issue of time, it is worth reflecting upon the context
which provides the constraints for PE in England and Wales. The development of a statutory National Curriculum and policies aimed at improving citizenship and literacy and numeracy have inevitably added further pressure to
an already crowded timetable and exacerbated the pressure on curricular PE.
Empirical evidence that general curriculum pressures are pushing PE and
sport in primary schools, for example, into out-of-school time comes from the
Loughborough Partnerships (2005) evaluation of School Sport Partnerships
in England. Also, the advent of an educational market has substantially
increased the pressure on non-examinable subjects (Gorard et al., 2003), thus
squeezing curriculum time in particular. There are no signs of a rolling back
of policies aimed at increasing the process of marketization in education and,
therefore, no sign of anything other than, at best, a stabilization of the time
allocated to PE. In the short to medium term, one of the more realistic
avenues open to physical educationalists in England and Wales seeking an
increased time allocation for PE lies in the academicization of the subject;
that is, increasing the number of academic and vocational qualifications they
offer through PE (see Chapter 5).
T H E S TAT E O F P E : T H E C U R R I C U L U M
Provision: number and range of activities
Since the early 1970s, PE departments in England and Wales have focused
upon increasing the range of sports available in PE (Roberts, 1995; 1996a;
1996b) and this process was reinforced with the introduction of the NCPE. In
England, over 40 sports are typically tried by some young people in their
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school careers (Sport England, 2003a). In 2002, the average number of sports
undertaken at least once in the year in school lessons for all young people in
England was nine, for both boys and girls (compared with eight in 1994 and
1999) (Sport England, 2003a). More recently, the DCMS/DfES (2006) pointed
to an average of 16 different sports provided by primary and secondary
schools in the 16,882 schools in their School Sport Survey. According to Sport
England (2003a), the average number of sports undertaken frequently (at
least 10 times in the year) by pupils in 2002 was four (unchanged since 1994).
At the same time, however, there was a small, but notable, increase in the
numbers of young people (Years 211) not taking part in at least one sport
regularly in lessons (from 15 percent in 1994 to 17 percent in 1999 to 18 percent in 2002) (Sport England, 2003a: 5).
In addition to an increase in the sheer number of sports on offer in
schools, there has been a substantial increase in the range of activities provided by secondary schools in particular. According to Sport England
(2003a: 16), for example, over the last eight years schools have focused on
increasing the range of sports that young people take part in, rather than the
frequency in which they participate. The most widely available sports and
physical activities for the 5 million-plus pupils in the DCMS/DfES (2006)
survey were football (98 per cent), dance (96 per cent), gymnastics (95 per
cent), athletics (92 per cent), cricket (89 per cent) and rounders (87 per cent).
These, according to DCMS/DfES (2006: 17), have consistently been the most
widely available sports over all three of their surveys. In their study of School
Sport Partnerships, the Loughborough Partnership (2005) also reported
increases in the range of activities provided, at both primary and secondary
school levels, alongside an expansion of new activities. They pointed to more
than 150 partnerships offering traditional sports (such as athletics, gymnastics, hockey, netball, rounders, rugby and soccer) and over 100 offering newer
activities (such as orienteering, fitness, table tennis, dance, basketball and
badminton), with many tens of schools offering activities such as volleyball,
cycling, boccia, canoeing, softball, sailing and martial arts. Indeed, the
expansion of choice went well beyond the conventional school range and
included sports and activities such as archery, bowls, kabbadi, triathlon, goalball, cheerleading, handball, circus skills and new age curling
(Loughborough Partnership, 2005: 25). This expansion was also reflected in
the DCMS/DfES (2006) survey which revealed increases in the provision of
fitness, orienteering, cycling, canoeing, golf and archery among other activities. Despite the breadth of curricula, the provision of teaching resources for
(some) sports by external sporting agencies such as the YST (see Chapter 2)
has, in recent years, begun to exert a substantial influence on the content of
primary PE in particular, such that there is potential for particular sports to
dominate the primary school PE curriculum.
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Despite the provision of an increased number and range of activities in

PE, the content of PE curricula can still appear irrelevant to some pupils
needs especially girls (Ennis, 1999) (see Chapter 8). Girls levels of participation decline in many sports during the secondary years, particularly in volleyball, hockey, rugby, cross country, swimming and baseball (Sport England,
2003a). Nevertheless, in England, girls participation at both primary and secondary levels has grown substantially over the past decade or more in
rounders, tennis, football, cricket, basketball and dance (Sport England,
2003a). The breadth of activities reflects the fact that the types of sports that
girls participate in, during lessons, has changed over the last eight years and
to a greater extent than boys (Sport England, 2003a: 12).
In terms of regularity and reliability of provision, as well as breadth and
depth of coverage, the PE curriculum in primary schools has never been especially strong. The relatively minor place that PE occupies in the primary curriculum has compounded the uncertainty and confusion among teachers
regarding what counts as PE in primary schools, who is responsible for its
delivery and the extent to which it should be allocated seemingly precious
time from other, supposedly more fundamental, aspects of primary education
(Hunter, 2006). It is, perhaps, unsurprising, therefore, that research in the
USA suggests that recess break time in the UK is often used to supplement PE (Hunter, 2006) and this suggests that PE is treated more like play
than an introduction to particular sporting activities.
Provision: the state of sport

Roberts (1996a: 49) points to the spectre raised by the British governments
White Paper, Sport: Raising the Game, that schools had been neglecting
Britains traditional team games where national success has a purchase in
popular culture. Nevertheless, Robertss analysis of the 1994 Sport England
survey (Mason, 1995a) led him to comment that team games and other competitive sports were alive and well in Englands schools in the mid-1990s.
Neither PE teachers nor their colleagues, he observed, had turned against
Britains traditional team sports and nearly all pupils were playing team
games at school during every year in their school lives. The situation,
Roberts (1996a: 50) concluded was not that team games had been dropped,
but rather that they had been joined by other activities in broader sports curricula than the traditional games regime. As indicated earlier in this chapter,
subsequent surveys (see Sport England, 2003a) have confirmed that this
remains the case.
Although the curriculum diet has changed over the years, PE curricula
in many countries reflect a good deal of continuity (as well as undeniable
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changes in the form of a broadening and diversity of activities) in the shape

of a continued emphasis on competitive team sports. In secondary PE, in
England, the top eight sports participated in frequently in secondary PE lessons in England in 2002 athletics (36 per cent), gymnastics (32 per cent),
tennis (31 per cent), rounders (29 per cent), hockey (27 per cent), netball (26
per cent), football (25 per cent), badminton (21 per cent) reflected the persistence of a sport and traditional games core to the PE curriculum (Sport
England, 2003b).
In the mid-1990s, Roberts (1996a: 50) reported that most pupils were
competing at sport regularly both in and out of lessons. More recently, the
DCMS/DfES (2006: 2) found that, in the nearly 17,000 primary and secondary schools in their 200506 School Sport Survey, competitive sports such as
football and athletics remained popular with almost all schools offering
them (DCMS/DfES, 2006: 15). The vast majority of schools, for example,
offered football, athletics, cricket, netball, hockey, rugby and tennis. In addition, 71 per cent of pupils (79 per cent primary, 62 per cent secondary) were
involved in intra-school competitive sport at some stage during the academic
year 200506 and 39 per cent (46 per cent primary, 32 per cent secondary)
were involved in inter-school competitive sport (DCMS/DfES, 2006) with the
peak year for both intra- (86 per cent) and inter-school (58 per cent) involvement being Year 6 the final year of primary school. Similarly, the
Loughborough Partnership (2005: 27) reported marked increases in representative participation at almost all levels of competition in their sample of
22 schools in the School Sport Partnership programme. The year-on-year consistency of this kind of data reflects the continuing orthodoxy of PE curricula
and the continued pre-eminence of sport.
One of the key strategic aims of the PESSCL strategy and School Sport
Partnerships in England and Wales has been the development of links and
out-of-school hours programmes with local sports clubs, national governing
bodies, coaches and SDOs. In this regard, the DCMS/DfES (2006: 18) survey
pointed to football, cricket, rugby union, dance and athletics as the most
common club link sports. The Loughborough Partnership (2005: 30) reported
that the greatest success in developing links between schools and sports
clubs in its survey had been with those sports that have the most extensive
coaching and sports development networks such as football, tennis and rugby
(see Chapter 2). Once again, the links between school and sports clubs appear
to be at a peak in the upper primary school years (ages 7 to 10). Interestingly,
the growth in representative participation at almost all levels of competition
in the schools in the Loughborough Partnerships (2005: 27) evaluation
included increases particularly among girls.
Trost (2006) identifies a number of surveys which demonstrate that in
the USA, PE curricula in middle and high schools continue to consist
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primarily of competitive team sports such as baseball/softball, basketball,

soccer and volleyball: as early as the 3rd and 4th grades, the focus of school
physical education had shifted from movement education and fitness to
competitive team sports such as soccer and basketball (p. 182). As a result,
Trost (2006: 181) observes, PE programmes have primarily served the
interests of athletically gifted children at the expense of less athletic
children. Indeed, Collier (2006) notes that some state (or public) schools in
the USA are replacing PE with inter-scholastic sport (and even marching
band practices). It is worth bearing in mind, however, that the trend that
Collier points to in the USA might not be such a new phenomenon: interscholastic sport has dominated the PE curriculum, especially in senior high
schools for more than 30 years (Hardman, 2007).
So, surveys in the UK and abroad send a clear message: far from being
threatened by the broadening of curricular diets, competitive sports, in
general, and so-called traditional team games, in particular, remain at the
heart of PE, especially in secondary schools.
CONCLUSION
According to teachers in the Sport England surveys, secondary schools have
experienced a decline in accessibility and adequacy of facilities between
1994 and 2002. This perceived decline was, however, more marked in relation
to particular facilities cricket nets, outdoor swimming pools and tennis
courts, for example. For some facilities this may reflect raised expectations on
the part of teachers with regard to health and safety requirements and the
diminishing appeal to pupils of activities such as cricket and outdoor swimming. Physical education teachers perceptions may reflect not only real,
observable changes in the condition of their once new facilities but also
higher expectations over levels and standards of facilities in economically
developed countries (Hardman and Marshall, 2005: 54). Either way, teachers
are doubtless sincere when they suggest that insufficient and inappropriate
facilities (Tsangaridou, 2006a) significantly impact upon their teaching particularly in primary schools. Nevertheless, while provision for PE can be less
than ideal, when viewed over the course of the half a century or more of secondary schooling and the century-long history of PE and physical training, it
is difficult to deny that facilities for school sport have improved in many
developed countries in a manner similar to the UK.
The findings in England suggest not so much a decline in facility provision as a shift in the mixture of facilities available to PE departments from
an emphasis on facilities that support the teaching of traditional team games
and towards indoor-based sports and activities and more reliable, all-weather
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playing surface facilities. The growth of indoor provision, in particular, has

been one of the main reasons for the evident broadening of school-age youngsters sporting experiences to incorporate activities such as basketball and
badminton.
The irony of the moral panic surrounding the sale of playing fields and
the bemoaning of the supposedly attendant downgrading of traditional sport
in English schools is that the UK governments emphasis upon outdoor
(rather than indoor) playing facilities and the club-based traditional sports
associated with them, reflects a misreading of both participation trends
among young people and the practices of the schools accused of selling
pitches. Robertss (1996a: 52) interpretation of the available data for sport
among young people in England in the mid-1990s remains applicable more
than a decade on: the provision of sports centres which are available for
everyone appears to have obliterated the Wolfenden gap and reduced the
sport give-up rate from its former chronic level in the immediate post-school
years. Whether young people continue to play sport in their leisure time and
after leaving school will probably have more to do with the availability of
indoor facilities and all-weather surfaces than grass pitches, outdoor swimming pools and cricket nets.
The average allocation of time to curricular PE in England and Wales
each week is much closer to the two hours threshold than is often claimed.
This has become especially so in England recently (DCMS/DfES, 2006).
Putting to one side the reliance of some recent studies on impressionistic data (for example, the views of those most deeply involved, such as the PE
teachers themselves), the resources provided by the government in England
and Wales (to School Sport Partnerships, for example) and the emphasis these
schools are able to give PE may simply be unlocking latent interest among
those on the margins of commitment to sport for a generation of youngsters
for whom sport is cool (Sport England, 2003a; 2003b). After all, in 2002, the
motivation to participate in sport was the highest it had been for almost a
decade, according to Sport England (2003a), with fewer young people being
put off sport. A more recent study of the attitudes to sports and physical
activities, both in and out of school, among 800 1116-year-olds as part of
the BSkyB and the Youth Sport Trusts Living for Sport project concluded
that PE was the favourite subject of almost two-thirds (62 per cent) of pupils
(Sportsteacher, 2005a).
Before offering a final commentary on the state of PE, it is important to
recognize that the latest, yet to be published, research may well indicate a stabilization in PE provision rather than a continuing decline (despite persistent
examples of cutbacks in time allocation). The mixed messages likely to come
from this research may well confirm the desirability for a portrayal of the state
of PE based upon a continuum from positive through stability to negative,
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with a tendency towards the first two at least as far as policies are concerned.
The issue of policy rhetoric and the reality of practice persists, however
(Hardman, 2007).
According to Penney (2006: 565), the past decade and a half has been a
time of unprecedented externally driven curriculum change in education
and physical education specifically. It is also true to say that there is evidently a great deal of continuity in many countries between curricula of the
past 30 years or so and those of the present. Although PE curricula have
broadened, they continue to be dominated by sport and, in particular, team
games. Because schools continue to place emphasis within PE upon conventional sports especially through links with external sports clubs and coaches
they may not reach a broader swathe of pupils. Indeed, School Sport
Partnerships, for example, may be providing more opportunities for those
already predisposed towards sport.
These observations are not necessarily criticisms. Nevertheless, they do
indicate the need for more circumspection on the part of those who may feel
constrained to advocate government policy towards school sport. There can be
no doubt that in marketized education systems, characterized by ever more
crowded primary and secondary curricula, seemingly non-serious subjects
such as PE are likely to be viewed by governments and schools as expendable
in favour of more academic and examinable subjects. The increasing competition for space in the Australian school curriculum (Dollman et al., 2005:
893) with less time and expertise in many schools for implementing structured physical activity programmes is symptomatic of the pressures physical
educationalists in very many countries worldwide are experiencing. In this
respect, addressing what many see as the serious concerns about the current
situation and the future of physical education (Doll-Tepper, 2005: 41) and the
global crisis of physical education (Doll-Tepper, 2005: 43) has become a central policy objective of many PE bodies. Nevertheless, concern with the state
of PE may have more to do with the age-old preoccupation among physical
educationalists: the marginal status or esteem of their subject.
This chapter began by asking a number of questions about the supposed
state of PE. Using data on PE from England and Wales, in particular, it has
been suggested that a less ideological, less emotive, perspective on the state
of PE reveals a different, more complex, picture to the taken-for-granted one
of decline or crisis. First, it is important to keep in mind that the surveys upon
which claims are made regarding decline, stabilization and so on are just that,
surveys. In other words, they are based on perceptions of decline or change and
not, for the most part, on audits of, for example, facility provision. In addition, use of relative terms, such as decline indicate a judgement made against
some, often unspecified, time in the past which might not hold up to scrutiny
when viewed over a longer period. The range (and, sometimes, the sheer
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number) of facilities, activities and teachers available to PE, for example, has
grown quite substantially. Whether this is a good or bad thing (or both good
and bad) depends on what one views as the proper aims and purposes of PE;
what constitutes enough PE, the right kinds of facilities and activities and the
most appropriate people to teach PE.
RECOMMENDED READING
Hardman, K. and Marshall, J. (2005) Physical education in schools in
European context: charter principles, promises and implementation realities, in K. Green and K. Hardman (eds), Physical Education: Essential Issues.
London: Sage. pp.3964.
NOTES
1 I am grateful to Ken Hardman (2007) for reminding me of this point.
2 11th and 12th grades in the USA represent the final two years of high
school.
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Extra-Curricular Physical
Education
This chapter provides a broad outline of the state of extra-curricular PE

challenging a number of common-sense assumptions in the process before
attempting a brief explanation of why this supposedly fundamental aspect of
PE remains relatively conventional in both content and form, especially at
secondary school level. Finally, some of the more important issues surrounding extra-curricular PE are explored in the conclusion.
There may be a general lack of empirical information, internationally,
regarding extra-curricular PE (De Martelaer and Theebom, 2006), but this is
not so in the UK where a number of large-scale national surveys (see, for
example, Sport England, 2003a; 2003b; Sports Council for Wales, 2003a; 2006)
and medium- (see Smith, A., 2006) and small-scale (see Daley, 2002) studies
have explored the topic in recent years. These studies form the evidence-base
for the chapter.
Extra-curricular PE can be defined, based on Penney and Harris
(1997), as the organization and provision by (PE) teachers of activities
beyond the formal PE curriculum typically after school and at lunch times
but also, in some schools, before the school day begins or at weekends. In
this form, extra-curricular PE is more common in English-speaking
countries such as the UK, Australia and New Zealand. In North America,
extra-curricular provision tends to take the form of after-school sports clubs
oriented towards inter-scholastic sporting competition (rather than an
extension of the PE curriculum), organized and delivered by school coaches
rather than PE teachers (Curtner-Smith et al., 2007). Elsewhere, and in
mainland Europe in particular, it is conventional for voluntary sports clubs
to be the sole or main providers of sporting opportunities for young people
after school. Nevertheless, even in central Europe, there is evidence of a
merging of these different types of after-school or extra-curricular
provision. In Flanders, for example, sports academies provide multi-sport
62
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E X T R A - C U R R I C U L A R P H Y S I C A L E D U C AT I O N
63
programmes after school without young people having to be members of

sports clubs (De Martelaer and Theebom, 2006). Despite differences in
format, extra-curricular PE in Britain is not as different, in qualitative
terms, from its counterparts in the USA and Europe as it might seem at first
glance. Traditionally, extra-curricular PE in secondary schools in England
and Wales has been almost exclusively oriented towards competitive team
games (Daley, 2002: 44) and sport.
The sporting orientation of extra-curricular PE in the UK has not prevented government, media and the sports lobby repeatedly expressing their
dissatisfaction with the alleged demise of sport in schools, in general, and
extra-curricular PE provision, in particular. Against a backdrop of claims of
deterioration, the next section explores the state of extra-curricular PE in
Britain in terms of levels and forms of provision and participation.
T H E S TAT E O F E X T R A - C U R R I C U L A R P E
Provision of extra-curricular PE
In marked contrast to the portrayal of extra-curricular PE in official and
semi-official government publications, the picture emerging from much
research in England and Wales is one of extra-curricular provision as a
strong and developing area of PE in state schools (Penney and Harris, 1997:
42). In 1997, Penney and Harris (1997: 42) noted that almost without
exception secondary schools in England were providing activities after
school and at lunch-times and many also at weekends. By the end of the
1990s, Bass and Cale (1999: 45) felt able to claim that extra-curricular
sporting activities continued to thrive in many schools in England while, at
the turn of the millennium, Daley (2002) suggested that most secondary
schools in her study were offering extra-curricular opportunities. Similarly,
Sport England (2003b) observed that all 63 secondary schools in their 2002
survey of Young People and Sport in England had provided extra-curricular
sports and physical activities for their pupils. According to Sport England
(2003a), between 1994 and 2002, opportunities for extra-curricular PE
improved significantly and there was a steady climb in the percentage of
secondary schools in England reporting an increase in the number of sports
offered to pupils. In 2002, 89 per cent of schools reported that the number of
sports provided in extra-curricular PE had either stayed the same (34 per
cent) or increased (55 per cent) over the previous three years (Sport England,
2003b). This, it was suggested, reflected the increasing levels of participation
in after-school sport in general (see Chapter 7) reported by young people
(Sport England, 2003a).
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In terms of time allocated to extra-curricular PE, the average per week

in schools surveyed by the QCA (QCA, 2001) was just under 3 hours each
week in primary schools (2 hours 24 minutes per year group at Key Stage 1
and 3 hours at Key Stage 2) and over 7 hours at secondary level (8 hours 18
minutes per year group at Key Stage 3 and 7 hours at Key Stage 4). The
Sports Council for Wales (SCW, 2002) reported that the overall time devoted
by teaching staff to extra-curricular activities each week in Wales had
increased since 199798 to an average of approximately 30 hours per school.
This amounted to an average of over 20 hours of extra-curricular PE each
week in primary schools and between 30 and 35 hours in secondary schools
(QCA, 2001; SCW, 2002; 2006).
Levels of participation in extra-curricular PE

Despite the seemingly widespread provision of extra-curricular PE in secondary schools in England and Wales, estimates of actual rates of participation among pupils tend to vary. In the mid-1990s, for example, Mason (1995b:
61) observed that although virtually all schools in the 1994 Sport England
survey provided at least some extra-curricular activity most of this activity
was undertaken by very small proportions of pupils. Sport Englands (2003b)
2002 survey reported 41 per cent of young people of secondary school age participating at least once in the previous 12 months in extra-curricular PE.
Although this figure was down 8 per cent from 49 per cent in 1999, it
remained almost identical to the 42 per cent participating in 1994. Thus,
three-fifths (59 per cent) of secondary-aged pupils in Sport Englands most
recent survey had taken no part in extra-curricular PE in the previous year.
More optimistic estimates of participation rates for extra-curricular PE can,
nevertheless, be found. The SCW, for example, reported that in Wales, in
2004, 80 per cent of primary-aged children and 71 per cent of secondary-aged
youngsters had taken part in extra-curricular PE in 2004 (SCW, 2006): only
slightly higher than the SCW found in their earlier (1995 and 2001) studies.
It is, perhaps, when we turn to look at weekly, or more frequent, participation that we get a more telling picture of the state of extra-curricular PE in
the UK. In terms of frequent participation (usually weekly) in extra-curricular PE, half of the heads of PE departments in Cales (2000) study of 50 secondary schools in central England expressed the view that between 5 percent
and 30 percent of pupils regularly took part in the extra-curricular activities
their departments offered (p. 75). The upper-end of this broad estimate is in
line with findings from recent Sport England (2003b) and SCW (2003a and b;
2006) surveys. In England, 34 per cent of secondary-aged pupils reported taking part in extra-curricular PE at least once per week in 2002, 23 per cent on
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two or more days per week and 15 per cent on three or more days. In Wales,
over half (58 per cent) of primary and just under half (42 per cent) of secondary pupils reported weekly or more frequent participation (SCW, 2006). The
42 per cent of secondary age pupils taking part at least once a week comprised
17 per cent once a week, 17 per cent two to three times a week, and 8 per cent
three times a week or more.
If, as the available research evidence suggests, somewhere between onethird (at secondary level) and one-half (at primary level) of school-age youngsters in the UK take part in extra-curricular PE on a weekly basis, then
around half to two-thirds of youngsters are doing very little on a regular basis
and about one-quarter are doing none at all. In this regard, Daley (2002) suggests that the numbers of pupils taking part in extra-curricular PE have
always been relatively low and continue to be so despite an upward trend
through the 1990s. Most pupils, she observes, are given the opportunity to
participate in physical activities outside of formal physical education lessons,
but many choose not to do so (Daley, 2002: 38) or not on a regular basis.
This is particularly so at either end of the school-age continuum; that is,
in the early years of primary and the later years of secondary schooling.
Analyses of participation rates by year group in England and Wales reveal
that participation in extra-curricular PE tends to peak in or around the final
year of primary schooling with virtually three-quarters (72 per cent) taking
part frequently in Wales, in 2004, for example. Participation declined
sharply, however, to approximately half (51 per cent) of pupils in the first
year of secondary school (Year 7) in Wales. Thereafter, frequent (weekly or
more often) participation in extra-curricular PE in both England and Wales
displays a tendency to drop as pupils move from lower through to upper
school; that is, from Years 79 to Years 1011. Participation once a week or
more in Wales, for example, declined steadily across the secondary age range
from 51 per cent for Year 7 pupils (1112-year-olds) through to 38 per cent
for Year 11 pupils (1516-year-olds). In the upper secondary years (ages
1416) it remained fairly stable in Wales at just over a third taking part on a
weekly basis (SCW, 2006). Corresponding figures for England indicated a
drop from approximately 43 per cent for Years 79 to 35 per cent for Years
1011 (Sport England, 2003b). According to Sport England (2003a: 64) this
pattern of participation across the year groupings has remained fairly
consistent year-on-year since 1994.
Whatever the true figure for levels of participation in extra-curricular
PE it is probably the case, as Littlefield et al. (2003: 219) observe of Scotland,
that the figures hide large differences between schools and regions. This is
certainly the case in Wales, where the SCW (2001: 4) reported considerable
variations among young people in the range and nature of (extra-curricular)
activities undertaken across Wales and between local authorities.
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Interestingly, Braddock et al. (2005) observed similarly wide variations in

access to and involvement in inter-scholastic sports and teams between boys
and girls in many states in the USA; a situation which they suggest is associated, in part, with state educational expenditure and the racial composition of
the student body. While the significance of race or ethnicity and sex for PE
generally will be explored in greater depth in later chapters, their impact
upon extra-curricular PE merits more detail here.
Sex and extra-curricular PE Sex differences in participation in extra-curricular PE appear negligible during the primary years (Sport England, 2003a;
SCW, 2006). In Wales, in 2002, 59 per cent of primary school boys and 57 per
cent of girls took part in extra-curricular PE on a regular (at least weekly)
basis. However, participation declines sharply during the early years of the
secondary phase, particularly among girls, and more steadily thereafter.
Although the sex gap is wider at secondary level average levels of at least
weekly participation among secondary-aged boys and girls in Wales were 45
per cent and 40 per cent it has evidently narrowed over time, even though
the general age-related decline in participation continues to be more marked
among girls than boys and widens substantially in Years 10 and 11. In
England, in 2002, 41 per cent of girls in Years 79 took part in extra-curricular PE; a figure which declined relatively little to 35 per cent in Years 10 and
11. Interestingly, this figure of 35 per cent was only 1 per cent below that of
boys (36 per cent) at the same stage (Sport England, 2003b). However, whereas
boys participation remains in the 4049 per cent range through Key Stages
13 (that is, from primary through to secondary schooling) only dropping to
36 per cent at Key Stage 4 with girls the pattern is far more changeable, moving from 28 per cent at Key Stage 1 to a substantial high of 55 per cent at Key
Stage 2 (upper primary school) then steadily declining through 41 per cent at
Key Stage 3 (Years 79: the lower secondary years) to 35 per cent at Key Stage
4 (upper secondary school).
In terms of frequency of participation among boys and girls of secondary
age, Daleys (2002: 42) study found that boys were involved in extra-curricular activities on more occasions and for longer periods of time each week than
girls. However, the 2002 Sport England (2003b) survey suggests that the frequency gap between the sexes is closer than one might expect, with the figures for participation only widening substantially at five days or more per
week (7 per cent for boys compared with 2 per cent for girls). The figures for
one day or more per week were 36 per cent for boys compared with 32 per cent
for girls. Indeed, according to the Sport England (2003a) study, the percentage of girls spending between one and five hours each week on extra-curricular sport rose from 44 per cent in 1994 to 48 per cent in 2002. Despite these
trends, Flintoff and Scraton (2001) suggest that there remains a gap between
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curricular and extra-curricular PE programmes and young womens active

leisure lifestyles out of school (see Chapter 8). Most of the Australian young
women in Wrights (1996, cited in Flintoff and Scraton, 2001:5) study were
physically active out of school and concluded that, in general, more women
than ever before are taking part in physical activity in out of school contexts.
Ethnicity and extra-curricular PE Ethnicity can have a substantial impact
upon participation in extra-curricular PE, especially as youngsters get older.
While the participation of some minority ethnic groups in leisure sport
generally and extra-curricular PE in particular, such as Chinese British, tend
not to be constrained by their ethnicity, that of groups such as South Asian
Muslims tend to be so. Muslim youngsters (and girls in particular) are
especially unlikely to engage with extra-curricular PE for a variety of
reasons: ranging from interference with academic progress or domestic
responsibilities through to the requirements of Islam. Chapter 10 explores
these themes in greater detail.
Disability and extra-curricular PE Relatively few disabled youngsters take
part in extra-curricular PE. Sport England (2001b) reports that only 14 per
cent (made up of similar proportions of boys and girls but twice as many secondary than primary-aged pupils) of young people with a disability reported
taking part in extra-curricular PE, in their 2000 survey compared with 45
per cent of the general population of young people surveyed in 1999 and
only 6 per cent claimed to have taken part once a week. Conversely, 86 per
cent of youngsters with a disability did not take part in any extra-curricular
sport in 2000 compared with 55 per cent of young people as a whole.
This relatively low engagement tends to be explained in terms of the
conventional competitive, sport and team-game oriented character of extracurricular PE. However, there are strong similarities between the top five
activities undertaken by youngsters with a disability and the general school
population. Activities such as football and netball are popular among disabled
youngsters as are activities such as climbing and abseiling that are particularly popular in special schools.
The difficulties young people with a disability experience in accessing
extra-curricular PE are made worse where they attend a school (particularly
special schools) geographically removed from the immediate vicinity of their
home. Burgess (2007: 42) reports that over half the pupils in her study of
wheelchair-users were less likely to participate in extra-curricular sporting
activities because accessible transport was unavailable, and because more
adult help was needed and classroom assistants were not employed after
school.
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Types of sports on offer in extra-curricular PE

A common feature of research into extra-curricular PE in the 1990s has been
the identification of a strong sporting (and team-game) orientation or bias
(Penney and Harris, 1997) amid burgeoning extra-curricular provision. Despite
the apparent vitality of extra-curricular PE when measured in terms of the
quantity of provision and, albeit to a lesser extent, levels of participation, concern had been expressed regarding the quality or nature of that provision (see,
for example, Bass and Cale, 1999; Penney and Harris, 1997). Such concerns
have to do with the types of activities on offer what Penney and Evans (1998)
term the privileged position of school sport within PE and for whom they are
intended rather than how much extra-curricular PE is available.
The title of Penney and Harriss (1997) paper (Extra-curricular physical
education: more of the same for the more able?) indicated that their concern was
not, so much, with the amount of extra-curricular PE on offer nor, for that
matter, the commitment of PE teachers in England to it; for both of these
were and remain demonstrably non-issues. Rather, their specific interest was
with the content, organization and delivery of extra-curricular PE (Penney
and Harris, 1997: 41). Penney and Harris (1997) were concerned, in
particular, with the manner in which extra-curricular PE was dominated by
traditional team games, typically had a competitive focus and was highly
gendered (p. 43). Accordingly, they argued that this particular focus
resulted in extra-curricular PE offering limited opportunities to only a minority
of pupils (p. 43; emphasis in the original). Competitive sport, Penney and
Harris (1997: 44) argued, had tended to gain disproportionately in the time
devoted to it in extra-curricular PE in comparison to recreational sporting
activities. Schools in Wales, it was noted, were running more representative
teams in a wider range of sports in the mid-1990s than ever before (SCW,
1995). Sport Englands (2003a) findings also suggested that involvement in
sporting competition in extra-curricular PE in England had continued to rise
since 1994. With regard to the continuing imbalance in extra-curricular PE
in favour of sport, Penney and Harris (1997) argued that, in the process of
becoming ever more performance oriented, extra-curricular PE had become
increasingly biased towards, thereby favouring, the minority of pupils with
sporting ability at the expense of the majority of ostensibly less able pupils.
In the first decade of the twenty-first century the bulk of extra-curricular PE
in Great Britain continues to be devoted to coached and competitive sport
(Littlefield et al., 2003; SCW, 1995; 2003; 2006; Sport England, 2003a and b;
2003b).
Extra-curricular PE continues to be characterized by a large amount of
continuity. Sport England (2003a: 63) points to a level of consistency in the
types of extra-curricular sports that schools are offering young people. In
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Scotland, Littlefield et al. (2003) report that, whereas games are offered by
over 80 per cent of secondary schools, individual sports are only offered by
just over 40 per cent. Sport and team games remain very much at the heart of
extra-curricular provision. The only non-sports in the top 14 extra-curricular
PE activities in secondary schools in England in 2002 were gymnastics
(including trampolining), dance, cross-country, swimming and climbing and
other outdoor pursuits. In England, the top seven (with 5 per cent or more
1116-year-olds involved) activities provided in extra-curricular PE in 2002 in
secondary schools were almost the same as in 1994 and were, indeed, sports
(and team games in particular): that is, football, athletics, netball, rounders,
hockey, rugby and cricket (Sport England, 2003a). These were closely followed
by a range of sports and physical activities in the form of tennis, basketball,
gym, dance, cross-country, climbing and swimming. Sport England (2003b)
observed that while, overall in 2002, young people engaged in a wide range of
sports, there were only four sports that had been participated in by more than
5 per cent of all pupils and these were not merely sports, they were, for the
most part, team games: football (15 per cent), netball (7 per cent), athletics (6
per cent) and cricket (5 per cent).
The distinguishing features of primary and secondary school extra-curricular PE in England were also found in Wales in 2004. The top five extracurricular activities undertaken by primary (football, rugby,
baseball/rounders, cricket and athletics) and secondary (football, rugby, athletics, cricket and basketball) school boys in Wales were sports again, team
games in particular with the only lifestyle or recreational activities being
swimming and dance at primary level and swimming at secondary level (SCW,
2006). Among girls, the top five extra-curricular activities in primary (football, netball, baseball/rounders, dance and athletics) and secondary (netball,
hockey, athletics, dance and football) schools were also sports (and predominantly team games), with the only lifestyle activities being the same as for
boys swimming and dance. The only difference in lifestyle activities
between the sexes was the inclusion of dance among girls at secondary level.
The big difference between boys and girls occurred at secondary level, where
girls traditional team games came to the fore. While football dominates primary-aged boys extra-curricular PE, with two-thirds taking part over the
course of 2004 (more than twice as many as all other activities except rugby),
both football and rugby dominate secondary boys extra-curricular PE and
these, too, are more than twice as popular as the rest.
It is particularly interesting to note the consistent patterns (over Sport
Englands three data collection points of 1994, 1999 and 2002) in participation
trends in particular types of activity as young people move from primary to
secondary schooling. The activities that show a marked increase in participation rates in extra-curricular PE are mostly those traditionally associated with
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the expanded provision for, and greater focus upon, sport at secondary level
(for example, rugby, hockey, rounders and basketball). However, a notable
omission from that list is football which repeatedly experiences a drop-off in
participation as youngsters move from primary to secondary school (Sport
England, 2003a). Other activities that experience a decline in participation as
youngsters move to secondary school include netball, gymnastics, dance,
cross-country and, interestingly, given the lack of pools in primary schools,
swimming.
Some extra-curricular activities (most notably football) are offered to
girls as well as boys. In Wales, the SCW identifies what it refers to as positive
trends in the extra-curricular provision for girls of traditionally male-dominated sports such as football and rugby and the likelihood of schools having
at least some girls teams in these sports (SCW, 2002: 4), despite the percentage of schools offering such activities on a regular basis remaining low.
Similarly, the increase in football as an extra-curricular sport in England is
common to both boys and girls (Sport England, 2003a: 63). In England, in
2002, football was the most popular extra-curricular sport for secondary-age
youngsters. Interestingly, football was the joint-second most popular extracurricular PE activity for girls (aged 516) behind netball (Sport England,
2003a). For 1314-year-old Year 9 pupils in the NWDA (2005) survey, as well
as being the most popular extra-curricular activity (28 per cent), football was
also the most popular activity for both sexes (41 per cent of boys and 15 per
cent of girls) and the same appears to be true in primary schools in England
(Waring et al., 2007) and Wales (SCW, 2006).
Despite these trends, overall the types of extra-curricular PE participated in by boys and girls remain pretty consistent as does the tendency for
sex differences in extra-curricular participation in specific activities to be
more pronounced at secondary level. Netball remains the most popular extracurricular activity among secondary girls in England, with football first
choice for boys. Boys and girls in primary schools in Wales shared similar participation rates for the majority of extra-curricular activities: girls were more
likely to participate in dance and netball while boys were more likely to participate in football and rugby. Participation rates for all other activities tended
to be similar (SCW, 2006).
It is in secondary schools where the biggest sex differences in the types
of activities undertaken in extra-curricular PE are to be found in England and
Wales. Boys tend to be offered a wider range of activities than girls and most
schools offer activities such as rugby and netball exclusively to boys and girls,
respectively. Nevertheless, there is a real and potentially significant change
occurring as well as continuity in the types of activities undertaken in extracurricular PE. For example, while netball assumes top spot among secondary
girls, football is by far the fastest growing girls extra-curricular sport at sec-
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ondary level. Similarly, basketball and dance are two of the fastest growing
activities among primary school boys, with basketball experiencing the largest
increase in extra-curricular participation among secondary boys. It is evident
that as well as the growth in provision and participation in extra-curricular
PE over the past decade or more there has been a marked broadening and
diversification in the variety of sports and physical activities on offer. Sport
England (2003a: 63) noted that in 2002, young people in England were taking part in a wide variety (over 45 sports) of extra-curricular sport. At the
same time frequent involvement in extra-curricular sport had increased
slightly since 1999 from 4.2 to 4.6 sports per young person (Sport England,
2003a). The increase in the number of sports on offer is said to be a major factor in the apparent increase in the number of pupils taking part (Sport
England, 2003b: 117) in extra-curricular PE.
Despite the broadening of programmes to incorporate more recreational
sporting forms and lifestyle activities in many schools not only in the UK
but elsewhere in Europe, such as Flanders (De Martelaer and Theebom, 2006)
extra-curricular PE continues to have a competitive sport orientation. In the
USA, the focus on competitive sport is taken to a logical conclusion as extracurricular sport is delivered by coaches and/or teachers hired primarily as
coaches. Unsurprisingly, the goals of American school sport are not particularly educational (Curtner-Smith et al., 2007: 133) because coaches are generally more concerned with providing entertainment for the local community,
sending their players on to a higher level, and (using their teams) as a
means of increasing school funds and as a vehicle for promoting school and
community cohesiveness, spirit, and pride. For these reasons, in the USA,
extra-curricular sport tends to be viewed by many as more important than
school PE. Whether focused on the development of gifted and talented
youngsters or simply inter-school sporting competition, studies in England
and Wales tend to corroborate Curtner-Smith et al.s (2007) finding from the
USA that in extra-curricular PE, or after-school sport, teachers tend to focus
almost exclusively on teaching skills and strategies (p. 138). In countries
such as Greece, where extra-curricular PE revolves almost exclusively around
competitive sports, this is believed to be a major reason for what are seen to
be relatively low levels of pupil engagement (Dagkas and Benn, 2006).
However, while a sporting bias in extra-curricular PE may be a major
reason why more youngsters do not take part, it is not the sole reason. In addition to the family and religious constraints facing some minority ethnic
youngsters and the transport problems confronting many youngsters with a
disability, others have commitments that make attendance at extra-curricular
PE difficult. Many of the boys in Bramhams (2003) study of 22 15-year-old
boys in four inner-city schools, for example, held substantial evening and
week-end part-time jobs and were, therefore, reluctant to become involved
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with extra-curricular PE and enter into commitments towards school sport.

Similarly, many reported having to reduce involvement in school sports and
out-of-school active lifestyles because of the growing demands of public examinations in the form of GCSEs.
In the light of the alleged sporting bias and the growth of coached and
competitive sport, one aspect of extra-curricular PE provision is worthy of
particular mention: the increasing involvement of outside agencies (Hardman
and Marshall, 2000) and adults other than teachers (AOTT).
OUTSIDE AGENCIES AND EXTRA-CURRICULAR PE

The growth in provision of extra-curricular sports in England and Wales is
only partly attributable, it seems, to greater levels of involvement among
existing and new teaching staff, even though there may have been an increase
in the involvement of non-teaching staff in the delivery of extra-curricular
activity (SCW, 2002). Where growth in extra-curricular PE provision has
occurred, the main reason appears to be increased involvement of sports
coaches, SDOs and sports organizations generally, as well as AOTT (see
Chapter 3). In their most recent survey, Sport England (2003b) point out that
two-thirds (68 per cent) of secondary schools have called on other organisations to help teach or lead sports out of school time (p. 111). This has been
the case with team games and football in particular.
It may be that increased workloads and fewer staff helping or willing to
take clubs (Sport England, 2003b: 114) cited by a small number of PE teachers as the main reasons for what they anticipate will be a future decline in the
number of activities on offer in extra-curricular PE will lead to increased
opportunities for the utilization of coaches and SDOs in extra-curricular PE.
The development of extra-curricular PE in the primary sector in England and
Wales has been aided by the funds of 1 million from the UK government in
2005 for the YST programme of after-school sports clubs aimed at improving the basic skills said to underpin sporting participation with the intention of establishing over 800 such clubs.
S C H O O L S P O R T PA R T N E R S H I P S A N D E X T R A CURRICULAR PE
Any review of the state of extra-curricular PE in England must make mention
of School Sport Partnerships (SSPs), one of the more significant developments
in PE in England in recent years. The partnerships aim of building bridges
between school- and club-based sport via extra-curricular PE resembles the
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growing cooperation between sports clubs and schools in Flanders in the

development of sports academies (De Martelaer and Theebom, 2006).
Despite the fact that the Loughborough Partnership (2005) found it difficult
to disentangle out-of-school-hours clubs run and hosted by schools or clubs
exclusively or in partnerships, they claim that the net effect of partnerships
between schools, groups of schools and local sports clubs has been to increase
significantly the participation opportunities for pupils (p. 31): data collected
from 22 SSPs demonstrated an increase of more than 50 per cent in extra-curricular sport since schools (primary and secondary) joined the programme.
The recent DCMS/DfES (2005) and Loughborough Partnership (2005: 30)
surveys both point to a substantial increase in the range of activities available
for pupils out of school hours in partnerships. Eleven activities were reported
as being available in more than three-quarters of schools with specialist
school sports coordinators. Nearly all the SSCs were described as providing
a good or very good range of opportunities before, during and after school
alongside good use of coaches to support provision and links with local
sports clubs (OFSTED, 2005a: 15). The sports and activities offered reflected
the blend of traditional sports (athletics, football, netball) and newer sports,
such as basketball, as well as lifestyle activities, such as fitness and skateboarding, to be found in all secondary schools. The generally positive portrayal of the impact of partnerships between schools and sports clubs warrants
a cautionary note, however, inasmuch as the growth of provision in extra-curricular PE is a general trend among primary and secondary schools and not
simply one found in partnerships. There are grounds for thinking that SSPs
are, indeed, having some impact on extra-curricular PE. Small and Nash
(2005: 94) claim that School Sport and Active Primary School Coordinators
have been central in raising the profile of extra-curricular sport in primary
and secondary schools. Small and Nashs study leads them to conclude that,
in one Scottish town, the impact of primary school coordinators has led not
only to improved sporting provision but also to improved participation levels
among children.
Before concluding with an exploration of some of the salient issues surrounding extra-curricular provision, the next section offers a tentative explanation for the shape and character of what many within and beyond secondary
school PE in England and Wales consider to be a barometer of the health and
well-being of PE and school sport.
EXPLAINING EXTRA-CURRICULAR PE
Despite sometimes feeling their professional (and, often, personal) lives to be
dominated, sometimes blighted, by it, many secondary PE teachers appear to
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view extra-curricular PE as the high point of their PE teaching lives (Green,

2003). When the immediate, day-to-day constraints of managing and delivering curricular PE recede that is, during extra-curricular PE then teachers
preferred views of their subject come to life. It is in extra-curricular PE that
the extent of many PE teachers commitment to competitive sport and, in particular, traditional team games is most visible. How might we explain this? In
large measure it is explainable in terms of PE teachers individual and collective predispositions. For very many PE teachers, sport (and especially traditional team games) is an important aspect of their lives: they often have strong
emotional ties to sport and it forms a significant dimension of their individual identities (Green, 2000a). For many, teaching PE represents an opportunity for them to continue their association with sport an area of life in which
they have had extensive and positive experiences: it appears a natural progression from enjoying, and being successful at, sport while at school themselves. Male PE teachers, especially, tend also to be a self-replicating group
and experiences gained in teacher training (see Chapter 12) especially the
process of being mentored by experienced PE teachers during teaching practice result in a tendency, among new and established teachers alike, towards
conservatism which manifests itself in the passing on of skill-oriented and
sport-dominated (extra-)curricular programmes. The sporting ideologies and
practices embedded in the normative behaviour of PE teachers, are reinforced
by such things as the expectations of their fellow PE teachers, the traditions
of PE and of their schools, government policy (such as the PESSCL strategy)
and the use of extra-curricular sport as a marketing device in the increasingly
competitive educational marketplace.
CONCLUSION
Despite widespread concerns regarding the supposed decline in extra-curricular PE blamed in England and Wales on the combined effects of an industrial dispute on the part of teachers in the mid-1980s (and subsequent changes
in teaching contracts), a new breed of liberal-minded, politically left-leaning
PE teachers, the sale of school playing fields and an increasingly crowded
National Curriculum opportunities for extra-curricular PE in secondary
schools in England and Wales have grown over the past decade with corresponding increases in the percentage of all young people involved.
Nevertheless, more than half of secondary-aged youngsters may seldom,
if ever, engage with extra-curricular PE provision with, at best, around 1520
per cent taking part three times or more each week. While there can be little
doubt that levels of participation in extra-curricular PE are lower than physical educationalists would want, the question remains: are they lower than one
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might reasonably expect? If so, low in what terms: absolutely or relatively?

The 50 per cent reported by Daley (2002) might be considered high if one
were to view sport and physical activity as having limited appeal as a leisure
activity. It is interesting to note that Daley (2002: 43) herself recognizes that
while many pupils do not participate in extra-curricular sport and physical
activities, the same appears to be true for other types of non-physical activities (for example, music and arts clubs) where pupils also reported low participation rates. In short, participation levels can only be considered low by
those whose higher expectations are based upon more optimistic views of the
potential appeal of extra-curricular PE.
When viewed over time, it is evident that extra-curricular PE has not
only grown in terms of provision and participation, but has also broadened
and diversified. Nevertheless, it retains a quite conventional, not to say conservative, character and, being largely independent of developments such as
the NCPE, it remains a relatively autonomous dimension of PE. It is conventional in remaining dominated by sport and team games and a performance
orientation. It remains conservative in the sense that when PE teachers have
a greater degree of freedom to choose what they do, both male and female PE
teachers tend to opt for sport and games. Perhaps unsurprisingly, therefore,
extra-curricular PE tends to express traditional forms of gender-stereotyping.
Indeed, it is evident that more gender differentiation is to be found in extracurricular PE than curricular PE and this is true in terms of rates of participation as well as provision. Grounds for optimism about the potential for
further growth in extra-curricular PE lie in two areas. First, in the form of
increased participation in some sports and physical activities among young
people in their leisure time beyond school. Second, when compared with the
relatively higher levels of participation in the final years of primary schooling
and, to a slightly lesser extent the first year of secondary schooling (see SCW,
2006), there may well be latent potential for improvement in the relatively
lower participation rates among older pupils.
One of the main reasons for the past, as well as what PE teachers perceive to be the likely future increases in provision of, and participation in,
extra-curricular PE is, according to Sport England (2003b), increased
involvement from coaches, specialists and sport organisations (p. 112).
Unsurprisingly, perhaps, it is anticipated that increased involvement from
external agencies will act as a catalyst (p. 115) for the expected increase in
participation in extra-curricular PE. Whatever the scale or form of involvement of coaches and SDOs, there may be a number of unintended consequences of involving AOTT in extra-curricular PE. First, although PE
teachers appear very receptive to the involvement of coaches, SDOs and outside agencies, generally, in extra-curricular PE, to do so implies that there is
no need for a specialist teaching qualification in order to be involved in PE.
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This might, in turn, be seen as undermining claims for the kinds of specialist
professional knowledge and status which has been something of a preoccupation for PE teachers in recent years. Second, as purveyors of specialized sporting knowledge to extra-curricular PE, coaches and SDOs will inevitably
acquire positions of relative power in relation to PE teachers for as long as the
latter feel they need the expertise of the former. Thus, an unintended consequence of developing links with and involving outside agencies may well be a
weakening of the status and power of PE teachers in relation to the provision
of extra-curricular PE and, ultimately, PE itself.
A particularly significant issue in relation to extra-curricular PE has to
do with the issue of whether it can provide the fundamental link (De
Martelaer and Theebom, 2006; Penney and Harris, 1997) between curricular
PE and young peoples involvement in sport in their spare time that many
expect of it. Put another way, can extra-curricular PE do anything to bridge
the clear disparity (Sport England, 2003b: 6) between what young people are
experiencing in curricular PE and what they are choosing to do out of school
in a manner that will enhance and reinforce their ongoing involvement in
sport and physical activity? While Sport England (2003a; 2003b) and the SCW
(2002; 2003a and b; 2006) data bears out Robertss (1996a) claim that schools
have been extending and enhancing rather than cutting back on their provision of sports in extra-curricular (as well as curricular) PE, nevertheless, provision continues to be largely focused around competitive sports in general
and team games especially, making Penney and Harriss (1997) description of
extra-curricular PE as more of the same for the more able as pertinent now
as it was a decade ago. Despite this, Sport England (2003a: 6) suggest that
extra-curricular sport has done much to increase young peoples participation in sport. The substantial increase in young peoples participation in
sport and physical activity over the past decade or more is largely attributable
to the popularity of recreational physical activities (for example, health and
fitness gym work, swimming, cycling, badminton, tennis, ice-skating and
skateboarding) and smaller increases in team sports (such as football, among
girls especially, and basketball). In short, young peoples leisure participation
is typically characterized by a blend of lifestyle activities and more competitive, less recreational performance-oriented team games and sports. Extracurricular PE is only likely to form a bridge between school PE and young
peoples future leisure lives if emphasis is given to developing extra-curricular provision in the direction of their preferred participation forms and styles.
There is evidently room for improvement in three broad areas:
1 A better match in the aims and purposes of extra-curricular PE towards
an emphasis upon the intrinsic pleasure of sport and physical activities
rather than preoccupation with levels of performance and achievement.
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2 A better match in format between the more recreational, informal manner in which many young people (and, for that matter, adults) prefer to take
part and the way in which extra-curricular PE is provided.
3 A better match in activities between those offered in extra-curricular PE
and those that track into young peoples leisure.
Despite the optimism brought on by recent increases in both provision and
participation, as things stand there may (in theory at least) be considerable
room for improvement in all three.
RECOMMENDED READING
Penney, D. and Harris, J. (1997) Extra-curricular physical education: more of
the same for the more able, Sport, Education and Society, 2(1): 4154.
Sport England (2003b) Young People and Sport in England, 2002: A Survey of
Young People and PE Teachers. London: Sport England.
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Assessment and
Examinations
in Physical Education
This chapter briefly explores the increasingly complex area of assessment in

PE before focusing on examinations in PE/Sport. More specifically, the chapter traces the rapid growth of GCSE and A level PE in England and Wales,
and explores some of the more important issues surrounding the topic before
attempting to make sense of its popularity among physical educationalists.
The chapter concludes by reflecting upon the impact of the rise of examinable
PE on the supposed nature and purposes of the subject.
A S S E S S M E N T I N P H Y S I C A L E D U C AT I O N
In general terms, assessment involves the collection of information in order to
establish whether, and to what extent, something has been attained or achieved.
In education, assessment tends to be used as a catch-all term to refer to the
processes by which teachers establish or make a judgement about the nature
and extent of their pupils learning when compared against certain criteria; in
other words, what a pupil can do and how well he or she can do it (Carroll,
1994). Assessment is conventionally considered to take two broad forms: summative (often formal) assessment of students work (examinations1 or essays, for
example) against external criteria (such as those set by examination boards or
inherent in national curricula) and formative (often informal) assessment of the
ongoing performances of pupils aimed at helping improve pupils learning and,
in the process, their longer-term performances in summative assessments.
In terms of teachers judgements regarding their pupils attainment,
behaviour and effort, assessment has long been a feature of schooling. For
many years assessment took the form of end-of-term or end-of-year reports on
pupils achievements (in effect, summative assessments) in PE. These tended
to concentrate on their skill levels and commitment, and became apocryphal
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A S S E S S M E N T A N D E X A M I N AT I O N S I N P H Y S I C A L E D U C AT I O N
79
in their effects on young peoples perceptions of themselves as sporty or otherwise. In recent years, assessment has become not only more prominent in
the day-to-day practice of PE teachers around the world (Hay, 2006) but also
more elaborate and complex.
According to its advocates, appropriate and regular assessment can make
a substantial contribution to raising student achievement through higher
standards and greater accountability (Dodds, 2006). The increased emphasis
on assessing the extent and nature of pupils learning has manifested itself in
demands upon teachers to incorporate various forms of assessment at all levels of their work, from units or programmes through to lessons themselves.
This, in turn, has led to a substantial growth in record-keeping monitoring
and assessing pupils achievements.
Greater focus on formative assessment as an educational tool is reflected,
in England and Wales for example, in OFSTEDs (2003) (the governments
advisory and inspectorate agency) view that assessment should not be confined to a sedentary, plenary activity; that is, it should not simply be viewed
in the traditional, retrospective end of activity or module (or end of term or
year) summary report focusing upon achievement. Rather, information garnered through assessment should be used by teachers to intervene and provide specific feedback to guide pupils towards improvement (OFSTED, 2003:
1) in PE. It should be viewed as formative what is increasingly referred to as
assessment for learning. In this regard, assessment is intended to be ongoing: to check pupils progress (OFSTED, 2003: 1) and help them improve
in individual lessons, during the school year and throughout school life.
In England and Wales, its use as a policy tool to effect broader political
goals is reflected in the inspectorates view that a major function of assessment
is to determine (pupils) attainment against national curriculum levels
(OFSTED, 2003: 5), through end-of-unit assessments. Thus, the term assessment is most commonly used by teachers in reference to the grades (1 to 8)
applied to pupil attainment in National Curriculum subjects, such as PE. The
use of such grades, at all levels of the curriculum, enables government and nongovernmental agencies to identify issues related to national levels of pupil
attainment. The QCA (QCA, 2005: 1), for example, has pointed to a rise in the
number of pupils achieving level 5+ in Key Stage 3 teacher assessments in PE.
At the same time, however, the QCA made use of the grades to observe that
fewer pupils were achieving the top levels of 7+ in PE than in most other school
subjects in England and Wales.
Unsurprisingly, perhaps, OFSTED is clear in its view that effective assessment is as integral to teaching and learning in PE as it is said to be in other
subjects on the curriculum. Assessment is said to enable teachers to reflect on
the content and delivery of the PE curriculum. According to OFSTED (2003:
2): The very best (PE) departments use assessment information as a means of
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reflecting upon curriculum planning and programme design. At the level of the
individual pupil, the assumption is that work is differentiated to cater for the
more able or the less able pupils and that all pupils are then set individually
oriented tasks to enable them to develop. In this manner, teachers are required
to concentrate on the needs of individual pupils rather than simply completing
the lesson (OFSTED, 2003: 1). So, assessment is not simply viewed as a process
for teachers alone. Teachers are expected to provide their pupils with wellstructured opportunities to develop their (own) observation and evaluation
skills (OFSTED, 2003: 4) in each key stage; in other words, to enable pupils to
provide their own formative feedback by self-assessment of their current levels
of performance and self-diagnosis of the improvements they would need to
make in order to reach the next level of performance.
When commenting upon PE departments effective use of assessment,
OFSTED seldom explains what it means by judgements such as the very best
departments or the most effective departments or the best lessons. The
OFSTED reports in general, and on assessment in particular, read like an
attempt to constrain PE teachers towards what, in official terms, is deemed
good practice or high-quality PE (see Chapter 12).
It is difficult to avoid the impression that if teachers were doing
everything suggested by OFSTED reports they would have time for little
other than assessment. Greenwell (2005: 35) notes the frustrations among PE
teachers with the administrative demands associated with assessment
paperwork. Similarly, teachers in Greens (2003) study expressed the view
that in making such demands, OFSTED rarely engages with the day-to-day
realities of PE teaching. Interestingly, it is their everyday knowledge of
their pupils that encourages teachers to believe that they can see whether or
not they are learning and that making spot judgements rather than relying
upon what teachers believe they know of pupils over time is inherently
problematic. There is a clear link between teachers expectations of their
pupils in PE and those pupils achievements. Although this may be
indicative of a self-fulfilling tendency, it seems more likely to reflect
teachers genuine knowledge of their pupils capabilities (Hay, 2006). Many
PE teachers also consider testing and training in assessment to be
unnecessary (Tsangaridou, 2006a), especially where the criteria of public
examinations (at Key Stage 4 in England and Wales, for example) enable PE
teachers to feel more secure in their judgements. Nevertheless, even with
nationally recognized, public examinations, there are evidently problems
associated with establishing consistency of judgement between teachers,
across sporting activities and in the interpretation of criteria.
Regardless of whether or not assessment is a suitable vehicle for encouraging pupil learning and driving up standards of attainment in schools, the
growth of assessment in education can also be viewed as a means of ensuring
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teacher accountability and monitoring and evaluating teachers performances

in delivering prescribed curricula (Broadfoot and Black, 2004) in England
and Wales, the NCPE while ensuring that pupils do, indeed, make the kinds
of progress that governments pledge to bring about. Put another way, while
assessment is presented as a carrot to pupils it is, at the same time, a stick with
which governments can beat teachers; especially when comparisons can be
made between schools, even teachers, via standardized, large-scale tests (Hay,
2006). Whether foreseen and anticipated or not, it is likely that the increasing
significance of assessment in education, generally, and PE, in particular, will
reinforce the well-established tendency among teachers to rely upon formal,
command-style teaching strategies. An additional consequence of the
increased importance of assessment may well be the alienation of those less
able pupils who, although on the margins of recruitment to PE and sport,
remain biddable with a less extrinsically oriented approach (Hay, 2006).
The irony of the continued emphasis on formative feedback is
emphasized when one reflects upon the rapid growth in PE of formal public
examinations. Formal, nationally recognized, public examinations emerged
as a prominent aspect of the education system in the UK in the second half
of the nineteenth century (Brook, 1993) and examinations remain the main
means of assessing attainment in the National Curriculum for England and
Wales. As well as the growth of assessment in PE there has been a steady
increase in the range of PE and sport-related qualifications available in
schools in England and Wales over the past 20 years or so. These include a
vast array of academic and vocationally related qualifications and awards.
The result has been a substantial rise in the number of pupils (and
particularly older pupils aged 1416 years) taking accredited courses
including leadership awards such as Junior Sports Leaders Award (JSLA)
and the Duke of Edinburgh Award, as well as national governing body
awards such that schools appear to be placing increasing emphasis upon
enabling young people to gain nationally recognized sporting awards
(Stidder and Hayes, 2006). Nevertheless, two particular public examinations
the General Certificate of Secondary Education (GCSE) and Advanced (A)level remain at the heart of the expanding portfolio of educational
qualifications in England and Wales.
Against this backdrop, arguably the most dramatic development in
secondary PE in England and Wales over the past 30 years has been the
growth of GCSE and A level examinations. Some would argue that this
growth is indicative of not only a new orthodoxy (Reid, 1996a) among
physical educationalists regarding the nature and purposes of PE, but also
the future direction of the subject (Stidder and Wallis, 2003). It is for these
reasons that the remainder of this chapter focuses on GCSE and A-level
examinations in PE.
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E X A M I N AT I O N S I N P E
The growth and development of examinations in PE
Carroll (1994; 1998a) has charted the emergence and proliferation of examinations in PE in England and Wales from a period of innovation in the early
1970s, via successive phases of consolidation in the mid to late 1970s and
rapid and sustained growth in the 1980s, to a widespread expansion and
acceptance of GCSE and A-level PE/Sport and Sports Studies during the
1990s. In recent years the substantial growth in examinable PE in terms of
both pupil examinees and school exam centres has continued apace (see
Table 5.1). Entries in GCSE PE, which more than doubled in the five-year
period up to 1997, totalled approximately 140,000 in 2006 up by over a third
from three years previously. A-level PE/Sport has expanded even more
swiftly: from 35 candidates at its inception in 1985 to over 11,000 by 1998 and
nearly 22,000 in 2006. These figures represent a 300 per cent growth in GCSE
PE between 1990 and 2006 and a 3,000 per cent growth for A-level PE/Sport
over the same period.
Table 5.1 Total entries for GCSE and A-level PE/Sport in England 19902006
1990
1992
1994
1996
1998
1999
2003
20064
GCSE PE
A-level PE/Sport
34,529
42,026
50,4001
80,645
84,2001
94,1001
110,9001
140,5553
,639
2,6001
6,0001
9,732
12,027
13,030
18,9312
21,8342,3
First published in K. Green (2001) Examinations in physical education: a sociological perspective on a new methodology, British Journal of Sociology of
Education, 22(1): 5174. Website: www.informaworld.com
1 These figures have been rounded up or down by either the authors listed below
or the DfEE/DfES.
2 For comparative purposes this figure does not include Advanced Subsidiary-(AS)
level entries.
3 Figures taken from www.jcq.org.uk.
Sources: Based on Carroll, 1998a; DfEE, 2003a; 2003b; DfES, 2004a; 2004b; Joint
Council for Qualifications, 2006; MacKreth, 1998.
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The emergence and rapid growth of GCSE and A-level PE/Sport has, as
one might expect, thrown up a number of more or less significant issues.
Issues in examinable PE
Issues, by definition, are live or current. Some issues related to examinable
PE, such as a lack of appropriate resources (for example, in the form of suitable textbooks) for theory work (Carroll, 1991), appear to have been sufficiently resolved for reference to them in the PE professional literature, for
example to have dissipated if not quite disappeared. Other issues, however,
persist, particularly those to do with the gendered nature of the subject, standards of attainment, the practicalities of teaching examinable PE, the impact
of examinations on curricular PE and the implications for conventional PE of
the ostensible academicization of the subject. This section explores each of
these issues.
Gender, social class and examinable PE Despite its dramatic growth,
examinable PE remains heavily gendered. This is evident in the significantly
greater popularity among boys than girls of GCSE and A-level PE/Sport, at a
ratio approaching two to one. Although year-on-year growth has been similar
for both boys and girls (up by 8.8 per cent from 2005 for boys and 7.9 per cent
for girls), in 2006 13,640 boys sat A-level (12,532 in 2005) compared with 8,194
(7,594) girls. In 2006, 99,614 boys sat (full-course) GCSE PE in England compared with 53,212 girls.
In terms of gender bias, it is interesting to contrast PE with other subjects. Of the 805,698 A-level students in England and Wales in 2006, just over
half (54 per cent) were females and just under half (46 per cent) males (Joint
Council for Qualifications, 2006). The vast majority of subjects were sat by
either roughly equivalent numbers of males and females (for example,
Chemistry, Geography, History, Music, and General Studies) or a balance of
two-thirds females/one-third males (for example, Biology, English, French
and other languages, Religious Studies, Expressive Arts and Drama). Along
with Business Studies, Mathematics and Technology, PE/Sport was sat by
two-thirds males. A small minority were more heavily gendered; including
Home Economics and Computing virtually 90 per cent female and male
pupils respectively. These figures may tell us something about lingering gender stereotypes regarding supposedly suitable boys and girls activities: business, numbers, technology and sport for boys, and caring or domestic
activities for girls.
The sex differences in enrolment in GCSE and A-level PE/Sport examinations may reflect a difference in appeal and this, in turn, may in part be
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attributable to the gendered nature of PE in general (see Chapter 8) and the

examinable form of the subject in particular. The latter ranges from gender
bias in textbooks (Stidder, 2001a) to the ways in which physical characteristics (especially strength and size) tend to be embedded in the practical
aspects of any assessment where physical performance is central to the assessment programme (MacDonald and Brooker, 1999: 185). This is often exacerbated where PE teachers have a substantial say in the sports to be assessed,
resulting in the marginalization or rejection of aesthetic activities on the
basis that boys in particular would reject the subject if an aesthetic activity
were to be included MacDonald and Brooker (1999: 186). The gender bias in
enrolment to GCSE PE/Sport also tends to be exacerbated by the increased
provision and popularity of GCSE Dance a subject dominated by girls and
often located within the same timetable slot as GCSE PE, thereby preventing
girls from doing both even if they were inclined to (Odhams, 2007).
Sex is evidently a powerful variable in educational terms. The relationship
between the socio-economic background of pupils and examination results is,
however, stronger and the scale of difference between the top and bottom performing pupils dwarfs the difference between boys and girls (Gorard et al.,
2003). This is particularly so at GCSE level in England and Wales (Connolly,
2006). The impact of gender on examinable PE in particular, however, suggests
that it is the configuration of class and gender that is most significant as a determinant of participation and performance in GCSE and A-level PE/Sport.
Standards of attainment Concern with standards of attainment has been a
leitmotif of the British examination system for more than a decade, particularly in relation to what is often referred to as the gold standard of the
English and Welsh education systems A-level. The term grade inflation is
used to refer to the increasing proportion of students gaining high grades in
public examinations (and GCSE and A-levels in particular) and is usually
taken to be a negative development that results in the devaluing of the currency of public examinations. Over time, more students are being awarded the
top grades in GCSE and A-levels and, in 2006, almost all A-level candidates
passed, with approximately 23 per cent getting the top, A, grade. Despite the
fact that only about 4 per cent of the total year cohort achieved three or more
A grades in 2006, more students get A grades in GCSE and A-levels today than
a quarter of a century ago. This is, in part, explainable in terms of the quotas
for the number of grades awarded at each level that were in existence then but
no longer. Nevertheless, detractors continue to claim that the GCSE and Alevel syllabuses, generally, are less challenging than those of 20 years ago not
least because of the system of dividing the qualification into modules that feature a large element of ongoing coursework rather than unseen examinations.
The atomized nature of modular exam syllabuses together with the
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reliance upon coursework and tests which can be re-submitted and retaken
and the alleged tendency of teachers to teach to the examination are said to
be major reasons why success has now become easier to achieve in the British
examination system.
Despite this, and despite the fact that more pupils are gaining GCSE and
A-level qualifications in PE/Sport, standards of attainment (especially in the
theoretical aspects of programmes) remain a cause for concern for OFSTED.
However, concern with standards has been a persistent theme throughout the
relatively brief history of examinable PE. In 1991, Carroll (1991: 144) commented upon the need for PE teachers to become more familiar with the theoretical content [and] depth required in examinable PE. Despite subsequent
claims of a much closer relationship of theory to practical participation
(McConachie-Smith, 1996) the reality, according to OFSTED, remains quite
different. The continuing gap between achievement in the theoretical and practical aspects of the course (OFSTED, 2002: 2) and the perceived need to raise
achievement in GCSE theory highlighted in their subject reports for PE
remain live issues with OFSTED. It is interesting that, despite its claims that
the good standards of attainment in GCSE (PE) highlight the improvements
made in recent years, OFSTED also observes that there has been no substantial increase in the proportion of candidates gaining higher grades. In 2006, the
proportion of A-level candidates gaining grades A and AC had increased by
approximately 1 per cent from 2005 (to 13.7 per cent in the case of the former
and to 59.9 per cent in the case of the latter).
Table 5.2 Comparison of A-level grades in England in selected subjects in
2006 (percentages of pupils)
Art & Design

Biological Sciences
Business Studies
Chemistry
English
French
Geography
History
Mathematics
Music
PE/Sport
Religious Studies
AC
29.6
24.4
16.7
31.3
21.9
34.7
25.6
24.6
43.5
17.8
13.7
26.5
77.5
66.3
70.6
74.2
74.6
81.6
77.0
75.6
79.9
65.7
59.9
80.2
Source: Based on Joint Council for Qualifications, 2006
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Table 5.3 Comparison of GCSE (full course) grades in England in selected

subjects in 2006 (percentages of pupils)
Art
Business Studies
English
French
Geography
History
Mathematics
PE
Religious Studies
Science: Biology
Science: Chemistry
A*/A
A*C
21.7
15.5
51.4
22.3
24.3
28.4
13.1
19.5
30.1
44.6
46.0
71.2
60.0
61.6
64.1
65.8
66.1
54.3
60.5
70.2
88.3
90.1
Source: Based on Joint Council for Qualifications, 2006
Once again, it is interesting to compare PE with other subjects (see

Tables 5.2 and 5.3). Across all A-level subjects, 24 per cent of students were
awarded an A grade in 2006. However, PE/Sport was one of a number of noteworthy outliers. Alongside General Studies, Media and Information and
Communication Technology (ICT), A-level PE/Sport achieved one of the lowest proportions of A grades at 14 per cent. Although the QCA (2005: 1) points
to an increase in the number of pupils achieving A* to C grades in (GCSE)
PE, from approximately 54 per cent in 2000 to 61 per cent in 2005, it is forced
to concede that there are still fewer pupils achieving the top (A* and A) grades
in PE than in other subjects with similar numbers of candidates.
Despite the fact that approximately twice as many boys as girls enrol for
GCSE and A-level PE/Sport, girls continue to outperform boys in terms of
attainment. Although they make up just over a third of students taking
PE/Sport at A-level, girls are more likely to achieve grades AC (69 per cent
of girls compared with 55 per cent of boys) and twice as likely to achieve grade
A as boys (20 per cent versus 10 per cent). The gender dimension is, however,
not confined to PE/Sport. In many other subjects where boys predominate in
numerical terms such as Business Studies, Economics, Mathematics,
Physics, Technology and Computing girls still outperform them. The fact
that one of the subjects (ICT) characterized by one of the lowest proportions
of A grades (14 per cent) at GCSE is another of those disproportionately
overpopulated by males points towards a significant aspect of the explanation,
namely, the underachievement of boys in the education system as a whole.
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Teaching examinable PE Salter (2005: 23) observes that PE teachers

identify a number of problems with teaching the theoretical component of
examinable PE: including boring theory lessons involving too much
writing that puts the kids off (not least because lessons often follow
textbooks very closely to ensure that the requisite content is covered by
getting pupils to sit down, shut up and get on with the writing). Teachers
enduring concerns with the standards of achievement in the theoretical
elements of GCSE PE begins to explain a move among the PE profession to
redress the balance of theory and practical within A-level PE/Sport, which
is now effectively 80 percent theory and 20 percent practical and, as a
consequence, makes A-level PE/Sport somewhat off-putting to practically
oriented students (Green, 2002: 34).
Problems with teaching the theoretical components of examinable PE
are compounded, unintentionally, in the training of PE teachers. Although
more teacher trainees are gaining experience of teaching the theoretical components of examinable PE, there remains an unwillingness on the part of
schools to provide teaching experiences for trainees where examination
classes are concerned: the understandable reluctance among teachers to allow
trainees to teach their examination classes (Stidder and Hayes, 2006: 323)
leads to trainees observing rather than teaching these classes, resulting in a
lack of confidence on the part of trainees to teach examinable PE.
The impact of examinations on curricular PE An additional issue associated with the increasing popularity of nationally recognized, public examinations in PE is the relationship between examinable PE and core or
curriculum PE. Physical education teachers in England have reported that
the bureaucracy associated with providing examinable PE places extra burdens on PE departments in a variety of ways(Green, 2001). These range from
detracting from extra-curricular PE provision to placing added pressure on
the budgets of PE departments compelled to allocate scarce resources to such
things as textbooks and videos that might otherwise have been spent on sports
equipment, for example. Some of the boys in Bramhams (2003: 66) study of
15-year-old boys in four inner-city schools reported having to cut back on
school sports and out-of-school active lifestyles because of the academic
demands of GCSE.
Of greater significance, perhaps, is the evidence to suggest that in some
schools the time allocated to GCSE PE replaces part (sometimes all) of curriculum PE, so, non-examination or core PE programmes are, in effect, competing for timetable space with other forms of PE, including examinable PE
(Stidder and Wallis, 2003). In many schools, nevertheless, time is allocated to
GCSE PE in addition to the average time assigned to NCPE at Key Stage 4;
that is, between one and two hours per week. This has not prevented critics
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from claiming, however, that while GCSE PE may protect and even supplement PE time for 1516-year-olds, much of this time is spent on theory rather
than in actual sports participation (SCW, 2002: 16). Taken together, these
developments are said by some to reflect a marked trend towards examinable
PE becoming separated from, rather than integral to, curricular PE becoming a different subject, an academic subject (Reid, 1996a; 1996b).
Similarly, the increasing segregation of academic and vocational routes
through secondary education across Europe (Furlong and Cartmel, 2007) also
points to the possibility of segregation between GCSE and A-level PE/Sport
and vocational sporting qualifications, or even between both forms of qualification, in PE and other, seemingly more academic, subjects. This is because
vocational qualifications (and, to some extent, GCSE PE) are taken up disproportionately by working-class youngsters in the lower attainment bands.
Set against this, the relative success of A-level PE suggests the possibility of
an academic variant of the subject becoming established alongside the more
vocationally oriented qualifications available through PE.
The academicization of PE When placed alongside the significant growth of
examinable PE, several developments suggest that a process of academicization has gathered pace within school PE over the past few decades (Reid,
1996a, 1996b). These developments include the proliferation of PE/Sports
Science programmes at degree level (Carroll, 1998a) and the widespread
acceptance and adoption of academic justifications for PE in curriculum and
assessment documentation and policy.
Academicization is probably best defined in terms of an increasing
emphasis upon the theoretical study of physical activity and sport, in both
absolute and relative terms (that is, in relation to, and sometimes at the
expense of, practical activities). According to Reid (1996a), a consequence of
the broad acceptance of the standard liberal educational view of PE (see
Chapter 1) has been repeated calls for a greater emphasis upon theory
within the subject, at the expense of unreflective practice or playing. In
effect, this new orthodoxy redefines PE, according to Reid (1996a: 102), in
terms of the opportunities which it provides for theoretical study. In so
doing, he argues, it implicitly accepts the superiority of the kinds of
knowledge that are expressed predominantly in written or verbal forms
rather than by practical demonstration. The rapid growth of examinations,
coupled with their continued expansion (Carroll, 1998a; Green, 2001;
MacKreth, 1998), appears to lend weight to the claim that the standard
academic view of education which has flourished at all levels of education
since the 1960s (see Chapter 1) is in the process of further marginalizing
any vestige of a practical justification for PE and is, indeed, an expression of
a new orthodoxy at the level of PE teaching: in other words, a sea change in
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teachers philosophies2 (Green, 2000b) towards an acceptance (at a practical

as well as a conceptual level) of a theoretical or intellectual core at the heart
of PE. In this vein, PE appears to have joined other school subjects on the
academic treadmill (Dore, 1997) and is becoming more, rather than less,
like other (academic) subjects and, correspondingly, less like conventional or
traditional PE.
Having traced the rapid growth of examinable PE and explored some of
the more important issues surrounding the topic, the rest of this chapter
attempts to make sense of the seeming academicization of PE. It outlines the
justifications for examinations in PE before exploring how the development
might best be explained, as well as what, if anything, it tells us about shifts in
physical educationalists views of their subject.
Explaining the growth and development of examinable PE

The case for examinable PE (see, for example, Carroll, 1994; Stidder and
Wallis, 2003), as presented by physical educationalists (as either academics or
teachers) over the years, can broadly be divided into two parts: the surfacelevel or rhetorical justifications and the deep-lying motivations or reasons. On
the surface, the case for examinable PE revolves around three different types
of justification:
1 Providing opportunities for those practically minded pupils with ability in
and/or enthusiasm for PE and sport (who may also be less academically
able), to study an area to their liking and one that enables them to obtain
a qualification that may, in turn, have vocational spin-offs. This justification is often presented in terms of the promotion of equal opportunities.
2 Providing opportunities for schools to (a) attract students keen to pursue an
increasingly popular examination subject thereby improving their positions in performance-related league tables, gaining better OFSTED
reports and strengthening applications for SSC3 status; while (b) motivating and thereby endearing (or so it is claimed) less able pupils to their
schools.
3 In the process, it is said, PE teachers and PE departments are able to improve
their academic and professional standing or status while, at the same time,
establishing the alleged centrality of the physical as well as the intellectual
to the process of education.
Set alongside this mixture of idealistic and pragmatic justifications, PE teachers have a tendency to offer more immediate and prosaic justifications for
favouring examinable PE. These include, a break from the teaching in the
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gym and on the playing fields, a chance to teach something more intellectually demanding and interesting, an alternative source of income (from
examining) and, most pertinently, a necessary step towards career enhancement (Green, 2001). In the case of the latter, one of the more compelling constraints on PE teachers has to do with the career benefits they, and
particularly those relatively new to the profession, identify as accruing from
being involved with examinable PE. Teachers in Greens (2001) study, for
example, perceived an increasingly direct association between teaching examinable PE and employment opportunities to the extent that they considered
their career prospects would be significantly hampered by not being involved
in teaching GCSE or A-level PE.
Rather than simply representing a growing acceptance of the value of
examinations in physical education (Carroll, 1991: 141), the dramatic growth
and normalization of examinable PE may best be explained as the outcome of
a combination of several interrelated processes. The next section explores in
more detail the circumstances and processes that together, it is argued, have
created a context which has facilitated the rise of examinable PE.
Making sense of examinable PE

The academicization of PE A process of academicization has been apparent
in PE for over a quarter of a century. In this respect, developments in examinable PE in secondary schools can be seen to reflect developments in tertiary
institutions, one dimension of which has been the emergence of PE and
Sports Science degrees that have come to form the main career route (when
supplemented with a postgraduate teaching qualification) into PE for wouldbe teachers of the subject (MacDonald et al., 1999). A consequence of this
development has been an increase in the proportion of secondary PE teachers
who have a strong attachment to examinable PE (many of them, after all, will
have benefited from it) and an attendant commitment to the supposed value
of theoretical knowledge and examinations in PE. They have, in effect, been
socialized into the academic PE ethos.
One additional aspect of occupational socialization which serves to further encourage or constrain teachers towards examinable PE, is what might be
referred to as workplace socialization; that is, the manner in which the culture
of the (secondary school PE) workplace has become internalized by teachers
especially their perceptions of necessary, pragmatic responses to the constraints of their everyday work situations. Among these constraints are the
expectations of significant others within and beyond the school setting (such
as head teachers, heads of department, parents and OFSTED) regarding the
desirability of examinable PE.
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An additional constraint towards the academicization of PE has been

the explicit support for examinable PE in national and school OFSTED
reports. Shaw et al. (2003: 70) observe that students examination
performance is commonly taken to be an important measure of a school, not
least by governments and OFSTED. Comments from teachers in Greens
(2001) study suggested that OFSTED inspectors were keen to encourage
teachers to extend examinable PE. When placed alongside OFSTED
inspectors informal comments to teachers themselves, the formal
observations in OFSTED school reports can be seen as tangible evidence of
their keenness to support the academicization of PE and to encourage such a
development where it is lacking.
The professionalization of PE The processes of academicization and occupational socialization overlap and are intimately related to another significant
process within PE, that of professionalization: that is, the process by which an
occupational group seeks recognition as a distinct, suitably qualified group,
entitled to a high degree of control (and self-regulation) over its work.
Concern with professional status has developed in relation to the perceived
threat of marginalisation of the subject and the broad problems of legitimation (Yates et al., 1997: 436) faced by physical educationalists at all levels over
many years. For numerous commentators since the 1970s, deep-seated and
persistent concern among physical educationalists about their professional
standing within education has manifested itself in many teachers and academics becoming increasingly concerned with the academic credentials of PE.
Such feelings of professional susceptibility have been exacerbated in England
and Wales by the arrival of a national curriculum and the identification,
therein, of core and foundational subjects.
Against a backdrop of low status for PE and its practitioners within and
beyond the world of education, it is somewhat unsurprising to find physical
educationalists (teachers as well as academics) enthusiastically embracing
examinations in an attempt to bring about the redefinition and re-evaluation
(Eggleston, 1990: 63) of their marginalized, poorly esteemed subject. As
Eggleston (1990: 62) says of professional subject associations in general, the
recent history of PE associations in the UK appears to reflect a struggle to
redefine the subject as one that is examinable at school, college or university level.
All told, the dramatic growth of examinable PE is best viewed against the
backdrop of subject marginality (Alexander et al., 1996: 23) not only in the
UK but also worldwide4 (Hardman, 1998). Thus, the quest for educational status is deeply implicated in the rise to prominence of examinable PE. Physical
education teachers have, in effect, used examinations to mimic higher status,
more powerful subjects than their own. It is, perhaps, telling that there is a
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very real sense among PE teachers that the more demanding the theoretical
aspect of the work, the greater the status attached to the subject in the eyes of
their colleagues and pupils (Green, 2001).
The marketization of education In many countries in recent decades, neoliberal educational policies have found expression in the development of
increasingly regulated/deregulated educational markets (see Chapter 2).
Australia, Canada, Germany, Japan and the UK, for instance, have witnessed
a blurring of the distinction between public or state and private education.
Market-based reforms of the state schooling system in the UK over the past
two decades, for example, have been justified on the basis of the benefits in
driving-up educational standards and the dissemination of good practice
that greater degrees of inter-school competition (within local schooling markets) are claimed to bring.
In England and Wales, heightened pressures towards competition
between schools increasingly able to control their own income and
expenditure not least by competing for potential pupils as if vying for a
market share have reinforced the academicization of PE. Head teachers,
school governing bodies and physical educationalists themselves have
become acutely aware of the financial implications of examinable PE. Head
teachers are particularly appreciative of its recruitment potential as the
development of GCSE and then A-level examinations in PE have enabled
schools to keep and recruit more pupils and, in particular, financially
lucrative sixth-formers (Green, 2001). The publication of school performance
tables (based on public examination results) and the introduction of tiered
examination papers (Fitz et al., 2006) has exacerbated the tendencies of
schools to seek to maximize their chances of obtaining high levels of
examination passes in the top grades. Consequently, head teachers and PE
teachers have also identified the scope for practically oriented pupils to
achieve hitherto unexpected examination success in PE, with the associated
benefits for school status and profile that can result (Green, 2001). The
constraints towards the academicization of PE in recent decades have, in
many respects, reflected the increasing pressures on schools, their governing
bodies and head teachers evident since the introduction of market
principles to the education system (Gorard et al., 2003) to seek any
available market advantage in order to survive, let alone flourish.
The evident appeal of examinable PE to pupils, teachers, head teachers
and the inspection service alike has not gone unnoticed by examination
boards that have been quick to bring a variety of PE syllabi to the examination table. Syllabi have been generated by examination boards that were once
controlled in the main by universities (Fitz et al., 2006) but are nowadays
almost entirely commercial enterprises. Largely at the request of schools,
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examination boards have introduced larger elements of course work to 16+

examinations generally (Fitz et al., 2006) and PE, in particular.
CONCLUSION
It is difficult to deny that the emphasis upon assessment of the intellectual
dimensions of ostensibly practical PE activities, and the continued success of
examinations in PE, tells us something about what may be coming to count as
worthwhile knowledge and valid realization of that knowledge (Bernstein,
1975) in PE; namely, that the standard or orthodox conception of education as
essentially academic continues to occupy the ideological high ground, even in
the world of PE.
However, rather than simply representing a change in PE practice resulting from a shift in teachers views of their subject towards a more academic
conception of PE, the rapid growth of examinations in PE may be better
understood, in part, as representing teachers pragmatic responses to a perceived threat and a clear opportunity. The threat came in the form of the
Cinderella status of PE and the clear implications of the persistent cognitive
imperialism (McNamee, 1998; 2005) of the intellectual and, thus, academic
conception of education associated with educational theorizing from the
1960s onwards. Opportunity came with the advent of an educational market
in the UK. Examinable PE has become a power resource in the PE subjectcommunity, which many PE teachers and academics have been quick to
appreciate and exploit. Whereas the growth of assessment is largely attributable to political interventions, the growth of examinations in PE in the form
of GCSE and A-level has, it is argued, resulted from a configuration of circumstances, prominent among which is PE teachers desire for increased professional status and the marketization of education generally, as well as the
practical day-to-day benefits examinable PE is perceived as having.
Nevertheless, examinable PE has by no means been an unmitigated
success in terms of status and credibility. There have been unintended and
seemingly unforeseen consequences. The struggle for professional status and
security has shaped, and continues to shape, the Catch-22 situation PE
teachers find themselves in damned if they do examinable PE, damned if
they do not. Also, the seemingly inexorable growth of examinable PE
camouflages a strong element of resistance: the dominance of examinable PE
is by no means complete. There are evidently many PE teachers who feel
themselves demeaned by the hierarchical dominance, or positioning, of
propositional over performative knowledge (McNamee, 2005: 8). Some
teachers in Greens (2001) study reported that not only was examinable PE
undesirable but that there were no internal pressures in their schools for
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such a development. It seems that head teachers in academically successful

schools are less likely to encourage or even, at times, allow the
development of examinable PE. Head teachers in such schools can clearly
afford to concentrate on proper academic subjects without risking
penalizing themselves in terms of recruitment or academic results. Perhaps
unsurprisingly, most of the schools resisting the development of
examinations in PE were relatively academically successful schools, located
in economically advantaged catchment areas.
In the early 1990s, Fitzclarence and Tinning (1990) suggested that three
themes remained unresolved and problematic despite the apparent popularity of examinable PE among pupils and teachers alike; these were the nature
of essential or worthwhile knowledge in PE, the educational status of PE as a
school subject, and the place of physical activity within an examinable academic subject. In 2008, while the juggernaut that is examinable PE rolls on,
these issues endure.
RECOMMENDED READING
Carroll, B. (1998a) The emergence and growth of examinations in physical
education, in K. Green and K. Hardman (eds), Physical Education: A
Reader. Aachen: Meyer and Meyer Verlag. pp. 31432.
NOTES
1 While, as here, the term examination is more conventionally used to refer
to physically and temporally segregated assessment activities, throughout
the remainder of this chapter it is used in a more generic sense to refer to
publicly recognized assessments in PE/sport specifically, the more academic forms of assessment (such as GCSE and A level) rather than other
forms of externally accredited vocationally oriented courses in PE (such as
City and Guilds, BTEC and GNVQ) and national governing body and
sports leader awards.
2 The term philosophies indicates the everyday views of PE teachers upon
the nature and purposes of their subject.
3 There is anecdotal evidence to suggest that a number of SSCs have
adopted GCSE PE as a compulsory subject for all pupils, alongside core
PE. This is said to have occurred at the request of school management
and the YST as a means of raising not only the profile of PE as an academic subject but also schools status as SSCs in terms of achieving one
of the avowed objectives of the SSC programme.
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4 The trend towards the academicization of PE in the UK is also evident in

other countries. MacDonald et al. (1999: 38), for example, observe in relation to Australia that, in the school sector, perhaps the most significant
development in recent years has been the emergence and consolidation of
examinable physical education.
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Health and Physical

Education
In the world of PE and sport there are probably few ideas which are as widely
and uncritically accepted as that linking sport and exercise with good health
(Waddington, 2000). It is widely assumed that PE not only can but should play a
central role in the promotion of health among young people. Telama et al. (2005:
115), for example, describe health promotion as the main goal of physical education in many countries. Policies promoting physical activity in schools as a
suitable means of combating the supposed obesity/health crisis of which
Healthy People 2010 (US Department of Health and Human Services, 2000) in
the USA and the UKs Choosing Health (Department of Health, 2004) are prime
examples are widespread. In Australia and New Zealand, the titles of the
learning area or subject Health and Physical Education and Health and
Physical Well-being express the assumed centrality of health to PE. In
England and Wales the requirement for PE teachers to develop pupils knowledge and understanding of the impact of exercise on health, as well as the skills
and predispositions necessary to carry it out, is built into the National
Curriculum for Physical Education (NCPE) (QCA, 2006).
This chapter examines the supposed relationship between PE and
health. First the chapter outlines the scale and nature of the health problems
said to be associated with inactivity, as well as the ostensible role of sport and
PE in combating these. It then explores other key contributors to health,
before pointing to some of the limitations of sport and PE as vehicles for
health promotion.
T H E S C A L E A N D N AT U R E O F T H E P R O B L E M
It is widely accepted that the major public health problems of developed and
developing societies are increasingly degenerative, rather than infectious, dis96
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H E A LT H A N D P H Y S I C A L E D U C AT I O N
97
eases of the kind associated with changes over time in lifestyles. The most pernicious of these is thought to be the tide of obesity which is said to be sweeping across the developed world in particular and which shows no sign of
halting. In the USA, the number of obese adults has doubled since the mid1970s so that by the turn of the twenty-first century more than 60 per cent of
American adults were classified as overweight or obese (Bouchard, 2000). In
the UK, it is estimated that by 2010 75 per cent of the population will be overweight, resulting in more than 30,000 deaths each year from weight-related
illnesses (National Audit Office, 2001). The rapidity with which this pandemic of fat (World Health Organization [WHO], 2002) is becoming truly
global is illustrated by the revelation that China a country which, until
recently, was seen as having one of the leanest populations is fast catching
up with the West with approximately one-fifth of the 1 billion overweight or
obese people in the world living in China (Wu, 2006: 362).
The prevalence of obesity among the young also appears to be increasing
rapidly, particularly in the economically developed countries of the western
world. In the USA, for example, Cohen et al. (2005: 154) point to the tripling
of overweight young people (ages 1619) over the last 30 years. Schenker (2005)
estimates that 10 per cent of primary-aged youngsters in the UK are overweight
and a further 2 per cent obese a 100 per cent increase in both categories in the
past decade. Elsewhere, Welk et al. (2006) point out the prevalence of obesity
among Australian, Canadian, Chinese and Spanish youth. It seems that at
current rates of increase, adult percentages of overweight children will be
reached within 30 years (Dollman, Norton and Norton, 2005: 895).
The consequences of being overweight and being inactive are said to be
clear for all to see. Obese people are likely to experience a wide range of
chronic diseases, ranging from mild ailments such as breathlessness and varicose veins, at one extreme, through greater risk of osteoporosis, to serious,
life-threatening conditions such as coronary heart disease, hypertension and
diabetes, as well as some forms of cancer (American College of Sports
Medicine, 2000; Bouchard, 2004) at the other. Although the clinical manifestations of diseases associated with overweight and obesity do not become
apparent until mid-adulthood they are thought to have their origins in childhood and adolescence.
If the scale and consequences of the problem appear self-evident so, too,
does the nature of the problem: namely, the rapid decline of physical activity
in peoples lives in less than a generation. The WHO estimates that well over
60 per cent of the world population (and young people in particular) is
simply not active enough to benefit their health (Puska, 2004). In the UK,
Europe and North America, significant numbers of children lead relatively
sedentary lives and rarely experience sustained periods of moderate or
vigorous physical activity during the weekdays or weekends (Winsley and
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Armstrong, 2005: 72) sufficient to enhance their health status and there have
been no appreciable changes (among youth) in recent years (Welk et al.,
2006). Adolescence and youth appear to be characterized by high levels of
inactivity and, to make matters worse, childrens levels of physical activity
(in terms of energy expenditure) decrease with age. Low and diminishing
levels of physical activity are especially marked in females and older
children, and the activity levels of both groups deteriorate as they move
through the secondary school years.
Although guidelines on what constitutes sufficient and appropriate frequency and intensity of exercise for health benefits differ between countries
and organizations (Bissex et al., 2005), many western countries now have
national physical activity recommendations or guidelines for children and
adolescents (Marshall et al., 2002) and guidelines for the delivery of healthrelated exercise (HRE) through PE (Harris, 2005). Current activity guidelines
reflect a paradigm shift in the mid-1990s whereby the health benefits of moderate forms of physical activity rather than vigorous intensity are recommended (Welk et al., 2006). Guidelines tend to recommend that children and
young people take part in moderate to vigorous physical activity (MVPA) for
at least 30 minutes but preferably for an hour on most, if not all, days of the
week (Harris, 2005; Winsley and Armstrong, 2005).
For many commentators the issue is not simply that levels of activity have
decreased, young peoples fitness (and their aerobic fitness, in particular)
appears in perilous decline (Rowland, 2003) especially among 15-year-olds
and older girls diminishing worldwide by about 1% a year over the past
quarter of a century as a consequence of the reduced exposure of current children to fitness enhancing physical activity (Dollman et al., 2005: 895).
With less physically active lifestyles, there has been a rise of so-called
obesogenic environments (Catford, 2003) over the course of several decades.
Cultural and economic changes have resulted in an environment that facilitates obesity by normalizing sedentary lifestyles. These changes range from a
rise in the number of less physically active occupations, the growth of laboursaving devices, increased use of cars, television and computers through to
increases in low intensity leisure activities (Dollman et al., 2005: 892), such
as watching television and reading, to changing patterns of family eating and
an increase in snacking.
Psychological health
Although the focus of attention in relation to health remains on the degenerative diseases associated with overweight and obesity, there is a growing body
of evidence to suggest that mental ill health is the coming disease of the
twenty-first century, especially in the developed world. The WHO predicts
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that depression will be the second most debilitating illness in the world by
2020, following CHD (Fox, 2003: 8). It seems that the psychological health of
young people, in particular, is deteriorating, especially among women
(Bynner et al., 2002). Young people are exhibiting a growing range of disorders ranging from anxiety and depression through eating disorders, self-harm
and obsessive compulsive behaviour, to psychosis.
In the same way that the fostering of active lifestyles from early in life is
viewed as critical in combating so-called hypokinetic, under-exercising or
lifestyle diseases, psychological benefits are also thought to accrue from
regular involvement in sport and physical activity (Biddle, 2006). In a twentyfirst-century variation on the nineteenth-century public school justification
for games mens sana in corpore sano (a healthy mind in a health body) there
is a growing body of evidence supporting claims for the role of exercise in
promoting individual psychological and social health and well-being.1 More
specifically, Biddle (2003) highlights the evidence linking physical activity to
specific aspects of psychological well-being and, most notably, anxiety and
stress, depression, mood and emotion, self-perceptions and esteem and
psychological dysfunction.
However, while physical benefits such as fitness appear relatively straightforward to plan for as well as observe and measure psychosocial outcomes
are more difficult to anticipate. Nevertheless, the recipe for positive psychosocial outcomes seems readily identifiable and more likely to accrue from environments that are primarily concerned with self-improvement and the mastery
of particular sporting or physical activity tasks for the intrinsic pleasure they
bring (Biddle, 2006). In addition, it seems that physical and psychological
health is often interrelated: psychological health can benefit from positive physical self-perceptions and these can be enhanced through developing positive
perceptions of sporting competence and physical fitness and attractiveness
(Biddle, 2006). Childhood obesity, on the other hand, is associated with poor
psychological well-being and social problems (Stevinson, 2003: 12).
In the light of the prevailing view that one of the most important determinants of health is how physically active people are, the concerted effort to
utilize sport and physical activity often through the medium of PE as a
vehicle for health promotion is to be expected.
P H Y S I C A L E D U C AT I O N A S T H E S E T T I N G A N D S P O R T
AND PHYSICAL ACTIVITY AS THE SOLUTION
On the face of it there are a number of reasons for viewing sport and physical
activity in schools, and thus PE, as a vehicle for the promotion of health and
fitness among young people. Roberts and Brodies (1992) study, Inner-City
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Sport, suggests that sport confers health benefits which are not only experienced by ordinary participants but are also evident across all socio-demographic groups (male/female; young/old; employed/unemployed; rich/poor).
These benefits have the added bonus of acting in addition to other favourable
lifestyle practices such as healthy diets. Also, being physically active produces
precisely the same health-related benefits from physical activity for children
and adolescents as for adults (Boreham and Riddoch, 2001): it reduces body
fatness and aids the management of obesity, lowers high blood pressure,
increases bone mineral density and enhances psychological well-being
(Winsley and Armstrong, 2005).
It is typically assumed that PE provides an appropriate setting for health
promotion through physical activity and exercise in several ways. First, PE is
expected to provide opportunities for pupils to engage in appropriate levels of
physical activity during school time. More important, however, is the assumed
role of PE in preparing children for a lifetime of regular physical activity by
passing on the requisite knowledge and skills, as well as the attitudes, thought
to sustain an ongoing commitment to health-promoting exercise. Since the
early 1980s, the main vehicle for health promotion in PE in many Englishspeaking countries has been health-related exercise or health-related fitness
(HRF) as it is sometimes known.
Health-related exercise
Conventional definitions of health define it as the maximisation of physical
and socio-psychological well-being (Roberts and Brodie, 1992: 96) rather
than merely the absence of disease. Similarly, HRE is said to involve physical
activity associated with health enhancement as well as disease prevention
(Harris, 2005) and tends to be defined as an attempt to effect an understanding and awareness of the health benefits of an active lifestyle, which aims to
bring about a series of rational decisions, made autonomously by the individual, to engage in various forms of physical activity (McNamee, 1988: 83). This
conception of HRE and PE as a vehicle for health promotion rests upon a
widely accepted assumption that increasing peoples knowledge and understanding is likely to lead to changes in their attitudes and, subsequently, and
more importantly, their health-related behaviours. Put another way, they will
abandon the things that are bad for their health and take up those that are
good. The NCPE in England and Wales points to the alleged role of PE in promoting positive attitudes towards active and healthy lifestyles by helping
pupils to make appropriate choices about how to get involved in sport and
physical activity (QCA, 2005a: 1). I return to this claim below.
Despite the seemingly self-evident arguments regarding the significance
of physical activity for health and the alleged role of PE in health promotion,
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there are a number of substantial caveats in relation to claims about the contribution of PE and sport to health and the role of PE in health promotion,
beginning with the reality of HRE.
HRE in practice Over its 30 years or more history, what has become known
as HRE has more usually been referred to as health-related fitness among
many alternative terms. Increasingly, during the 1990s, academics stated their
preference for the term exercise over fitness on the basis that the latter
placed undue emphasis upon the relationship between health and fitness
rather than health and physical activity and, in so doing, encouraged teachers
and pupils to focus upon strenuous and intense physical activity in PE lessons
in pursuit of high fitness scores.
Despite the shift in terminology away from health-related fitness and
towards exercise in the theoretical literature, not much appears to have changed
on the ground. Health-related exercise in PE continues to be dominated by an
emphasis on fitness more specifically, fitness as it relates to sports performance (Harris, 2005) rather than exercise as a vehicle for health promotion.
Critics point to the prevalence of simplistic, inaccurate and potentially damaging practices in PE lessons based upon narrow interpretations of HRE (Harris,
2005: 85) formed around relatively limited knowledge and understanding
(Harris, 2005: 80) on the part of teachers of the relationship between health and
PE. Despite the existence of good practice guidelines for HRE in primary and
secondary schools in England and Wales, Harris (2005: 85) highlights the continuing existence of undesirable practices in the form of forced fitness regimes
inactive PE lessons involving excessive theory or teacher talk; dull,
uninspiring drills, or an overemphasis on issues related to health and hygiene.
Physical education teachers tend to focus upon a limited range of health topics such as safety issues and warm-ups and stretching and some aspects of the
effects of exercise on health outcomes (Harris, 2005).
Such restricted interpretations are also reflected in gender-specific forms
of HRE based on sex-stereotypical assumptions about appropriateness for
boys and girls (Harris and Penney, 2000) with boys HRE focusing upon
strength and endurance work and fitness-testing rather than suppleness, preferring to utilize activities such as cross-country running and weight-training.
Unsurprisingly, perhaps, young people tend to dislike and misunderstand the
nature and purposes of fitness activities and testing which are said to be fruitless and counter-productive (Harris and Cale, 2006). Indeed, PE teachers tendency to rely upon aerobics, circuit- and weight-training and cross-country
running as the core activities alongside fitness-testing merely serves to alienate many young people (Harris, 2005).
Whether or not the differing connotations of health-related exercise
rather than health-related fitness are fully understood by practitioners
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and/or have simply not yet filtered down to school level adequately is an
open question. Nevertheless, the likelihood that PE teachers would (1) focus
their practice on a simple equation linking health to fitness (something
which academics tended to do in the 1980s) and (2) emphasize its theoretical
dimension (in much the same way they have done with GCSE and A-level
examinations in PE) was, perhaps, the foreseeable consequence of utilizing
health promotion as a convenient vehicle for bolstering the status and
educational credibility of PE via academic lessons in health promotion.
Neither should it be surprising given what we know about the relationship
between teachers philosophies and their practices (Green, 2003) to find
that while information about HRE has a positive impact on PE teachers
knowledge, planning and delivery of HRE, it is less successful in changing
teachers philosophies and teaching methods (Harris, 2005: 82). What
amounts to widespread continuity and small degrees of change in the
practice of HRE in PE has been described by Harris (2005) in Sparkess
(1989) terms as innovation without change. At the more fundamental level
of day-to-day practice, whether or not health promotion is universally
accepted as the raison dtre for PE, teachers like government and its
agencies continue to view sport and especially team games as the main
focus for PE and the primary vehicle for HRE and health promotion (Green,
2003). The teaching of HRE in PE in secondary schools continues to be
characterized by much confusion and considerable variation in practice
(Harris, 2005: 79). It seems that many from policy-makers through to
pupils continue to view exercise as synonymous with fitness and sports
performance, and fitness as being tuned up to maximum performance
(Roberts and Brodie, 1992: 96).
O T H E R K E Y C O N T R I B U T O R S T O H E A LT H
It would be over-simplistic and misleading to think that lack of exercise is the
major threat to the immediate health and well-being of young people.
Riddoch and Boreham (1995: 88) have pointed out that the primary morbidities of children and youth are unwanted pregnancy, substance abuse,
physical and sexual abuse and anxiety disorders [while] the primary cause
of death in this age group is violence (accidents, homicide and suicide).
Over the longer term, other aspects of individual lifestyles such as diet,
alcohol and tobacco and, other forms of exercise can be more influential in
determining an individuals health status than levels of sporting and physical
activity (Roberts and Brodie, 1992). In short, other features of young peoples
lifestyles deserve to command more attention in health terms than participation in sport and physical activity.
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Diet
Although weight-gain on the part of young people may, in part, be a consequence of decreasing energy expenditure, there is a good deal of evidence that
at least part of the problem may lie with increasing energy consumption
(Dollman et al., 2005: 892). It seems that small imbalances in excess energy of
only a few kilojoules per day may result in significant body fat increases in a few
years even in the face of constant physical activity patterns (Dollman et al.,
2005: 893). And this may well be what has happened in practice. The diet side
of the too much food, too little exercise equation (All Party Parliamentary
Group [APPG], 2005: 3) has changed over recent decades in favour of the former with the abundance of and ease of access to a wide variety of snack (otherwise known in pejorative terms as junk) foods in affluent societies, such that
people eat more calories than they need before they feel satiated or full.
But the health problems associated with contemporary diets are a consequence of the nature of the food as well as the amount. Diets in the developed
world rely heavily on processed, calorific foodstuffs with a high sugar and salt
content, and modern foods, especially fast foods, tend to be energy-dense.
Also, increasing proportions of energy intake in the west are taken from animal sources (Lang, 2006). Morgan Spurlocks (2004) infamous experiment in
eating three McDonalds meals each day for a month provides compelling, if
anecdotal, evidence of the impact of fast-food diets on the prevalence of
obesity in the USA. More scientifically, a 15-year study in the UK, reported in
the Lancet, established a link between fast food and soaring levels of obesity
and type-II diabetes across affluent nations (Boseley, 2004). Pidd (2004: 4)
noted that 2.5 million Britains make use of one of the 1,235 McDonalds fastfood outlets in the UK every day. In Thomas et al.s (2005: 181) study, almost
90 per cent of Welsh schoolchildren consumed diets containing more than 30
percent total fat, while 93 percent exceeded the [WHOs criterion threshold
of] 10 percent saturated fat cut-off point. Similarly, Renton (2006) claims that
the sugar intake of Scottish children one in three of whom are overweight
doubled in the two decades leading up to 2006.
The clustering of unhealthy behaviours among young people is well
established. In addition to changes in diet, consumption of alcohol has
increased dramatically in recent decades among both adults and young people (Roberts, 2006). Despite the fact that most youngsters of secondary school
age do not drink and those who do tend to drink moderate amounts (Schools
Health Education Unit, 2006) (and, for the most part, at home with the knowledge of their parents), there has been a significant growth in the numbers of
young people in England consuming high levels of alcohol. And it is not only
teenagers from affluent homes but young women from the middle-classes, in
particular, who are drinking more. Quite apart from the direct threat to life
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that alcohol can present, in broader more indirect health terms most alcoholic
drinks (including the increasingly popular alco-pops) are as calorific as
high-sugar soft drinks.
Despite the fact that young people and adults are less active overall, they
are tending to consume more energy-dense foods and more alcohol. Wu (2006:
362) puts Chinas recent epidemic of overweight and obesity down to changes
to the traditional diet, reduced levels of physical activity, and increased sedentary lifestyles. Because exercise alone has a small impact on levels of body fat,
the most efficient way to lose excess body fat is through a multidisciplinary
approach comprising diet, exercise and behavioural change interventions
(Winsley and Armstrong, 2005: 67).
But this is not the whole story. One crucial component to weight gain is
the steady decline in the prevalence of other forms of exercise in day-to-day
living in modern societies.
Other forms of exercise

Young peoples sports participation has risen over the past 30 years (see
Chapter 7) but in general terms their lifestyles are more inactive and their fitness may well be declining. So, what are young people doing with the rest of
their time? If young peoples health and health-related fitness have declined
in recent decades this must owe more to their diets or their more frequent use
of private transport or something other than a flight from sport. What has
changed is the rest of life beyond sport and, in particular, according to
Dollman et al. (2005: 895), the rise and rise in popularity of television watching and high-technology entertainment as well as eating and sleeping.
It seems that young people spend considerable portions of their leisure
time being sedentary (Marshall et al., 2002: 413). Approximately two-thirds
of 1113-year-olds in North America and Europe watch television, for example, for more than two hours a day (Marshall et al., 2002). Indeed, watching
television is now the industrialized worlds main pastime, accounting for
more time than any single activity except work and sleep. Sigman (2007: 12)
points to research which suggests that 1115-year-olds spend 55 per cent of
their waking lives watching television; that is, 53 hours a week or seven and a
half hours a day. The average 6-year-old will have already watched television
for more than one full year of their lives and by the age of 75, the average
Briton will have spent more than 12 years of 24-hour days watching television
(Sigman, 2007: 12). However, it seems that television viewing may have stagnated (Wray, 2006) as Internet usage booms across Europe with people surfing the net for over 11 hours a week on average. Daily usage of the Internet
is particularly high among the 1624-year age group.
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These changes are thrown into sharp relief through comparisons across
generations, subgroups and cultures. Fisher (2002) found that while young
people (819 years of age) in the UK were the most likely to play sport, those
over 65 were more physically active generally because young people were
more sedentary overall. Under-20-year-old boys were more active than girls,
but in all other age groups women were more active than men.
All this suggests that inactivity and obesity are best viewed not so much
as the consequence of an irrational response to a rational message, but as normal responses to living in environments that make inactivity the norm.
Among young and old alike, sedentary behaviours and lifestyles have become
normalized. Marshall et al.s (2002) study of teenagers in the USA and the UK
suggested that sedentary behaviours can and do coexist with physical activity,
and that some of the most active children in sporting terms are also among the
most sedentary overall (Kirk, 2002a). Indeed, sedentary behaviours such as
watching television are more likely to replace other sedentary behaviours,
such as reading, than sport and physical activity (Marshall et al., 2002). Such
claims are, however, disputed. Sigman (2007) points to studies in Mexico,
New Zealand and China which suggest a strong relationship between the
amount of television viewing and increases in the prevalence of obesity. He
points to a variety of studies that pinpoint television as a factor in a number
of health issues such as sleeping difficulties, attention deficit hyperactivity
disorder and raised blood cholesterol levels. Sigman (2007: 16) concludes that
[W]atching television, irrespective of the content, is increasingly associated
with unfavourable biological and cognitive changes.
This might be interpreted as suggesting that the personality structures
(or habituses) of young westerners, in particular, may be in the process of
changing over time towards the normalization of two trends that may appear
paradoxical but are, in fact, two sides of the same coin; that is, youngsters with
busy leisure lives who while involved in sport are, nevertheless, more
sedentary overall and more likely to be overweight than ever before.
Other lifestyle factors themselves strongly correlated with social class
position exert more pervasive and often stronger effects on health and
fitness (Roberts and Brodie, 1992) than sports participation. The
contributions to health and fitness of various lifestyle practices seem to be
additive (Roberts and Brodie, 1992). In this regard, the best recipe for
staying free of physical illness seems to be healthy diets and low or nil
alcohol consumption. When added to not smoking, these same lifestyle
variables, made the best combination for impacting directly and positively
on cardiovascular health. General exercise, together with high overall levels
of participation in energetic and non-energetic sport, and perhaps
surprisingly unhealthy diets, were the lifestyle practices associated with
low stress scores (Roberts and Brodie, 1992: 11112). Roberts and Brodie
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(1992) also noted a tendency for the same individuals to be involved in all
lifestyle practices shown to be health-promoting. Those who were playing the
most sport in their study were more likely than other individuals to improve
their health, to be drinking moderately rather than heavily, and to have
either given up tobacco or never to have smoked. Thus, participation in sport
and physical activity has been associated with a number of complementary
health and lifestyle behaviours related to diet as well as tobacco and alcohol
consumption (Boreham and Riddoch, 2001; Koska, 2005). Not only are
physically active girls more likely to have healthy habits but they are also
more inclined to follow health recommendations and to consider the future
health-related consequences of their actions (Koska, 2005).2
Sports participation is not only more likely to be adopted but tends, in
concert with other everyday lifestyle practices, to make the greatest difference
to the health of the socio-economic groups that are health privileged to begin
with (Roberts and Brodie, 1992): the middle-classes.
The significance of social class and other social dynamics for

health
However much physical educationalists might want to believe in the healthpromoting capacity of PE, the main determinant of inequalities in health
remains socio-economic deprivation (Wanless, 2004). Sport and physical
activity are extremely unlikely to render these influences dormant (Shilling,
2005: 38), negate or override them.
The significance of social class for health status and sports participation
lies in the effects of poverty in the past rather than the present. Even though
income fluctuates over the life-course the effects of poverty endure, not least
in terms of restricted opportunities to develop skills and interests. Physical
activity levels themselves vary according to socio-economic status and it is
those people who have the requisite financial resources, spare time and cultural capital who are most likely to treat their bodies as projects to be
moulded in line with their preferred images of themselves (Shilling, 2005).
[T]he most effective way, possibly the only effective way, of improving the
notoriously poor relative health of lower socio-economic groups will be to
reduce their economic deprivations (Roberts and Brodie, 1992: 11112).
Evans and Davies (2006a: 117) put the argument more pithily: Want health
and longevity? Forget health education, fitness regimes and expensive diets;
just avoid being working class!
The significance of social class for health status is frequently compounded
by other social dynamics. Lower levels of physical activity tend to be observed
not only among lower socio-economic groups but also among women and
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ethnic minorities. A five-year longitudinal study of almost 6,000 1112-yearolds from a variety of ethnic groups in London revealed that vigorous physical
activity decreased while hours spent in sedentary behaviour increased between
the ages of 1112 and 1516 years, with a larger decline in physical activity in
girls than in boys. Asian pupils were substantially less physically active than
their white counterparts, with Asian girls, in particular, exhibiting faster
increases in sedentary behaviour between ages 1213 and 1516 years than
white girls. Sedentary behaviours were higher among black students generally
and black girls engaged in less physical activity than white girls. Students from
lower socio-economic neighbourhoods reported higher levels of sedentary
behaviour while girls from lower socio-economic groups (but not boys) were less
physically active than those from more affluent backgrounds (Brodersen et al.,
2007). In both the UK and the USA, obesity is far more prevalent among ethnic
minorities, especially African Americans and African Caribbeans, than other
ethnic groups (Brodersen et al., 2007; Harrison and Belcher, 2006). In the USA,
African-American children are, according to Harrison and Belcher (2006), not
only far more likely to be overweight and obese than children in other ethnic
groups, but are prone to much higher rates of increase. If physical activity in
youth is a predictor of later adiposity, the finding from Brodersen et al. (2007)
that ethnic and class-related differences are largely established by age 1112
years is particularly important.
THE LIMITS TO SCIENCE

Research into the relationship between sport and HRE has grown in line with
the professional interests of a growing band of sports scientists (and physiologists in particular), concerned with demonstrating that regular sport makes
people fitter and, by inference, healthier. Nevertheless, in recent years a number of authors (see, for example, Evans and Davies, 2006a; Gard and Wright,
2005) have pointed to what they take to be the limitations of scientific claims
regarding the relationship between health (and particularly overweight and
obesity) and exercise. There are two distinct concerns expressed in these arguments: first, with the science itself and, second, with what are perceived as the
ideological underpinnings to that science.
With regard to the science of HRE, critics flag up the problems associated with measurement of overweight/obesity and levels of fitness. It has
become increasingly apparent that satisfactory measures of overweight and
obesity (and the definitions that are based upon them) are difficult to establish. The most frequently used measure of overweight/obesity, the bodymass index (BMI), is recognized as a good deal less than exact. Body-mass
index is not only imprecise, it is also an inappropriate measure because the
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health-related problem with overweight and obesity lies in the fact that it is
adipose tissue or fat lying wrapped around the heart and vital organs (and
especially the abdomen in men) and streaked through muscles that is the
biggest threat to health (Welk et al., 2006). It is this internal fat that sends
out the chemical signals which eventually lead to insulin resistance, diabetes
and heart conditions, even in especially slim people who do not exercise. It
seems, then, that those jokingly referred to as TOFIs (thin on the outside, fat
on the inside) are as susceptible to fat infiltration of the liver, for example, as
overweight and obese people. This is especially significant in relation to the
health of young people, among whom much excess fat surrounds the internal
organs rather than simply being subcutaneous. Hence, waist circumference
and waist:hip ratio are considered to be more strongly correlated with cardiovascular risk and, therefore, more informative measures of obesity (Wu, 2006).
This is especially so with children and young people, due to the changes that
occur in the ratio of velocity of weight gain to height gain in normal growth
(Schenker, 2005: 10). However, critics often overlook the fact that, because
BMI has been the most commonly used measure over a period of time, it does
enable trends to be identified.
In relation to the issue of measurement, Rich et al. (2005) are typical of
those questioning the assumption that there is a significant health problem
associated with being overweight. Rich et al. (2005) argue that whilst there
may be health risks for those individuals at the extreme ends of the weight
continuum, the relationships between weight, diet, physical activity and
health are far more complex and uncertain than is currently being suggested.
They point to studies which suggest that individuals who are overweight but
who are physically active, may well be healthier than their thinner counterparts who are not physically active. In other words, size, shape and weight
might not be the straightforward health issue it is widely assumed to be. Such
criticisms do tend, however, to overlook the fact that the best predictor of
future weight is current weight: fat children are demonstrably more likely to
become fat adults.
One of the more substantial limitations of conventional scientific
(health-related) exercise measurements is whether it is possible to gather
meaningful data on the fitness status of young people. Dollman et al. (2005:
892) argue that there are serious methodological limitations and inconsistencies inherent in physical activity measurement, not least because peoples
ability to meet the complex demands of recall is limited and, consequently,
there is considerable random error associated with self-reported physical
activity, upon which representative surveys are largely based. It is also apparent that young peoples performances in fitness tests are commonly affected
by motivation (Harris and Cale, 2006). Fitness-testing of children is often presented as an important step in educating young people about their health sta-
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tus. However, because it frequently reinforces the notion of exercise as competitive and unpleasant, fitness-testing has been shown to be inimical to many
childrens perceptions of HRE and PE. Consequently, it may be counterproductive to the promotion of active lifestyles in children and young people
(Harris and Cale, 2006).
Measurement issues compound the commonplace misconception that
fitness in children and young people is primarily a function of their levels of
physical activity (or, more specifically, physical exertion) as well as the
assumed corollary that those who are fit must thereby be the most active
(Armstrong and Welsman, 1997). Such assumptions reflect a widespread misunderstanding involving the conflation of two independent variables: physical fitness and physical activity (Winsley and Armstrong, 2005). Fitness levels
do not necessarily reflect, and cannot be read off, from levels of physical activity. Despite the widespread claims that young peoples fitness is in decline,
there is limited evidence that young peoples aerobic fitness as defined by
both endurance and maximal aerobic power (Harris and Cale, 2006) is
either low or deteriorating from generation to generation (Winsley and
Armstrong, 2005: 76). In short, it may be inaccurate and misleading to think
that, as a consequence of their relative inactivity, children and young people
are necessarily unfit. There is, it seems, only a weak relationship between
their aerobic fitness and physical activity levels. Indeed, children and adolescents appear to be the fittest section of the population (Armstrong and
McManus, 1994). This is because there is a significant genetic contribution to
childrens fitness which manifests itself during maturation. Indeed, when
aerobic fitness is expressed relative to body size, childrens aerobic fitness is
at least as good as that of most adults and has changed very little since the
1930s (Winsley and Armstrong, 2005: 75). In addition to disputes regarding
scientifically valid means of measuring fatness and fitness, uncertainty
surrounds exactly what constitutes enough physical activity in terms of
frequency, intensity and duration to maximize the health benefits.
Consequently, there is no consensus on the optimal level of physical fitness
for young people (Harris and Cale, 2006: 219) in health terms.
Despite evidence for the existence of a strong relationship between physical activity and fitness and health in adults, there is not yet conclusive empirical evidence that physical activity and fitness during childhood have a major
impact on future health status. Nevertheless, high levels of physical fitness
during adolescence and young adulthood appear to be related to a healthy
risk-factor profile in later life. What can be said unequivocally, is that physical fitness and physical activity have a positive influence on young peoples
psychological health (Harris and Cale, 2006).
It seems, then, that what PE teachers in particular consider one of the
key functions of PE in health terms the testing and enhancement of fitness
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is redundant. All this begins to explain why, among academics if not

practitioners, there has been a steady shift in emphasis over the past decade
or so from a focus on health-related fitness to health-related exercise and other
lifestyle behaviours (Harris and Cale, 2006); that is, away from an emphasis
on increasing youngsters levels and intensity of physical activity (in order to
alleviate or offset the health problems said to be associated with increasingly
sedentary lifestyles) and towards encouraging predispositions for active
lifestyles.
Not only are the science of obesity and the supposed health-related benefits of sport under attack, so too are the taken-for-granted assumptions that
form the basis of most peoples thinking about overweight and obesity. Gard
and Wright (2005: 3) describe the science of obesity as based on a pot-pourri
of science, morality and ideological assumptions which become regurgitated
by the media in the form of popular science and subsequently embedded in
the public consciousness. Among other things, they challenge the idea that
overweight and obesity necessarily cause ill-health and that modern western
lifestyles and technologies, by creating the conditions for overeating and
sedentariness, cause obesity. Gard and Wright (2005) also highlight the gender dimension to claims surrounding obesity. They observe that expectations
regarding womens bodies have changed over time and reflect attitudes
towards women and demands upon women to model their bodies and appearance on stereotypical norms which result in stigma and anxiety for women.
Other critics focus upon the ways in which people communicate the
facts about HRE. The discourse of HRE, they argue, frequently involves an
over-simplistic view of individual freedom.
THE LIMITS TO INDIVIDUALISM

If one takes conventional definitions of HRE as read, then health is largely,
if not entirely, an individual matter. From the starting assumption of
individual responsibility, it is entirely appropriate that PE emphasizes the
controllability of such behaviour and the personal responsibility element of
activity (Biddle, 1989: 64; emphases in the original). For a significant
number of dissenters, however, the focus on individual responsibility reflects
the prevalence of an enduring ideology of healthism in PE. Healthism is
defined as an ideology (a set of beliefs that are a mixture of myth and reality
or, more pithily, fact and fiction an amalgam of what there is good reason
to believe combined with what people prefer to believe) in which (young)
people are largely responsible for their own health and making healthy
choices (Rich et al., 2004: 178). Young people not only can but should make
the necessary lifestyle choices to improve their health. Individuals are
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assumed to have a moral responsibility not only to regard being unhealthy or

sick as undesirable but also as something they can and should overcome by
their best efforts. A corollary of the presumption of individualism built into
the ideology of healthism is the moral condemnation of those who fail to
adopt active, healthy lifestyles.
A central criticism of the ideology of healthism is that it reduces the
complex causes or aetiology of diseases to simple behaviour or lifestyle factors (Colquhoun, 1991: 9) that is, to the ways in which people lead their
lives and ignores social, economic and cultural factors, including governmental policies and the economic and political power and social influence of
the food, alcohol and tobacco industries. By exaggerating the role of individual choice in such a multidimensional and complex matter as health, physical educationalists are said to peddle a profoundly misguided myth,
individualizing both the problem (simplistically interpreted as lifestyle diseases caused by under-exercising) and the remedy. Not only does healthism
heap responsibility (Evans and Davies, 2006c) on teachers as well as pupils,
it also implicitly apportions blame when unrealistic expectations regarding
what each might achieve are not attained. The messages about exercise, fitness and health are, after all, messages about self-discipline, control and willpower (Tinning, 1991: 40) as young people are portrayed as responsible for
the construction of their own healthy, active lifestyles. In playing up the
pseudo-sovereignty (Frew and McGillivray, 2005: 173) of the individual, the
neo-liberal individualistic ideologies that lie at the heart of healthism reduce
complex social processes to the individual level and explain them purely in
psychological terms.
Rich et al. (2005) and Evans and Davies (2006a), among others, point out
the potentially damaging effect on children of schools employing strategies
such as pressing children to monitor their own diets, body shapes and levels
of physical activity. Not only might measures such as height and weight reveal
little or nothing about young peoples state of health, but the costs may outweigh the benefits. Conventional definitions and measurements of overweight
and obesity, and the crude strategies recommended to combat the problem,
may result in a number of unhealthy and unnecessary responses by young
people encouraged to believe that they must be thin in order to be healthy
(Evans and Davies, 2006a). The well-meaning actions of teachers and health
experts may only further stigmatize children and even constrain girls and
young women towards eating disorders, such as anorexia nervosa and bulimia
nervosa (Rich et al., 2005).
The ideology of healthism falls into the trap of perceiving as a private
problem something that is better understood as a public issue. There is far
more to health than lifestyle variables. This brings us to the limitations of
education and sport the backbone of PE curricula in health promotion.
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T H E L I M I T S T O E D U C AT I O N
The model underpinning the HRE perspective is traditionally associated with
health education; that is, a blind faith in the idea that making information
available to individuals enables them to make better informed choices about
their lifestyles (McDonald and Scott-Samuel, 2004). On this view, the role of
PE is to develop in youngsters the requisite knowledge, attitudes and skills to
develop healthy lifestyles. In effect, PE teachers skill young people for
responsible health careers. Yet, it is readily apparent that passing on knowledge about the associated risks of inactivity as well as what needs to be done
to rectify matters and why frequently does not lead to changes in behaviour.
Nevertheless, physical educationalists remain committed to the belief that
inculcating knowledge about HRE will lead to changes in attitudes and subsequently behaviours.
THE LIMITS TO SPORT

There are two fundamental problems with the case for sport in health promotion. First, the abundant reservations about just what difference sports participation can actually make to health; and, second, the often ignored health costs
of sport. In terms of the contribution of sport and physical activity to health, it
is apparent that in order to improve normal day-to-day health (in terms of lowering body fat, lowering cholesterol and improving physiological functioning
generally) people need to raise their heart rate by exercising regularly throughout the life-course. This is the problem of persistence: for benefits to be lifelong
it is necessary to be a lifelong participant. The same is true in relation to healthy
diets and limiting tobacco and alcohol consumption.
As Chapter 7 shows, getting young people to participate in sport is not
an issue. However, getting them to participate often enough and at sufficient
intensity to improve their health is. Despite the high participation rates in
sport and physical activity recorded among children and young people in
Wales, for example, it appears that levels of energetic physical activity remain
below what might be desired: Only 24% of secondary pupils and 41% of primary school pupils are physically active for 60 minutes on at least five days of
the week (SCW, 2006: 6). Most young people simply do not do sport regularly
enough to improve their health. In addition, the very nature of much sport is
such that levels of physical activity are inevitably sporadic and intermittent.
Not only do people tend not to do enough physical activity to benefit
their health, they tend not to do it in the right way. While the health-related
arguments in favour of regular, rhythmic and moderate exercise may be persuasive, the health-promoting case for energetic and competitive sport, and its
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beneficial health-related effects, deserves only qualified support. Waddington

et al. (1997: 169) point to the fallacy of assuming that sport and physical activity are necessarily beneficial to health:
[O]ne cannot assume that the health benefits associated with moderate
exercise will simply be duplicated still less can one assume that they will
be increased by exercise which is more frequent, of longer duration and of
greater intensity, for exercise of this kind may generate health costs in
terms of additional stresses or injuries, for example those associated with
overuse.
In general, it is reasonable to suggest that in the case of rhythmic, noncompetitive exercise, where bodily movements are to a large extent under the
control of the individual participant, the health benefits substantially
outweigh the health costs. However, as we move from non-competitive
exercise to competitive sport, and as we move from non-contact to contact
sport, so the health costs, in the form of injuries, begin to mount
(Waddington et al., 1997: 178). While the kinds of specific training associated
with competitive sport do not necessarily lead to generalized health benefits,
they do make sports players more susceptible to sports injury. Whyte (2006:
14) suggests that the commonly held belief that if a little is good a lot must
be better is mistaken. Sports participation, he observes, is associated with
injuries that have both acute and chronic implications for health and wellbeing. Exercise can result in injury to all systems associated with an acute or
chronic insult (Whyte, 2006: 14). Forty years ago, sports injuries comprised
12 per cent of all injuries presented in the emergency rooms of hospitals
whereas nowadays about 10% of all hospital-admitted injuries are sustained
in sports (Whyte, 2006: 14). And this only represents the most severe tip of
the injury iceberg. Whyte (2006) points to the prevalence of arthritis, urinary
incontinence, gastro-intestinal disturbance, amenorrhea and perturbations
in the immune system and deaths associated with asthma as some of the
many health problems associated with sport. As if to compound the potential
health costs of sports participation, some would argue that participation in
sport might, itself, be viewed as a kind of drug; not least because it elicits
withdrawal symptoms from those who feel themselves to be addicted to it
(Dunning and Waddington, 2003; Koska, 2005) harmless as this form of
addiction may well turn out to be.
T H E L I M I T S T O P H Y S I C A L E D U C AT I O N
Physical education is expected to impact on health in two ways: first, in terms
of increasing levels of activity and HRE within the school day and, second, by
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increasing young peoples adherence to sport and exercise in a manner that

will lead to lifelong participation. The latter is addressed in Chapter 7. With
regard to the former, PE represents only 2 per cent of a young persons waking time and, therefore, cannot in itself satisfy the physical activity needs of
young people or address activity shortfalls (Harris, 2005: 79). Various studies
examining the amount of physical activity performed during PE classes in the
USA have consistently shown that students spend a limited amount of time
engaged in moderate to vigorous physical activity (Trost, 2006: 172). Studies
in the USA suggest approximately one-third of lesson time for third-graders
is taken up in MVPA (Trost, 2006). In the UK, primary-aged children were
moderately or vigorously active for less than 20 per cent of PE lessons and
large sections of primary school PE lessons are spent relatively static while
developing skills (Waring et al., 2007). The relatively low levels of MVPA
characteristic of PE lessons are insufficient to meet the recommendations for
health-promoting levels of physical activity (Harris, 2005; Wallhead and
Buckworth, 2004). Schools cannot realistically be expected to ensure that
young people experience a sufficient volume of physical activity to fulfil current HRE guidelines.
An additional limitation to PE is the inherent shortcomings of an
aspirant profession. For some observers, physical educationalists have
deliberately appropriated the discourse of health: telling young people what
to believe about health, what they need to do about their health, and then
presenting themselves as best able to provide that service. Thus, physical
educationalists are replicating the kinds of claims made by medical and nonmedical groups to be experts in the field of health. In promoting PE as a
vehicle par excellence for health promotion by donning a paramedical
cloak and claiming to be particularly well placed to treat a problem by virtue
of their specialist, professional knowledge physical educationalists
(academics and teachers alike) stand accused of an opportunistic attempt to
revive a flagging profession by establishing its relevance and, consequently,
its legitimacy by association with a more established profession: medical
science (Johns, 2005).
CONCLUSION
It is difficult to dissent from Roberts and Brodies (1992: 13940) sceptical
reply to the health case for sport. First, sport does not impact on all health factors (self-assessment and strength it may, but not cardiovascular health or illness freedom). Second, sport does not eliminate or even reduce health
inequalities associated with age, sex and socio-economic status, and may even
increase them. Finally, not only is it the case that gains in aerobic fitness are
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lost if the new level of physical activity is lost (Winsley and Armstrong, 2005),
it is unlikely that many adults can or will participate in enough sport and
physical exercise to achieve more than improvements in feeling better given
that frequency and continuity of activity appear to be the features of energetic sport participation with health effects (Roberts and Brodie, 1992: 99).
To these might be added the fact that, far from being an irreconcilable paradox, co-occurring increases in sports participation and obesity among young
people appear to be the reality.
It seems that the widespread assumption that health and fitness are
largely dependent on the quantity and quality of school PE programmes
exaggerates not only the role of exercise in health but also the control of the
individual in lifestyle construction and the potential for PE to countervail
wider social processes. It appears necessary to conclude along with Parry
(1988: 108) that sport may assist a healthy life-style, but it may not
(emphases in the original). Far more important to health status are social
class and related lifestyle factors. Sport and physical activity are useful in
health promotion with, but not as a substitute for, other healthy lifestyle
practices (Roberts and Brodie, 1992). Although it has the merit, in public
health terms, of being relatively cheap (and much cheaper than addressing
the underlying socio-economic causes of ill health) the exercise intervention
can only have a marginal effect. Despite this scepticism towards the role of
PE in health promotion, it is important to acknowledge that active lifestyles
play a crucial role in helping people to feel better and happier with their
lives. That said, while sport and physical activity can make people feel better,
so do many other active forms of leisure.
RECOMMENDED READING
Kirk, D. (1992) Defining Physical Education: The Social Construction of a School
Subject in Post-War Britain. Basingstoke: Falmer Press.
Roberts, K. and Brodie, D. (1992) Inner-City Sport: Who Plays and What are the
Benefits? Culemborg: Giordano Bruno.
Waddington, I., Malcolm, D. and Green, K. (1997) Sport, health and physical
education: a reconsideration, European Physical Education Review, 3(2):
16582.
NOTES
1 See Bloodworth and McNamee (2007) for an example of the widespread
critique of subjective interpretations of health and well-being. In short,
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pleasures associated with exercise induced well-being may mask activities

that are harmful. Conversely, it is quite possible that sport could be good
for someone whether they liked it or not or recognized and acknowledged
it or not. In other words, well-being amounts to more than merely felt
pleasure.
2 It is worth bearing in mind, however, that the evidence regarding the relationship between sport and drinking and drug use is ambivalent.
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Youth Sport and

Physical Education
There are two underlying assumptions to be found in many commentaries on

youth sport. The first is that levels of sports participation among young people are a problem. In England and Wales, for example, the DCMS/DfESs
(2005: 3) School Sport Survey points to an assumed need for further effort
to engage the youngest pupils and those reaching the end of the secondary
phase of education in sport both within and beyond school. Even academics
appear to accept that there are problems with levels of sports participation
among the young and ask why current efforts are not working? (Flintoff et
al., 2005: vi) and why the PE profession [is] not more successful in terms
of fostering lifelong activity in young people? (Harris, 2005: 90). Questions
such as these implicitly incorporate the second assumption; namely, that PE
can, and should, have a powerful influence on promoting lifelong participation
in sport, despite the fact that there remains a dearth of research demonstrating the critical role that PE is assumed to play in the promotion of physical
activity among young people (Wallhead and Buckworth, 2004).
This chapter examines these two assumptions. First, it pinpoints the
actual trends in participation on the basis of the available empirical evidence.
YOUTH SPORT
Despite the fact that the measures in studies of sports participation may be
somewhat conservative and provide little evidence about the intensity and
quality of the activity (Coalter, 1999: 25), the available data reveal some
pretty straightforward patterns. First is a clear trend, since the 1970s, towards
increased participation among young people and adults not only in Britain
but across Europe and worldwide.
Although there has been a plateauing of levels of participation among
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adults in the UK through the 1990s, and even a slight decline in overall participation levels among young people, when viewed over half a century participation rates can be seen to have grown substantially. Despite the fact that there
remains a significant minority of young people doing little or nothing in participatory terms, more young people in the UK are doing more sport (especially
in a recreational form) than ever before. Indeed, according to Sport England
(2003a: 58), in 2002, there were fewer youngsters spending less than one hour,
or no time, in a week doing sport and exercise than was the case in 1994. At the
same time, 80 per cent of secondary age youngsters spent more than one hour a
week on sport and exercise1 outside PE lessons (during term time) and 40 per
cent spent as much as five hours or more (Sport England, 2003a; 2003b). The
Sport England national surveys paint a more optimistic picture of sport participation rates among UK youth over the past decade than that portrayed in popular and political rhetoric. Other studies underline this impression. Ninety per
cent of pupils in the BSkyB and the YSTs Living for Sport project, for example, were active in some way outside of school (Sportsteacher, 2005b: 9). The
YST study found that young people between the ages of 11 and 16 years did over
four hours of physical activity on average out of school, with 28 percent undertaking more than five hours activity a week (2005b: 9). Alongside an increase
in levels of participation, there appears to have been a marked decline in the
drop-out rate during late adolescence with young people much more likely to
continue participating in sport and physical activities after completing their
full-time education (Roberts, 1996a).
This trend towards increased participation in sport among young people,
as well as adults, in recent decades is evident in many countries. In Spain,
Puig (1996) observed how sport participation among Spanish youth was
higher in the mid-1990s than it was among previous generations, while in
Germany, Brettschneider and Sack (1996: 140) observed how, over the previous 30 years or so, the number of young people who participated in sport had
increased enormously, to a point at which sport (had) a top position among
the favourite leisure-time activities of adolescents. Similarly, in the
Netherlands levels of participation in sport among young people have grown
extensively and since 1960 explosively (Buisman and Lucassen, 1996: 158). In
a more recent review of participation, De Knop and DeMartelaer (2001: 40)
noted that Dutch youth continued to participate in large numbers and in
Flanders, sports participation rates among high school boys and girls over the
past three decades are reported to have increased (Scheerder et al., 2005a;
2005b), with more than 85 per cent of this group actively involved in leisuretime sports by the end of the 1990s (Scheerder et al., 2005a: 325).
In their cross-national study of Belgium, Estonia, Finland, Germany,
Hungary and the Czech Republic, Telama et al. (2002: 140) observed that
physical activities and sports (continue to) belong to the most popular
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Y O U T H S P O R T A N D P H Y S I C A L E D U C AT I O N
119
[leisure] activities of young people. The data drawn from Telama et al.s
European studies were based primarily upon the results of a cross-sectional
study which explored the leisure-time sports participation in what the
authors call organised competitive sport and recreational sport of a sample of 6,479 12- and 15-year-olds (3,270 males, 3,209 females) from six
European countries (Telama et al., 2002). Telama et al.s (2005) study corroborates the findings of many of the earlier studies in various European
countries.
Participation appears to be particularly well established among young
people in Scandinavian countries. In Norway, Sisjord and Skirstad (1996: 173)
pointed towards the tremendous increase in the number of young people taking part in organized sport in the 1970s and 1980s and noted how sport was
still the most popular (leisure) activity among youths (1996: 175) in participatory terms. Koska (2005: 295) has recently described Finland as one of the
most active nations probably the most active, in terms of both sports participation and energy expenditure. Nevertheless, it is not simply in Europe
that sports participation is well established among young people. In Australia,
for example, playing sport remains the most preferred activity of male and
female 12- to 15-year-olds (Dollman et al., 2006). As Dollman et al. (2005:
896) observe, The media driven characterisation of todays youth as slothful
and lazy by choice is not supported by the data.
In addition to the general increase in participation rates there has been a
broadening and diversification in the kinds of sports undertaken both by adults
and young people (Coalter, 2004; Roberts, 1996a; Telama et al., 2005). Telama et
al.s (2002: 141) data indicated many more physical activities and sports mentioned both as recreational and competitive sports than those in which young
people participated, say, 20 years ago. A particular feature of this trend has
been a shift towards so-called lifestyle activities (Coalter, 1996): activities that
are characterized as being non-competitive or less competitive (than traditional
sports), more recreational in nature, flexible, individual or small-group activities, often with a health and fitness orientation. The relative predominance of
lifestyle activities over more competitive performance-oriented sports was
apparent in the participatory profiles of young people in the six European countries featured in Telama et al.s (2002) study. Among the 15-year-olds, for example, cycling was the most popular activity for young males in Belgium (35 per
cent), Estonia (30 per cent) and Finland (27 per cent) and the second most popular activity behind soccer for those in Germany (32 per cent). The evident
popularity of cycling was not confined to males, however, for 31 per cent of
young women in Belgium and 46 per cent in Germany as well as 43 per cent of
Finns and 25 per cent of Estonians also cycled (Telama et al., 2002). While jogging was the second most popular lifestyle activity among 15-year-old males in
Estonia (29 per cent) and Finland (26 per cent) and was favoured by a relatively
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high number of Belgians (18 per cent), it was also popular among a significantly
higher proportion of females in Estonia (44 per cent) and Finland (58 per cent).
Another popular lifestyle activity swimming also featured prominently in
the participatory profiles of young males and females in Estonia (23 per cent
and 38 per cent respectively), Germany (21 per cent/43 per cent) and Belgium
(8 per cent/24 per cent) (Telama et al., 2002).
Elsewhere, Dollman et al. (2005) suggest that, according to several large
cross-sectional surveys of Australian youngsters, the participation rates of
children in organized sport at schools and/or community groups has
decreased substantially over the past two decades. The implication seems to
be that participation in traditional team sports has fallen in direct proportion
to increased engagement with less structured, more recreational lifestyle
activities. But the picture is not as straightforward as it seems. As with their
counterparts in the UK, it appears that sport and team games as well as
lifestyle activities have become an integral feature of young peoples participation both inside and outside of school in many European countries (De
Knop and De Martelaer, 2001; Scheerder et al., 2005a; Telama et al., 2005). In
Denmark, France, Germany, Great Britain, Italy and Spain, a large and rapidly growing proportion of the population is engaging somewhat informally in
sport, in other words, independently from membership of a club
(Heinemann, 2005: 1812). It seems that rather than simply replacing traditional sporting styles, new styles of physical activities have been added to the
sports scene (Scheerder et al., 2005a: 337). Telama et al.s (1994: 68) observation regarding Finland in the mid-1990s where the most popular types of
sports [or, rather, physical activities] among adolescents [were] cycling,
swimming, walking and running (Telama et al., 1994: 68) as well as other more
competitive, performance-oriented team sports such as soccer and basketball
is equally applicable to many youngsters across Europe.
Despite the fact that only a small minority play competitive sports in their
adult lives (Kirk, 2002a), the substantial shift towards lifestyle activities cannot
be taken to indicate that sport especially competitive games is in terminal
decline among young people. The trends in PE and leisure-time sport among
youth reflect a broadening and diversification of participation rather than a
wholesale rejection of sport. According to Sport England (2003b), for example,
in 2002 52 per cent of young people aged between 11 and 16 years participated
in team games frequently (10 times or more) in their out-of-school (leisure)
time, with 36 per cent playing racket games. Thus, it is not only football (32 per
cent), and other traditional games such as tennis (26 per cent) and cricket (13
per cent) that maintain degrees of popularity among secondary age youngsters
in their leisure time. Newer team sports, such as basketball (15 per cent) as
well as partner sports such as badminton (12 per cent) and table tennis (11 per
cent), also feature alongside more potentially recreational, less or non-compet-
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itive lifestyle activities, such as swimming (37 per cent), cycling (37 per cent),
rollerblading and skateboarding (18 per cent), running (15 per cent) and tenpin
bowling (13 per cent) (Sport England, 2003a).
Although some team games, such as football and cricket, have become less
popular in participatory terms in England since the early 1990s especially
among secondary school pupils this has not been so for other traditional
team games, such as netball and hockey. Neither does it apply to secondary
girls, among whom football has experienced a marked growth of interest in
recent years (Sport England, 2003a). Football played by girls is illustrative of a
trend towards greater involvement by girls and young women in traditionally
male-dominated activities (the frequent participation of girls in team sports
increased by 5 per cent between 1994 and 2002). In England, levels of girls frequent participation in football in PE lessons, for example, virtually doubled
among primary and secondary aged pupils in the period between 1994 (7 per
cent) and 2002 (13 per cent), while levels of participation in football as an extracurricular activity among girls more than doubled (from 3 to 7 per cent)
between 1994 and 2002 (Sport England, 2003a). Indeed, in 2002, 18 per cent of
school-aged girls participated in football out of lessons on a frequent basis.
While young peoples levels of participation in football have fallen to their 1994
level and some other team games, such as cricket, continue to lose their appeal
among boys many games remain as popular as they were nearly a decade earlier in England (Sport England, 2003a). Similarly, participation in sports clubs
among young people in England was stable between 1994 (42 per cent) and 2002
(43 per cent) (Sport England, 2003a).
Increases in participation in games that might be deemed lifestyle or
recreational activities, such as tenpin bowling, and those that are more stereotypically sporting in orientation, such as basketball, reflect the complexity of
the youth sports participation scene. Even though lifestyle activities have
become an increasingly prominent feature of the participation profiles of
youth and adults, it is evident that a number of sports, such as golf, badminton and martial arts, are not only popular among secondary-age youngsters (Sport England, 2003a) in their leisure time but also track into youth and
through to adulthood for significant numbers of people (UK Sport/Sport
England, 2001). On the basis of national and regional surveys (see, for example, Greater Manchester Sports Partnership, 2001; Sport Cheshire, 2002;
Sport England, 2003a; 2003b), it seems that sport, as well as lifestyle activities,
have become integral to many young peoples leisure lifestyles. Ball sports,
for example, remain among the favourite activities of many young people as
they are to7- to 8-year-olds in Australia (Macdonald et al., 2005). It is clear
that the more individualistic, recreational and flexible activities dominate
many young peoples sporting and physical activity participatory profiles
especially in their leisure. Not only have have they experienced substantial
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increases in participation (Coalter, 2004: 79) among young people, lifestyle

activities are also among those with the most regular participants (2004: 80).
While the evident shift, in participatory terms, towards more individualistic,
recreational and lifestyle activities may not signal the end of sport in its more
competitive, institutionalized forms, it may signal a redrawing of the traditional boundaries and meaning of sport (Coalter, 1999: 37).
As well as increases in participation in lifestyle or recreational pursuits,
and a broadening of the range of activities in which young people are engaged,
there is another feature of their patterns of participation, diversity, in the form
of an increase in the number of different sports and physical activities young
people do frequently in England, for example, both in school (four on average)
and out of school (five on average) (Sport England, 2003a). Such increases in the
average number of sports undertaken will be seen as particularly significant
later in the chapter in relation to the wide sporting repertoires (Roberts and
Brodie, 1992) that appear to form the foundation for lifelong participation.
It is clear, from the findings of a variety of studies across Europe, that participation in sport has assumed a significant place in the leisure and educational experiences of young people in the later decades of the twentieth century
and the early years of the twenty-first century. Overall, involvement in sport
among young people is sufficiently commonplace for us to refer to the sportization of young peoples lives (Brettschneider, 1992; Telama et al., 2005).
So, how might we explain the increased rates of participation in sport and
the changing patterns in their participation exhibited by young people and
adults in recent decades? According to Roberts (1996a; 1996b), in the UK the
changes can be explained in a coming together of several interrelated processes:
the broadening and diversification of the diet of activities available in
school PE
the compatibility of changing patterns of participation with the broader
trends in young peoples preferred leisure styles (Brettschneider, 1992;
Coakley and White, 1999; Roberts, 1996b; 1999) associated with what
Roberts (1996b) has referred to as youths new condition
the dramatic growth of indoor facilities.
The next section discusses further some of these developments.
The significance of multi-activity PE programmes

The continued dominance of PE programmes by sport and particularly team
games cannot be justified in terms of trends in participation among young people, or adults. This should not be taken to suggest, however, that sport-based
PE, or multi-activity PE programmes, are devoid of merit in relation to the goal
of lifelong participation. The increases in levels of participation witnessed in
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recent years appears due mainly to the wide sporting repertoires that young
people have developed. These repertoires or portfolios have their roots in the
multi-activity and, to a lesser extent, sport-based programmes increasingly
prevalent in PE in England and Wales since the 1970s. While MacPhail et al.
(2003: 68) may be broadly correct in claiming that young people are telling us
that they do not support programmes dominated by these traditional activities,
it seems that young people want these traditional activities supplemented by
other activities in broader curricula, rather than simply expunged. Sport and
team games continue to hold a place in both the preferences and participatory
repertoires of many young people. Indeed, in relation to the promotion of lifelong participation there appears to be a strong case for retaining multi-activity
programmes. Roberts et al.s (2001: 1712) observation on leisure education is
equally applicable to multi-activity PE programmes; that is to say,
[it] will not merely help but is likely to be crucial in so far as it can give
everyone a broad base of interests and skills, and encourage them to be discriminating, so that they can pick their own mixes from the opportunities
that are available, thereby using leisure to construct or express individual
identities while becoming integrated into their particular social milieu.
Fisher (2003: 145) points to studies in Denmark, Germany and Switzerland

which indicated not only that pupils like a range of experience or rich curriculum but that, in Germany specifically, so-called traditional sports
remained popular in PE.
The widespread adoption by schools of Sport for All policies and a broadening of PE curricula was associated with a steady broadening of the sports interests
of young people both within the PE curriculum and beyond school (Houlihan,
1991; Roberts, 1996a). The traditional games-based curricula were significantly
modified by teachers, not least in terms of the provision of what OFSTED (1998)
refer to as activity choice for older teenagers as part of the trend towards education for [post-school] leisure (Scraton, 1992: 73). In this regard, the significance
of activity choice and lifestyle activities for engaging older pupils should not
be underestimated. Bramhams (2003) study of 22 15-year-old boys in four
inner-city schools concluded that boys valued the opportunities to choose activities at Key Stage 4 and, sometimes, where choice was not satisfactory, this led
to pupils not bringing their PE kit. Bramham also found that the minority of
boys with little commitment to PE tended to favour indoor, individualized
activities such as trampolining, badminton and volleyball (2003: 67).
Unsurprisingly, in the light of trends towards lifestyle activities, dissatisfaction
among some pupils occurred where the choices they were offered were structured in such a way to make outdoor games compulsory (Bramham, 2003: 66).
Rather than being characterized by clear disparity between the activities
children are likely to experience at school and the activities adults are likely
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to participate in (Kirk, 2002a: 4), participation in sport has become part of

current youth cultures in part because teachers, via the provision of multiactivity PE programmes, have facilitated the development of wide sporting
repertoires among young people by introducing them to a broad range of
sports as well as lifestyle activities.
In more democratized, individialized and informalized societies, PE
teachers will be bound to respond, knowingly or otherwise, to developments
in youth cultures. Nevertheless, the normalization of sport within youth cultures is not attributable solely to the actions of PE teachers the process of
broadening the PE curriculum from the 1970s onwards was not simply an
example of a far-sighted PE profession recognizing broader social trends on
the horizon and preparing their charges to meet them. Rather, teachers were
responding to the changing lifestyles of young people as well as the more
immediate and pressing concerns associated with the raising of the minimum
school leaving age to 16 in 1972 in Britain. Nevertheless, in preparing young
people for what they view as positive uses of their leisure, PE teachers have in
effect prepared young people for the kinds of choice biographies (du BoisReymond, 1995, cited in Roberts, 1996b) well suited to their new circumstances and more individualized leisure lifestyles.
Youths new condition

Since the 1970s the western world has witnessed the emergence and development of what has become known as the new condition of youth (Roberts,
2006) a process characterized by several features. These include:
a prolongation of the life stage of youth as the typical ages at which
young people cross thresholds into work, parenthood and the like have
risen over the past 30 years or so
young peoples biographies and youth as a life-stage have become more
individualized as a consequence of their more varied experiences in
post-compulsory education, in the work place, in leisure and in the
social networks to be found in all these places
young peoples futures have become more uncertain, not least because of
the pace of economic and social change
as a corollary of their uncertain futures, all the steps that young people
might take have a more pronounced sense of risk attached to them than
previously. The changing youth labour market has led to more young
people spending longer in education
young peoples dependence upon their family has been prolonged
(Roberts, 2006: 131) (Hendry et al., 2002; Iacovou and Berthoud, 2001;
Roberts, 2006; Schizzerotto and Lucchini, 2002; Wallace and
Kovatcheva, 1998).
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As a consequence of these changes in the social context and the meaning of childhood and youth (Wyn et al., 2002: 23) there have been substantial
changes in recent decades in young peoples day-to-day and week-to-week
leisure styles (Roberts, 2006). The result of these developments is that the
leisure tastes and styles of youth have fragmented (Hendry et al., 2002: 1).
For several decades, the trend has been towards every young person having a
particular combination of leisure interests and activities, and a unique leisure
career with individuals developing personal stocks of leisure skills and interests (Roberts, 1999: 43) in the construction of their own leisure biographies
(Zeijl et al., 2001: 380).
Against this backdrop, there are three striking features of young peoples
leisure lives: first, the importance they assign to gaining and demonstrating
their independence (Coakley and White, 1999); second, the important part
leisure plays in their routes to independence (Bynner et al., 2002; Roberts,
2006); and, finally, the significance of friends (Smith, A., 2006; Sport England,
2006). Young people use leisure to engage in activities that would prepare
them for adulthood or enable them to do adult things (Coakley and White,
1999: 80). In this manner, sport acts as a key site for young people to decide
for themselves what they will do and how they will do it, as well as who they
will do it with. And friends are central to the process of independence.
Friends take pride of place among young peoples leisure lives, and other
leisure activities tend to be subordinated to this priority: simply being with
their friends is extremely important to most young people (Roberts, 1999:
118). It is during youth and adolescence, in particular, that the meaning of
what youngsters do lies mainly in what it means to significant others around
them young people want to become independent in socially acceptable ways.
According to De Knop et al. (1996a), it has been a trend across Western
Europe for young peoples own age group to become more significant as
agents of socialization than their parents. Social networks such as friendship
groups are especially likely to affect the degree of exercise in which people
engage (Fisher, 2002) and, as young people get older, friends tend to become
more significant influences upon their tastes and practices. ODonovan (2003:
1) notes how the social involvement goals of young people influence their
participation in PE, not least because their first agenda is to socialize and
have fun.
Individualization and the increasing significance of friends has led to
corresponding changes in the ways in which young people participate in
sport. During youth, Roberts (1999: 118) observes, there is a gradual trend
away from spending leisure in organized and supervised [settings]
towards spending time with groups of friends in unsupervised situations,
then, later on, towards using commercial facilities. Hence the increased
appeal of informal, casual, recreational activities. As leisure activities have
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become more informal (De Knop et al., 1996a: 9) that is, less organized
across Europe so, too, has participation in sport. Unsurprisingly, the process
of individualization has had inevitable repercussions for team sports and
sports clubs, Europe-wide (De Knop et al., 1996b). It is interesting to reflect
upon the kinds of provision available for youth sport, not least because some
systems appear more effective in keeping young people in sport. While in
countries such as Finland young people participate more in unorganized
physical activity than in organized sport (Telama et al., 2005: 128), the
traditional style characterized by participation in a formal organizational
context (e.g. sports club, extracurricular school sports), remains very popular
among young people of school age (Scheerder et al., 2005a: 337) not only
in Flanders but in a number of countries, Europe-wide. Indeed, a good deal
of young peoples participation in sport in many European countries (such as
Belgium) continues to be of the organized variety. The number of sports
undertaken in a club setting is growing in Flanders, for example, according
to Scheerder et al. (2005a; 2005b). Neither is organized and club-based sport
disappearing from the youth map in the UK. While over half (55 per cent) of
primary and secondary pupils visited leisure centres on a weekly basis or
more frequently, three-quarters of primary- (78 per cent) and secondary-aged
(73 per cent) youngsters in Wales took part in sport organized by clubs
independent of schools at some stage during 2004 (SCW, 2006) and almost
two-thirds (62 per cent) of primary and over half (53 per cent) of secondary
pupils in Wales took part in sports club-based activity on a weekly or more
frequent basis. The SCW (2006) study reflects a virtual doubling of sports
club memberships among secondary-aged pupils in Wales over the decade
1994 to 2004 (38 per cent to 73 per cent) and a 50 per cent increase (58 per
cent to 78 per cent) among primary-aged pupils since 1998.
Even though club-based sport retains a place in the sporting profiles of
many youngsters and adults and may be experiencing a renaissance if
developments in Flanders and Wales are anything to go by, it is evident that
sports clubs are far less important in terms of fostering mass participation
than has conventionally been thought. Across Western Europe, after the age
of 14 there is a clear drop-off of membership in sports clubs (De Knop et al.,
1996a: 9). The trend towards lifestyle activities among young people and
adults across Western Europe is particularly significant because these kinds
of involvement are typically provided by public or commercial venues rather
than by the sports clubs associated with central European countries and even
the most successful sporting countries in the western world: Australia and
the USA. A particular feature of the increased participation evident among
young people in the UK is an observable pattern within the high retention
rate among post-compulsory schooling (the 16-plus) age groups; that is,
while participation (particularly casual participation) in outdoor,
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competitive and performance-oriented sport begins to tail off among 1621year-olds, participation in facility-based, more recreationally oriented indoor
sport does not follow the same pattern. Indeed, as Roberts (1996a: 52)
observed in the mid-1990s in relation to England, As many 1821 as 1115
year olds were going to sport and leisure centres. It is playing sport
elsewhere (such as outdoor games pitches) that appears to decline with age.
As with adults generally, there has been a marked movement to indoor sport
among young people (Sport England/UK Sport, 2001): the age group, it is
worth noting, that tends matter-of-factly to be associated with heavy
involvement in outdoor, team-based sport.
The significance of facilities

The increases in participation (among young people and adults) charted
through the 1970s and into the 1980s occurred in tandem with a dramatic
growth in indoor facilities. Local government reorganization in England and
Wales in the early 1970s brought a substantial growth of sport and leisure centres over the following two decades. The rapid increases in the supply of
largely public sector facilities for sport and leisure centre provision created
the preconditions not only for the higher participation rates of young people
in sport, but also changes in the nature of participation and, in particular, the
shift towards individualized activities and increased concern with fitness and
physical appearance (Coalter, 1999).
Because new sports facilities tend to be used primarily by established
participants, they do not automatically increase participation. To do so the
facilities need to be local to those who might be enticed to engage with sport,
and the growth of relatively accessible, cheap and new sporting facilities
(including pools, badminton and squash courts) at secondary schools often
in the form of dual-use facilities probably played a part in the boosting of
participation among youth and adults alike. According to Roberts (1996a: 52),
in the UK: The provision of sports centres which are available for everyone
appears to have obliterated the Wolfenden gap2 and reduced the sport giveup rate from its former chronic level in the immediate post-school years.
Roberts (1996a: 52) continues, whether young people continue to play sport
after leaving school may well be strongly related to whether they are using
community facilities. Ironically, however, UK government policy continues
to place great emphasis upon the alleged importance of links between schools
and sports clubs but attaches little importance to facilities despite the fact
that sports clubs are far less important in fostering mass participation. The
straightforward and attractive way, to borrow from government policy
(DNH, 1995), to continue playing is not through sports clubs, but through
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continued use of local sport and leisure centres as well as the growing numbers of commercial facilities.
There is every reason to believe that drop-out from sport and physically
active recreation occurs because participation is less convenient during adult
lives (Roberts and Brodie, 1992), and the best way to change this would be to
make sport more compatible with peoples lifestyles. This would involve
more facilities but the cost would be prohibitive. However, while facilities
might be a necessary condition for participation in some of the newer
lifestyle activities, they are not sufficient. Membership of private health and
fitness clubs, for example, has sky-rocketed in recent years but overall rates
of participation in the activities provided by these gyms has not risen.
Unsurprisingly, young peoples early experiences are likely to have
profound implications for their subsequent patterns of participation in sport.
The particular significance of youth for lifelong participation in sport is its
likely impact on leisure tendencies in later life. Indeed, by the age of 16 very
many young people have already begun to adopt some of the adult leisure
practices that will become features of their adult leisure lifestyles (Roberts,
1999). Thereafter, young peoples leisure lifestyles tend to become focused
around a smaller number of retained pastimes (Roberts and Brodie, 1992:
39). With the significance of past behaviours for future participation in
mind, the next section explores further the relationship between young
peoples involvement in sport and the likelihood of lifelong participation.
L I F E L O N G P A R T I C I P AT I O N
Despite the overall trend towards increased participation over the past 30
years, the fact is that age has a deleterious effect on sports participation. In
general, participation declines with age and this decline becomes more
marked after the age of 45 (Sport England/UK Sport, 2001). When compared
with other uses of leisure, loyalty rates in sport are not good. Lessons from
studies of adherence to sport through the life-course are pretty clear: it is
much easier to keep people in sport that is, to stop them dropping out in the
first place than to bring them back. The supposed leisure renaissance often
said to accompany the later life-stages simply does not occur in practice.
Indeed, adults become more rather than less conservative in their leisure tendencies and use the relative freedom of leisure as they get older to continue
with their established routines. The tendency is for people to reduce what
they did before rather than to increase it as they get older (Roberts, 2006). So
what encourages those who remain in sport to do so?
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Motivation and adherence

Research on motivation towards sport focuses, in particular, on goal
orientations the personal meaning that individuals attach to the
achievements that are said to sustain motivation. Goal orientations tend, at a
simplistic level, to be divided into two categories: task oriented and ego
oriented (Salvara et al., 2006). Whereas ego-oriented dispositions involve the
individual being predisposed towards a concern for performance outcomes
and comparison with others, task-oriented outlooks focus upon learning and
improving. Much research on motivation concludes that intrinsic rewards (or
intrinsically-motivated experiences) are a more powerful motivator of
behaviour, especially over the long term, than extrinsic rewards. A learning
environment or climate which emphasizes the mastery of skills and
techniques is strongly positively correlated with psychological outcomes
such as satisfaction and enjoyment. By contrast, environments that focus on
demonstrating high levels of ability and success in competition can be as
demotivating for many youngsters in PE and sport (Salvara et al., 2006) as in
education more generally (Meece et al., 2006).
Enjoyment is a central dimension of intrinsic motivation. From their
study of the impact of goals, beliefs and self-determination in girls PE in
Singapore, Wang and Liu (2007: 159) concluded that when (female) students
were more self-determined or intrinsically-motivated, they enjoyed their PE
experience more. Although what constitutes pleasure or enjoyment is not
easy to establish, there is every reason to think that optimal experiences, if
not simply enjoyment, revolve around striking a balance in any activity
between the participants skill-levels and the challenge she or he faces what
Csikszentmihalyi (1990) refers to as flow. In a number of studies on youth
sport fun and enjoyment emerge as the major motive for participation
(Goudas and Biddle, 1993: 145): [P]eople are more likely to engage in an
activity, repeat a particular behaviour, or perform an activity well when they
enjoy what they are doing (Graef et al., 1983: 155, emphasis in the original).
It appears that most adherents to sport participate not for extrinsic reasons
(such as health promotion) but for the sheer pleasure of playing or, at least,
reasons to do with the intrinsic nature of the activity itself (and the pursuit
of flow-like experiences) rather than any externalities that might accrue
in effect, they learn the satisfactions to be had from doing sport and want to
repeat them.
Unsurprisingly, competence is intimately related to enjoyment. Indeed,
some argue that competence is the best predictor of participation (Biddle,
2006). If people (and especially young people) feel that their skill levels and
all-round competence in an activity are good enough or improving, they will
be likely to enjoy that activity and continue participating. Many studies offer
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support for the idea that promoting perceived competence is a significant factor in encouraging adherence to particular sports (Telama et al., 2005).
Wallhead and Buckworths (2004: 286) research in the USA explores the correlates of youth physical activity and concludes not only that perceived competence is a powerful psychological correlate of youth physical activity but
that if physical educators are able to increase students perceived competence
and subsequent enjoyment of their experiences in physical education, these
affective outcomes will transfer into motivation to adopt a physically active
lifestyle out of school (2004: 295). An approach to content and teaching styles
that focuses upon trying and improvement towards mastering skills and
activities (rather than focusing on competition and identifying winners),
while allowing pupils sufficient time to learn skills, appears more likely to
encourage both competence and enjoyment in PE and sport. Girls, it appears,
are more likely to approach PE with a task orientation and boys with an ego
orientation (attributable to their socialization into masculine norms of
achievement). This may begin to explain why boys are less influenced by different teaching styles than girls (Salvara et al., 2006).
While enjoyment and competence might be viewed as necessary conditions for participation for many people, by themselves they are very often
insufficient for lifelong participation. An additional and crucial dimension of
becoming locked-in to sport and physical activity appears to be possession of
what Roberts and Brodie (1992) refer to as wide sporting repertoires and others label skill or activity portfolios (SCW, 2000) or sports literacy
(DCMS/Strategy Unit, 2002). In their study of men and women who had
become committed to sport as adults, Roberts and Brodie (1992) found that
virtually all those who play regularly between the ages of 16 and 30 become
locked-in to sport and are frequently established on continuous sports
careers which are unlikely to be disrupted for many more years (1992: 37).
Of particular note is what Roberts and Brodie identified as the chief characteristics of the committed minority who become locked-in: that is, they had
been active in several (usually three or more) games (or activities) throughout their sports careers (1992: 37). In other words, they tended to possess wide
sporting repertoires (Roberts and Brodie, 1992). It was not so much the sheer
amount as the number of different sports that young people learned to play
that appeared crucial in determining whether people would remain sports
active into adulthood. The point about wide sporting repertoires was that
whatever their reasons for dropping out of particular sports, where the individuals played several games, their entire sports careers were less vulnerable
(Roberts and Brodie, 1992: 44).
Herein lies the significance of the relationship between the diversity of
young peoples participation in sport and the potential for lifelong participation. Changes in youth experiences, transitions and leisure lifestyles are sig-
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131
nificant in sport and activity terms because it is clear that childhood and
youth are the life-stages where the foundations for long-term uses of leisure
are laid. During their teenage years, young people typically dabble and
experiment with a wide range of leisure interests, many of which are soon
dropped (Roberts and Brodie, 1992: 39). While young people are the age
group most receptive to doing new things their leisure interests are characterized by changeability; they are, according to Roberts (1997: 3), the section
of the population with highest levels and most diverse patterns of cultural
consumption. So, instability is an attendant feature of young peoples leisure
lifestyles (Iacovou and Berthoud, 2001; Roberts, 1999; Schizzerotto and
Lucchini, 2002). However, the tendency towards changeability and instability
does not necessarily mean a tendency towards disengagement: teenagers do
not just lapse from sport, they move to other activities in their relatively busy
leisure lives something they enjoy more. As the UK government has
acknowledged, Most young people stop [sport] because of interest in other
activities (DCMS/Strategy Unit, 2002: 96).
Unsurprisingly, while as a group they have the highest participation
rates across out-of-home leisure in general (Roberts, 1999: 114), and sport in
particular, young people also have the highest drop-out rates. This high level
of initial involvement is one of the main reasons for the perception of high
drop-out rate in sporting terms from youth to young adulthood.
In terms of facilitating wide sporting repertoires on the part of their
charges, it seems that what matters is not so much what PE teachers might
anticipate young people doing as adults, or even what they do now. Whether
youngsters experience precisely the same activities at school as those they
appear likely to engage in as adults does not appear to be crucial. What seems
to matter more is to provide young people with a repertoire or portfolio of
sports and physical activities. Some of these will endure; others will be
replaced, supplemented or dropped as their lives unfold. The forms of activity in which young people find pleasurable excitement change in the course
of their development.
Breadth of content, however, does not appear to be enough on its own.
Nor, for that matter, is a pedagogical approach that prioritizes enjoyment of
the task and the development of a basic level of competence. As significant as
these things are, young people need also to experience a degree of self-determination. Hence the significance of pupil choice. Along with competence and
enjoyment, opportunity and choice appear to be significant variables for participation (Wallhead and Buckworth, 2004). Motivation is enhanced when
students are given a choice in the content and style of PE lessons. Increases in
participation are a consequence of the fact that the mode of delivery has coincided with the age groups preferred leisure styles and the process of individualization more generally. Hence, the importance in the promotion of
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involvement in sport and physical activities of preparing young people for

choice biographies (du Bois-Reymond, 1995, cited in Roberts, 1996b); that is,
of enabling young people to do the things they choose with the people they
choose, when, where and how they choose.
Beyond enjoyment and competence, another dimension to motivation is
the assumed impact of role models in providing an initial impetus towards
sports participation and improvement. Role models, especially in the form of
elite sporting stars, are often portrayed as highly significant in shaping young
peoples inclination towards sport. However, the impact of role models on
young peoples participation is often misunderstood and, consequently, overstated. Vescio et al. (2005) demonstrate how young people have difficulty
identifying with sporting stars who appear several steps removed from them
elite sportsmen and women are simply unlikely to be viewed by young people as meaningful role models. The significance of role models appears to lie
in their relationship with, and proximity to, children and young people,
rather than their status. Young people are far more likely to be influenced by
people closer to them people who were, or are, similar to them; most notably,
their peers. The aspirational model of efficacy expectancy focusing attention on friends, and family, for example is a much better model than the
elite model (Coalter, 2006a). Hence the potential impact on participation of
friends and peer groups, and, for that matter, family members and the limited
significance for many young people of their PE teachers. Unsurprisingly,
there is substantial evidence that families as well as friends are major players
in sports socialization (Sage, 1980). Parents (see Chapter 9) provide the earliest opportunities and experiences, financial and emotional support (Stroot,
2002) and, with older siblings, provide early models of sporting practices: If
the parents are not actively involved, nor intentionally provide sporting experiences for the child, the chance that the child will be exposed to the sporting
world at an early age is limited (Stroot, 2002: 131).
CONCLUSION
In the UK, the avowed goal of government policy towards sport is to increase
and widen the base of participation in sport (Rowe, 2005: 2). In pursuit of
this goal Sport England is in search of an evidence-based model for
behaviour change: This aim will not be achieved, Rowe (2005: 2) suggests,
unless we have a more sophisticated understanding of the motivations and
barriers to taking part in sport and the likely interventions that will achieve
behaviour change. Foster et al. (2005: 4) agree, little is known, they suggest,
about how children and adults start, stop or maintain sport throughout their
lives.
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This chapter, however, has argued that a good deal is, in fact, known
about the pre-conditions for adherence to sport and physically active recreation. Some of this evidence base has become apparent from the substantial
growth in participation in many countries in the developed world and
research into this (see, for example, Coalter, 1996; Roberts and Brodie, 1992).
In terms of the recipe for lifelong participation, it should come as no surprise
to find that the foundations for sports careers are laid in childhood (Roberts
and Brodie, 1992) and that later-life involvement in any leisure activity
depends largely on the skills and interests that individuals carry with them
from earlier life stages (Roberts, 1999: 140). The message is loud and clear
improving the participation rates and levels of adults is not simply a problem
of introducing young people to sport they already do a lot of sport both in
and out of school. The problem is the likelihood that people will drop out of
sport and physically active recreational pursuits at key periods of transition
in their lives; for example, when they leave education and start work and
when they form serious relationships. It is simply less convenient to play sport
at times in peoples lives when they are constrained by a variety of contextual
pressures or are developing alternative interests. But the difficulties or barriers to participation are not insuperable. If people can survive these key transitions then they may well be locked-in to sport for a long time. The wider
the sporting repertoire people carry with them the more likely their sports
careers are to survive the transition to adult roles.
Contrary to the common-sense views of government, media and other
interested parties, in many developed countries sports participation has
become part of current youth cultures. Robertss comment on participation in
the mid-1990s applies equally a decade later; that is, The past Golden Age
when the mass of young people were heavily involved in physically active
recreation is pure myth young people in Britain are playing more sport
than at any time in living memory (1996a: 52). The levels of sport participation among young people recorded in recent UK (see, for example, Sport
England, 2003a) and Western European (see, for example, Scheerder et al.,
2005a; Telama et al., 2005) studies are substantially above the levels variously
reported on in the 1960s and 1970s. At that time, most girls did no out-ofschool sport and most boys did no leisure-time sport except football. The
norm then was for most people to be lost to sport, probably for ever, at the end
of their school careers (Roberts, 1996a).
Despite the current golden age, it is quite possible that the current levels of participation have stabilized at an optimal level (Coalter, 2006b). If so,
the issue facing advocates becomes one of retaining those already in, rather
than chasing new recruits. Whatever the recipe for encouraging participation,
it is necessary to recognize that patterns of participation may reflect broader
social, economic, cultural and educational factors which are largely beyond
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the direct influence of sports policy makers (Coalter, 1999: 25). The significance of peer and friendship groups to young people is a case in point. As they
get older especially as they approach school-leaving age young peoples
leisure focuses increasingly around their peers and casual pursuits (Hendry,
1986; Smith, A., 2006). The most popular activities for the mid-adolescent
years, Hendry (1986: 53) observes, tend to be socially oriented pursuits, and
few of these activities could be directly related to school influences. It is also
important to appreciate that the plural nature of the influences upon leisure
patterns in general, and physical exercise in particular, means it is almost
impossible for any single policy to have other than a marginal influence on
public leisure behaviour (Roberts, 1999).
Nevertheless, for true believers (Lapchick, 1989: 17) in the benefits of
sports participation there are undoubtedly grounds for optimism if policymakers and PE take on board lessons to be learned about the centrality of
enjoyment, competence and sporting repertoires. While there is every reason
to believe that sport and physical activity can appeal to people, such popularity is contingent upon physical activity being presented appropriately, and
particularly so with young people. In order to move with the prevailing grain
of young peoples leisure lifestyles particularly their preferences for individual or small group, non-competitive, flexible (so-called, lifestyle) activities
there needs to be a shift in emphasis in several respects:
There needs to be a further shift towards those lifestyle activities and
more recreational versions of traditional sports that appear more
likely to involve intrinsically motivating activity experiences that generate feelings of enjoyment and satisfaction.
Such programmes must allow young people to sample a large number of
activities while allowing individuals to concentrate gradually on a handful which they see themselves as more likely to engage in regularly in
order that they can begin to tailor their own sporting activities to their
individual lifestyles (Roberts, 1996b: 11213).
These activities should have the potential to bind individuals into group
settings such as dancing, swimming, badminton for we know that satisfying leisure experiences typically involve being with other people in a
manner that generates social commitments (Roberts, 1999).
Many PE activities come in blocks of a finite duration, typically
between six and 10 weeks. This may simply not be of sufficient longevity
to enable a habitual pattern of exercise to develop they may be insufficient to allow individuals to feel locked into participation by the routinization of the behaviour, the development of skills and the generation
of social networks.
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In answer to the question How do children and adults start, stop or maintain
sport throughout their lives?, ongoing participation is best conceptualized
not so much in terms of what Moran (2004) describes as motivation to
initiate and to adhere to activity but rather as a desire to repeat satisfying
experiences. In other words, becoming motivated is not necessarily a
precursor to engagement with sport but may, rather, be a consequence of
positive engagement and the resultant satisfaction associated with
involvement. It also seems that perceived competence and attitudes to
physical activity can be altered significantly by lesson content and teaching
styles (Wallhead and Buckworth, 2004). Salvara et al. (2006: 66) conclude
that the teaching style used by the teacher to deliver PE experiences is likely
to have a considerable impact upon the motivational orientation of the
pupils and if the teaching style emphasizes mastery of tasks and
improvement it is more likely to motivate pupils.
Continuation in sport is more likely to result from habit and enjoyment
and being built into a social network, and the more likely role models among
teenagers are friends. However, it is necessary to add a caveat: Since, as
Collins and Kay (2003: 244) put it, leisure activities are inherently those of
choice and the choice is ever-widening, non-participation may, for many
leisure activities, be the norm.
In the mid-1990s, Evans and Davies (1986) commented that if the
success of PE in general and extra-curricular PE in particular, is measured
in terms of equipping pupils with not only the skills and knowledge but the
desire to participate in sport beyond the school context that is, in their
leisure then the PE profession has clearly failed in its mission. A decade
later Sandford and Rich (2006) felt compelled to ask why young people
disengage with PE and engage with other physical cultures. The answer is
that they do not. Or, at least, according to the available data, significant
numbers continue to take part in sport in their leisure time and many do not
switch-off in terms of motivation and enjoyment. Young peoples leisure
lives have many dimensions expressing different interests and habits.
Consequently, youth cultures are diverse, consisting of a number of elements,
prominent among which are music, the media, peers, consumption and
sport. The increased spending power of young people has enabled them to
increasingly partake of commercial as well as public and voluntary leisure
provision. Although it may be fair to say that the traditional PE curriculum
continues to alienate many young people (Macdonald, 2006) it does not
automatically lead to a flight from sport and physical activity any more than
music lessons lead to a flight from music among young people.
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RECOMMENDED READING
Coalter, F. (2004) Future sports or future challenges to sport? in Sport
England (ed.), Driving Up Participation: The Challenge for Sport. London:
Sport England. pp.7986.
Green, K., Smith, A. and Roberts, K. (2005) Young people and lifelong participation in sport and physical activity: a sociological perspective on contemporary physical education programmes in England and Wales, Leisure
Studies, 24(1): 2743.
NOTES
1 While Sport England tends to use the phrase sport and exercise to incorporate health- and fitness-oriented and recreational activities as well as
conventinal sports, the rest of this chapter uses sport and physical activity
as umbrella terms, as indicated in the Introduction.
2 The phrase, the Wolfenden gap was coined following the Wolfenden
Committees (Central Council for Physical Recreation, 1960) identification
of a gap between the opportunities available to young people at school and
the limited access to sporting opportunities available to young adults thereafter and the associated drop-out from sport among young people on leaving school.
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Gender and Physical

Education
Sex differences might be the same everywhere but they are associated with a
range of different experiences in all walks of life, from politics and business
to family and leisure. Nowhere is this more evident than in sport, where differences are wider than in any other area of young peoples leisure. While in
many countries, these differences have lessened over recent decades as
young people have taken up more and newer sports, many of which are played
by both sexes differences remain.
Indeed, despite the fact that the NCPE in England and Wales is supposed
to embody principles of equal opportunity and equity, PE remains the most sexdifferentiated and stereotyped subject on the school curriculum particularly
at secondary level when measured in terms of organization, content and delivery. Although PE purports to be a single subject it contains, in practice, two distinct sex (or, rather, gender) subcultures. This is not surprising given that PE is
built on a history of sex segregation: distinct male and female traditions
expressed in quasi-separate departments, teaching differing activities to sexspecific teaching groups and holding, by degrees, differing perceptions regarding suitable content and teaching methods. Contemporary PE reflects the
customs and practices of the relatively distinct female and male traditions: from
the nineteenth-century foundations of girls PE based upon callisthenics and
Swedish gymnastics and exercises complemented by swimming and a limited
range of female-appropriate games (such as netball, hockey and lacrosse) to
male PE teachers predilection for the public school games of the nineteenth
century which formed the blueprint for the subject for successive generations of
male teachers following the introduction of state secondary education in the UK
after the Second World War (Fletcher, 1984; Kirk, 1992).
Consequently, PE continues to be underpinned by gendered ideologies in
a manner succinctly expressed by Talbot (1993: 74): While teachers of physical education may claim that they espouse equality of opportunity for all
137
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children, their teaching behaviours and practices reveal entrenched sexstereotyping, based on common-sense notions of what is suitable for girls and
boys.
Against this backdrop, this chapter examines the significance of sex and
gender for our understanding of PE. More specifically, it explores a number
of key themes or issues, including:
the similarities and differences between boys and girls involvement in
PE and sport
gender-related issues associated with contemporary PE
the socialization of boys and girls into or away from sport.
While the relationship between other social dynamics such as social class and ethnicity and PE are dealt with elsewhere in the book, their significance for gender
is briefly considered towards the end of this chapter. First, it is necessary to say
something about the terms sex and gender and the relationship between them.
SEX AND GENDER

Sex is generally considered a straightforwardly biological term indicating distinct, genetically inherited, anatomical and physiological characteritics.
Gender, on the other hand, is a more complex concept which refers to learned
masculine and feminine behaviours. It is a common mistake to use the term
sex when what is actually being referred to are normative, learned behaviours regarding appropriate sex-specific behaviours in other words, gender and to talk of gender when distinguishing between the sexes. Sex is, of
course, an aspect of gender. Nevertheless, it is crucial to recognize that the latter cannot simply be read off from the former the one does not lead inexorably to the other. Masculinity and femininity are neither natural nor
immutable (Humberstone, 2002: 59); that it sometimes appears that way is
testimony to the effectiveness of socialization processes. It is also important to
bear in mind that the bi-polar (Flintoff and Scraton, 2006) distinction
between masculinity and femininity represents a false dichotomy. Gender is a
dynamic and fluid category. Rather than constituting rigid and unchanging
characteristics, masculinity and femininity are more adequately viewed as
poles on a continuum with each individual expressing both masculine and
feminine attributes to varying degrees.
P A R T I C I P AT I O N I N P E A N D S P O R T
An abundance of research over the past three decades has greatly enhanced
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G E N D E R A N D P H Y S I C A L E D U C AT I O N
139
our understanding of girls and womens lives, generally, and their

involvement in leisure, sport and PE, in particular (see, for example, Flintoff
and Scraton, 2001; Green et al., 1990; Hargreaves, 1994; ODonovan and Kay,
2006; Scraton, 1992). One of the central claims has been that girls and young
womens involvement in PE and sport are not merely different and unequal
but in some ways inappropriate, even deficient in terms of the range and
accessibility of particular activities and with regard to their lived experiences
of sport and PE. Allied to this, girls experiences of PE and sport are believed
to reinforce, rather than challenge, gender stereotypes and act as an
additional barrier to participation. The fact that the vast bulk of research
into the relationship between gender and PE continues to focus upon girls
merely confirms the experiences of females as an enduring issue for many
teachers and academics.
Despite such concerns, the picture emerging from research into patterns
of participation in sport can often appear complex and contradictory. On the
one hand, it has been amply demonstrated in England (see, for example,
Sport England, 2003a; 2003b), the USA (see, for example, Wallhead and
Buckworth, 2004) and Europe (see, for example, Pfister and Reeg, 2006) that
girls and young womens participation in sport continues to decline sharply
during adolescence. This decline appears most marked in the upper
secondary school years and is much greater for girls than for boys of the same
age. Reporting on the national project, Girls in Sport, ODonovan and Kay
(2005; 2006) highlighted the persistence of relatively low levels of
participation in sport among girls and their associated reluctance towards
physical activity. Sport Englands (2003a) typology of young people in
relation to sport identified four main types: sporty types (those who enjoy
sport: 25 per cent of 516-year-olds); those with untapped potential (who
like sport: 37 per cent); the unadventurous (who do not mind sport: 14 per
cent) and reluctant participants (who actively dislike sport: 24 per cent). It
was noticeable that young females were disproportionately over-represented
among those with untapped potential while 1114-year-old and 1316-yearold females were to be found in relatively high numbers among the
unadventurous and reluctant participants respectively. Indeed, secondaryaged girls were especially prevalent within the couch potatoes a
subcategory of the reluctant group who disliked sport intensely.
On the other hand and despite the fact that reports of a growth of participation among girls and young women may be over-exaggerated a good
deal of research into girls and young womens participation patterns reveals
not only a trend towards substantially greater participation in sport, but also
in PE itself (in terms of numbers participating, frequency of participation and
time spent on activities) than is often believed to be the case. The young
women in Flintoff and Scratons (2001) research, for example, were active
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both within and beyond school PE; albeit often in non-traditional PE and
sporting activities. Similarly, large-scale data-sets from Sport Englands
(2003a; 2003b) studies, Young People and Sport, confirm trends towards greater
involvement of young women in sport in England. In 2002, young males and
females were participating equally in sport during school lessons according to
the Sport England survey (2003b). At the same time, the mean number of
sports played in lessons hardly differed between males and females in either
primary or secondary schools. Nor were there any sex differences in the proportions playing no sports 10 times or more in school lessons or, at the other
end of the continuum, playing seven or more sports this frequently (Sport
England, 2003b). Overall, in PE lessons in England, girls were playing as
much sport, and almost as many sports, as boys.
The sexes were not always playing the same sports in school. In secondary schools, girls were more likely to do dance, aerobics and swimming, for
example, while boys were more likely to participate in contact sport and
games such as soccer and rugby. Nonetheless, girls as well as boys were being
offered a wide range of activities, including those played mainly by girls (for
example, netball and aerobics) and others played by both sexes (for example,
basketball and badminton). Indeed, in primary schools most of the main
sports (that is, those reported by the largest percentages) were played by
roughly equal numbers of both sexes. This applied in particular to gymnastics, swimming, athletics and rounders, with football being the only major
sport in which one sex (boys) predominated.
Alongside growing involvement in recreational activities such as aerobics
and swimming, young womens participation in traditionally male sports such
as football and rugby appears to be increasing substantially. Sport Englands
(2003a) surveys indicated that, in 2002, primary- and secondary-aged girls
were significantly more likely (2003a: 52) to play two particular games (football and netball), as well as swim and dance, out of lessons than they were in
1994. They were also more likely to play golf, tenpin bowling, basketball, tennis and badminton: a mix of competitive sports (especially games) and recreational activities. Similarly, swimming, running/jogging, dance and football
were the most popular participatory activities among the 1115-year-old girls
in a SportScotland study (Biddle et al., 2005). While PE may not have been
interrupting the reproduction of gender differences, very many sports and
physical activities were, nevertheless, being played by substantial proportions
of both sexes, even in secondary schools (Sport England, 2003b).
It is beyond school PE lessons where sex differences in sports participation are at their most stark. In Germany, Pfister and Reegs (2006) study found
boys to be more involved in physically active recreation and more frequent
members of sports clubs than girls: the kinds of leisure activities the children
choose and the intensity with which they take part in them display noticeable
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gender-specific differences (2006: 7). In extra-curricular PE and leisure-sport

in England, boys tend to play more sports, for more hours per day and are
more likely to participate in the largest number of different sports regularly
(Sport England, 2003b). Although these differences exist among both primary
and secondary school pupils they are widest at the secondary level.
Nevertheless, there has been a significant increase in the percentage of girls
taking part in extra-curricular PE (from 36 per cent to 41 per cent) between
1994 and 2002 according to Sport England (2003a) (see Chapter 4). Similarly,
Flintoff and Scraton (2001: 13) noted that the majority of young women in
their study were physically active out of school in some way and Biddle et al.
(2005) reported around half (51 per cent) of the 1015-year-old girls surveyed
by SportScotland classified as highly active in participatory terms (compared
with 19 per cent as moderately active and 29 per cent as low active). Indeed,
Fishers (2002: 15) use of time diaries with young people in the UK suggests
that younger women and men have similar total exercise profiles.
Despite the growing involvement in leisure sport of girls and young
women, much of this growth is likely to be attributable to increases among a
particular group primary school girls and in particular activities: football
and games (Sport England, 2003a, 2003b). The SportScotland study noted
that levels of activity among girls were highest at age 11 with approximately
12.5 hours of sport per week.
All things considered, girls do not appear, in Leamans (1984) terms, to
be simply sitting on the sidelines and watching the boys play (Roberts, 1996a)
in either PE or leisure sport. This may have applied a quarter of a century ago
but in the first decade of the new millenium the situation is different. While
it is clear that boys and girls continue to do a number of different things in
the name of PE and sport it is not clear that the differences between them in
terms of time and range are large or significant. Despite observations that two
decades ago (see, for example, Scraton, 1992) girls were eased out of sport not
so much because they (were) unable to enjoy the activities themselves than by
the surrounding masculine culture that conflicts with girls preferred feminine identities (Roberts, 1999: 98), girls and young women are, it appears, no
longer slaves to femininity. Nowadays, girls are almost as likely as boys to construct busy leisure and sporting lives (Roberts, 2006). Many young women, as
Roberts (1999: 103) observes, have broken out of the bedroom culture and
are, for example, as likely as young men to use indoor sports facilities. Indeed,
girls appear increasingly likely to challenge and resist masculine dominance
(Flintoff and Scraton, 2001): Cockburn and Clarkes (2002: 658) findings suggested that there are teenage girls and young women who not infrequently
refuse the choices forced upon them by enthusiastically taking part in sport
both in PE and in other physical activity.
In Norway, there is evidence that the growth of more informal,
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recreational activities deliberately organized and delivered in ways which

are different from the ways in which conventional sport is organized (Skille
and Waddington, 2006: 266) and are less intensive, less physically
demanding, and less competitive and formal as well as more flexible has
played a substantial part in breaking down barriers to participation among
young, working-class women in particular. Despite the evident appeal to girls
and young women of lifestyle or lifetime activities, it seems that young
women are not necessarily disadvantaged by multi-activity, sport-based
programmes to the extent we may be inclined to think. Flintoff and Scraton
(2001: 14) observed that young womens out-of-school physical activity
lifestyles included some of the more traditional female sports and
activities, such as netball, hockey, keep fit, dance, swimming and aerobics as
well as other, less traditional activities, such as kick-boxing and weight
training albeit usually in female-only settings. The Sport England 2002
survey revealed, in turn, that girls are now more likely to try football, tenpin
bowling, basketball, gymnastics and athletics out-of-lessons than they were
in 1994 (Sport England, 2003a: 41). More recently, the Girls in Sport study
found that high levels of latent demand were evident, with most girls
expressing a desire to be more active (ODonovan and Kay, 2005: 2930). All
this research suggests that the times are, indeed, changing in relation to girls
and young womens involvement with sport.
However, even if their participation in PE is similar overall to that of
boys (mainly because of the obligatory nature of schooling), girls involvement
in leisure sport remains lower than boys. Roberts (1996a) challenges what he
perceives as the tendency to lay at least part of the blame for girls relative lack
of interest and involvement in leisure sport on a gendered PE culture. The
main reason for the girls lower participation outside lessons, Roberts (1996a:
56) argues, seems to be simply that they like sport less. He suggests that the
sexes bring the different attitudes they have acquired in their younger lives
into school with the result that girls are likely to resent, and boys more likely
to enjoy, the similar amounts of sport in which they are required to participate. Out of school, he adds, girls have the option of playing less and that, in
practice, is what tends to happen.
How, then, might we explain the changes in participation, such as they
are? First, there have been changes in the social circumstances of many
women. Legislation can, of course, be one precondition for greater gender
equity. Wallhead and Buckworth (2004), for example, point to various claims
that the passage of Title IX legislation in the USA, in 1972, substantially
improved the opportunities for girls to participate in school-related physical
activities and led to a threefold increase in the number taking part in interscholastic sports in the USA. Nevertheless, legislation towards greater formal
equality tends to reflect changed conditions in society generally. Diminishing
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gender-based employment and lifestyle differences (Coalter, 1999) and evident changes in the balance of power between the sexes in an equalizing direction (Dunning, 1999; Mennell, 1998) have resulted in the lifestyles of men and
women converging. So, the gap between men and women in behaviours such
as smoking, drinking, fast driving, dangerous sports and violence (Gabe et al.,
2004) has been reduced or reversed, and the sex differences in sports participation have become more modest than before (Fox and Rickards, 2004; Sport
England, 2003a). Over time, most aspects of leisure have become, or appear to
be becoming, genderless (Roberts, 2006) in broad participatory terms, at
least. In short, the preconditions for greater involvement of young women in
sport appear to be in place and substantial changes in leisure and sports participation are occurring alongside the undoubted continuities.
Bearing in mind the contrasting views on the significance of the gendered PE culture and the different attitudes boys and girls acquire in their
younger lives, the next section of this chapter explores, in more detail, young
peoples experiences of PE and school sport, and their socialization into
norms of femininity and masculinity.
GIRLS AND BOYS EXPERIENCES OF PE AND SCHOOL

SPORT
The findings from a recent study of 1015-year-old girls in Scotland neatly
encapsulates several of the most salient issues in the relationship between gender, PE and sport of the kind commented upon in numerous studies over more
than two decades. Biddle et al. (2005) found that when girls were reluctant to
participate in sport many factors were present, including an aversion to team
and competitive games, problems associated with mixed-sex environments, a
lack of self-confidence (typically coupled with a negative body image) and poor
quality changing and showering facilities, as well as perceptions of sport as
uncool. Some of these issues demand more detailed analysis.
The nature of provision for PE

When it comes to designing PE curricula, teachers tend to possess quite clear
and conventional ideas regarding young peoples (gendered) predispositions
and abilities and the kinds of activities viewed as appropriate for boys and
girls. Despite developments in recent decades towards broader and more
varied PE diets (see Chapters 3 and 7), boys and girls continue to be confronted by curricula dominated by competitive, physically vigorous, games;
that is, traditional PE. This inevitably is viewed as limiting the opportuni-
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ties for girls in particular to move beyond the confines of acceptable

physicality (Flintoff and Scraton, 2006). A striking feature of the Girls in Sport
project was that many of the initiatives focused upon changing girls impressions of sport while comparatively few focused upon changing the actual
content of the curriculum (ODonovan and Kay, 2005). Nonetheless, there is
ample evidence in the USA (Wallhead and Buckworth, 2004) and England
(Flintoff and Scraton, 2001), for example, of a mismatch between those activities available to girls at school and those they find enjoyable and are more
likely to engage in beyond school. Neither do the sports that girls have available to them in PE resemble those participated in by adult women. Despite
some girls evident willingness to take part in conventional sports and team
games (and especially traditional boys games such as football), many secondary-age girls and young women favour lifestyle or lifetime activities (such
as dance and swimming) and even individual games over traditional team
games (Williams et al., 2000). It is perhaps unsurprising, then, that girls perceptions of incompetence and boredom are often related to what they perceive
as a lack of choice in activities and that this, in turn, increases the likelihood
that girls will not engage positively with PE and sport.
The development of the NCPE in 1992 in England and Wales held forth
the promise of a significant contribution to the dissipation of gender segregation in PE. However, and despite rhetorical claims about equal opportunities,
the NCPE has been something of a double-edged sword. On the one hand, the
NCPE protects and bolsters the traditional female games, such as netball and
hockey, that Scraton (1993) speculated might be in danger of dying with the
emergence of co-educational PE in the 1980s. On the other hand, by identifying activity areas among which games has continued to feature very prominently the NCPE has, in effect, hardened the well-established hierarchy of
activity areas in PE within which girls and boys are offered different and
stereotypically appropriate activities (Penney and Evans, 1997: 87). Indeed,
the flexibility available to PE teachers within the statutory requirements
for NCPE appears to have indirectly facilitated the continued provision of
sex-differentiated curricula (Waddington et al., 1998).
It is not only differences in activities that characterize boys and girls
PE, it is also differences in teaching styles (see Chapter 12). Dominant forms
of masculinity and femininity are said to be developed and reinforced not
only through competitive, team sports (YST, 2000) but also through conventional teaching styles (Hargreaves, 1994). Female PE teachers, it seems, are
more likely to use informal and reciprocal styles, males more likely to employ
formal, command approaches. These tendencies are facilitated by the inclusion of particular activities in girls (dance and educational gymnastics, for
example) and boys (Olympic gymnastics and HRE) PE that lend themselves
to the preferred styles of female and male PE teachers.
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Self-image
Physical education is a very public and visible arena for both boys and girls,
and offers numerous opportunities to conform to, or even contradict, accepted
stereotypes of masculine and feminine behaviour (Clarke, 2006). The activities and processes that constitute PE are said to school boys and girls into
gender-appropriate (that is, feminine or masculine) ways of behaving. Among
boys, successful participation and performance in traditionally male sports in
PE lessons (team games, for example) provides boys with an apprenticeship
in orthodox masculinity (Pronger, 1990, cited in Clarke, 2006: 726). School
sport does not, however, provide the same avenue to orthodox femininity for
girls. Because stereotypical perceptions of appropriate and inappropriate
sports and activities for girls influence whether (and in which) young people
choose to participate as well as how they are viewed by others (Alley and
Hicks, 2005), PE reinforces the construction of heterosexual femininity
(Flintoff and Scraton, 2006). In this manner, PE provides a powerful illustration of the workings of the informal or hidden curriculum as played out in
unscrutinized interactions in changing rooms, on playing fields and in gymnasia and swimming pools.
Girls relationship with sport and exercise is frequently intimately
related to their perceptions of their own bodies and their look. Indeed,
concerns about their body shape were the main reasons for the participation
of young girls in sport in England and Wales, according to Rowe (2005).
Nevertheless, a leitmotif of the abundant research on girls experiences is the
recognition that PE has a tendency to alienate girls from sport and
frequently, in the process, exacerbates any unease they may feel with their
bodies. Unlike many boys, girls appear to need more frequent and supportive
extrinsic judgements from their teachers (Wallhead and Buckworth, 2004) as
well as their parents a situation that is not helped by the continued
predominance among adults of stereoptypical gender ideologies concerning
expectations of womens physicality, their sexuality and their role as mothers
and carers (Scraton, 1993: 143). Male and female PE teachers often reinforce
and reproduce gender stereotypes (Scraton, 1993) and many girls feelings of
bodily awkwardness are often exacerbated by the frequently stereotypical
perceptions of, and associated attitudes towards, girls by their parents,
teachers and friends.
Many of the traditional and stereotypical sports and rituals in PE contradict many girls conceptions of an appropriate and desirable female and
feminine appearance and, consequently, cause conflict for girls (Cockburn
and Clarke, 2002; Gorely et al., 2003). Furthermore, many of the activities
and the traditional behaviours associated with them (for example, the
demonstration of physical vigour and the associated likelihood of getting
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sweaty and dirty) are performed in public, not just in front of other girls and
their teachers, but often in front of boys and their teachers.
The issue of weight, shared peer norms for thinness (Dohnt and
Tiggerman, 2005: 103) and having a desirable figure are especially significant
for many young women (Cox et al., 2005). Consequently, the problems of performing outside can be intensified when girls feel they are over- (or under-)
weight (Cockburn and Clarke, 2002). Research has shown how the childish
clothing requirement constraints and showering routines usually required
when taking part in PE and school sport (Flintoff and Scraton, 2001; Scraton,
1993), exacerbate young womens preoccupation with their bodies and frequently result in feelings of shame and embarrassment. Girls feelings of awkwardness are further exacerbated by the presence of boys in the form of
co-educational PE, for example where girls run the gauntlet of persistent
comment on their physical appearance and sexuality and their responses tend
either to be to attempt to disguise their bodies by dressing in loose clothing or
to opt out of the activity (Scraton, 1993: 145). This is typical of the unintended
consequences of activities often viewed as potentially liberating for girls.
The potential for PE not only to highlight girls self-consciousness
(ODonovan and Kay, 2005) but to impact negatively on girls self-esteem
appears to be exacerbated during early adolescence (Cockburn and Clarke,
2002). It is during the particularly sensitive years of adolescence, when young
women are developing physically and sexually, that ideologies of women as
sex objects and mothers become all important (Scraton, 1993). Indeed, it is
suggested that many of the more popular activities among women, such as
aerobics and dance, merely serve to sexualize the female body in conformity
with male stereotypes. In the process, these activities further divide young
women from each other in terms of those who are fat and those who are fit and
attractive (Harris, 2005).
Embarrassment is viewed by teenage girls as a very real likelihood and a
substantial cost of participating in PE (Cockburn and Clarke, 2002). However,
in contrast to the young women who never participate in sport (see later)
those in Cox et al.s (2005) study who always participated reported very low
levels of self-consciousness and claimed to rarely get embarrassed when participating in sport. Deeply involved in sport, they appeared not to care what
other people might think of them. Nevertheless, it remains the case that girls
who resist gender stereotypes especially during adolescence run the very
real risk of alienation from the people around them and those most important to them such as friends and family (Cockburn and Clarke, 2002: 659).
At either end of the continuum of engagement with PE are girls who
either hate or love PE. Many, however, lie somewhere between the two
they are biddable but not at any cost to their self-esteem. Consequently, many
girls find themselves in a no-win situation: damned if they do sport and
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damned if they do not. It is highly unlikely that girls can achieve being both
physically active and [heterosexually] desirable, so they are often obliged to
choose between these images. The result is a paradox, a double standard to
which teenage girls and young women are subjected and most girls compromise (Cockburn and Clarke, 2002: 665, emphasis in the original). It is perhaps, unsurprising, then, that many girls appear to feel constrained to appear
disinterested in PE and sport.
In recent years, gender-related research has broadened to encompass the
significance of gender for boys experiences of PE and sport and, in particular, the socialization of boys into PE and sport (see, for example, Gard,
2006). Whitson (1990: 19) articulates a commonplace view that sport acts as
one of the central sites in the social production of masculinity and that the
kinds of sports conventionally prioritized in PE are ones that naturalize the
idea that masculinity involves aggressiveness and a desire to compete with
and overcome others. In other words, via many of the activities that
constitute PE, and the ways in which they are taught, the physical and
psychological attributes of sport are often implicitly if not explicitly
presented as the physical and psychological attributes of being, or becoming,
a man. An incidental expression of this dominant ideology of masculinity is
the prevalence of the view among boys that activities such as dance are not
only pointless but gay (homosexual) or unmasculine.
Dissatisfaction with ones body is not, then, solely the preserve of girls.
Physical education and sport are arenas in which the demanding nature of living up to masculine norms for boys (Martino and Pallotta-Chiarolli, 2003;
Wright, 1999), as well as feminine norms for girls, are thrown into sharp relief.
Young mens anxieties regarding their masculinity are reflected in their concern for physical strength and muscularity around a quarter or more of the
1516-year-old boys in A. Smiths (2006) study reported partcipating regularly in their spare time in gym/weight-training activities. In this regard, boys
have to negotiate individual ways through the demands of masculinity
(Bramham, 2003) in a manner reminiscent of girls attempts to compromise
between sporting and heterosexual images. It seems that there are established
and outsider groups within as well as between the sexes.
Mixed or co-educational PE
One of the more deliberate ways in which physical educationalists have
sought to effect changes in gender relationships and gender stereotypes has
been through the introduction of what became known as co-educational PE.
In many PE lessons in primary schools (511 years) and some (for example,
dance and gymnastic) in the first three years of secondary schooling (1114
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years), it has been commonplace to introduce both sexes to some compulsory

core activities in co-educational or mixed-sex classes. As a result of the Title
IX legislation, many PE classes in the USA are required to be taught to
mixed-sex groupings (even though some contact sports such as basketball,
football, ice hockey and rugby can be segregated for competition). In a number of European countries, such as Greece and Norway, similar and sometimes
the same activities are taught to mixed-sex groups throughout the duration of
compulsory schooling and often by male teachers.
As the name implies, the growth of what was referred to as co-educational PE at secondary-school level in the USA and UK from the 1970s and
1980s was ostensibly aimed at reducing gender inequalities on the grounds
that traditional sex segregation in PE lessons does little to create gender
understanding between boys and girls (Humberstone, 2002: 66). Nevertheless, teachers often had more pragmatic and less egalitarian reasons for teaching boys and girls together, such as their own sporting expertise and
preferences and staff shortages (Green and Scraton, 1998). In reality, it seems,
co-educational PE amounted to little more than mixed-sex teaching groups.
While mixed-sex grouping ostensibly enabled boys as well as girls to access a
wider variety activities in the PE curriculum, it resulted in a number of unanticipated consequences. The lessons typically became oriented towards, and as
a result dominated by, boys, who received more attention and had more contact with the teacher (who tended to be distracted by their behaviours [Evans,
1989]), talked more, and were far more visible in class (Scraton, 1993). The
fact that many of the activities chosen for mixed-sex lessons were traditionally
male activities meant that, in practice, equal access to PE often meant equal
access for all pupils to boys PE (Scraton, 1993). This was exacerbated by boys
domination of those activities, notably team games, in which they had more
experience. Interestingly, pupils shared experiences of mixed-sex PE the
norm in primary schools appears to do little to diminish the power of traditional ideas about gender in secondary PE or to change the expectations and
experiences of pupils or, for that matter, PE teachers (Green and Scraton,
1998). This may be in part due to the fact that beyond PE lessons at break
times, boys continue to monopolize playground spaces at the primary level
(Williams, 1989), typically to play football (Skelton, 2000) and games.
It appears that where PE classes are not controlled effectively by
teachers, a dominance hierarchy tends to develop with males at the apex
(Skille and Waddington, 2006). This results in gender inequalities and maledominance of open sporting settings whereby girls behaviours are
constrained by boys competitiveness and aggression, especially in sportbased PE (Azzarito and Solomon, 2005; Wright, 1999). Traditional divisions
along gender lines are almost always retained in games, where boys have a
tendency to discriminate against girls and dominate possession. In such
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situations, girls tend to either give up or acquiese (Skille and Waddington,

2006). Mixed-sex grouping has also resulted in girls losing out in terms of
teachers feeling unable to address specifically female issues (for example, in
relation to health and hygiene) (Evans, 1989).
Girls in the USA who saw themselves as not being good at sport have
tended to favour same-sex instruction and teachers in Germany, the UK and
the USA have tended to perceive co-educational classes as less applicable as
pupils get older (Lirgg, 2006). In the UK, female teachers have, themselves,
favoured a return to sex-segregated classes for many activities. Consequently,
in many secondary schools (and especially in Years 9 and above), boys and
girls continue to be taught separately and differently.
Motivation and competence

Girls, it seems, are more likely to participate if their primary motivation is
intrinsic; that is, the activity is viewed as being enjoyable in its own right,
emphasizing fun and enjoyment. Biddle et al. (2005) found that girls whose
main motivation was intrinsic were less likely to feel self-conscious about
taking part than those for whom changing their body image was the main
motivation. Nevertheless, approximately a third of girls in the SportScotland
study reported not liking to see how they looked when they were exercising.
Similarly, competence and voluntariness are key dimensions to sports
participation for girls. Girls are more likely to participate if they feel
competent enough to do so. Biddle et al.s (2005) study of 1015-year-old
girls in Scotland found that perceived competence was particularly
influential in the withdrawal of girls from sport. In addition, when girls felt
that they were forced to participate this impacted negatively on their
overall participation (Biddle et al., 2005). Also, opportunities for social
interaction with friends (Rowe, 2005: 4) is an especially important
consideration for girls.
Underpinning gender-related issues in PE is the more fundamental
dimension of the manner in which boys and girls are socialized into norms of
masculinity and femininity and the consequences of such experiences for
their attitudes towards, and involvement in, PE and sport.
S O C I A L I Z AT I O N I N T O N O R M S O F F E M I N I N I T Y A N D
MASCULINITY
Physical education and sport are processes through which, formally and
informally, young people are likely to learn gendered identities or, rather,
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have their developing views of themselves as masculine or feminine

reinforced or challenged. Through PE and sport, particular, often
stereotypical, views of what are considered appropriate behaviours and
sporting practices for boys and girls are normalized in the sense of becoming
widely accepted and taken for granted. To the extent that young people have
their views of themselves shaped by their early experiences, PE and sport
because they tend to evoke emotional responses are especially likely to act
as subconscious vehicles for messages about appropriate gender-related
behaviours and (sporting) practices.
Gender socialization refers to the ways in which boys and girls are introduced to what are seen as male- and female-appropriate behaviours and practices, including those activities that might be seen as forming the initial
preparation for later engagement with, and adherence to, sport. Research in
paediatric exercise and fitness by Armstrong (1991) and colleagues (Armstrong
and Welsman, 1997), points up the significance of parental behaviours in
encouraging differential rates and frequencies of exercise among boys and girls.
Commonplace sex-stereotyped assumptions regarding exercise and sport manifest themselves in boys receiving more parental reinforcement towards exercise
than girls. Similarly, parents are likely to elicit more gross-motor behaviour at
a young age from their sons than their daughters: Girls are still being given
dolls and prams and are instructed to be neat and tidy. Boys are still being sent
to play with footballs and soldiers and are excused if they are rough and dirty
(Roberts, 2006: 120). Boys continue to be given greater encouragement to
engage in sport by parents and teachers and, consequently, tend to play more
sports than girls (Balding, 2001; SCW, 2001, 2003a; Sport England, 2003b) and
this tendency increases as young people grow older. This is hardly surprising in
light of the research that demonstrates the central position of not only family
(Biddle et al., 2005) but fathers, in particular, in their childrens leisure and
sporting socialization (Harrington, 2006). Men, it seems, are typically more
likely to spend time with their children in playful activities than routine caring
tasks (Kay, 2006: 126) and fathers are more likely than mothers to have or
claim expertise in sport (2006: 127). For these reasons, it is far more likely that
fathers will be the ones to get involved in this aspect of childrens socialization.
Boys activities also appear to be advantaged. Boys games tend to be of
longer duration and incorporate a higher ceiling of skill than those of girls. In
addition, the types of game normally adopted by boys can be played in more
simple versions at younger ages, becoming more challenging with age as
higher levels of skill and strategy are incorporated (Armstrong, 1991). In contrast, the kinds of games that girls tend to favour seem to be less challenging
with increasing age because the ceiling of skill was achieved at an earlier age
(Armstrong, 1991: 910). To compound the constraints on their physical activity experiences, teenage boys appear to enjoy a greater right to roam while
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girls for safety reasons are discouraged from doing so and, as a result, their
freedom tends to be curtailed.
Gendered practices and experiences such as these form the basis of boys
and girls common-sense assumptions regarding what constitute appropriate
activities for them to engage in. Consequently, the gender order comes to
appear quite normal, even natural, to those involved and common-sense
assumptions about what it means to be a girl or to be a boy (Scraton, 1992:
9) remain widespread. A study of 357 secondary-school students in Norway
indicated that boys rated appearance of strength, competence in sport and masculinity as particularly important, whereas girls were more concerned with
looking good and being feminine (Klomsten et al., 2005). This, the authors suggested, resulted in more boys participating in traditionally male sports and girls
in traditionally female sports. Nevertheless, the dramatic growth in popularity
(not only in Scandinavian countries but worldwide) of girls and womens football in recent years, points to the socially constructed character of gender. In
other words, such developments in womens patterns of sporting participation
underline the processual and, therefore, changeable character of gendered identities. Cox et al.s (2005) study suggested that young women aged 1519 years
who, as they put it, always participate in sport and often increased participation as they got older reported regular participation in and positive experiences of sport from an early age. Interestingly, some young women in the never
participate group also reported positive experiences of sport from an early age.
It was the move to secondary school where sport was seen as more competitive
that was associated with sport becoming less enjoyable among this group.
While young people as a whole are experiencing a broader diet of sports
and physical activities in PE at school than previous generations, they nevertheless continue to be introduced to various sports and physical activities
according to their sex. There remains a great deal of continuity alongside the
evident change in the sporting experiences of girls and young women.
GENDER AND SOCIAL DYNAMICS

To fully appreciate the similarities and dissimilarities within and between
girls and boys in terms of their participation in and experiences of PE and
sport, we must appreciate that they are not homogenous groups (Penney and
Evans, 2002). Leisure and sporting opportunities continue to be structured
and unequally distributed (Roberts, 2005: 2) by sex, class and ethnicity both
in isolation and in configuration (see Chapters 9 and 10). Seefeld et al. (2002:
146) observe that women, especially ethnic minorities and those in the lower
socio-economic strata, have routinely recorded lower rates of adherence than
men in structured activity programmes.
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Trends towards greater participation in PE and sport among girls and

young women are mediated by social class, in particular. It is more likely to
be the daughters (and, for that matter, the sons) of middle-class families that
will not only be encouraged to do sport by their parents but will be introduced
to a variety of sports and activities when young. It is in the middle classes
where sex differences are evidently narrowing and so it is middle-class girls
and young women whose lives are more likely to resemble the working, leisure
and sporting lives of males. Little has changed among the 20 per cent or so,
predominantly working-class girls, who will become teenage mothers and
whose lives are very likely to be impoverished in every sense of the term.
CONCLUSION
Times are changing as far as girls and young womens participation in PE and
sport are concerned. Participation has risen steadily in recent decades and this
is correlated with, if not straightfowardly attributable to, changes in the PE
curriculum. There is, in effect, some convergence between boys and girls
experiences of PE and sport and it appears that if girls can be recruited into
sport their participation levels can be similar to those of boys.
Nevertheless, PE remains gendered in terms of organization, content and
delivery. Although the number and breadth of activities made available to
girls and young women in PE has increased over time during the past two
decades in particular provision and expectations continue to be constrained
by assumptions about femininity in relation to masculinity (Flintoff and
Scraton, 2006). As a result, gender differences are not being obliterated either
in terms of the nature of PE provision or the lessons to be learned through PE
regarding gender-appropriate behaviours. The tendency for PE to reinforce
more than challenge hierarchical relations between the sexes remains.
Experiences of marginalization and alienation in PE are not the sole prerogative of girls, however. Boys also experience marginalization (Wright, 1999) if
they are lacking in sporting skills and/or are not deemed by their peers sufficiently competitive or masculine. Consequently, many boys as well as girls
disengage from PE and sport during their childhood and adolescence.
However, the available evidence does not straightforwardly suggest that
schools bear a major responsibility for girls lower or differing rates of out-ofschool participation, because schools may sometimes be unable to countervail against wider socialising influences even if they wish to do so (Roberts,
1996a: 56). It seems that the wider lives of children and young people are more
significant than school PE in shaping their leisure and sporting participation.
Indeed, the available quantitative or hard evidence does not, in itself, suggest that either sex is clearly the more advantaged (Roberts, 2006: 98) in
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sporting terms. In other words, differences are not necessarily disadvantages

and non-participation in an activity does not necessarily amount to exclusion,
disadavantage or inequality (Coalter et al., 2000; Roberts, 2006): there may
well be distinctive strengths rather than simply deficiencies in girls and
young womens leisure (Roberts, 2006). Young men and women may actively
choose not to take part in a sporting or leisure activity because they are not
attracted by it or find no satisfaction or achievement in it (Collins, with Kay,
2003). In the sense that these are barriers to participation, they are barriers
of boredom or perceived lack of ability. Exclusion only occurs if and when
young men and women want to take part but cannot. This, however, sidesteps
the issue of young peoples predispositions towards PE and sport, and the
manner in which their tastes and choices act as barriers, and that these predispositions, in turn, reflect young peoples gendered socialization. This is not
the same as saying that they would find the activities they are not inclined to
do as enjoyable as those that they are doing. And this would be the point for
critics of the persistence of gender differences in PE; namely, that despite similar levels and forms of PE and sports participation, it tells us little about
girls experiences of PE and the likely consequences of these for the place of
physical activity and sport in the adult leisure lives of young women. Nor, for
that matter, does it tell us the extent to which young womens participation
levels could be further enhanced by a curriculum and teaching styles more
suited to girls developing tastes and experiences.
Despite the impression that many young women continue to dislike PE
and that girls levels of participation continue to be viewed as problematic,
more young women than ever before are taking part in PE, leisure sport and
physical activity. Flintoff and Scraton (2005) are typical of commentators who
take the view that many young women express a desire to be active in sport,
despite, she adds, rather than because of school PE. ODonovan and Kays
(2005: 30) research led them to conclude that there remains considerable
potential for PE to elicit a much more favourable response from young
women and that a substantial transformation of girls PE would be required
if this latent potential were to be realized.
RECOMMENDED READING
Flintoff, A. and Scraton, S. (2006) Girls and physical education, in D. Kirk,
D. Macdonald and M. OSullivan (eds), The Handbook of Physical Education.
Penney, D. and Evans, J. (2002) Talking gender, in D. Penney (ed.), Gender
and Physical Education: Contemporary Issues and Future Directions. London:
Routledge. pp.1323.
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Social Class and Physical

Education
A great deal is known about the relationship between social class and
education and, to a lesser extent, about social class, leisure and sport. Very
little, however, is known about the relationship between social class and PE.
This chapter teases out the significance of social class for understanding PE.
In the process it shows how the class divisions that arise in economic life are
liable to spill over (Roberts, 2001: 21) into other areas of young peoples lives
that have implications for PE, such as their leisure lifestyles, sporting
abilities and dispositions.
Social class has proved to be related to virtually all areas of life so it is no
surprise to find that it is related to leisure, in general, and sports participation, in particular. However, within leisure there are exceptions (watching television, for example) and other uses of leisure where the predictive power of
class is relatively weak (for example, gambling) (Roberts, 2001). This also
applies to certain sports such as angling and football. Might it, then, be possible, via PE, to weaken the link across the whole of sport? Indeed, can we
expect PE to have a positive impact upon the likely involvement of young people from all social class backgrounds in sport beyond school and into adult
life? Before exploring the significance of social class for sport and PE in
greater detail we need to look at social class as a concept.
DEFINING SOCIAL CLASS

In academic as well as popular thinking, attempts to define social class tend
to have an economic base. In other words, All concepts of class group together
people with similar ways of making their livings, that is, in similar occupations (Roberts, 2001: 21). Because the concept of class revolves around market situation in terms of labour market experiences and education and
154
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S O C I A L C L A S S A N D P H Y S I C A L E D U C AT I O N
155
life-chances, as well as occupation, the term socio-economic status is often

used as a synonym (Gabe et al., 2004; Roberts, 2001).
Social class also has a cultural as well as an economic dimension. It is evident, for example, that leisure and sports participation cannot be reduced to
questions of control over economic resources class-based patterns of participation often reflect more than merely differences in disposable income.
People have at their disposal social, cultural and physical, as well as economic,
resources and this begins to explain why, even though they may have sufficient money to play sports such as golf or squash, some choose not to, preferring soccer, martial arts and the like instead.
T H E S O C I A L A N D C U LT U R A L D I M E N S I O N S O F C L A S S
The social dimension of class (often referred to as social capital) consists of
social relationships in which people invest. The relationships that constitute
social capital are often conceptualized as having two dimensions or forms:
bonding (in effect the ties and relationships between [similar] people) and
bridging (the links between groups of people) capital (Putnam, 2000). People
can draw upon the ties and links they have (their social capital) with, for
example, circles of friends or colleagues as and when they need to, and this is
especially useful in sporting and leisure contexts.
The cultural dimension of class (or cultural capital), on the other hand,
consists of the skills, knowledge, beliefs, predispositions and values people
acquire in their particular social milieu (Bourdieu, 1984; Roberts, 2001) and
serves as a kind of cultural coinage or currency (Field, 2003). Cultural capital
is typically a product of early socialization experiences and conditioning in
particular social networks and specific class-based lifestyles (Kew, 1997: 150).
Cultural capital, as an aspect of social class, becomes part of peoples habituses (Bourdieu, 1984; Elias, 1994). In other words, it becomes literally and
metaphorically embodied in their dispositions, skills and abilities. Shared
experiences, leading to shared dispositions and outlooks, constitute group or
class habitus (Elias, 1994). This is why structural factors, such as neighbourhood residence, remain influential in shaping the identities and predispositions of some groups of young people (Shildrick, 2006) and especially those
from the working classes.
An individuals habitus, predispositions or assumed world are said to be
a reflection of their class-related horizon of possibilities (Lane, 2000: 194,
cited in Blackshaw and Long, 2005: 251). The possibilities of those from lower
socio-economic groups tend to be constrained by limited social networks
which typically lead to a poverty of expectation (Blackshaw and Long, 2005:
251). Put another way, [A]t all subsequent life stages, and in all spheres of life,
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the cultural capital that individuals bring to their situations affects their
opportunities (Roberts, 2001: 218).
Cultural capital is built up gradually (Roberts, 2001: 218) and, in the
same way that economic resources can be passed down the generations, so can
social and cultural resources; hence, the claims for the significance of families
in intergenerational transmission of cultural capital (Gunn, 2005) and the
observation that the form it takes changes over time. While it is something
that we all possess, the crucial differences lie not so much in the amounts of
cultural capital each of us possesses but in the types and how valuable these
prove to be (Roberts, 2001) in sporting terms, for example.
Notions of cultural and social dimensions of class help us to appreciate
that while economic resources lie at the heart of social class, social and cultural relations and resources help create and reproduce differences and
inequalities: money is not the sole reason for the less well-off having a narrower range of tastes and activities (Roberts, 2001: 86), in sporting terms in
particular. Kew (1997) suggests that some sports probably those such as
polo and sailing and, to a lesser extent, fencing, golf, skiing and sub-aqua
remain socially exclusive whether or not they continue to be cost exclusive.
Wilson (2002: 5) observes that findings from the General Social Survey in the
USA suggest that those who are richest in cultural capital and those who are
richest in economic capital are most likely to be involved in sports generally
and that these tendencies are independent of one another. Wilson (2002: 5)
adds that whereas economic capital has no bearing on involvement in what he
refers to as prole or working-class sports, those richest in cultural capital are
least likely to be involved in such sports.
Taking part in sport not only benefits from social and cultural capital
knowing relevant people and possessing relevant knowledge and skills; that is,
who you know as well as what you know it actually requires it: sports participation requires confidence, skills, knowledge, ability [and] a group of supportive friends and companions, including some who share the same desire to
take part (Collins, 2003: 69).
THE PHYSICAL DIMENSIONS OF CLASS

The bodily or physical manifestations of social class position are typically
referred to as physical capital (McDonald, 2003; Shilling, 1998). It may be
better, however, to view physical capital as an aspect of cultural capital, that
is, a dimension of what people know in terms of their physical skills and
abilities as well as their physical condition and health. The physical dimensions of behaviour are said to reflect an individuals social class (Evans, 2004;
Kirk, 2004; Shilling, 1998, 2005) and, consequently, their orientation to the
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world (Kirk, 2004: 52): different patterns of socialization result in classbased orientations (Shilling, 2005: 38) towards the body, for example.
According to McDonald (2003: 171), the body is pivotal in understanding the relationship between, class, sport and PE; in other words, How we
manage our bodies in terms of diet and exercise, how we carry our bodies in
terms of posture and deportment, how we present our bodies in terms of clothing, and how we use our bodies in social and physical activities, carry significant social and class meanings (2003: 170). In effect, peoples physical skills,
experiences and even condition have a significant influence on their predispositions towards new or familiar activities and help shape their tastes in
sport. The ways in which young boys and girls from different social classes
hold particular views of what sports and physical activities it is cool that is,
socially appropriate or normative to be involved in as well as how they want
their bodies to look, are an expression of the cultural dimensions of social
class and are reinforced not only by their peers but also by the activities of PE
and the expectations of PE teachers.
Particular social class locations make it more or less likely that involvement in differing kinds of sport (such as skiing or weight-lifting, rugby union
or rugby league) will lead to young people acquiring particular forms of physical capital (skills and physical attributes, for example) that have symbolic
value and kudos and can prove to be valuable social, cultural and even economic resources. It is argued that young peoples bodies have been, and continue to be, socially constructed in the sense that the programmes of sports
and/or physical activities (from military drill in the nineteenth century
through team games to body management activities such as aerobics and
HRE in the twenty-first century) that they experience at their various classdifferentiated (Gorard et al., 2003) schools leads to young people developing
particular skills and particular views of their bodies which serve to reinforce
social class positions and orientations. The point is that social class does not
just impact on choice and preferences (Evans, 2004: 102) in sport, it also has
a substantial impact upon individuals physical capabilities: in other words,
their skills and abilities. Consequently, the distinctive sporting practices that
characterize working- and middle-class people are not arbitrary or accidental (McDonald, 2003: 170) but arise out of their class-related physical capacities and related dispositions (or habitus).
The physical dimension of social class also incorporates physical
condition and health. As long as socio-economic status remains positively
related to health (Roberts and Brodie, 1992: 117), physical capital will have
implications for health generally and HRE in particular. Poorer households
in poorer communities, for example, are less likely to have access to healthy,
affordable food and suitable recreational facilities (Royal College of
Physicians et al., 2004: 21). Middle-class children have healthier diets and
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become generally stronger and healthier than working-class youngsters. In

terms of health-related exercise, it is apparent that physical activity is associated with social class and, in particular, income and educational
attainment. In all age groups, people of higher socio-economic status take
part in more physical activity (Wanless, 2004: 99). Low educational attainment is particularly associated with higher levels of inactivity and, as if to
compound their more sedentary lifestyles, the children of working-class
families tend to lack safe places to play or exercise (Royal College of
Physicians et al., 2004). Also, overweight and obesity is a condition exacerbated by low socio-economic status (2004: 21). It is clear that economic
deprivation is strongly correlated with relatively poor physical condition and
overall health (Roberts and Brodie, 1992; Townsend et al., 1988). Indeed,
although active involvement in sport can make a difference to individuals
health it will not eradicate or necessarily even lessen the inequalities
associated with social class (Roberts and Brodie, 1992: 119).
From this consideration of the economic, social, cultural and physical
dimensions of social class, and the development of class-related habitus, the
next section deals with the relationship between social class and education.
S O C I A L C L A S S A N D E D U C AT I O N
The relationship between social class and education is firmly and incontrovertibly established. Despite a general rise in childrens and young peoples
educational attainments (Roberts, 2001: 107) since the 1970s, young people
from higher socio-economic classes tend to have better educational life
chances in terms of examination results and full-time further education
(Meighan, with Siraj-Blatchford, 2003: 346). Middle- and working-class children also tend to have differing experiences of school not only with regard
to academic success but also in terms of the development of self-esteem and
social and cultural capital and these place them at greater or lesser advantage in leisure terms, generally, and in sporting terms, in particular.
Education is significant in terms of the development of an attachment to
sport among young people. This is because a variety of leisure and sporting benefits of being middle-class are associated with education. Levels of educational
experience and attainment appear to be the most important component of
social class for influencing participation/non-participation (Kew, 1997: 147).
Furlong et al. (1990: 222) found that young people who were in education
tended to have the most active and varied leisure experiences, while Collins
with Kay (2003: 248) point to research across Europe demonstrating social class
gradients in sports participation and associated evidence that people with a
higher level of final education were less likely to drop out of sport, having been
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more likely to take it up in the first place. In short, the longer a young person
stays in full-time education the higher their rate of participation in sport is
likely to be (Coalter et al., 1995; Roberts, 1995, 1996a) and the more likely she
or he is to become locked in to sport on a regular basis in their adult lives
(Roberts and Brodie, 1992). The reason education appears to be the most important component of social class in sporting terms is because those who remain
in full time education after the statutory leaving age are more likely to have the
free time and more likely to be provided with the opportunity for free participation in a wide range of sports (Coalter et al., 1995: 70). In this respect, Collins
(2003: 71) highlights the combined advantage enjoyed by full-time students
who have access to facilities and clubs which are often subsidised and who come
disproportionately from social groups ABC1.
SOCIAL CLASS AND SPORT

In any discussion of the impact of particular social dynamics, such as class, on
involvement with sport it is important to recognize the clear trend towards
increased participation in sport among young people and adults in Western
Europe since the 1980s (De Knop et al., 1996a; Scheerder et al., 2005c). In the
UK, as with Western Europe generally, all occupational groups have experienced increases in sports participation. The greatest increases, however, have
been among the lower middle- and working-class groupings (Coalter, 1999).
Nonetheless, a large body of research provides compelling evidence of the continued salience of social class in structuring sport, if not determining a persons
choice, preferences and opportunities in sport in the UK and elsewhere (Evans,
2004: 102). For example, the further down the social classification system an
individual is located the greater is the probability that their participation in
sport will decline markedly beyond adolescence (Flintoff et al., 2005).
Social class and adults participation in sport

Various sociological studies demonstrate that active involvement in sport
among adults is correlated with social class (see, for example, Coakley, 2004;
Collins, 2003; Kew, 1997; Scheerder et al., 2005a) and, as a consequence, the
higher the social class, the greater the rate of participation and overall
involvement (Coakley, 2004; Donnelly, 1996; DCMS/Strategy Unit, 2002;
SCW, 2002; Wilson, 2002). In charting the rise in sports participation in
Flanders between 1969 and 1999, Scheerder et al. (2005a) noted how the gap
in participation between the social classes had not diminished substantially.
In England, while participation rates for male and female unskilled manual
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workers at the turn of the twenty-first century were 34 per cent and 19 per
cent respectively, at the other end of the socio-economic scale the figures
were 61 per cent and 67 per cent for male and female professional workers
(DCMS/Strategy Unit, 2002). In North America, Gruneau (2006: 560) observes that systematic socioeconomic differences are still clearly evident in
Canadian amateur sport. Overall, people from economically disadvantaged
groups are the least likely to be in sport to begin with and are more likely to
reduce participation. Indeed, lower class groups play fewer sports and, as a
consequence, their sports careers are slightly more vulnerable (Roberts and
Brodie, 1992: 58) to drop out.
However, it is not only rates of participation but also forms of participation and numbers of sports participated in that social class impacts
upon. Scheerder et al. (2005a; 2005b) observe that in Belgium sports such as
golf, fencing, sailing, skiing, squash and tennis are more common among the
middle and upper classes, while boxing, angling, weight-lifting and karate,
for example, are more popular among lower socio-economic groupings.
Stroot (2002) points out that, in 1999, according to the US Census Bureau,
twice as many people with what might be termed middle-class incomes
participated, for example, in swimming, cycling, basketball and aerobics
than those from the lowest income bracket. While activities such as golf and
sailing/motor boating tend to be, almost exclusively, the domain of the
middle-classes, working-class adults in the USA appear more likely to engage
in activities such as hunting and firearms sports than the middles classes
(Stroot, 2002).
It is not merely, however, what people (in terms of specific sports) and
how much they do it but, also, where they play sport is influenced by social
class. The middle and upper classes are more likely to play sport in voluntary
or commercial sporting and physical activity venues, while the lower or working classes are more likely to inhabit local authority-run centres and to be
more frequent participants in hall and pitch sports (Coalter, 1999). Similarly,
in Germany, membership of sports clubs is closely related to social status with
middle-class workers far more likely to be members of sports clubs (Pfister
and Reeg, 2006). In Wales, the SCW (2002) reports socio-economic groups A
and B to be more than twice as likely to participate than group E in outdoor
and indoor games and activities.
Social class and young peoples participation in sport in and out

of school
Increases in participation in recent decades have been especially noticeable
among young people. The majority are taking part in sport reasonably
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regularly, both in and out of school, across Western Europe, and particularly
in the northern Western European countries. While age and gender
differences in youth sport are reasonably well documented, the impact of
social class on youth sports participation is less well understood (Scheerder
et al., 2005b). Nonetheless, the British governments recent strategy
document, Game Plan (DCMS/Strategy Unit, 2002: 13), observed that young,
white males are those most likely to take part in sport. To age, ethnicity and
gender we need to add, social class, however, and specifically middle class. In
Norway, for example, adolescents from middle class homes with above
average income and highly educated parents, and who attend an academic
secondary school, are more likely to participate in sport than their peers from
working class families with lower incomes and less well educated parents
and are more likely to remain involved in sport throughout their teenage
years (Skille and Waddington, 2006: 252).
In contrast to this picture, however, the SCWs study of young people of
secondary school age (1116 years) using free school meals as a proxy measure of pupils from the lowest social classes led them to conclude that socioeconomic status had only a minimal impact upon the likelihood and level of
sports participation (SCW, 2003a: 4) among school-age youngsters in Wales in
2001. This, they suggested, was the case with curricular and extra-curricular
PE and whether rates of participation were either occasional (at least once) or
regular (more than 10 times over the year) (SCW, 2003b). Nevertheless,
another SCW study found that, in terms of young peoples involvement in
sport in their leisure time (in the form of either extra-curricular PE and/or
spare time sports clubs), the mean number of activities undertaken by those
who did participate was marginally lower for those receiving free school
meals and thus, by extension, working class (SCW, 2001). Similarly, Sport
Englands (2003b) 2002 study also concluded that social class remained a significant variable in sports participation among young people. They found, for
example, that pupils living in the top 20 percent of deprived areas in England
[were] less likely to have taken part in extra-curricular sport1 (37 percent versus 44 percent of young people who did not live in the top 20 deprived areas)
(Sport England, 2003b: 104).
It is important to note that while social class impacts upon the likely
involvement of young people in sport in the first place, its impact upon committed participants is minimal and largely restricted to kinds and amounts of
involvement (Roberts and Brodie, 1992). In this respect, as with leisure participation generally, the main social class differences among sports participants is not so much whether they do sport or not but, rather, the particular
sports they do and the general styles of participation; including who individuals choose to play with, the clubs they belong to and the facilities they use
(Roberts and Brodie, 1992). Skille and Waddington (2006) describe how the
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Norwegian Sports City Programme, established in 1992, demonstrates that

middle-class young people are far more likely than their working-class
counterparts to take part in both conventional sports and alternative,
lifestyle activities. Working-class boys and girls on the programme were far
more likely than their middle-class equivalents to take part in alternative
sports only.
The sporting benefits of being young and middle class Primary
socialization, especially via the family, is particularly important for sports
participation (Bourdieu, 1984). Even recreational engagement in play before
more formal engagement with sport, can be crucial. Parents are, of course,
significant mediators of social and cultural, as well as economic, capital for
sports participation among the young. In their study of Flanders youth over
three decades, Scheerder et al. (2005b: 12) noted that participation is more
frequent for high school boys and girls whose parents (both) actively
participate in sports activities and these youngsters tend to be involved to a
higher degree in leisure-time sports than those whose parents do not
participate. In this sense, sports participation is socially inherited. In their
study of lower primary school children in Australia, Macdonald et al. (2004)
found evidence to confirm the commonplace observation that children from
single-parent families and families in lower socio-economic groups do not
receive the amounts and kinds of support for involvement in sport that their
middle-class counterparts do.
Middle-class parents often go to great lengths to ensure that their offspring enjoy a breadth of abilities and advantages: the middle classes invest
heavily in the cultivation of the physical capital of their off-spring from a very
early age (Evans, 2004: 101). In doing so, they not only inculcate the right
attitudes, values, motivations, predispositions, representations but also the
right physical capital in terms of skills, techniques and understanding
(Evans, 2004: 101). And the sporting benefits of being middle class are not
simply related to the here and now of participation. As implied by the
notions of social and cultural dimensions of class, the benefits tend to be
enduring, particularly in terms of ongoing participation in sport throughout
the life-course. Middle-class parents, Roberts and Brodie (1992) suggest, are
not only more likely to possess the material resources, or economic capital, to
enable their offspring to engage in sport; they are also more likely to be in a
position to transfer their social and cultural capital by virtue of being already
actively involved themselves and inclined to pass their love of sport on to
their children. Hence, young people on middle-class life-courses are the most
likely to be introduced to a wider range of sports and to continue to participate at times in their lives when their participation is most vulnerable to disruption (Roberts and Brodie, 1992).
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It is apparent, then, that although income and wealth are likely to be the
most important mediating variables in some of the sporting activities that it
predicts such as skiing, ocean yachting and even golf class is also related
to peoples predispositions; for example, the importance they attach to sport.
Thus, being a more prominent feature of middle-class leisure lifestyles, sport
is more likely to be a feature of the abilities, experiences and predispositions
of middle-class youngsters.
What, then, are the implications of an understanding of the relationships
between social class, education, leisure and sport for PE? First, in terms of education, middle-class youngsters are more likely to display the characteristics of
ideal pupils and, in being compliant in the education process (Meighan, with
Siraj-Blatchford, 2003), are more likely to acquiesce in the process of PE. Added
to this, sport, like valuing academic success, is a more prominent feature of
middle-class lifestyles and, therefore, is more likely to be a cultural resource
that middle-class young people bring to school and to PE lessons in particular.
In other words, they are more likely to have the skills, abilities and experiences
necessary to be involved with and successful in the sports and physical activities characteristic of school PE. In this respect, young people on middle-class
life courses are the most likely to be introduced to a wider range of sports by
their parents, including those from the range of activity areas (such as swimming, dance, outdoor and adventurous activities) that they are obliged to
engage with in PE lessons. In particular, middle-class youngsters are more
likely to be comfortable with the typical activities that constitute traditional
curricular and extra-curricular PE: team-based games. This is particularly true
for middle-class, white, boys. In this manner, secondary-school PE probably
serves to identify and endorse (Evans, 2004: 99) the sporting and physical abilities that the parents of middle-class youngsters have invested in differentially.
Young people with the experiences, abilities and tastes acquired by virtue of
their social class may be more or less able and willing (Evans, 2004: 101) to
take part in various sports: male PE teachers in deprived neighbourhoods, for
example, can frequently be heard to bemoan the fact that all the boys typically
want to do is play football (Green, 2003).
SOCIAL CLASS, GENDER AND ETHNICITY AND SPORT

A N D P H Y S I C A L E D U C AT I O N
There are two overall points to be made regarding the relationship between
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class, gender and ethnicity. First, although social class is important this is not
necessarily at the expense of other social dynamics, such as gender and ethnicity. Second, there are interactive effects; class-related inequalities are frequently compounded by other social characteristics (Evans, 2004: 102) and,
in particular, gender and ethnicity. These interactive effects can be seen, for
example, in black males prominence in football, boxing and track athletics.
Thus, the significance of social class is compounded by the ways in which it
adds to the likelihood of variation in participation, and more so in some
sports than others; for example, swimming, golf, keep-fit and cycling (Coalter,
1996). Put another way, young peoples sporting and leisure involvement continues to be subject to the social dynamics of social class, gender and ethnicity, both in isolation and in configuration and the scale of class variation
differs substantially depending upon not only age and sex, but also differing
kinds of sport activity (Roberts, 1995).
Despite this, Roberts (1999) notes how, over the past decade or so, we
have witnessed a blurring of class, gender and, to some extent, ethnic
differences in sports participation. Although participation continues to be
related to age, sex and social class (Farrell and Shields, 2002), it is no longer
true that all or nearly all participants are young, male and middle-class
(Roberts, 1996a: 54). While young people (especially young males) on
middle-class life trajectories continue to have higher levels of participation
than working-class youngsters, the main social class differences are no longer
in whether young people play any sport, but how much, how many sports and
how often.
CONCLUSION
Class cultures and divisions are evidently surviving the surrounding economic and political changes of recent decades (Roberts, 2001). There has, nevertheless, been a democratization of many aspects of leisure over time,
including participation in sport. This is not the same, however, as equality;
the middle-classes not only continue to do a wider variety, they also do more
of most sporting and physical activities. This inevitably gives the sons (especially) and daughters of the middle-classes a head start in curricular and
extra-curricular PE and further reinforces the already greater social and cultural benefits of being middle-class.
This chapter opened by asking the question Might it, then, be possible,
via PE, to weaken the link across the whole of sport? and make good the
deficiencies in the quantity and quality of working-class childrens sports
participation. At first sight, the evidence looks promising; not least because,
as indicated, among compulsory school-age children the relationship
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between class and sport participation is rather weak. Nevertheless, there is

no escaping the realization that the classsport relationship strengthens as
young people grow up, for a number of reasons. First, the differential stay-on
rates in education: middle-class children have benefitted academically much
more than working class counterparts from the expansion of school and
university over the past 20 years (Evans, 2004: 102). Second, middle-class
social and cultural capital gives middle-class youth greater staying power;
in effect, they are more likely to develop the kind of wide sporting repertoires
that appear to lock people into sport as they move into adulthood (Roberts
and Brodie, 1992). In addition, although the relationship between class and
sports participation can appear weak while youngsters are at school, class
differences tend to be reinforced by the process of PE. In this regard, middleclass youth tend to possess broader experiences of sport and tend also to be
better at sport (judged by the origins of elite sports players). They have
greater physical/cultural capital. Finally, in monetary terms, it remains the
case that economic inequalities lead inexorably to inequalities in leisure
(Roberts, 2001: 171) and the middle classes, young and old, can afford more
money to do the sports and physical activities (such as attend health and
fitness gyms and join sports clubs) that cost money.
So, can PE do anything to supplement, even extend, the physical and cultural resources of working-class youngsters in a manner that might increase
the likelihood of their continued involvement in sport beyond school and into
adult life? It may be that exposure to the various activity areas that characterize PE curricula can enable youngsters from working-class backgrounds to
acquire the broader repertoire of skills and interests that characterize young
middle-class males in particular. In doing so, PE has the potential to build
upon the evident interest in sport among young people (Roberts, 1996a;
Smith, A., 2006; Sport England, 2003a). While young people of school age
consider sport to be cool and a prominent aspect of their leisure lives (Sport
England, 2003a; 2003b), an opportunity clearly exists. And although class is a
significant variable in terms of participation, once people are in sport, the
influence of social class changes and becomes less prominent (Coalter, 1999;
Roberts and Brodie, 1992). However, it is extremely difficult for schools, let
alone particular subjects such as PE, to overcome the disadvantages
associated with being working-class.
RECOMMENDED READING
Evans, J. and Davies, B. (2006b) Social class and physical education, in D.
Kirk, D. Macdonald and M. OSullivan (eds), The Handbook of Physical
Education. London: Sage. pp.796808.
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Roberts, K. and Brodie, D. (1992) Inner-City Sport: Who Plays and What Are the
NOTE
1 The Sport England surveys of young people between 1994 and 2002 refer
to out of lessons sport and physical activities, a category which includes
participation during extra-curricular PE (Sport England, 2003b).
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Ethnicity and Physical

Education
10
This chapter explores three broad aspects of the relationship between ethnicity and PE: first, the involvement of ethnic minority youngsters in PE and
sport; second, the difficulties PE teachers have encountered in engaging with
such youngsters; and third, whether differences in engagement are merely
expressions of differing perspectives on PE and sport among the various ethnic groups or whether, in one form or another, they are better understood as
expressions of racism manifest in the attitudes and practices of individual
teachers and pupils and in the social structure and organization of institutions such as schools and sports facilities.
Coverage of the relationship between ethnicity and PE is inevitably
uneven. In part, this is an expression of the differential attention paid to
particular ethnic groups by those researching PE and sport since the 1980s.
Early research imitated the broader sociological interest in the experiences
of African-Americans and African-Caribbeans and, in particular, their disproportionate over-representation in top-level sport in the USA and the UK
(see, for example, Cashmore, 1982). This research examined the pushpull
effects of the stereotypical assumptions held by PE teachers and coaches, as
well as black youngsters themselves, regarding the supposedly natural
sporting abilities and aptitudes of the latter (see, for example, Jarvie, 1991).
The over-representation (or stacking) of black youngsters in and degrees
of enthusiasm or reluctance towards some sports rather than others were
viewed as creating particular problems for physical educationalists. Nevertheless, the attitudes and behaviours of African-Caribbean and AfricanAmerican youngsters, although problematic, were never seen as representing
a fundamental challenge to the nature and purposes of conventional sportbased PE programmes. The situation regarding the growing numbers (in
absolute and relative terms) of South Asian youngsters of school age in the
UK and Europe, however, has been different. Hence, the sustained academic
167
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and professional interest in the relationship between these groups and PE.
Consequently, while some of the issues addressed in this chapter can be
viewed as aspects of broader issues (such as the general significance of
religion for participation in PE and sport) and are applicable to ethnic
minorities not only in the UK but also internationally, other issues are quite
specific to particular ethnic groups.
Before examining the relationship between ethnicity and PE in greater
detail, it is necessary to clarify what is meant by the terms race and ethnicity, and to identify the central features of the latter.
RACE AND ETHNICITY

Despite the continued widespread use of the term race in the world of sport,
this chapter takes as axiomatic the view that the concept of race has no scientific validity based, as it is, upon superficial, observable, physical differences such as skin colour, facial features and hair texture (Harrison and
Belcher, 2006; Trowler with Riley, 1984). Populations cannot be meaningfully
subdivided on this basis, not least because geographical boundaries have
become less fixed over time as human societies have experienced widespread
and massive movements of populations leading to the growth of mixed race
populations. In short, the lines of demarcation between supposed races are, at
best, profoundly blurred (Harrison and Belcher, 2006: 741) and, at worst,
drawn arbitrarily and ideologically.
Ethnicity is a far more useful concept with which to make sense of differences in relatively distinct cultures or ways of life. The term ethnicity
draws attention to cultural traditions and heritage (Coakley, 2004). More
specifically it focuses upon membership of, and identification with, social
groups or collectivities on the basis of country of origin, ancestry and history,
family, language, religion and culture and the shared values, beliefs, customs
and traditions and lifestyles these generate (Gabe et al., 2004; Kay, 2005;
Verma and Darby, 1994). Belonging to a particular ethnic group is, then, best
viewed in terms of shared social experiences rather than shared genetic material. The concept of ethnicity helps make sense of the processes by which particular ethnic groups learn to identify themselves as specifically black or
Muslim, for example.
While the term ethnicity can legitimately be used to refer to broad ethnic similarities in, for example, region of origin, religious affiliation and
language it is often (mis)used as an umbrella term to incorporate people
whose origins, ways of life and belief systems are quite different. In the USA,
for example, Hispanic is used as a generic term to group together all people
whose ethnic roots can be traced to Spanish-speaking countries, even though
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169
the term applies to such large and diverse groups as Mexican-Americans,

Puerto Ricans and Cubans. Similarly, in the UK and elsewhere, South Asian
is typically taken to refer to people from Bangladesh, India and Pakistan, who
have as many dissimilarities not least in terms of religious beliefs as they
do similarities. In the UK, use of the term ethnic minorities as a catch-all reference to South Asians, in particular, has tended to lead to many bogus
assumptions about South Asian people as a single homogenous mass, and
about South Asian culture as an all-embracing explanation for all the
lifestyle characteristics of South Asian people in Britain (Fleming, 1994:
160). Although Pakistani and Bangladeshi groups are almost entirely Muslim
and tend to be more conservative and traditional in cultural terms than
Indians (who are more likely to be Sikh, Hindu and other religious groupings), in reality South Asia is a heterogeneous socio-political region constituted of diverse groups of people with frequently dissimilar lifestyles and by
no means uniform cultures (Fleming, 1994; Verma and Darby, 1994).
Not only is ethnicity itself less rigid and more dynamic and fluid than
categories such as Hispanic or South Asian might be taken to imply, so too is
the ethnic character of particular countries and regions. While ethnicity tends
to be used as a static and rigidly defined term, it is more adequately employed
in relational terms to refer to the culture of particular groups at particular
points in time and in particular places. Used in this manner, ethnicity indicates the manner in which the religious, language and family dimensions of
particular ethnic cultures develop as a consequence of the economic and
social interdependencies between ethnic groups within a host country.
Diversity and integration among ethnic groups

Debates about race and ethnicity tend to be characterized by exaggerated,
often erroneous, claims especially during periods of increasing social polarization such as that currently characterizing relationships between Muslims
and non-Muslims, Islam and the West (Benn and Dagkas, 2006: 184) in the
UK and the USA. Ironically, this polarization is occurring at a time when very
many western countries are, like the UK, more culturally diverse than ever
before (Kay, 2005: 97). Britain, for example, is said to be becoming a mosaic
society in which complexity and diversity are the rule (Diamond, 2007: 91).
The introduction for the first time of the category of mixed race in the 2001
UK Census reflected the growing complexity of the western world in which
increasing levels of migration are a significant development. In the UK, the
Asian/British-Asian ethnic grouping constituted half of the non-white population in the UK in 2001, while Black/Black-British made up 25 per cent and
mixed race accounted for nearly 15 per cent of the ethnic minority population
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and 1.2 per cent (680,000) of the overall population. While mixed race is a
very small proportion of the non-white population of the UK (which stood at
over 4.6 million and approximately 9 per cent of the total in 2001) overall, it
is the fastest growing ethnic minority group (Smith, L., 2006).
Compounding this complexity is the fact that minority ethnic groups
also differ in terms of whether they were born in the host country or migrated
there, their migration histories and their social class, economic, educational
and religious profiles (Platt, 2005). The bulk of the growth of Britains
established minority ethnic groups since the 1970s has been through
reproduction rather than primary immigration (Platt, 2005: 699). Just under
half (46 per cent) of Muslims living in the UK in 2001 had been born there.
Unsurprisingly, diversity becomes more marked within the second and
successive generations of minority ethnic groups. Overall, many developed
countries are experiencing a condition of super-diversity (Vertovec, 2007:
94) exacerbated by immigration from a broader range of countries. In
Western Europe, increasing numbers of immigrants have come from Eastern
Europe. Alongside the relatively well-established African-Caribbean and
Asian communities living in the UK, for example, are newer, smaller groups
including Romanians, Poles, Kurds, Iraqis, Algerians among the 40 national
or ethnic groups, each comprising over 10,000 people, in London alone
(Vertovec, 2007).
During the relatively large-scale immigration in the decades following the
Second World War as various industries actively sought labour from the
Caribbean and India, as well as Europe, in the period of post-war reconstruction (Platt, 2005) it was commonplace to depict host societies, such as the UK,
as culturally homogeneous and immigrants, correspondingly, as bearers of an
alien (and potentially disruptive) culture (Elliott, 1996, cited in Kay, 2005:
93). This gave rise to what became known as the host-immigrant thesis: the
belief that in the long term the immigrant population would relinquish their
own values and adopt those of the host (Kay, 2005: 93), assimilating the dominant culture(s) by adopting the patterns of behaviour and ways of life of the
dominant groups (Fleming, 1994). This was naively optimistic, not to say ethnocentric. Rather than assimilating to host countries, many migrants have
tended to remain closely tied to the cultures of their countries of origin and only
partly integrated into the host society (Nagel, 2006). In this regard, policies
aimed at creating a single, common culture in either the UK or the USA, for
example, were bound to fail, because immigrant groups did not consider that
belonging required cultural conformity (Nagel, 2006). The fact that the majority of every religious group in the 2001 UK Census identified themselves as
British, English, Scottish or Welsh, with approximately three-quarters of
Hindus, Muslims and Sikhs giving one of these British identities, appears to
substantiate this view. It seems that, in practice, outsider minority populations
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have managed to preserve many of their own traditions in one form or another
by drawing upon the cultural capital of their ethnic communities in order to
establish and maintain their identity in western contexts.
Despite the heterogeneity and relative cultural distinctiveness of
minority ethnic groups, cultural identities are inevitably dynamic and
unstable. The interplay of interdependent host and immigrant cultures
has, inevitably, led to some changes in both dominant and minority ethnic
ways of life. As a result, far from becoming culturally homogeneous, Britain,
like very many countries, is becoming ever more culturally diverse. Hence
the possibility, even probability, that the diverse range of minority groups
can differ more markedly from each other than from the larger white
population (Kay, 2007).
In terms of the religious dimension to ethnic groupings in the UK, the
2001 Census shows that while the British population is more culturally
diverse than ever before, White Christians remain the largest single group by
far. In Great Britain, 40 million people (nearly seven in 10) described their
ethnicity as White and their religion as Christian; this included majorities of
Black people and those from mixed-race or mixed-ethnic backgrounds.
Among other faiths, the largest groups were Pakistani Muslims and Indian
Hindus followed by Indian Sikhs, Bangladeshi Muslims and White Jews.
Some faith communities were concentrated in particular ethnic groups the
vast majority of Sikhs, for example, were Indian while others were more
widely dispersed. Muslims remain the second largest religious group in
Britain (Sport England, 2000b) at almost 3 per cent of the population (somewhere between 1.5 million-strong [Burke, 2006] and 2 million [Benn, 1996a]).
Muslim groups are similarly prominent elsewhere in Europe, making
up approximately 9 per cent of France (56 million), almost 4 per cent of
Germany (3 million) and approximately 2, 3 and 5 per cent of Norway
(80,000), Sweden (300,000) and Denmark (270,000) respectively. Overall,
Muslims make up approximately 4 per cent of Europes population. The
Muslim populations of the UK, in particular, and the West, in general, are
growing rapidly. The growth of Muslim communities in the West is hardly
surprising given that Islam is the fastest growing religion in the world and
that diaspora communities of Muslims are growing in many western
countries (Dagkas and Benn, 2006). The majority of the increasing ethnic
minority population in the UK is Asian of Islamic heritage with their origins
in Pakistan or Bangladesh (Benn and Dagkas, 2006: 184). Indeed, 95 per cent
of British Muslims are of Asian origin and approximately a half (750,000) of
specifically Pakistani origin. One consequence of this rapid growth is that
those issues in PE that tend to be correlated to the religious dimension of
ethnicity are likely to become more prevalent across Europe and, indeed,
anywhere where Islam is growing.
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Along with the evident cultural diversity of western societies such as the
UK and the USA, one of the most striking features of the 2001 UK Census is
the youthful make-up of minority ethnic groups. While they constitute
approximately 8 per cent of the population as a whole, ethnic groups make up
roughly 12 per cent of young people. Alongside rising numbers of youngsters
of South Asian heritage (Benn and Dagkas, 2006), the 2001 UK Census
revealed more than 50 per cent of the rapidly growing mixed race category to
be under 16 years of age, making it the fastest growing ethnic minority group
in Britain. In the USA, the national census reveals a decreasing proportion of
the population as white (down to approximately two-thirds from three-quarters) with Latinos the fastest growing minority group. Overall, ethnic minorities constitute an increasingly significant proportion of the state school
population not only in the USA (Harrison and Belcher, 2006) and the UK but
in many western countries.
Kay (2005: 107) notes how the power of tradition, and the pressure for
change is reflected in the multiple and diverse identities of contemporary
British-born youngsters of South Asian heritage. In this regard, Warikoo
(2005) found that Indo-Caribbean young men and women in London and
New York drew from multiple influences on their identities and, in the case of
boys, often chose to distance themselves from an Indian identity. The particular mixes of social identities experienced, for example, by young South Asian
Muslim men and women inevitably result in cultures of hybridity (Dagkas
and Benn, 2006: 22).
Two of the most significant aspects of ethnicity are religion and family,
and it is worth saying a little more about these.
KEY DIMENSIONS OF ETHNICITY

Religion
The popular view is that religion and culture tend to be conflated (Kay, 2005:
95), because for peoples with strong religious attachment the two can be so
strongly intertwined. Where religion does not have a substantial impact upon
the ways of life of particular groups (in the case of African-Caribbean, British
and Chinese Christians, for example) this tends to be because religiosity the
degree to which people regard themselves as religious is relatively weak or
the religion itself (Christianity, for example) does not strongly circumscribe
many aspects of peoples lifestyles, including leisure and sport.
While there may be room for manouevre and accommodation between
culture and religion, this is less likely to occur in the case of Muslims for
whom there is usually little or no separation of religious and secular activities.
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In such cases, religiosity impacts upon whole swathes of everyday life. Muslim
religiosity impacts, for example, upon the way youngsters in particular are
constrained by their families to retain cultural distinctiveness by being visibly Muslim; that is, by adopting and adhering strictly to Islamic dress codes
(Benn and Dagkas, 2006).
In case one were inclined to conclude that the requirements of Islam are
antithetical to the practice of PE and sport, it is worth dwelling upon the
ambiguities that surround Islam in relation to participation in sport and
exercise and the complex and contradictory influences (Kay, 2005: 100)
which South Asian Muslim girls and young women, in particular, are subject
to. According to Benn (1996a: 9), There is much support for physical activity
in Islam; for example, care of the body, and exercise and promotion of
healthy lifestyles are important for males and females, conditional upon
Islamic requirements for modesty1 being respected by young people after
puberty, including adapted dress and single-sex activities. Muslims are not
even forbidden by Islam to participate in sport as such (Benn, 1996a; Kay,
2005). Indeed, the women in Kays (2005: 104) study embraced sport
enthusiastically and, for the most part, family members supported their
involvement, with the proviso that participation conformed to norms
regarding acceptable behaviour for young Muslim women. Similarly, many
female Muslim students in Dagkas and Benns study (2006: 34) viewed PE as
an enjoyable subject, where they had fun. Overall, while exercise and sport
are condoned, in principle, by Islam, they are severely restricted by cultural
restrictions on women in particular (Kay, 2005: 110). In practical terms,
constraints on participation arise from the circumstances in which girls and
women can participate, for unless they are concealed from the male gaze,
girls participating in sport will infringe the religious requirement and
cultural expectation of modesty in females (Kay, 2005: 104). Dance, for
example, is viewed very differently by many Muslim and Hindu people
because of the religious traditions surrounding the activity in Hinduism and
perceptions of dance as a sexually provocative activity among some people
from the Muslim community (Benn and Dagkas, 2006: 182). Walseths
(2006: 91) study of young Norwegian Muslim women found that young
women, and not men, are sometimes sanctioned and sometimes even
harassed by members of their ethnic group, for participating in sport.
Pressures towards conformity are, on the one hand, a matter of religious
constraint and, on the other, social respectability and the family acts as a
conduit for both (Kay, 2005: 105).
One of the most pressing concerns among Asian families has to do with the
likelihood that PE and sports facilities might not be suitable for Muslim girls
because as they fail to provide sufficient privacy or female-only sessions. To be
suitable, sporting facilities must have female-only access, sports programmes
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need to be run by female instructors, and the usual dress codes associated with
PE and sport need to be changed or relaxed (Lowrey and Kay, 2005).
Family
Along with religion, the centrality of the family and family life in the subcultures of minority ethnic groups should not be overlooked or underestimated.
Nevertheless, family life reflects a good deal of change alongside evident continuities. Berthoud (2000) talks of three main patterns of diversity in family
formation on a continuum from old-fashioned values through to modern
individualism, with Caribbeans ahead of the trend and South Asians especially Pakistanis and Bangladeshis behind it.
Although the significance of the family has as much to do with the cultural
traditions of particular regions as with religious doctrine, family is, nevertheless, a particularly central institution among Muslims, in particular, as well as
South Asians in general. Families can exert tremendous influence over their
members (Lowrey and Kay, 2005). The interests of the family have a tendency
to override concern for individual freedoms and the prominence of the family
in the lives of Muslims has especially profound consequences for the young and
for women (Kay, 2005). Therefore, the lives of young Muslims in Kays (2005:
110) research tended to be more localized, much more home based and involved
a good deal less contact with friends as well as more time spent in the company
of immediate family, than youngsters from other ethnic groups. This persistent
feature of South Asian cultures, in general, is frequently compounded by family perceptions of their young people as the next generation of owners and an
important human resource for family businesses (Lowrey and Kay, 2005).
Although based on small-scale, in-depth research with a particular group of
women, the findings from Lowrey and Kays study supported those of Verma
and Darbys (1994) research of more than a decade earlier. Nonetheless, it is
important to bear in mind that there is enormous diversity in how families
interpret Islam (Kay, 2007) (see, for example, Walseth and Fasting, 2003), and
religiosity has significant ramifications for young peoples relative autonomy
and that of girls and young women in particular.
In the light of the concerns over the past decade or more with Muslim
girls tendency to disengage from PE, it is worth dwelling upon the particularity of young Muslim women.
Muslim girls and young women The gendered structure and privileged
position of males as the familys defining members (Kay, 2005: 96) is a feature of South Asian families in the UK. Different forms and degrees of freedom tend to be made available to young Muslim men and women by their
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families, depending on levels of religiosity. When compared with non-Muslim

youth, young Muslim women in more traditional Islamic families, following
a more traditional interpretation of Islam (Kay, 2007), are more likely to
spend a high proportion of time in the home and seldom travel very far from
it, and almost never independently (Kay, 2005). The roles ascribed to females
in more traditional families (especially Muslim families of South Asian origin) continue to constrain women, in particular, especially the sense of surveillance (Kay, 2005) that young women can experience. South Asian females,
generally, tend to have less time that they could call their own and are under
greater constraints in their use of it, tending to be relied upon to perform a
range of family, social and domestic responsibilities (Verma and Darby, 1994:
116) far more than males.
Religion and family in isolation but especially when combined have
a crucial impact on daily life for South Asians, but especially for Muslims of
Pakistani and Bangladeshi origin. The relative lack of involvement in sport
and PE among South Asian girls in particular is best explained in terms of the
constraints and conflicts of religious orthodoxies and family values (Flintoff
and Scraton, 2006). Religion, whichever one, is likely to be more important
to females than males (Verma and Darby, 1994: 96), while parents and family
are likely to affect behaviour from all ethnic groups. Nevertheless, whatever
the impact of religion and family, it is invariably males who possess greater
amounts of freedom.
Despite the significance of religion and family in enabling continuity of
ethnic traditions, it is inevitable that the character of South Asian family life
will develop as a consequence of being located in dominant cultures that
differ in some significant respects to its own. Indeed, South Asian (especially
Muslim) family life appears to be changing in Britain, in part because of the
increasing numbers of young women in these families who are achieving educational qualifications (Kay, 2005) with all that entails in terms of movement away from traditional family values among all minority ethnic groups
and especially among younger generations. Kay (2005) highlights a number
of changes in the lives of the growing number of young women who are staying longer in education and obtaining educational qualifications. Developments in family life and educational experiences appear to be placing young
South Asian Muslims in the vanguard of changing South Asian ethnic
identities in Britain (Kay, 2005: 99). The young women in Lowrey and Kays
(2005) study appeared to be fusing the Islamic traditions of their ethnic
origins with elements of the majority culture and this was reflected in a
combination of small indications of movement towards more liberal
lifestyles counterbalanced by Islamic teachings (Kay, 2005: 111). Young
Pakistani and Bangladeshi women educated in the UK (and the western
world) have acquired host language and qualifications not available to their
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parents and most have been exposed to Western cultural values as well as the
traditional Muslim values of their parents and families (Kay, 2005: 99). In
this regard, a potentially profound shift in the life patterns of minority
ethnic women from South Asian Muslim communities may well be taking
place. Nonetheless, religion and family, currently remain central to the
construction of young Muslim womens identities in particular. Indeed,
recent research (Mirza et al., 2007) suggests that the younger generations
appear to be adhering more strongly to Islamic values than the older
generations, in the form of a growing (and politicized) religiosity. Kay (2007)
suggests that this may be indicative of a strengthening independent Muslim
identity rather than a greater level of assimilation.
The following sections explore the relationship between ethnicity and
PE and sport.
Claims about the relationship between ethnicity and PE are very similar to
those for sport, because sport lies at the heart of conventional PE programmes. Prominent among these claims has been the belief that sport serves
as a model of the extent to which racial equality can be attained in society.
On this view, (school) sport operates as a social glue, facilitating the integration of ethnic minorities into dominant (typically white) cultures while providing a valuable avenue for upward mobility for some and for
African-Americans and African-Caribbeans in particular.
Despite the intuitive plausibility of such an egalitarian ideology, various
studies have demonstrated that PE and sport frequently reinforce, rather
than dissipate, pervasive racial stereotypes regarding the natural sporting
abilities of some ethnic minorities, and black youngsters in particular (see
Coakley, 2004). Indeed, far from breaking down barriers and encouraging
tolerance between cultures, PE and sport often serve to maintain and fortify
ethnic boundaries (Fleming, 1991: 36). Sport acts as a vehicle for
legitimizing violence (Fleming, 1991) and racist provocation and taunting
(Johnson, 2000) towards young Muslims, in particular, and South Asian
ethnic groups, in general, as their apparent physical and sporting
deficiencies and alienation are interpreted as confirming their general social
inferiority. In addition, the marginalization of African-American and
African-Caribbean youngsters in education, and their tendency to disengage
with the academic elements of schooling, is often exacerbated by PE.
Physical education teachers and sports coaches, and the youngsters
themselves, view sport as one area of school life where they can experience
success and avoid the kinds of failure they typically experience in other areas
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of the curriculum. Consequently, PE teachers have tended to channel

African-American and African-Caribbean youngsters towards sport per se
and some sports in particular (and even particular positions within those
sports usually those that place a premium on speed and power). In doing
so, teachers and coaches stand accused of perpetuating stereotypical myths of
the black sportsman, while at the same time depressing academic
attainment and motivation and encouraging black youngsters towards
narrow and ultimately fruitless career routes (Carroll, 1998b; Cashmore,
1990; Coakley, 2004; Jarvie, 1991).
The disproportionate numbers of African-Caribbeans in American football, soccer, track athletics, basketball and boxing confirm that sport can act
as an avenue for social mobility for a very small minority of ethnic youngsters.
Nevertheless, because they perpetuate stereotypical assumptions regarding
ethnic youngsters natural suitability for, or predispositions towards, some
sports over others, PE teachers (and coaches) are said to limit the opportunities for youngsters from these groups to develop general sporting skills
(Coakley, 2004). This is particularly true among youngsters from ethnic
minorities for whom sport is not so significant a cultural practice. Their limited childhood opportunities for play and sporting experiences result in a
restricted vocabulary of basic motor and sporting skills (Fleming, 1991).
Consequently, their opportunities for developing the relevant skills are
restricted to PE lessons (Fleming, 1991) where any perceived deficiencies
merely serve to reinforce stereotypical assumptions regarding ethnic youngsters (in)abilities. In this manner, PE teachers assumptions about young people from particular ethnic minorities are said to impact quite profoundly
upon their future sports participation.
As the proportion of South Asians and East African Asians in the UK
population has grown since the 1970s, so too have tensions between youngsters from Asian ethnic groups and PE teachers. While the issue for teachers
has not been how to incorporate black youngsters into sport but, rather, how
to incorporate them into the rest of education, the reverse has been true for
South Asian youngsters, in general, and Muslims, in particular. At the heart
of the problematic relations between PE teachers in the UK and South Asian
ethnic pupils lies the issue of cultural conflict and, in particular, the tension
between what are supposedly British or Western values and those of Islam.
Requiring pupils from ethnic minority groups to adopt sports and activities
historically and traditionally associated with white, middle-class young men
and women has, almost inevitably, led to disengagement and alienation
among some ethnic groups most notably South Asians Muslims and, to a
lesser extent, African-Caribbeans. The next section rehearses some of the
issues that surfaced in PE as a consequence of these conflicts of culture and
PE teachers attempts to resolve them.
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The issue of ethnicity in PE

In the USA, in the latter decades of the twentieth century, PE teachers
increasingly confronted with, for example, African-American pupils who
favoured some sports (such as basketball), sometimes to the exclusion of other
sports, inevitably viewed them as not only disinterested and uncooperative
but as lacking the necessary skills for those other sports; in other words, lacking competence rather than merely lacking motivation (Harrison and Belcher,
2006). Consequently, PE teachers in the USA seem to hold low expectations
of ethnic minority pupils likely achievements in PE generally while, at the
same time, hold high expectations of their performances in specific sports
(Harrison and Belcher, 2006).
Similarly, the response of PE teachers in the UK in the 1970s and 1980s
(especially in inner-city schools) to finding themselves increasingly confronted with an unfamiliar client group inevitably seen as disturbing the
status quo (Fleming, 1994: 161) was to treat them as a problem (Benn and
Dagkas, 2006; Carroll and Hollinshead, 1993) to be overcome or endured.
While ethnic pupils took the view that their PE teachers were being racist and
grossly unfair, the teachers themselves claimed that, far from being racist,
they were simply upholding the traditions of PE and, in so doing, treating all
groups equitably. As if to compound the problem, PE teachers argued that
giving way to religious beliefs would amount to a form of positive discrimination likely to be seen as grossly unfair by other groups, while, in the process,
making the teachers job more difficult in the future.
Areas of conflict between PE teachers and ethnic minority pupils in
the UK have increasingly revolved around South Asian especially Pakistani
and Bangladeshi youngsters. Many conflicts have centred upon issues
related to appropriate clothing, religious festivals such as Ramadan and
extra-curricular PE and, within these, matters of dress, swimming, diet,
fasting and parental attitudes towards sport and out-of-school activities. In
the following extract from his research, Carroll (1998b: 3256) provides a
summary of the conflicts and dilemmas inherent in what he referred to as the
cultural clash between PE teachers and South Asian pupils:
The teachers were trying to maintain many of the traditional values in PE,
such as changing into suitable PE kit, showering after lessons, developing
ability and offering extra-curricular activities, and making a full effort all
the time. Not fully understanding the Muslim and South Asian culture, they
had expected the Bangladeshi and Pakistani children to conform to their
value system. It was in fact a simple integrationist policy. After all, they had
met resistance before from many white English working class children and
the pupils had been made to conform. As the number of ethnic minority
children grew this policy brought increasing pupil embarrassment, anger
and hostility and eventual conflict.
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At the heart of much of the ongoing tension between South Asian pupils and
PE lies a clash between PE traditions and Islamic culture. Dagkas and Benn
(2006) found, for example, that while the Greek and British Muslim girls and
young women in their study (in their early and late teenage years respectively)
held positive views towards PE, their participation in extra-curricular PE was
nevertheless restricted by their consciousness of Islamic requirements more
so among the British than the Greek young women.
Some of the issues resulting from the tension between the conventions
of PE and Islam have implications for both sexes, such as the demands for
high levels of physical activity in PE during periods when the physical
condition of Muslim youngsters is weakened as a consequence of the
requirements of the festival of Ramadan for fasting in daylight hours. Other
orthodox PE practices have ramifications for girls, in particular. Over the
past decade or more, increasing numbers of researchers have turned their
attention to Muslim communities concentrating on young Muslim women,
in particular. It seems that among young British Muslim women, religious
consciousness grows during adolescence and, as Islamic identity strengthens,
new and greater tensions arise in various areas of their lives but especially as
regards PE and sport (Dagkas and Benn, 2006). Studies have tended to focus
upon the constraints that can affect young Muslim womens participation in
PE and sport and how these are related to Islam (Kay, 2007). The
conventional games kit (including short skirts or knickers and T-shirts) and
expectations regarding changing and showering, for example, tend to be a
problem for all girls regardless of ethnicity (see Chapter 8). However, this is
exacerbated in the case of Muslim youngsters because such requirements
conflict with the need for modesty of dress on the part of girls and the
requirement that arms and legs be covered. Student teachers in Benns
(1996a: 10) research recollected surviving the conflict between their religious
obligations and the demands of PE using a variety of coping strategies
which included managing to cover their legs by wearing longer games skirts
and socks; missing PE or feigning sickness to avoid showers; and rushing into
the toilet to get changed.
Despite their initial inclination to resist altering their traditional practices, PE teachers have felt compelled to amend their policies and practices to
meet the constraints posed by religiosity in particular. These constraints
range from pupils being reluctant to participate to parents withdrawing their
children from PE. So, over the course of the last 20 years or so, a shift has
taken place in PE teachers practices, if not necessarily their attitudes,
towards Muslim pupils engagement with PE (Carroll, 1998b). The NCPE in
England and Wales requires PE teachers to accommodate religious and cultural requirements and this, as well as the hard-learned lessons of several
decades of teaching increasing numbers of South Asian Muslim pupils, has
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impacted upon the practice of PE. Examples of the ways in which PE teachers have adapted their practices to cater for Muslim youngsters in particular
include:
more single-sex activities
a relaxation of dress codes (allowing the wearing of tracksuit trousers
and shalwars and secured hijabs)
the introduction of less strenuous activities such as table tennis during
Ramadan and less provocative dances
making showering optional
allowing greater individual privacy in changing and showering arrangements where possible and incorporating such arrangements in new
sports buildings
amending expectations towards vigorous physical exertion
the incorporation of greater choice of activities among older pupils
(Benn, 1996a; Benn and Dagkas, 2006; Carroll, 1998b; Dagkas and Benn,
2006).
Despite such adaptations, the Loughborough Partnership (2005) have
reported mixed evidence that School Sports Partnerships have been successful in targeting specific groups such as girls and young women and black and
ethnic minorities in schools where these categories of pupils comprised the
majority, or a substantial minority, of the school population.
Before concluding this chapter, it is worth reflecting on research related
to patterns of sports participation among minority ethnic groups, because the
evidence flags up a number of issues regarding the relationship between PE
and sport, as far as ethnic minorities are concerned.
ETHNICITY AND SPORT

Although Sport Englands (2000b: 37) national survey reported relatively
low levels of sports participation among ethnic minority groups, the gap in
participation rates between ethnic groups is not as considerable as might be
expected. The overall frequent participation rate among ethnic minority
groups in 1999/2000 was 40 per cent compared with a national average of 46
per cent. Nevertheless, there is considerable variation in the levels of
participation between different ethnic groups, between men and women and
between different sports (Sport England, 2000b: 37). Indeed, in recent years,
the gulf in participation between white adults and ethnic minority groups
in England appears to have grown (Sport England, 2005: 4): in 2002, 44
percent of white adults participated in at least one activity (excluding
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walking) compared to 35 percent of adults from an ethnic minority group

(Sport England, 2005: 4).
Despite the evident differences, the Sport England (2000b) survey
confirmed the findings from other, much smaller-scale studies (see, for
example, Verma and Darby, 1994) to the effect that the picture of
participation among ethnic groups is more complex than commonsense, stereotypical generalizations suggest. Even though they tend to
congregate in their own districts, teams, clubs and groups (Roberts, 1999:
217), many ethnic minorities are by no means under-represented in what
Roberts (1999: 217) refers to as most normal forms of British leisure. This
is particularly true for Chinese and African-Caribbean males (Verma and
Darby, 1994). It is less true for young Asian Muslims. In broad terms, Sport
Englands (2000b) findings confirmed Verma and Darbys smaller-scale
research in the mid-1990s in which Chinese and White British adults were
the most active sports participants and Pakistani and Bangladeshi the least.
Among the minority ethnic groups, the Sport England (2000b) survey found
that, when walking is excluded, Black African (60 per cent) and Black Other
(80 per cent) males have higher frequent or regular participation rates than
the national average, with Black Caribbean (45 per cent) Bangladeshi (46 per
cent) and Pakistani (42 per cent) males less likely to participate in sport than
men generally.
With regard to school-age youngsters, the North-West Development
Agencys (NWDA) (2005) study of Year 9 pupils in the north-west of England
found youngsters from Asian communities less likely to participate in sport
than any other group. This was particularly so in relation to extra-curricular
sport (67 per cent compared with 73 per cent for white people) and sports
club membership (51 per cent and 62 per cent respectively) among the 1314year-olds in the study. The picture is similar in the USA, where Trost (2006)
points to studies indicating that white children reported higher levels of
sports participation than African-American or Hispanic children.
The overall participation rates also camouflage substantial discrepancies
between males and females. The rates for ethnic minority males in Sport
Englands survey were 49 per cent compared with the national average for
men of 54 per cent and for ethnic minority females 32 per cent compared with
the national average for women of 39 per cent (Sport England, 2000b). The
survey highlighted significant differences between men and women within
particular ethnic groups and between different sports and studies in the UK
(see, for example, Carroll, 1993; Sport England, 2000b; Verma and Darby,
1994) and the USA (Trost, 2006) reveal how, overall, adult males from each
ethnic group participate in sport more than females. In Sport Englands
(2000b) survey, the gap in frequent participation between men and women
was more marked in some ethnic groups than others. The gap between
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Bangladeshi, Black African and Pakistani men and women was 27, 26 and 20
percentage points respectively; especially important because these groups are
among the lowest participants in general. Although the difference in levels of
participation between men and women in the Black Other ethnic group was
especially wide, at 35 percentage points, this group had relatively high participation rates in general (Sport England, 2000b). In Verma and Darbys
(1994) research, variations between ethnic groups were minimal as far as
males involvement with sport in their leisure time was concerned. Among
females, however, there was far greater variety: only African and East African
Asian women indicated sport as their first choice leisure activity. Similarly, in
Carrolls (1993) study, 4050 per cent of Bangladeshi/Pakistani/African
women were not involved in physical activity compared with 33 per cent of
Indian, 25 per cent of Caribbean and 20 per cent of White British women.
In terms of the kinds of sports minority ethnic groups undertake in both
the UK and the USA, there are substantial differences. African-Caribbeans,
for example, are hugely over-represented and Asians under-represented in
athletics and soccer in England. Athletics and basketball are deemed more
appropriate for African-American and African-Caribbean males in the USA,
with activities such as golf and hockey seen as more appropriate for
European-Americans (Harrison and Belcher, 2006). In England, ethnic
minorities levels of participation in walking are significantly below those for
the population as a whole. At one extreme, 19 per cent of Bangladeshis take
long walks regularly compared with 44 per cent of the population as a whole
(Sport England, 2000b). Similarly, ethnic minorities and all black groups
and Pakistani and Bangladeshi women, in particular are far less likely to
take part in swimming and cycling than is the population as a whole.
Irrespective of ethnic group, football, snooker and pool were the preserve of
males in Sport Englands (2000b) survey, while keep-fit, aerobics and dancing
were the province of females. For males, football regularly tends to be the
major team game overall, in England, irrespective of ethnicity and is particularly popular among black males. Interestingly, participation in football
among South Asians is around the national average and, in the case of
Pakistani men, above the average. While by no means the preserve of one particular ethnic groups, cricket, badminton and basketball were particularly
popular among Asian, Chinese, African-Caribbean and black males respectively (Sport England, 2000b). As if to illustrate the complexity of patterns of
participation, and the attendant danger of turning empirical trends into
stereotypes, pool and snooker tend to have a reasonable following among some
ethnic minority female groups (Sport England, 2000b; Verma and Darby,
1994). Similarly, many activities are relatively more popular with females in
particular ethnic minority groups than the population overall. Basketball, for
example, was more popular with Black Caribbean and Black African females,
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cricket with Pakistani women, and weight training with black females. Keepfit/aerobics/yoga was by far the most popular activity after walking among all
women except Bangladeshis.
Despite the complexity and diversity of patterns of participation, sex and
ethnicity combine to greatly affect participation in sport. To be female and a
Muslim, Hindu or Sikh from any of the South Asian groups Bangladeshi,
Pakistani and Indian is likely to result in a lower participation rate in sport.
However, change may well be occurring in the rates and forms of participation
among female Muslims and, where this is so, it appears to be being driven by
increased involvement in lifestyle activities (see Chapter 7). Dagkas and
Benn (2006: 33), for example, observe that Greek Muslim young women in
their study were more likely to participate at weekends and preferred a more
relaxed way of exercising, for example visiting local fitness clubs or playing
informal games with their friends.
Patterns of participation highlight, above all, the significance of
religiosity for sports participation. The more emphasis is placed upon
religion among particular ethnic groups, the lower the levels and rates of
participation in sport tend to be (Verma and Darby, 1994). White British and
Chinese Christians and non-believers participated more than Muslims,
Hindus and Sikhs. This is also true elsewhere: in Germany, for example,
immigrants from Islamic cultures are among those least active in sports
(Pfister and Reeg, 2006: 11).
There is also a gender dimension to the significance of religiosity for
sports participation similar to that found in PE. Although participation
among women (but, interestingly, not the desire to participate) decreased as
importance placed on religion increased, the same was not true for men. It
seems that being a young Muslim woman and participating in sport challenges the boundaries of their ethnic identities (Benn, 2005), because it draws
attention to women behaving in an unfeminine manner when sport is not
viewed as an expression of respectable femininity (Walseth, 2006).
When added together, ethnicity and gender are a particularly potent mix
in relation to participation in sport as well as PE. This is exacerbated when configured with other social dynamics, such as social class and disability (see
Chapters 9 and 11). Burgess (2007) for example, observes that young people
with a disability from ethnic minorities are least likely to be engaged in sport.
While the significance of social class on levels of participation among ethnic
minorities is relatively under-explored, the correlation between low levels of
participation and the disproportionate over-representation among the lower
socio-economic groups of South Asians suggests that it is entirely plausible that
social class is an important explanatory variable. Indeed, as indicated in
Chapter 9, the interactive effects of ethnicity and social class is evident in the
form of black males prominence in sports such as football, boxing and athletics.
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In their study of participation in Germany, Pfister and Reeg (2006: 11) observed
that religion, social class and ethnic cultures generally seem to combine to form
an insurmountable obstacle, frequently making sporting activities impossible
for the parents as well as the children. This is unsurprising given that a feature
of the increasingly culturally diverse countries of the western world is the large
socio-economic inequalities experienced by minority ethnic groups.
CONCLUSION
Although differences remain in the levels and forms of participation in PE
and sport among young people, Roberts (1999) notes a blurring, in recent
decades, of not only class and gender but also ethnic differences in the kinds
of sports and physical activities participated in, as well as the variety within
and between all these groups. In this regard, British Muslim young women in
Dagkas and Benns (2006) study suggested that life has become more free (in
sporting as well as other cultural arenas) for younger generations.
Nevertheless, differences between ethnic groups involvement in PE and
sport remain. Depending on their degree of assimilation into British culture
and religiosity, South Asian youngsters involvement in PE tends to be differentially affected by Islamic guidance on issues like dress and the degree of
segregation between the sexes (Benn, 1996a). For girls and devout Muslims,
PE is frequently perceived as threatening individuals ability to live their
lives as practising Muslims (Benn, 1996b: 5).
The shortage of teachers from ethnic minority groups in British state
schools entering and staying in the teaching profession in Britain (Benn,
1996a; Benn and Dagkas, 2006) and the USA (Harrison and Belcher, 2006)
may well exacerbate the tension between minority pupils and their PE teachers. It has been amply demonstrated that newly qualified or beginning teachers think and act in terms of their own sporting and school PE experiences
(see Chapter 12) and, given that they are an almost entirely White group, PE
teachers in the Western world are unlikely to be prepared for teaching minority ethnic pupils especially in those, typically inner-city, schools where they
constitute the majority of pupils (Ennis, 1995).
While ethnicity heightens or exacerbates gender differences, it seems
that changes in family life and educational experiences place Muslim young
women in the vanguard of changing South Asian ethnic identities in Britain
(Kay, 2005: 99). There may, then, be grounds for optimism regarding the levels of participation of Muslim youngsters in PE and sport, especially to the
extent that more girls in particular stay on in education for longer.
Nevertheless, in England and Wales, the potentially positive impact (on their
sporting participation) of ethnic minority girls remaining in education may
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well be undermined by the development of faith schools. In addition, their

increasing involvement in education may not lead to improved access or
retention of Muslim women in teaching PE and sport, because of the incompatibility of their requirements for same-sex tuition and the compulsory
mixed-sex nature of teacher training (Benn and Dagkas, 2006).
This chapter began by asking whether the differences in the degrees of
engagement with PE and sport between and within ethnic groups are simply
expressions of differences in cultural perspectives on PE and sport, or
whether, in one form or another, they are expressions of individual or structural and institutional racism? In reality, the ethnic penalty (Platt, 2005) that
youngsters from some minority groups experience is a consequence of a configuration of all these. In other words, the relatively lower levels of engagement with, and alienation from, PE (and sport) of some youngsters is
explainable in terms of:
structural effects in terms of differences between ethnic groups in relation to education, health and fitness, income and so forth. Those minority groups who value education, for example, tend to place a low
premium on PE and sport for their children. In this regard, Muslim
young women in Dagkas and Benns (2006: 33) studies indicated that
participation in extra-curricular PE and sport would be problematic if
it interfered with academic progress. Similarly, South Asian Muslims
tend to be disproportionately over-represented in the lower social classes
and they, in turn, are the least likely to be involved in sport
structural effects in the form of institutionalized ethnocentrism embedded in the history of PE in the form of conventional PE programmes
(in terms of the particular sporting activities that dominate curricula)
and practices (such as specific teaching and changing arrangements, and
facilities) that amount to ethnocentric PE processes (Carroll, 1998b)
discrimination on the part of teachers in the form of the ideological perspectives of PE teachers regarding, for example, the abilities and predispositions of particular ethnic groups and the nature and purposes of PE
discrimination on the part of pupils that discourage engagement by fellow pupils from particular ethnic groups.
When set alongside the varying culturally specific claims on youngsters
from, for example, their families and the inevitable differences in the
perspectives on PE and sport of particular ethnic youngsters, it is debatable
which of these factors is most influential among particular ethnic groups and
in particular schools and PE settings. What is not debatable, however, is that
differences in engagement with PE continue to exist and that while White
British, Chinese and, to a lesser extent, African-Caribbeans are likely to
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engage with conventional PE programmes, South Asian Muslims are far less
likely to do so. Neither is it debatable that in many countries (such as
Britain, the USA and Canada) African-Caribbean (Solomon and Tarc, 2003)
and South Asian Muslim pupils have developed a vibrant culture of
resistance not only to PE but also, in some cases, to schooling.
RECOMMENDED READING
Benn, T. (2005) Race and physical education, sport and dance, in K. Green
and K. Hardman (eds), Physical Education: Essential Issues. London: Sage.
pp.197219.
Sport England (2000b) Sports Participation and Ethnicity in England: National
Survey 1999/2000. Headline Findings. London: Sport England.
Verma, G.K. and Darby, D.S. (1994) Winners and Losers: Ethnic Minorities in
Sport and Recreation. London: Falmer Press.
NOTE
1 It is important to recognize that what, from a Eurocentric perspective,
constitutes a restriction on equal opportunities, in Islamic cultural traditions, Muslims view as a positive moral code to guide their community
(Carroll, 1998b).
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Disability, Special
Educational Needs and
Physical Education
11
The promotion of equal opportunities in educational policy in recent decades

has led to a shift in the education of youngsters with disabilities away from segregation in special schools and towards their inclusion in mainstream (or
regular, as they are known in the USA) schools. Consequently, the proportion
of young people with disabilities educated in mainstream schools in developed
countries has increased considerably in recent years (Fitzgerald, 2006).
This chapter examines key aspects of the inclusion of young people with
disabilities in mainstream PE. It explores the rationale, implementation and
efficacy of mainstreaming, including the difficulties PE teachers report with
inclusion, and the sports and physical activities young people with disabilities
participate in both in and out of school. First, however, it is necessary to say
something about disability itself as well as its corollary, special educational
needs (SEN), as well as associated terms such as integration and inclusion.
D E F I N I N G D I S A B I L I T Y, S P E C I A L E D U C AT I O N A L
NEEDS AND INCLUSION
Disability and Special Educational Needs
Changes in policy orientation towards inclusion have reflected a re-conceptualization of disability away from the hitherto sharp distinction between two
groups of seemingly homogenous pupils the (physically and mentally)
handicapped (as they were often referred to) and the non-handicapped and
towards the recognition of a wider range of disabilities and abilities. The rigid
categories of handicap that had previously formed the basis for the provision
of special educational services (such as special schools) were gradually
replaced by more nuanced categories of disability or impairment and the
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identification of special educational needs (SEN) among youngsters.

The label SEN tends to be used to refer to limitations in (young) peoples capacity to participate in and benefit from education as a consequence
of enduring physical, cognitive, sensory, communicative or behavioural difficulties or any other condition which is said to require particular pedagogic
responses (Meegan and MacPhail, 2006; Smith, 2004). The corresponding
statements of SEN are supposed to identify childrens individual educational
needs for which some kind of special educational provision should be made
and typically result in what are sometimes referred to as Individual
Educational Plans. Nevertheless, youngsters identified as having SEN are by
no means a homogenous group. They include not only those with disabilities
of one kind or another but also young people said to have a learning difficulty because they experience significantly greater difficulty in learning than
the majority of children of the same age.
The incorporation of physical and mental disability, alongside other
learning difficulties (since the late 1970s [DES, 1978]) in the overall concept
of SEN represents not only a reorientation of educational policy but also a
major change away from so-called medical models of disability towards a
social model (see Tregaskis, 2002). It does not, however, necessarily reflect a
shift in the attitudes and practices of teachers. The continued pre-eminence
of medicalized conceptions of disability in the beliefs and practices of PE
make it necessary to say a little more about these models of disability.
Medical and social models of disability The successful application of
science, in general, and medicine, in particular, to combating illness and
disease over the last few hundred years has led to the dominance of scientific
models of health and illness. The corresponding privileging of medical
diagnoses and prognoses resulted in what became known as the medical
model of disability (Barnes et al., 1999). Consequently, those medical and
educational experts (such as doctors and educational psychologists) charged
with the diagnosis of, and prescription for, disability tended to focus on
young peoples particular mental or physical impairments in the medical
terms associated with dis/functionality. Such diagnoses invariably ignored
wider social processes (of stigmatization, for example) and the general
socially constructed physical (for example, sports facilities without disabled
access) and cultural (such as sports and games that, in unmodified form, are
inaccessible to youngsters with disabilities) barriers to participation in
wider, supposedly able-bodied, societies.
People working in PE and sport have internalized many of the dominant
conceptions of disability (as fundamentally anatomical or biological) of the
kind associated with medical models. As a consequence, the commonplace
perception of people with disabilities as disabled as people has become
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D I S A B I L I T Y, S P E C I A L E D U C AT I O N A L N E E D S A N D P H Y S I C A L E D U C AT I O N
189
normalized among PE teachers who often focus upon childrens deficiencies:

in effect, what they can and cannot do.
In response to what were (and, in many cases, continue to be) seen as the
individualistic and decontextualized and, correspondingly, partial and
inhibiting (Meegan and MacPhail, 2006) views of individuals with disabilies
manifest in medical models of disability, an alternative social model
emerged in the latter decades of the twentieth century to challenge the personal tragedy view of disability (Fitzgerald, 2006: 756). From this perspective,
disability, like race and gender, came to be seen as a social construct rather
than a biological or medical category. Social models or explanations express a
view of people with disabilities as constrained by situations that, in their
effects, disable (and, therefore, oppress) them not as an unavoidable consequence of their disability, as such, but rather because of the ways in which
people and institutions respond or, more often, do not respond to them and
their needs (Oliver, 1996). In practice, their engagement with various
institutions (such as education and sport) is mediated by a wide variety of
socially constructed restrictions which often go hand in hand with impoverishment such as inaccessible public transport and venues and stigmatizing,
discriminatory attitudes.
Because PE emphasizes physical performance and the acquisition and
development of physical skills, a lack of these marks out youngsters (whether
disabled or not) as inferior. In its effects, therefore, PE is a process within
which teachers (and fellow pupils) are prone to stigmatize young people with
SEN, because physical educationalists are primarily concerned with the
development of masculine, mesomorphic and able-bodied (in the sense of
being both physically competent and unimpaired) young people. In other
words, a normative paradigm prevails in PE (Fitzgerald, 2005) that corresponds to what is often referred to as ableism or discrimination on the basis
of perceived ability or lack of it.
A consequence of the shift towards viewing disability as socially constructed has been a preference for the term SEN over disability but also
calls for much greater inclusion of youngsters with SEN in mainstream education. What has occurred, in practice, however has not always met with the
approval of those favouring inclusion.
Integration, inclusion and mainstreaming

Debate surrounding the inclusion of young people with SEN in regular or
mainstream education has tended to revolve around two main themes: the
meaning and significance of the terms integration and inclusion and the
fundamental assumptions underpinning mainstreaming policies.
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The most popular terms in existence to describe the incorporation of

young people with SEN in mainstream schools are integration and
inclusion. Although these terms are often used interchangeably, it has
become conventional to view inclusion as indicative of a good deal more than
merely integration or incorporation. In the USA, for example, inclusion is
considered to involve programmes, of which PE is one, that educate students
with and without disabilities together (Hodge et al., 2004: 395). However,
this merely implies the physical incorporation of pupils with SEN into
existing, mixed-ability lessons, which have neither been adapted nor planned
deliberately in order to involve youngsters with SEN in a genuinely equitable manner. Consequently, adapting conventional PE lessons in order to
simply incorporate youngsters with SEN is often derided as mere integration and, thus, a form of tokenism which neither results in substantive
changes to PE nor their genuine inclusion (Barton, 1993). But this is not
unusual. Teachers tend to hold particular and differing perspectives on
what constitutes inclusion (Smith, 2004) and while some can and do
distinguish between integration and inclusion, very many evidently cannot
and do not.
Despite the prominence of mainstreaming policies, there are those that
contest the notion of inclusion itself and what they view as proselytizing on
the basis of misguided and ideological premises:
Many people believe it to be obvious that one should include as much as
one can; that is to say, while they may concede some inevitable instances of
exclusion, selection or differential treatment in schools their belief is that
the less differentiation or discrimination between students on any grounds,
the better. (Barrow, 2000: 305)
It is far from self-evident, however, that inclusion is inherently a good thing

in either a moral or an educational sense. Both Barrow (2000) and Wilson
(2000) argue that the idea that it is undesirable to differentiate or discriminate within education is not only unfair and iniquitous, but also contradicts
many practices that educationalists implicitly accept and, indeed, carry out
on a daily basis when and where they consider there to be good (educational)
reasons for doing so. Physical and sporting ability are, for example, crucial
variables in relation to participation in PE and sport and PE teachers typically differentiate within classes between individuals and groups with differing physical characteristics (for example, in relation to height) and sporting
abilities. Indeed, it would be deemed undesirable on grounds of either safety
or maximizing learning and achievement, for example to ignore such differences. On a larger scale, schools in England and Wales, for example, deem
it desirable to discriminate in favour of particular pupils when identifying
those deemed gifted and talented or, in the case of Specialist Sports Colleges,
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selecting a proportion of their pupil intake on the basis of sporting ability.

The real issue, it seems, is not the extent of integration into mainstream
schools and PE lessons but, rather, which differences to recognize and which
to overlook (Penney, 2002), and that, Wilson (2000) and Barrow (2000) suggest, remains an unresolved issue.
Despite ongoing debate regarding the nature and purposes of inclusion,
the bulk of research into mainstreaming has focused upon its implementation.
I M P L E M E N TAT I O N
In many countries within Europe, such as Italy, young people with disabilities
are legally entitled to full integration (Stocchino et al., 2007) or, rather,
inclusion in mainstream schooling, while, in the USA, there is a relatively
long-standing requirement for teachers to teach students with disabilities
including those with severe to profound physical and cognitive disabilities
(Ladenson, 2005) in their regular classes to the maximum appropriate
(Meegan and MacPhail, 2006). In England and Wales, the first detailed and
all-embracing statement regarding inclusion of pupils with SEN in PE came
in the NCPE 2000 (Smith, 2004). The NCPE 2000 (DfEE/QCA, 1999) established the expectation that teachers would design and deliver PE curricula in
relation to several principles intended to bring about equal opportunities in
and through PE. Vickerman et al. (2003) summarized these as entitlement (to
access learning and assessment in the PE curriculum); accessibility (placing
responsibility on teachers to devise doable, relevant and challenging lessons);
integration (educating SEN and non-SEN pupils alongside each other and
together while responding to their diverse learning needs); and integrity (the
expectation that teachers would demonstrate a commitment to the goals of
mainstreaming). Unlike the zero-reject policy of the USA, the NCPE in
England and Wales has, since its inception, featured explicit recognition that
implementation would, of necessity, see children in different schools experiencing a different range of activities, taught in different ways (Penney, 2002:
110) due to the difficulties teachers would inevitably experience in fully integrating children with (SEN and disabilities) into all aspects of a physical education programme (DES/WO, 1991: 36). Traditional team games, rather
than more individualized pursuits (such as dance, swimming and Outdoor
and Adventurous Activities [OAA]), are activities in which it was assumed
that teachers would experience particular difficulty in including pupils with
SEN and disabilities (DES/WO, 1991: 36). And, in practice, this has been the
case even though it remains a contentious issue whether or not such difficulties and safety concerns are real or merely a ready-made justification for
PE teachers to avoid the demands of inclusion.
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Overall, the practice or implementation of mainstreaming has tended to be

at variance with the principles of inclusion. For many commentators, it has
been a long way short of ideal. There are a number of reasons for this. Ferri and
Connor (2005) point to resistance on the part of teachers in the USA to school
desegregation and the inclusion of students with disabilities in general education. Although PE teachers in the USA in Hodge et al.s (2004) study, appeared
ideologically committed to the notion of inclusion (viewing inclusion as a good
thing in principle), many pointed to what they saw as the often insurmountable
practical difficulties of teaching students with disabilities. These difficulties
were said to include the nature of PE provision and resources; behavioural difficulties (and the attendant teaching styles and class management issues);
assessment; lack of support (for example, from their schools and from learning
support assistants [LSAs]), especially with large classes; and inadequate training and preparation (for example, inadequate initial teacher training
[ITT]/physical education teacher education (PETE) or continuing professional
development). It is worth saying something about each of these in turn.
PE provision and resources

Time Time allocation is a common measure of PE provision (see Chapter 3)
and primary and secondary pupils with disabilities1 in England appear particularly disadvantaged in this regard when compared with their able-bodied
counterparts (Sport England, 2001b). In 2000, 20 per cent of 616-year-olds
(consisting of 16 per cent of primary-aged and 24 per cent of secondary-aged
pupils) with disabilities in England were receiving the recommended two
hours or more of timetabled PE, compared with 33 per cent of the general
school population (16 per cent of primary-aged and 48 per cent of secondaryaged pupils). Almost two-thirds (65 per cent) of primary- and secondary-aged
youngsters with a disability were receiving less than one and a half hours
compared with 40 per cent of all young people while almost half (47 per cent
compared with 18 per cent) received less than an hour. Reductions in time
allocations for PE were particularly pronounced among primary-aged youngsters, with 53 per cent, compared with 41 per cent of secondary pupils, receiving less than an hour of PE each week. Similar percentages of primary-aged
youngsters with and without disability (16 per cent) received two hours or
more PE each week in 1999. These latter figures suggest that time allocation
in primary schools in England has as much to do with a broader set of issues
faced by primary schools than simply inclusion.
The amount of curriculum time allocated to PE in mainstream schools
has increased substantially since 1999, with the greatest progress towards that
threshold having been made in the primary sector. It is likely, therefore, that
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the gap in time allocated to PE between the general school population and
disabled youngsters will have grown since the turn of the twenty-first century.
Indeed, the Loughborough Partnership (2005) reported a more marked
decline in the mean curriculum time for pupils with a self-reported disability,
in the 22 schools in its study, than their able-bodied counterparts: the proportion of schools achieving the 2 hour threshold for pupils with a selfreported disability is between 5% and 7% lower than that for girls and boys in
years 7 to 9 (2005: 26). The Partnership noted, however, that the gap closed in
Years 10 and 11 moving in favour of pupils with a self-reported disability in
years 12 and 13 (2005: 26). This may be explainable in terms of the decrease
in PE time overall in the later secondary school years.
When moving beyond the simple matter of time allocated to PE towards
examining the proportion of active (in the sense of physical involvement and
energy expenditure) or productive (in the sense of learning opportunities)
time within PE lessons, research in the USA suggests that pupils with disabilities typically accrue less active learning time in PE compared with their
able-bodied counterparts (Van Der Mars, 2006). In the UK, Brittain (2004)
found that the physical and social barriers to participation in mainstream
schools often resulted in decreased activity levels and social isolation as a
result of diminished opportunities to participate in organized and competitive sport in particular. More recently, Burgesss (2007) study explored the
extent to which wheelchair-using pupils were offered opportunities to participate in sport and exercise in PE lessons and found a strong association
between being the only person in the class who is a wheelchair user, being
asked to sit and watch, or do physiotherapy instead of participating and having no specialized sport equipment (2007: 38).
Rates of participation The Young People with a Disability and Sport (Sport
England, 2001b) survey revealed that the majority of school-age youngsters
with disabilities participated in sport both in and out of school lessons.2 Sport
England found that the overall rate of participation and the frequency of participation reported was lower than for young people in general. While overall
participation among young people with disability was low in all settings (in
and out of school), it was particularly low among primary-aged youngsters.
Unsurprisingly, perhaps, the higher the number of disabilities young people
had the less likely they were not only to participate in sport frequently but to
participate at all.
In the Sport England (2001b) survey, 10 per cent of youngsters with a
disability did not participate even occasionally (at least once) in any sport
or physical activity in school lessons in 2000 and over one-third (36 per cent)
did not participate frequently (compared with 1 and 17 per cent respectively
of able-bodied youngsters in 19993 [Sport England, 2003a]). In her study of
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100 teenage (1119-year-old) pupils who used wheelchairs, Burgess (2007)

found that 30 per cent were excluded from PE. If Burgesss study of
wheelchair users is indicative of the experiences of disabled youngsters,
generally, it seems that the fewer youngsters with disabilities there are in a
school the less likely they are to be included in PE. The third (30 per cent)
of pupils who reported being the only wheelchair user in their school were
the most likely to be excluded: 70 per cent of this group were not included in
PE lessons. While almost two-thirds (58 per cent) of the pupils in Burgesss
(2007) study were among a group of two to five pupils that used wheelchairs
in their school, only 13 per cent of the sample had another wheelchair user
in their PE lessons.
Frequency of participation and range of activities undertaken in NCPE
Where pupils with SEN are included in mainstream PE, many do not experience the same breadth, nor often the same kinds, of activities (Morley et al.,
2005; Smith and Thomas, 2005). Among the secondary-school age group in
Sport Englands (2001b) survey, the average number of sports undertaken by
youngsters with a disability either at least once (six) or frequently (two)
within school, by both boys and girls, was lower than the averages for the overall population of young people (eight and four respectively). While the average bouts of frequent participation among youngsters with a disability was
consistent for both boys and girls, it was lower for the younger age groups than
secondary-aged pupils. Indeed, over a third of disabled youngsters had not
taken part in any sport frequently during school time (consisting of slightly
more secondary- than primary-aged youngsters, but similar numbers of boys
and girls) and over three-quarters (78 per cent) did less than four sports frequently. The average number of sports undertaken decreased as the number
of disabilities increased (Sport England, 2001b). Less than one-in-ten (8 per
cent of male and 9 per cent of female) pupils with a disability undertook seven
or more sports and activities frequently in PE lessons and almost half those
with seven or more disabilities frequently undertook no sport at all (Sport
England, 2001b).
The types of sports and physical activities in which young males and
females with disabilities took part frequently in school lessons in England in
2000 consisted, like their able-bodied counterparts, of an amalgam of team
games and lifestyle or recreational activities, with the balance tilted in
favour of the latter (see Chapter 7). The top five sports undertaken frequently
in school PE by youngsters with a disability were:
swimming (38 per cent:4 comprising 41 and 38 per cent primary-aged
boys and girls respectively and 37 and 36 per cent secondary-aged boys
and girls)
other games skills (24 per cent: 34 and 37 per cent primary-aged boys and
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girls, respectively, and 14 and 21 per cent secondary-aged boys and girls)
gymnastics (21 per cent: 27 and 28 per cent primary-aged boys and girls,
respectively, and 16 and 21 per cent secondary-aged boys and girls)
football the only team game present in the top five activities (14 per
cent: 15 and 5 per cent primary-aged boys and girls, respectively, and 26
and 8 per cent secondary-aged boys and girls)
athletics (11 per cent: 8 and 10 per cent primary-aged boys and girls,
respectively, and 11 and 13 per cent secondary-aged boys and girls).
(Sport England, 2001b)
The range of activities young people with disabilities experience through PE
is a salient issue, not least because of the difficulties PE teachers report, not
only in teaching SEN pupils in general, but also in fully integrating them into
all aspects of PE in its conventional form (Fitzgerald, 2006; Hodge et al., 2004;
Morley et al., 2005; Smith, 2004; Stocchino et al., 2007). Consequently, relatively smaller proportions of youngsters with SEN participate in the team
games that constitute the core of traditional PE curricula. The top five
games undertaken frequently by 616-year-old youngsters in school lessons
in 2000, for example, were:
football (14 per cent)

rounders (11 per cent)
basketball (6 per cent)
cricket (5 per cent)
hockey (5 per cent). (Sport England, 2001b)
Physical education teachers, it seems, view individualized activities (such as

swimming, gymnastics and dance) as more conducive to the inclusion of
pupils with SEN and often acknowledge that these pupils are frequently
excluded from or take a limited part in those activities that make up the core
of curricular (and extra-curricular) PE team games (Morley et al., 2005).
The result is that pupils with SEN are more likely to be included in those PE
activities in which the skills are of the closed variety and the youngsters are
more able to control the intensity and duration and, therefore, the physical
demands of those movements than they are in more open and, therefore,
complex, competitive and physically-demanding team sports (Smith and
Green, 2004). The Sport England (2001b: 14) survey identified swimming and
horse-riding as important sports for young people with a disability. In the
Sport England survey, 37 per cent of young people with a disability had
undertaken swimming frequently during school time (compared with 30 per
cent of the general 616 school population) and 6 per cent (compared with 1
per cent) horse-riding. Nevertheless, Fitzgerald and Joblings (2004) small-
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scale study pointed to the popularity in PE lessons not only of these activities
but also basketball, in particular, among young people with disabilities.
Physical education teachers often justify the marginalization or
exclusion of youngsters with disabilities in terms of the difficulties they face
constructing meaningful lessons for those pupils whose disabilities put them
at a substantial disadvantage in particular activities, such as team games.
The problem of what to deliver (in terms of content) to classes which include
SEN youngsters is compounded in teachers eyes by the question of how best
to deliver it in a manner that does not disadvantage either the able-bodied or
SEN pupils. In this regard, Stocchino et al.s (2007) study of 79 1112-yearolds in five secondary schools in Cagliari (Italy) concluded that suitable
adaptations to PE lessons can increase the participation levels of pupils with
a mild intellectual disability without reducing the involvement of pupils
without a disability. Nevertheless, several small-scale studies in the USA
(Hodge et al., 2004) and England (Smith and Green, 2004) report PE
teachers perceptions of feeling constrained towards adopting a utilitarian
stance, in the interests of the majority of their pupils, by sacrificing the
interests of the handful of pupils with SEN because the teachers claim to be
distracted from their main purpose by the difficulties caused by the
presence of SEN pupils. A key aspect of what PE teachers view as their
necessarily pragmatic approaches to inclusive PE is the issue of safety. Hodge
et al. (2004) suggest that teachers in the USA often appear preoccupied with
safety issues while 25 per cent of pupils in Burgesss (2007) study in England
claimed that safety was often given as a reason to exclude them, as
wheelchair users, from involvement in PE and sport at school.
It seems that in very many schools, PE teachers tend to focus on how the
child with SEN can be made to fit into the lesson rather than the other way
around (Brittain, 2004; Thomas and Green, 1994). Teachers are primarily concerned with integration rather than inclusion. In practical terms, PE teachers
appear to take sufficiency as their benchmark; that is, they seek to make the
minimum of changes to their original lessons in order to enable participation
by SEN pupils, albeit in a restricted form. This tendency towards minimal
disruption of existing PE practices compounds the constraints (and attendant
pressures) upon PE teachers to ensure that they deliver the requisite NCPE
material and [B]ecause teachers feel under pressure to move on to the next
stage of PE activities, the progress of pupils with SEN is often inhibited
because repetition and consolidation of skills are frequently neglected
(OFSTED, 2005a: 19).
The specific nature of a pupils difficulty (coupled with any additional
teaching support they may receive) can be fundamental in determining what
activities they are able or allowed to participate in. Nonetheless, the degree of
emphasis upon performance and skills in lessons can ultimately be the fac-
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tor that precludes many SEN pupils from participating fully with their peers
in mainstream PE (Stocchino et al., 2007). The outcome is that youngsters
with disabilities do not experience as broad a range of activities as able-bodied pupils, with games and athletics likely to be less available to them (Smith,
2004). Sometimes, PE provision is set against SEN pupils particular educational or health needs. Forty per cent of the school-age wheelchair users in
Burgesss (2007) study, for example, reported that physiotherapy was only
available to them as a substitute for their PE lessons.
Resources Resources and, in particular, PE and sporting equipment, is an
important issue in relation to pupils with SEN. The Office for Standards in
Education (2005a: 19) claim that half the SSCs in England and Wales offer
good support for pupils with SEN. However, they add that in order to meet
these pupils needs more effectively the schools often provide a broader range
of equipment. To some extent the provision of a breadth of equipment (such
as brightly coloured bats and audible balls for pupils with visual impairment) may be being met by organizations such as the YST (see Chapter 2)
(Thomas and Smith, 2008). Burgess (2007) reported that the size of the
secondary schools they attended made little difference to the experience of
pupils using wheelchairs. While the 13 per cent of those who had another
wheelchair user in their group were most likely to be at a school that had
specialized sports equipment for PE, 60 per cent of the sample as a whole
reported their schools to have no such equipment. It seems that the fewer
wheelchair users there are in a school, the more likely it is that their experiences of PE will be unsatisfactory. Burgess (2007) suggests that, despite
the fact that an increasing number of UK pupils that use wheelchairs want to
attend mainstream schools, when they are there very many find that they
may have no opportunity in school to engage in sport with another student
that is a wheelchair user (2007: 42).
Behavioural difficulties
Teaching styles and class management In order to facilitate the inclusion
of pupils with SEN into mainstream education, teachers are expected to
employ differentiated teaching styles or strategies (see Chapter 12) and provide suitable challenges for all pupils, regardless of how diverse their needs
and capabilities are. The chief pedagogic concern of PE teachers when teaching SEN pupils is one of control. In this regard, PE teachers in the USA consider it especially difficult to include pupils with severe or multiple
disabilities (in which sensory and physical disability is combined with learning disability) (Hodge et al., 2004) and those with severe emotional and
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behavioural disabilities (EBD) in particular (Van Der Mars, 2006). Research

in the UK, North America and Norway suggests that where pupils fail to make
progress in PE classes because they have a motor learning difficulty including developmental coordination disorder, dyspraxia or developmental clumsiness this tends to compound social and behavioural difficulties (Mannisto
et al., 2006).
There may, however, be a gender dimension to perceptions of difficulty
among teachers. Meegan and MacPhail (2006) found that, in Ireland, female
PE teachers displayed more positive attitudes towards teaching youngsters
with specific learning disabilities and those who were moderately severe mentally impaired than did male teachers.
Assessment
One aspect of PE within which PE teachers experience particular difficulty
implementing inclusion is assessment. The NCPE 2000 for England and
Wales introduced an eight-level scale of descriptions of pupil performance
against which teachers are required to assess all pupils, including those with
SEN. Ironically, the prescriptive nature of these statements seems to have
exacerbated uncertainty among PE teachers in secondary schools regarding
what they perceive as their inability to make accurate assessments of pupils
with SEN. Teachers in Smith and Greens (2004) small-scale study, for example, suggested that many of their SEN pupils were unable to meet the assessment criteria as set out in the NCPE, because the criteria for achievement
involved being able to perform activities at a level many of the pupils were
unable to attain.
Although assessment criteria have been supplemented in England and
Wales with a set of performance descriptions intended as a more adequate
representation of SEN pupils needs, these are not always well known or used
in secondary schools (OFSTED, 2003: 17). In addition, it remains the responsibility of PE teachers to adapt activities and skills included in the NCPE to
suit the needs of their SEN pupils on the basis of whatever guidance is available from various disability sport organizations (Thomas and Smith, 2008).
Support
In England and Wales, there are two main groups of people (beyond teachers
themselves) whose role it is to facilitate the inclusion of pupils with SEN in
mainstream schooling by supporting teachers and pupils alike: Special
Educational Needs Co-ordinators (SENCOs) teachers with responsibility
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for the implementation of policies related to children with SEN and

Learning Support Assistants (LSAs) whose job it is to accompany particular SEN pupils and provide assistance to both the pupil and the teacher in any
given classroom setting.
A common complaint from PE teachers is the alleged dearth of support
from these two groups but especially LSAs (Burgess, 2007; Hodge et al., 2004).
More specifically, PE teachers express concern at the lack of support from LSAs
(as well as the relatively poor quality of what support there is) compared with
other, ostensibly more academic, subjects such as English, mathematics and
science and point to what they view as the need for more active involvement
from the (SEN pupil) helpers. As far as PE teachers are concerned, one of the
functions of LSAs is assisting them in ensuring the safety of SEN pupils in their
PE classes; especially where PE classes include pupils with EBD and severe
learning difficulties as well as wheelchair users. Despite the issue of safety, it
seems that, in practice, by supporting the ostensibly less able SEN pupils, the
presence of LSAs allows PE teachers to concentrate upon what they deem to be
the main focus of their roles: teaching the able-bodied pupils.
The apparent lack of general support PE teachers point to is, perhaps,
unsurprising given that, in general, SENCOs are said to be overwhelmed by
the operational aspects of their roles (Cole, 2005) and removed from the dayto-day difficulties encountered by PE teachers. In addition, LSAs have little
by way of specialist knowledge or preparation for the potentially demanding
roles they are required to carry out by teachers in the PE setting.
Training and preparation

It is frequently observed that teachers, generally, and PE teachers, in
particular, feel inadequately prepared for the demands of mainstreaming and
inclusion (Avramidis and Norwich, 2002; Hodge et al., 2004). The Office for
Standards in Education (2003: 24) observes that teachers often feel that they
are being asked to teach children with significant learning needs and
manage difficult situations without sufficient or appropriate training.
Teachers perceptions of their inadequate knowledge base are corroborated
by the SEN pupils themselves. Many of the youngsters in Burgesss (2007:
39) study, for example, complained about the complete absence of knowledge among school staff of sports undertaken by wheelchair users. The teenagers themselves, commented upon the need for better training of teachers and
more links with expertise outside schools. The problems caused by a lack of
knowledge (regarding SEN and inclusion) from the outset on the part of prospective teachers are exacerbated by a lack of appropriate training. In Ireland,
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training in SEN within PE teacher training is usually restricted to one,

relatively short course (Meegan and MacPhail, 2006).
The brevity of any preparation for inclusion that teachers encounter on
ITT courses appears to be compounded by the focus of much training upon
abstract and general aspects of inclusion rather than the more practical and
specifically subject (PE)-related realities of the process. In practice, much of
what PE teachers actually learn about inclusion is acquired on the job that
is, in the form of occupational socialization (see Chapter 12) from their colleagues in schools (Morley et al., 2005; Vickerman, 2002).
Consideration of the important issues surrounding the implementation
of inclusion leads, inevitably, to one outstanding issue, namely, the efficacy or
otherwise of mainstreaming.
EFFICACY
The transference of pupils from special to mainstream schools, and thus
mainstream PE, has not only been gradual, it has also been partial and
incomplete. It has been partial in that it has typically been those pupils with
less severe difficulties who have been educated in mainstream schools, while
those with more severe difficulties have tended to remain in the special
school sector.
The issue of whether those children with SEN who are included in mainstream education benefit from the experience or would be better catered for
in special schools has been a matter of animated debate in the UK since the
1970s (Brittain, 2004). Nonetheless, the introduction of the policy of mainstreaming or inclusion has led to the closure of many special schools in
Britain over the last decade. During the 1970s, proponents of mainstreaming,
as it became known, often argued a similar case to that underpinning developments such as co-educational PE and comprehensive schooling; namely,
that the beneficial by-products of these processes would include challenging
some of the stereotypical assumptions about youngsters with disabilities and
a corresponding breaching of the kinds of barriers to inclusion that special
schools, it was argued, simply perpetuated. However, research findings that
point to SEN policy as tantamount to integration rather than inclusion have
merely fanned the flames of debate regarding the efficacy of mainstreaming.
In practice, mainstreaming often appears tantamount to segregated inclusion where students with and without disabilities coexist separately from one
another within the same PE classes (Hodge et al., 2004).
Subsequently, it has been suggested that not only have the needs of
pupils with disabilities been sacrificed at the altar of inclusion but also that
mainstreaming has merely served to perpetuate, even exacerbate, stigma
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attached to SEN. Similarly, it has been suggested that the special school
system may better serve the interests of young people with SEN. Despite the
fact that PE has tended to be marginalized in special schools because special
school teachers have tended not to receive any instruction in PE (Fitzgerald,
2006), Brittain (2004: 83) claims that not everybody who has been through
the special school system feels that it has or would have let them down in
relation to PE and sport. Similarly, in terms of their more general education,
young people with physical disabilities who attended special schools in
Curtin and Clarkes (2005) study reported positive experiences, whereas
those who attended a mainstream school held mixed views about their
education.
In exploring the efficacy of inclusion and mainstreaming it is instructive
to consider the levels and forms of sports participation, beyond school, among
young people with a disability, and compare and contrast these with participation in school PE.
DISABILITY AND SPORT

In England, the differences in participation in sport in school is mirrored in
the differences out of school where approximately half the number of young
people with a disability (40 per cent) took part in 1999 compared with the
general population of young people (79 per cent) (Sport England, 2001b).
Similarly, just over a third (37 per cent) of children and young people with a
disability had taken part in sport during lunch breaks on school days compared with two-thirds (67 per cent) of the overall population of youngsters,
while half (47 per cent) had participated in sport at the weekend compared
with three-quarters (74 per cent) of the overall school population.
The Sport England (2001b) study revealed that approximately one in six
(15 per cent: 17 per cent of boys and 14 per cent of girls) 616-year-olds with
a disability did no sport or physical activity out of school in the previous year.
More recently, Burgesss (2007) small-scale survey of 1119-year-olds reported
27 per cent of wheelchair users did no sport at all, either in or out of school.
By contrast, virtually all (98 per cent) primary- and secondary-aged youngsters in the study participated at least once in out-of-school lessons in 1999
(Sport England, 2003a).
The picture regarding the average number of sports undertaken by
youngsters with a disability was similar out of school to in school. The average number of sports played frequently out of school, for example, was a good
deal less than half (1.7) the number played frequently by children and young
people generally (4.5) (Sport England, 2001b). As with in-school participation, it was generally the case that the greater the number of disabilities (or
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the more complex the disability), the lower the average number of sports participated in either at all or frequently out of school by young people (Sport
England, 2001b).
The types of sports and physical activities in which young males and
females with disabilities frequently took part in out-of-school lessons in
England in 2000 consisted, like the general school population, of an amalgam
of team games and lifestyle or recreational activities, albeit with the balance
tilted firmly in favour of the latter. The top five sports undertaken frequently
were:
swimming (35 per cent: comprising 40 and 36 per cent primary-aged
boys and girls respectively and 34 and 32 per cent secondary-aged boys
and girls)
football (18 per cent: 26 and 9 per cent primary-aged boys and girls
respectively and 29 and 9 per cent secondary-aged boys and girls)
cycling (16 per cent: 20 and 17 per cent primary-aged boys and girls
respectively and 17 and 12 per cent secondary-aged boys and girls)
other game skills (12 per cent: 19 and 18 per cent primary-aged boys and
girls respectively and 7 and 9 per cent secondary-aged boys and girls)
walking (12 per cent: 11 and 13 per cent primary-aged boys and girls
respectively and 11 and 13 per cent secondary-aged boys and girls).
(Sport England, 2001b)
The Sport England (2001b) survey revealed secondary-age youngsters to be
involved in similar sports out of school as in PE lessons. The activities in
which 1116-year-olds with disabilities participated frequently, for example,
were similar for males and females: swimming (34 per cent and 32 per cent,
respectively), football (29 and 9 per cent), cycling (17 and 12 per cent), walking (11 and 13 per cent) and other games skills (7 and 9 per cent) (Sport
England, 2001b). Approximately three-quarters (74 per cent of boys, 70 per
cent of girls) did one or more of 21 different sports undertaken by the sample,
of which basketball and swimming were the most popular. Fitzgerald and
Joblings (2004) study confirmed swimming as disabled youngsters favourite
free-time activity.
As is the case with young people generally, the activity profiles of many
youngsters with SEN are increasingly likely to include lifestyle activities and
more conventional sport, including team games such as football and basketball. Indeed, the top five games undertaken frequently out of school by
youngsters with disabilities (football [18 per cent]; skittles or tenpin bowling
[5 per cent]; rounders [4 per cent]; cricket [4 per cent]; basketball [4 per cent]
[Sport England, 2001b]) all feature in the top 10 sports and physical activities
undertaken frequently by the general school population.
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More individualized activities tend to play a large part in the participatory profiles of those youngsters with disabilities engaged in sport both in and
out-of-school lessons. However, whereas in school this is often because youngsters with disabilities have little choice, out of school (that is, in their leisure)
it is more an expression of their preferences. As with young peoples sport, in
general, however, it would be an oversimplification to assume that the popularity of individualized activities such as swimming means that youngsters
with disabilities are avoiding sports and games. Basketball, for example, is
very popular among wheelchair users (Burgess, 2007) as are disability-specific
activities such as boccia.
Despite the popularity of sport, Thomas and Smith (forthcoming) point
out the relatively weak provision of leisure-sport opportunities for young people with disabilities, beyond formally organized sports clubs and national governing bodies of sport. Against this, and despite the limited opportunities in
school PE, as far as wheelchair users in Burgesss (2007: 38) study were concerned, the situation in the community was a good deal better than in
schools. Nevertheless, young people with SEN readily identify barriers to
participation for those in their situation. These barriers include:
lack of money/high costs

lack of or problems with transport
dependence on other people (especially family)
the inaccessibility of sports facilities and equipment5
lack of adequate and knowledgeable coaching
negative attitudes of those without disability.
(Blauwet, 2007; Sport England, 2001b)
Some of these (such as money, transport and facilities) are, of course, often
identified as barriers to participation among the general population.
Nonetheless, their effects appear more pronounced and pervasive among disabled groups than among the rest of the population. The manner in which
many of these barriers cost (or lack of money), lack of transport and dependence on other people, for example are not only strongly correlated but also
seemingly insurmountable becomes apparent when one considers that over
half (53 per cent) of those youngsters surveyed in Sport Englands (2001b)
study were living in rented accommodation and approximately one-third (30
per cent) were from one-parent families.
CONCLUSION
Many countries in the developed world have policy commitments to the inclusion of youngsters with SEN in mainstream schools and PE lessons. In
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England and Wales, the NCPE ostensibly guarantees an entitlement to all

children to a broad and balanced PE curriculum. Nevertheless, the process
of inclusion has been far from straightforward and is far from complete.
There continues to be a good deal of debate regarding exactly what youngsters with SEN are supposed to be included in, in the name of PE, and how that
inclusion is best facilitated. Is it, for example, all activity areas in the same ways
(often impossible), or all activity areas in similar (or as close as possible) ways,
or all activity areas in their adapted versions (wheelchair basketball being an
obvious example) where the latter two are distinguishable? Put another way,
do young people with SEN require different kinds of curricula and teaching
styles to those without such needs? Or is it simply a matter of degree: the
extension and refinement of core activities and teaching styles? If so, the issue
of SEN appears to be simply one facet of a wider, more general question related
to the various teaching styles said to be suited to the whole pupil population
with their supposedly differing learning styles and abilities (see Chapter 12).
It is also debatable what the consequences for inclusion are likely to be
the unforeseen and unintended consequences as well as those intended
especially for the youngsters with SEN. Although PE teachers talk of
providing as much opportunity as possible for all pupils, in providing SEN
pupils with the same opportunities as their able-bodied peers, they have
tended to exacerbate rather than diminish inequity by, in effect, requiring
SEN pupils to fit into the existing PE curriculum. In other words, pupils
tend to be integrated (in the sense of merely being present) in PE lessons
even if they are not included (in the sense of taking a full and active part). At
one level, the inclusion of pupils with SEN in mainstream PE can be viewed
as providing similar pedagogical challenges (in terms, for example, of setting
appropriate and worthwhile tasks) for teachers as other diverse or specialist
groups, such as so-called gifted and talented pupils. The differences,
however, lie in the far more central place of the latter in PE teachers
perceptions of the nature and purposes of PE compared to the former.
Physical education teachers appear to view pupils with SEN as outsiders to
the established PE curriculum and their traditional practices. In this
regard, PE teachers approaches to inclusion seem to parallel their treatment
of particular (usually South Asian) ethnic minority pupils and some girls;
namely, as problem groups to be reconciled to conventional PE rather than
requiring a re-evaluation of traditional PE forms. It is unsurprising,
therefore, that young disabled people participate less in PE and in a
narrower range of activities when they do so (Sport England, 2001b). Overall,
their experiences of PE tend to reinforce their sense of marginalization
rather than inclusion, emphasizing their lack of particular attributes and
inability to perform particular skills (Fitzgerald and Jobling, 2004).
Many PE teachers not only lack full awareness of their legal obligations
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towards SEN pupils, they also tend to view mainstreaming as one more undesirable and unsatisfactory burden upon them as teachers, requiring modified
activities, modified equipment and modified and differing goals for PE (from
individual lessons through to PE curricula as a whole). As a result PE teachers
tend to view pupils with disabilities negatively (Meegan and MacPhail, 2006).
Inclusion and SEN is an interesting example of the problems associated
with unclear some would argue, contradictory policy goals that result in
outcomes associated with the implementation of a policy that (a) were not
intended, and (b) may make matters worse rather than better for the groups
concerned pupils with SEN. In this regard, the achievement of a degree of
inclusion may militate against the achievement of other goals such as combating the particularly sharp rise in obesity among wheelchair groups by
reducing their levels of involvement in PE in comparison with that achieved
in special schools. In marketized education systems, policies of inclusion do
not easily complement those that, for example, promote competition between
schools while, at the same time, making schools accountable for their own
finite budgets and promoting excellence as well as the identification and
promotion of the so-called gifted and talented (see Chapter 2).
Legal entitlement to equitable treatment for pupils with SEN and corresponding policies of mainstreaming constrain PE teachers in many countries
to confront the inclusion of a heterogeneous group on the basis of little or no
suitable training or ongoing professional development at a time when a host
of other policy initiatives have been introduced (such as those that focus on
sports performance) that are not necessarily compatible with the principle of
inclusion. For example, mainstreaming encompasses those deemed to be
gifted and talented and who are equally entitled to make the most of themselves. When implemented alongside other policies such as those aimed at
privileging a group that is already advantaged by the process of PE, namely
talented sports performers among the school population there is a real possibility that policies of inclusion in mainstream PE might exacerbate feelings
of difference and detachment among youngsters with disabilities. Indeed, as
Wilson (2000) points out, we simply cannot avoid the likelihood that some
people will feel inferior or superior to others in some way or other. It is not
only that education has always tended to encourage this; contemporary PE
appears actively to celebrate the differences.
RECOMMENDED READING
Fitzgerald, H. (2006) Disability and physical education, in D. Kirk, D.
Macdonald and M. OSullivan (eds), The Handbook of Physical Education.
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Sport England (2001b) Young People with a Disability and Sport. London: Sport
England.
Thomas, N. and Smith, A. (2008) Disability, Sport and Society: An Introduction.
London: Routledge.
NOTES
1 Sport Englands (2001b) survey uses the term disability (incorporating
learning difficulties) in its report. Therefore, when referring to Sport
England data, disability will be the preferred term, elsewhere the term
disability will be subsumed by the concept of SEN.
2 When examining these figures it needs to be borne in mind that the Sport
England (2001b) study defined in-school sport as that undertaken within
school lessons (and, almost exclusively, PE). Participation out-of-school
lessons, however, includes not only break and lunch times but also extracurricular PE as well as leisure time generally.
3 The figures for occasionally (at least once) and frequently in the past 12
months remained identical or virtually so in 2002, at 1 per cent and 18 per
cent respectively (Sport England, 2003a).
4 Where percentages do not sum up to 100 per cent this is due to the various
ways in which Sport England have processed the data for presentation,
such as rounding figures up or down.
5 The popularity of swimming among wheelchair users is ironic given that it
is one of the activities that they are most likely to be excluded from while
at primary school because of the inaccessibility of transport, pools and
changing rooms (Burgess, 2007).
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Teaching Physical
Education
12
Central to teaching are the teachers themselves. As well as reflecting upon

teaching PE, this chapter explores the processes of becoming and being a
specialist PE teacher of the kind typically found in secondary schools for it
is they who form the vast majority of teachers of PE and whose model of PE
tends to influence, directly or indirectly, what happens at primary school
level. It is important to note that the background and experience of
secondary PE teachers tends to be substantially different to the vast majority
of primary teachers, very many of whom would have received little or no
specific training in PE. Virtually all primary school teachers are generalists
in the sense that they teach all or many subjects to their pupils, irrespective
of their academic specialism(s) even though some will have overall
responsibility for planning and developing the curriculum, and its delivery,
for particular subject areas (such as PE). Consequently, despite the fact that
they will be bound to teach PE to their pupils, the vast majority of primary
teachers will have little or no expertise in the subject. Indeed, they are likely
to have very different backgrounds compared with secondary PE teachers, in
terms of their socialization into (or, more likely, away from), and subsequent
experiences of, PE and sport.
First, the chapter explores the process of becoming a PE teacher. It
examines the ways in which background and experiences influence not only
their reasons for becoming PE teachers, but also their practices as PE
teachers: in terms of the activities they are inclined to teach, the teaching
styles they adopt, and their tendency towards engagement with profesional
reflection and development. The chapter then focuses upon the main
features of the process of teaching itself typically referred to as the
pedagogy of PE before concluding with a brief overview of the contextual
aspects of PE teaching.
207
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BECOMING AND BEING A TEACHER OF PHYSICAL

E D U C AT I O N
The socialization of teachers
Much has been written about PE teachers values and beliefs (see, for example,
Lortie, 1975; Tsangaridou, 2006a) in other words, their philosophies or ideologies (Green, 2003) and this has been used to make sense of the blend of conservative or innovative (Curtner-Smith and Meek, 2000; Ennis and Chen, 1995)
teaching strategies and styles they employ. But how do these values and beliefs
emerge and develop? How do teachers internalize the attitudes, behaviours and
customs that make up the subculture(s) of PE teaching? How, in other words,
do particular attitudes and practices become part and parcel of PE teachers
personalities or habituses their second nature?
Lawson (1986) has outlined what he sees as the three types of socialization that teachers experience:
acculturation (childhood and adolescent sporting and PE experiences and
the predispositions these are said to engender)
professional socialization (the teacher-training process of initiating
trainees into the official requirements of teaching PE and associated
notions of exemplary or good and effective practice)
occupational socialization (the attitudes and behaviours learnt on the job
in the company of fellow PE teachers and pupils, for example).
It is worth saying something about each of these in turn, as well as an additional aspect of professional socialization in the form of Continuing
Professional Development (CPD).
Acculturation: habituses and beliefs Valuing sport is a pervasive and
enduring influence on PE teachers (Dewar and Lawson, 1984; OBryant et al.,
2000). Their biographies and, in particular, their early and profound emotional attachments to and identification with sport, tends to lead prospective
PE teachers to develop particular orientatons towards sport generally and PE
in particular (Green, 2003). Evidence suggests that both male and female
teacher trainees have been attracted to careers in teaching PE precisely
because it provides them with an opportunity to continue their association
with sport (Evans and Williams, 1989).
Evans and Williams (1989) and Mawer (1996) highlight what they view
as the second most common reason for entering the PE profession after love
of sport; namely, the positive influences their PE teachers had on them during young peoples own school lives. Prospective PE teachers typically had
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T E A C H I N G P H Y S I C A L E D U C AT I O N
209
positive sporting experiences and their PE teachers and coaches provided

influential role models for them. In effect, their experiences in sports during
schooling influenced their understanding of what it means to be a physical
education teacher (Tsangaridou, 2006a: 492). However, the same cannot be
said for many primary school teachers whose characteristically negative attitudes towards PE (Hopper, 2005) have often been shaped in reaction to their
own experiences of PE and PE teachers.
Their early childhood experiences of PE and sport constitute an
anticipatory phase of occupational socialization (Dewar and Lawson, 1984;
OBryant et al., 2000) and act, in effect, to socialize future teachers into
particular values and beliefs (Chen and Ennis, 1996) regarding the nature
and purposes of PE (Behets and Vergauwen, 2006; Placek et al., 1995). A love
of sport is influential at the outset of PE teaching careers in terms of
teachers original orientation or subjective warrant (Lawson, 1983a) and
continues to be so regardless of age or gender. Therefore, PE teachers early
experiences tend to have a long-lasting impact on school programs (Placek
et al., 1995: 247) and provide the basis for an enduring sport-oriented
ideology that withstands, to a large extent, the onslaught of competing
ideologies.
Consequently, PE teachers are inclined towards replicating (because they
feel more comfortable with) traditional approaches to traditional curricula.
This is why the sport- and games-oriented PE programme associated with socalled traditional PE has an element of self-replication built into it and has
become self-fulfilling PE teaching is a largely self-selecting and self-replicating process. In this regard, PE teachers frequently act as carriers of a de
facto PE curriculum in the sense that it is possible to identify, within and
across national boundaries, a relatively orthodox or conventional PE curriculum consisting largely of those activities which student teachers have themselves been taught and which revolve around sport and games. To this extent,
unplanned and unrecognized standard or national PE curricula (Placek et
al., 1995: 256) exist not only in the USA but everywhere where PE teachers are
recruited as they almost invariably are from sportspeople.
Prospective PE teachers are generally comfortable with the more traditional games and sports-based curriculum models with custodial orientations,
with which they themselves grew up. If each new generation of teachers emulates the PE which they have themselves experienced then they are likely to
deduce from their experience on the receiving end that the nature and
purposes of PE (what the subject should be about) are to be found, generally,
in sport and, in particular, in team games. So, by the time many teachers reach
the training stage they have become accustomed to associating PE primarily
with sport in schools.
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The professional socialization of teachers through Physical Education

Initial Teacher Training (PEITT) The process by which people in occupations learn to become members of their profession by acquiring shared
values and knowledge is referred to as professional socialization.
Professional socialization involves the informal as well as formal processes by
which prospective teachers are initiated into their trade. Throughout the
developed world, the vast majority of PE teachers nowadays are graduates of
Sports Science (or its equivalent, such as Human Movement Studies and
Kinesiology) and have subsequently completed a one-year post-graduate
PEITT programme which gives them what, in England and Wales, is referred
to as Qualified Teacher Status (QTS).
This emergence of a graduate profession armed (supposedly) with a
greater breadth and depth of theoretical knowledge (McNamee, 2005: 5) has
been one of the most significant changes in PE worldwide in recent decades.
Nevertheless, McNamee (2005) harbours several reservations about the
widely assumed benefits of this development. First, he questions whether or
not a graduate profession does, in fact, have a broader and deeper theoretical
grasp of its subject than previous generations of PE teachers who did not
obtain a specialist degree and who, from the outset, simply trained to be
teachers. Second, McNamee questions whether having this subject-specific
expertise (in sport) leads to better teaching and learning in PE. The graduatization of teacher education and the dramatic growth in popularity of Sports
Science degree programmes has resulted (or so it is frequently claimed by
existing PE teachers) in newly qualified teachers lacking both the personal
expertise in various sporting activities as well as the teaching and coaching
expertise that would enable them to select practical tasks, sequence them logically, offer insightful teaching points to pupils and provide suitable demonstrations with sufficent confidence (Sloan, 2007; Training and Development
Agency, 2006). Although many trainee teachers from sporting backgrounds
possess expertise in games and sport (Capel and Katene, 2000), they are frequently described as less well prepared to teach PE in its practical form
than those trained two decades or more ago (Houlihan and Green, 2006).
Concern with subject expertise is particularly acute in relation to primary PE
because the time allocated to the training of primary school teachers in PE
has significantly declined (Caledcott et al., 2006a, 2006b) and this has led to
primary school teachers having inadequate subject knowledge (Waring et al.,
2007: 27).
Whatever the veracity of claims about a decline in sporting competence
among new generations of PE teachers, there is a tendency to overemphasize
the impact of professional training on prospective teachers. Physical
Education Initial Teacher Training appears to have little impact on the largely
established beliefs of would-be PE teachers and only limited largely indirect
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impact upon their practices (Capel, 2005; Evans et al., 1996; Placek et al.,
1995). Student teachers seldom, if ever, question their background and its
influence on PE. This is said, by those engaged with initial teacher training in
PE, to be one of the reasons that student teachers tend to be fundamentally
unresponsive, during their training, to attempts to encourage them to reflect
critically upon various aspects of the subject: from teaching styles through to
the nature and purposes of PE (Capel, 2007).
Indeed, teacher training tends to confirm rather than challenge student
teachers beliefs about PE (Capel, 2005; Curtner-Smith, 2001). Behets and
Vergauwen (2006: 407) prefer to explain The historical ineffectiveness of
teacher education in terms of the disjointedness of program goals and curricula. However, it may have more to do with the deep-seated nature of
prospective PE teachers sporting habituses in conjunction with the immediacy and significance of their experiences in the field; that is, in schools. This
is made more likely by the fact that a large proportion of time during training
is devoted to enabling teachers to deliver the curriculum (Hallam and
Ireson, 1999: 83) and nowhere more so than in PE. Although the extended
school placements, characteristic of teacher training in England and Wales in
particular, may have improved trainees preparedness to teach PE (Stidder
and Hayes, 2006), this may have more to do with introducing them to the realities of teaching and the preferred pedagogic practices of their mentors than
enabling delivery of the ideal-type PE lessons experienced in the higher education training institution. Understandably, practice is perceived by trainees
as significantly more influential than theorizing. Consequently, the aspect of
PEITT that has the most substantial impact on PE teachers views and behaviours is, unsurprisingly, teaching practice where student teachers learn to
adopt a pedagogy of necessity (Tinning, 1988).
The emphasis upon teaching practice in training teachers has been reinforced by a major development in teacher training in Britain and the USA in
recent years the introduction of school- (as opposed to university-) based
ITT. The requirement for schools taking on greater responsibility for teacher
training has brought with it an increase in the time given to teaching practice and the introduction of mentoring.
In Britain, mentoring typically occurs in the training of PE teachers,
while elsewhere it is part of the induction of newly qualified teachers. In principle, mentoring involves the guidance of student teachers by wise tutors
(who might function as both trainers and counsellors). In practice, mentors
are often established teachers who (by virtue, of teaching within successful
PE departments) are taken to embody good practice. In its formal sense,
mentoring consists of the twin functions of peer assistance and peer review
(Stroot and Ko, 2006). Mentoring involves advice and guidance on not only
content and teaching (styles) but also on the broader and more philosophical
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dimensions of PE, such as the aims and purposes of the subject. In practice,
however, mentors see themselves as guiding teacher trainees in three main
aspects of PE: the content of lessons, the management and delivery of lessons,
and more general reflection on their teaching. In effect, mentors see themselves primarily as having a practical role passing on to student teachers
practical advice about the day-to-day demands of teaching PE, focused upon
the immediate, practical issues of subject-specific teaching and classroom
management and control (Booth, 1993: 194).
Perhaps unsurprisingly given trainee teachers inevitable concerns with
the day-to-day realities of teaching and accumulating school-based practical
experience of teaching (Tinning, 2006) mentors appear to have greater
impact upon the teaching behaviours and attitudes of trainees than their
training programmes (Behets and Vergauwen, 2006). Conseqently, mentors
and fellow teachers play a more substantial part in the socialization of trainee
teachers than their university tutors, especially where the mentors are older,
more established and more set in their ways. In light of what is known about
the significance of proximity for role-modelling, it is hardly surprising that
trainee PE teachers tend to be more influenced by their mentors and colleagues on teaching practice. Mentors and other PE teachers are not only in
greater proximity to the trainee teacher on a daily basis, they are also
inevitably seen as more realistic representations of what the trainee aspires to
become. Student teachers perceived need to emulate what their mentors do
means that custom and practice tend to be reinforced rather than challenged.
The move towards school-centred and school-based teacher training
well-established in Britain and growing rapidly in the US is also associated
with the development of competencies. In recent years, many countries have
begun to follow the lead of the UK and the USA in adopting a behaviouristic
approach to teacher education, resulting in the identification of competencies
for teachers specific teaching skills deemed to constitute effective teaching
performed at a pre-specified level of mastery (Tinning, 2006: 371). Teacher
trainees are now required to audit their experiences and expertise prior to commencing their teacher training programme, with a view to identifying what
action they need to take to enable them to meet the professional standards for
QTS and in order to develop professional competencies (Stidder and Hayes,
2006) during their blocks of school experience or teaching practice.
With the exception of teaching practice, the negligible impact of professional socialization in the form of PEITT on the ideologies and preferred practices of prospective PE teachers has been described by Evans et al.
(1996: 169) as leaving their views and practices neither shaken nor stirred by
training. In other words, trainee teachers tend to make short-term situational
adjustments to the immediate demands of their training courses in order to
achieve their primary goal of qualifying as a teacher.
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In practical terms, however, teacher training appears to make no difference; that is, the difference between teachers with varying philosophies is
unlikely to be explainable in terms of their training. Prospective PE teachers
assimilate what they are taught on PEITT courses through the prism of their
own (typically sport-oriented) presuppositions and preoccupations. What PE
teachers think, as well as the behaviours they are inclined towards, are best
explained in terms of a blend of more deeply-seated values, beliefs and attitudes, and the context in which they operate. In particular, what tends to
make a substantive difference to practice are differences in peoples circumstances; in other words the constraints arising within particular school settings
(Green, 2003).
Overall, in the same way that the significance of academic debate about
the nature and purposes of PE is frequently exaggerated, so too is the (negligible) impact of professional socialization in the form of PEITT. Recruits to
PE teaching who share a common background typically consisting of sport
and games may have great difficulty envisaging alternative curriculum models for the subject. Since so few recruits have experience in models other than
that of traditional PE (with its emphasis on sport and games), few may
accept that such alternatives can exist except in the minds of textbook writers
and teacher educators. Evanss research illustrates the ways in which teacher
training in England and Wales merely serves to reinforce the already existing
values and beliefs of new teachers.
Lawson (1983a) coined the term subjective warrant to refer to the
various ways in which a persons perception of the requirements of and
benefits of work in a given profession weighed against self-assessments of
aspiration and competence. One form of subjective warrant, he suggested, is
a coaching orientation; that is, the desire to coach school sport and school
teams, in particular. Many PE teachers, it seems, view teaching as a career
contingency for coaching (Tsangaridou, 2006a: 492). The other prominent
form of subjective warrant is, according to Lawson, a teaching orientation,
wherein the teachers main concern is with teaching curricular PE (CurtnerSmith, 2001). Although such a distinction expresses a false dichotomy,
Greens (2003) study added weight to the view that not only do trainee PE
teachers with a strong sporting ideology tend to focus on coaching sports,
some teachers also act as coaches outside their work as teachers. Indeed, in
the USA, teachers are often hired because of their ability to coach a sport
rather than their teaching prowess (Curtner-Smith et al., 2007: 133). While
Tsangaridou (2006a) explores the tensions that many PE teachers experience
in managing their dual roles of teacher and coach, Green (2003) argues that,
in fact, PE teachers tend not to clearly distinguish between these roles, either
in theory or in practice.
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Professional (or occupational) socialization and reproduction on the job

Like all knowledge, PE teachers knowledge of their subject is social; that is,
it is acquired from other people, sometimes casually (for example, through
playing sport) and sometimes deliberately (through mentoring, for example).
The socially constructed nature of PE teachers philosophies and practices
is, of course, a process and as such does not cease on completion of teacher
training. Newcomers to the PE profession are frequently obliged to adapt
their behaviours and subsequently their views upon joining their new
colleagues, departments and schools, since all the surrounding positions are
still occupied by the same teachers as before and they generally want things
to carry on as before. The workplace, especially early-on in teachers careers,
is important in supporting or restricting their practices (Capel, 2005;
Lawson, 1983a, 1983b) as they find themselves constrained not only by the
dominant values and beliefs of their colleagues, departments and schools,
but also by practical matters to do with facilities and equipment. This helps
explain why the impact of teacher education tends to be washed out
relatively soon after teachers begin teaching properly (Stroot and Ko, 2006).
Teachers only tend to move away from their preferred teaching styles and
practices when they are constrained to do so by their circumstances (Green,
2003) and return to their earlier, preferred methods as soon as they can
(Stroot and Ko, 2006).
Time spent on the job is likely to lead to longer-term changes in PE
teachers habituses for two main reasons: first, the significance of everyday
teaching (or field) experiences for their views on the nature and purposes of
the subject and, second, the sheer duration of this experience. Not only will
context tend to have profound significance for PE teachers practices, it will
impact upon their philosophies and lead to reinforcement, adaptation or
change in their views and practices. When the working situation changes,
teachers behaviours tend to change. Constraints on practice matter more
than theory in determining what teachers do and how they do it. PE teachers
respond to the immediate pressures of the job in terms of dealing with the
constraints of the day-to-day practice of teaching. Solving practical problems
(Fejgin, 1995) is a form of on-the-job training in the craft of teaching. Those
on teaching practice or newly qualified as teachers often experience a marked
disjuncture between what is taught in teacher training and what is actually
practised in the gym or on the sports field. It is perhaps unsurprising, then,
that the most common response upon entering the work place is a custodial
stance (Tsangaridou, 2006a) in which teachers accept, and rarely question,
the ways things are, thereby reinforcing the status quo: The new teacher
learns, accepts and implements the customary strategies (Stroot and Ko,
2006: 427). As newcomers, they are once again junior members of staff keen
to fit in with, and become established among, their colleagues.
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It is important to recognize that what teachers do in practice is not necessarily the best ways of teaching either in their own minds or in terms of
ideal-type models of good practice. Rather, they are often the best on offer
(Evans and Davies, 1986) in the context of the constraints of orthodox departmental practice, staffing constraints, available resources and pupils. The
styles of teaching that emerge and develop in the context of such constraints
come to be so deeply embedded in teachers behaviours that they become part
of their habituses and are viewed as inevitable, irrespective of whether or not
they are deemed desirable, let alone examples of good practice (Evans and
Davies, 1986). Hence, teachers reluctance or inability to embrace change
wholesale and the, perhaps inevitable, slippage between policy and practice.
Consequently, conservatism often appears an inherent feature of PE (Evans
and Davies, 1986).
Nevertheless, because the new arrivals are never completely identical to
their predecessors and their adjustment is never total, what happens in the
name of PE is bound to change over time. There is, inevitably, a degree of
change alongside continuity. Acting as a dragnet to change is (a) the involvement of the established teachers in the selection of the new ones, and (b) their
tendency to co-opt teachers like themselves to teach what they already have
in place on the curriculum. Indeed, because established groups of PE teachers have a tendency to close ranks when confronted with new policies or new
teachers, differences between old and new often tend to be exaggerated and
the outsiders perceived and portrayed as not only different but in some ways
inferior. This certainly appears to be the case with regard to graduate PE
teachers with Sports Science backgrounds. One common consequence of this
process is that newcomers are constrained to adopt an if you cant beat them,
join them mentality and they, in turn, close ranks.
Thus, occupational socialization as a process is characterized by consecutive generations of PE teachers absorbing newcomers into what amount to
very similar PE department networks. Consequently, and despite incremental
changes, there remains a large degree of continuity as PE departments reproduce and regenerate themselves. It is the tendency towards self-replication
that enables the dominant ideologies in PE to become self-replicating, as the
common-sense ways of defining PE (evident in teachers discourse [Penny and
Evans, 1999]) serve to constrain teachers towards particular ideologies of PE.
The manner in which PE teachers joke, for example, about physically uncoordinated pupils, criticize national sporting performance in traditional team
games, and gossip and ridicule overweight pupils serves as a form of social
coercion upon teachers which leads to self-coercion. Nevertheless, the networks individuals and groups of people belong to often change over time. In
the same way that individual PE teachers sporting participation styles may
change as they grow older (for example, from team to individual sports) with
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correlative changes in their perceptions of appropriate PE content, the networks of generations of PE teachers may change and the involvement of
recent generations holding Sports Science degrees and public qualifications
in PE (see Chapter 5) may be an example.
It is often external constraint that leads to changes in the individual and
group habituses of PE teachers, departments and organizational networks.
Recent developments in England and Wales linking secondary schools with
each other and their feeder primary schools (see Chapter 2) have meant
that many PE departments and teachers have been expected to take on an
increasingly diverse range of roles, such as Director of Sport and School
Sport Coordinator (ODonovan and Kay, 2005). Similarly, and despite
increasing resources for schools (and PE, in particular), teachers find
themselves in a period characterized by excessive workloads, poor pupil
behaviour, public criticism and a lack of autonomy (Armour and Yelling,
2004). The teaching of any subject, but particularly one as emotionally
resonant as PE, is inevitably influenced by the prevailing social and
economic circumstances and related attitudes towards education and beliefs
about learning and teaching (Hallam and Ireson, 1999: 68). In recent
decades politicians and policy-makers have demonstrated increased interest
in both pedagogy and PE (see Chapter 2). Despite their many public
rhetorical commitments to letting teachers teach, successive governments
have found ways of making their prescriptions for good practice clear;
prescriptions which have a tendency towards oversimplification and folk
pedagogy (Watkins and Mortimer, 1999).
Professional socialization through CPD According to Armour (2006: 203),
pedagogical research to date has tended to focus upon the relatively brief
process of PEITT and eschewed teachers education and training throughout
the rest of their careers. In light of the fact that over a 35-year teaching career
a single teacher could teach approximately 30,000 lessons and up to 100,000
pupils, Armour (2006: 204) is concerned not only with the apparent dearth of
CPD but also its quality: historically, she observes, professional development programmes have had ambitious aspirations that have not been
realised. Citing Ward and OSullivan (1998) Armour (2006) suggests that
teachers failure to engage in ongoing training is likely to result in professional isolation and lead to pedagogic reductionism.
Professional and political interest in CPD (see, for example, DfEE, 2000,
2001; Journal of Teaching Physical Education, 2006) defined in broad terms as
all types of professional learning undertaken by teachers beyond the initial
point of training (Craft, 1996: 6, cited in Armour and Yelling, 2004: 96) has
grown substantially around the world (Bechtel and OSullivan, 2006) and in
England and Wales (Armour, 2005), in particular, over the past decade or so.
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Improving the quantity and quality of CPD is viewed as a means of dealing with a number of issues in education generally and PE in particular.
Continuing Professional Development, it is claimed, should involve teachers
coming to appreciate how high-quality1 PE and school sport can be used as
a tool for raising educational standards and improving schools as a whole, particularly in terms of attendance, behaviour management and pupil attainment
(Armour, 2005; DfES/DCMS, 2003). The policy is underpinned by the
assumption that more [and more closely regulated] CPD, properly structured
and funded, will ensure that standards [of teaching and then pupil learning]
will rise (Armour and Yelling, 2004: 97). There is an expectation not only that
the impact of initiatives such as CPD will be monitored and evaluated but
that, in the process, causal links between CPD and pupil learning will be
identified and measured (Armour and Duncombe, 2004).
All this begs the question, what constitutes useful or effective CPD, not
only in general terms but specifically in PE? Armours work explores the
effectiveness of PE-CPD and the ways in which experienced PE teachers
learn throughout their careers (Armour and Yelling, 2004: 96). She points to
the high value teachers placed on learning together and from each other
(Armour, 2005: 22). This should not surprise us given what we know about the
efficacy and primacy of occupational socialization. Indeed, it is easy to overlook the fact that CPD in the sense of socialization into the teaching profession goes on all the time; it is a career-long process (Lawson, 1983b). It is
simply not always planned or even, for that matter, something teachers are
conscious of. Indeed, it is often informal rather than formal. In effect, it is
occupational socialization in the sense that PE teachers inevitably acquire
knowledge from those around them (Stroot and Ko, 2006) while on the job.
In other words, CPD in the broader sense corresponding to ongoing training takes the form of informal or formal constraints that result from being
profoundly interdependent with groups of colleagues in particular settings on
a regular basis, often for many years.
It is, then, unsurprising that CPD tends to be less about their personal
and professional development in any profoundly reflexive sense of the term
and more about teachers resolving what, for themselves at least, are the more
pressing practical issues and problems. This is why teachers have tended to
view CPD with some scepticism (Armour and Yelling, 2004) and as merely
going on a course (Armour and Yelling, 2007): they want immediate, practical benefits and tend to view CPD as tantamount to short courses of the inservice training variety (Keay, 2007). It is also why, traditionally, PE teachers
have engaged in comparatively little CPD (Armour and Yelling, 2004: 103):
Bechtel and OSullivan (2006) note that many PE teachers in the USA do not
perceive CPD as beneficial to their development or practice. Where PE teachers do engage with CPD it is no accident that they have tended to focus upon
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three things: traditional content knowledge (for example, improving sporting

expertise via governing body awards), new content knowledge (in order to
deliver examinations in PE) and career development (such as preparing for
future head of department roles).
An increasingly important dimension to PE teachers collective, we
identities is the professional status of their occupation.
P R O F E S S I O N A L I Z AT I O N A N D P H Y S I C A L E D U C AT I O N
The term profession is usually used to denote a type of occupation accorded
high status and a high degree of control over its work, and the term
professional is often taken to connote expertise and probity (Gabe et al.,
2004: 163). In short, professionalization is the process by which an
occupational grouping (such as physical educationalists or even sports
scientists) lays claim to such characteristics. There tend to be several key
features of occupational groupings which are viewed as professions: long
formal training, a high degree of autonomy and self-regulation, and
correspondingly high status. Of particular concern to those claiming
professional status is their freedom to exercise judgement through
discretionary powers (Frowe, 2005).
Occupational groups who position themselves at the nodes where
numerous links converge (de Swaan, 2001: 19) are likely to be perceived as
fulfilling the needs of others (for example, in relation to the health of the
nation or national sporting success) and to be in a relatively sufficient position of power as purveyors of specialized knowledge to those who believe
they need such knowledge (de Swaan, 2001: 37) to become recognized as a
profession. Physical education has historically been characterized by relatively low and marginal academic status at all levels of the educational system,
and this has been an ongoing concern for PE teachers and PE academics
(Fitzclarence and Tinning, 1990). In recent times, physical educationalists
particularly academicians have appeared preoccupied with establishing
themselves as a profession and have become increasingly aware of the need to
occupy a central position in one or more networks (for example, health promotion, school examinations and sports performance). Consequently, the
bases for claims to professional status among physical educationalists have
tended to revolve around claims to scientific expertise in health promotion,
the personal and social development of young people and the identification
and nurturing of elite sporting talent.
So much for becoming a PE teacher and establishing PE as a profession,
what about the science or art of teaching itself?
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THE SCIENCE, ART AND CRAFT OF TEACHING

Pedagogy
A seldom clearly defined and frequently contested term (Watkins and
Mortimer, 1999), pedagogy tends to find employment as a catch-all term for
the science, art or even craft of teaching; that is, what we come to know and
understand about the process of teaching via empirical research, reflection
and theorizing. Watkins and Mortimer (1999: 3) define pedagogy as any conscious activity by one person designed to enhance learning in another. This
very general definition allows for such varied activities as hinting, encouraging, guiding, instructing, informing, narrating, lecturing, demonstrating,
exercising, testing, examining, criticizing, drilling and so on, and is redolent
of Oakeshotts (1972) definition of teaching itself; that is, anything (morally
acceptable) that enables something (of worth) intended by a teacher to be
learned, understood and remembered by the learner. The concept of pedagogy
seems, however, to connote something more than this. It implies a technical
and scientific understanding of the process of teaching. This is what Clark
(2005: 289) seems to have in mind when he says that teaching today is treated
as a technology an applied social science.
The knowledge base of teaching has, as with knowledge over time, simultaneously become more differentiated and more integrated (Watkins and
Mortimore, 1999). Thus, pedagogy encompasses such diverse aspects as teaching and learning styles, subject and lesson content, and the organization of
lessons as well as the grouping of pupils therein. These are, of course, interdependent dimensions of teaching. In PE, for example, the skill and ability
levels of pupils and the numbers of pupils in a class tend to have a substantial impact upon the delivery of lessons and, in particular, the teaching
style(s) employed. Recognition that the content of what is taught influences
how it is taught is one thing, but what exactly is the relationship between pedagogy and the curriculum? The relationship between content and teaching is
perhaps best illustrated via one area of pedagogical research that has developed substantially over the last two decades; namely, teaching styles.
Teaching styles2
It is widely accepted, in academic circles, that how young people are taught is as
important as what in terms of content is taught (see, for example, Capel, 2005).
Although there is a National Curriculum for England and Wales that prescribes
the latter, it does not prescribe the former. Implicit, however, is the suggestion
that a variety of teaching strategies (or styles) should be utilized (Mawer, 1993).
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Teaching strategies, approaches or styles have been the subject of study

in PE for 30 years or more. Research on PE teaching has tended to focus on
teaching behaviours and classroom experiences of pupils with a view to discerning the most effective teaching styles. In general terms, concern with
styles can be traced back to debates surrounding authoritarian and democratic approaches to leadership and teaching during the inter- and post-war
years. These were often euphemisms for what were implicitly viewed as good
and bad approaches to teaching (Watkins and Mortimore, 1999). This crude
dichotomy gave way to attempts to establish a continuum between formal and
informal poles, of the kind that continue to underpin discussions about the
teaching of PE. Since the publication in the USA of Mosstons (1966) Teaching
Physical Education, the use of a range of teaching styles has increasingly been
advocated in PE literature internationally and has become a leitmotif of the
training of PE teachers. The spectrum represents a continuum of (11) supposedly identifiable teaching styles (Mosston and Ashworth, 2002) ranging
from direct, formal, teacher-centred to indirect, informal, student-centred
approaches that tend to be grouped in a variety of ways in relation to the tendency for decision-making within PE lessons to be dominated by the teacher
at one end of the continuum or by pupils at the other. Thus, at one end of the
spectrum, lies the most teacher-centred style, referred to as the command
style, where the teacher makes virtually all the decisions. At the other end is
what is known as the self-teaching style whereby learners are centrally
involved in decision-making about the learning process, if not the content: as
Byra (2006) puts it, the how and why if not the what.
It is suggested that the different styles of teaching PE not only vary in
their purpose but are appropriate depending upon the diversity of students
needs, the context in which teaching is taking place and the particular content and aims of the lesson (for example, safety considerations, skill development, personal and social development, and health promotion) (Byra, 2006).
Many academic physical educationalists, including the PE advisory and
inspection service, OFSTED promote the view that good teachers utilize a
range and variety of approaches or models of teaching to cater for differences
in pupils abilities, attainment, needs and ages (Capel, 2005: 112).
Despite debates surrounding the appropriateness or otherwise of particular teaching styles, it is worth remembering that for very many teachers
newly qualified and relatively inexperienced teachers, in particular control
is the first priority and pupil learning comes a long way second (Ireson et al.,
1999). In addition, pupil compliance tends to be seen by many teachers as a
necessary prerequisite for effective teaching. In PE, the more traditional,
teacher-led, command or teacher-centred teaching styles are held to be most
effective in helping teachers control and manage the classroom (CurtnerSmith et al., 2001) and to facilitate the teaching of physical and sporting skills
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(Salvara et al, 2006). Therefore, teacher-centred instructional styles continue

to be the most commonly observed approaches to teaching in physical education classes in the 2000s (Byra, 2006: 450). This is especially the case with
what are perceived as more problematic classes. Secondary school teachers in
general in the UK tend, for example, when teaching lower-ability grouped
classes, to provide structured work with more opportunities for rehearsal and
repetition, fewer opportunities for discussion or self-direction and less feedback to pupils (Hallam and Ireson, 2005); in effect, they employ a more traditional, direct style of teaching to match a perceived need for student control
(Cothran et al., 2005).
Traditional teacher-centred teaching styles continue to dominate the
practice of PE teachers despite the emphasis on pupil-centred approaches in
the NCPE and innovations such as sport education and model-based teaching
(Kirk, 2005; Morgan et al., 2005). Indeed, internationally, reproduction
styles are much more commonly used and viewed more positively than the
production styles, regardless of the country (Cothran et al., 2005: 199). It
seems that many PE teachers abiding concern with developing their pupils
sporting skills and performance encourages them to employ direct teaching
styles (Capel, 2005; Curtner-Smith, 1999). That said, while PE teachers, in
general, use more formal than informal teaching approaches, there is a gender dimension to teaching PE. Male and female PE teachers tend to favour
particular content (Waddington et al., 1998) and particular teaching strategies
or styles (Capel, 2005; Harris and Penney, 2002). While both men and women
utilize guided discovery approaches, male PE teachers have a predilection for
more direct, didactic strategies and women have a greater tendency to utilize
problem-solving approaches (Capel, 2005). To some extent this is likely to be
a product of their own socialization into PE and sport. Teachers who have participated in traditional sport at a high level appear to be more likely to hold
a conservative orientation towards the content and teaching styles of traditional PE (Lawson, 1986). By contrast, teachers who have participated in
non-traditional sports and other types of physical activity are more likely to
have an innovative orientation towards physical education (Capel, 2005: 117).
Of the six activity areas in the NCPE in England and Wales, the more
formal, teacher-centred styles are typically associated with the teaching of
games and athletic activities, and those areas that involve profound safety
issues (for example, swimming and outdoor and adventurous activities). The
more informal (pupil-centred) styles, on the other hand, tend to be reserved
for the two areas that lend themselves to greater degrees of independence
and discovery: namely, dance and (educational) gymnastics (Evans et al.,
1996) particularly when female teachers teach girls. This tendency is reinforced by the long-standing tradition of pupil-centred guided discovery in
these areas. The more pupil-centred, productive teaching styles are said to be
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particularly useful in those lessons that require pupils to think for themselves.
The presence of a mandatory curriculum (such as the National
Curriculum in England and Wales), along with the mandatory assessments
that tend to accompany it, has profound consequences for teaching styles. The
requirements for ongoing assessment of pupils achievement, for example,
constrains teachers towards more didactic teaching methods. Overall, PE
teachers predispositions towards utilizing teacher-centred approaches tend
to be reinforced by a variety of internal and external pressures. Government
concern with teacher effectiveness, in particular, tends to focus teachers
attention on pupil achievement in tasks where there are measurable outcomes
(Hallam and Ireson, 1999) and this tends to lead to more centralized and standardized organization and sequencing of the curriculum and its content. The
discourse of effective teaching (Hallam and Ireson, 1999: 75) also serves to
constrain teachers towards outcomes and thus towards more directed teaching
styles. Thus, the employment of appropriate and effective teaching styles is
one aspect of a broader political and academic focus upon good and effective teaching and high-quality PE.
'Good' teaching and 'high-quality PE'

Nowhere is the desire to make policy and practice more evidence-based
and, as a corollary, research into the various facets of education more scientific and less ideological more apparent than in education. Many educationalists advocate the scientific investigation of the causes of effective
teaching (Clark, 2005: 289) and this is particularly pertinent in relation to
government policy towards high-quality PE.
The terms quality PE and good teaching are sufficiently commonplace in the discourse surrounding PE (see, for example, DfES/DCMS, 2003;
DfES/DCMS, 2004; OFSTED, 2005a; World Summit on Physical Education,
1999) to suggest that there is widespread consensus regarding both what
these terms mean and their suitability as ideal types. But this is far from true.
What constitutes a good PE teacher and high-quality PE teaching is not
clear in the policy documents and related strategies. The supposed
characteristics of good or high-quality PE teachers and teaching have to be
interpreted from lengthy lists of outcomes and features of provision
(DfES/DCMS, 2004: 1). Indeed, there is very little in these documents that
any contemporary PE teacher might plausibly dissent from or might not
simply assume to be part and parcel of what is expected of PE teachers.
High-quality [PE] teachers are, among other things, committed and
enthusiastic individuals who provide positive role models, listen to their
pupils and improve their own subject expertise (DfES/DCMS, 2004: 16).
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Similarly, the basic principles (DfES/DCMS, 2004: 1) describe how

high-quality PE enables all young people to take part in and enjoy PE and
sport, whilst improving their abilities and promoting health. The stated
outcomes include developing young people who are committed to PE
and sport understand that PE and sport are an important part of a healthy,
active lifestyle have the skills they need [and] enjoy PE, school and
community sport (p.3; emphases in the original). There is, in short, much
(in idealistic terms) about the end product but little or nothing (in practical
terms) about the process by which high quality PE might be achieved. In
effect, government publications on high-quality PE and sport
(DfES/DCMS, 2004) read more like a call to arms than guides to good
practice.
We have to look elsewhere for descriptions of what are perceived as good
or effective teachers. And it becomes clear that more than subject expertise
is seen as necessary. On the basis of his study, Mawer (1995: 4) suggested that,
in addition to being skilled at sport and knowledgeable about their subject,
the most frequently mentioned attributes and personality characteristics of a
good PE teacher were considered to be: enthusiasm, sense of humour,
approachability, patience and the ability to be a good communicator and
organizer. Similarly, according to Hare (1993), the attributes deemed
admirable for the good teacher, in general, include a number of qualities of
character beyond excellence in subject knowledge such as humility, courage,
impartiality, open-mindedness, empathy and enthusiasm. It seems almost
impossible to say which of the above are necessary and which are sufficient
characteristics of the good teacher, not least because education involves a
relationship in which one person (the pupil) tends to be highly dependent
upon the other (the teacher). This is the reason why many take the view that
teachers should have personal and moral as well technical skills.
In this vein, it has been conventionally assumed over the last quarter of
a century or so at least in academic rhetoric that a good teacher is one who,
rather than being a mere technician (Behets and Vergauwen, 2006), regularly
reflects upon his or her philosophy and practice.
The reflective practitioner

Since the early 1990s, one of the major developments in teacher education has
been the rise to prominence of the notion of reflective practice (Capel, 2005;
Tinning, 2006) Reflective practice is said to come in three broad forms ranging from a weak to a strong sense of the term. The weakest sense is also the
most frequently used sense of the term, in which reflection is viewed as a utilitarian mechanism for improving the execution of teaching skills (Williams,
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1993: 137). In this sense, reflection is purely instrumental insofar as it is

intended to help teachers replicate practices that both experience and empirical research have suggested are effective (Capel, 2005; Williams, 1993, 1998;
Zwozdiak-Myers, 2006): it involves the identification of a number of specific
strategies which are seen to be central to good teaching (Williams, 1993:
138). Somewhere towards the halfway point on the continuum of reflexivity is
reflection as a form of deliberation among competing views of teaching
(Williams, 1993: 139). A teacher, for example, who is able to use a variety of
styles is more likely to be able to select the most effective for a specific learning activity (1993: 139). The strongest sense of the term interprets reflexivity
as the reconstruction of oneself as a teacher, with an expectation that teachers will become more aware of the cultural milieu in which they operate
(1993: 140). This, for Williams (1993), would necessarily involve teachers
reviewing and reconstructing their taken-for-granted assumptions about
teaching, PE and education itself.
Populating PE with reflective practitioners remains an avowed goal of
PEITT and CPD in PE. However, achieving the strongest sense of reflexivity
seems an unlikely prospect and a naive aspiration given that most mentors
encourage reflection upon day-to-day practice and seldom encourage student
teachers to contemplate broader, philosophical concerns. Indeed, the very
practice of being a PE teacher militates against any inclination to reflect.
Opportunities are seldom available3 for teachers to analyse and reflect upon
their teaching (Tsangaridou, 2006a). Indeed, the trend evident in many countries in recent decades, towards more centralized, and therefore tighter, control over education generally and the training of teachers in particular, has
reinforced the focus upon practically based skills and competencies.
The claim that the strong sense of reflective practice matters because it
is contiguous with practice, does not stand up to scrutiny. The view that
reflection on PE affects how PE is taught is neither true for teachers or academics it is to misunderstand the nature of PE as it is practised. Physical
education teachers tend not to take a reflexive attitude towards either their
subject or their practices (Evans and Davies, 1986). Physical education teachers philosophies and practices have far more to do with their predispositions
or habituses and the contexts in which they teach.
THE CONTEXT OF TEACHING

In moving towards a conclusion to this chapter, it is worth reminding
ourselves just how constrained teachers are by their contexts. At a national
level, constraint takes the form of national curricula, the funding
arrangments for schools, school denomination, national examination systems
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and the advent of measurements of performance (such as the ubiquitous

league tables). At a local level, constraint is manifest in the denomination
of the school, the catchment area (in the USA, retention rates after five years
teaching run at approximately 50 per cent but rates of attrition tend to be
higher for those teaching in impoverished schools [Stroot and Ko, 2006]), the
traditions of the school, governing body and headteacher ideologies,
available resources, timetabling and policies towards the organization and
grouping of students and class sizes, subject departments and their inherited
characteristics and so on. Viewed in such contexts, the professional
autonomy of teachers was perhaps never as great as was commonly believed
and appears to have diminished further with growing political interest and
intervention (Fitz et al., 2006; Gorard et al., 2003; Mortimer, 1999; Penney
and Evans, 1999).
CONCLUSION
This chapter has summarized some of the important processes and issues in
teaching PE. The main focus has been on the process of becoming and being
a PE teacher, including personal and professional socialization. It has
explored the science or pedagogy of PE and, in particular, teaching styles
and the much vaunted ideal of the reflective practitioner. It seems that
teachers view PE as a practical subject and teaching as a technical process.
The socialization of PE teachers into sport and PE, helps us begin to
understand why there is a tendency towards conservatism among PE
teachers, which manifests itself in the passing on of skills-oriented and sportdominated curricula. Teacher trainees and beginning teachers are
intuitively oriented towards reproducing and preserving the physical
education they have experienced (Placek et al., 1995: 248), and their
experiences tend to reinforce this.
The longer they remain in the occupation, and the longer they remain at
a particular school, the more conservative in their philosophies and practices
PE teachers are likely to become. Hence the tendency for PE to reflect a good
deal of continuity alongside some degree of change. But PE is a process it
develops, inevitably. Because (1) newly qualified teachers are never completely identical to their predecessors and their slight differences (for example, in the sports they have experience of and in their academic background),
and (2) changes in context (teaching in different schools, taking on new roles
and implementing new legislation, for example) constrain teachers to change
their practices (and their beliefs), PE is almost bound to develop, albeit incrementally, over time.
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RECOMMENDED READING
Capel, S. (2005) Teachers, teaching and pedgagogy in physical education, in
K. Green and K. Hardman (eds), Physical Education: Essential Issues.
Tsangaridou, N. (2006a) Teachers beliefs, in D. Kirk, D. Macdonald and M.
OSullivan (eds), The Handbook of Physical Education. London: Sage.
pp.486501.
Tsangaridou, N. (2006b) Teachers knowledge, in D. Kirk, D. Macdonald and
M. OSullivan (eds), The Handbook of Physical Education. London: Sage.
pp.50215.
NOTES
1 The phrase quality PE is increasingly prominent in PE even though
attempts to establish its contours, where they exist, tend to be relatively
brief, superficial and question-begging. According to the World Summit on
Physical Education (1999), quality PE is defined as the most effective and
inclusive means of providing all children with the skills, attitudes,
knowledge and understanding for lifelong participation in physical activity and sport. But this begs the question what kinds of PE are the most
effective and inclusive in achieving these purposes?
2 There is some confusion surrounding terminology with regard to teaching
strategies and styles. Teaching strategies are often referred to as the
planned episodes of teaching that are intended to bring about particular
outcomes with particular individuals and groups, and thereby meet particular lesson objectives (Capel, 2005). Strategies involve decisions about how
to organize lessons, what material to teach and how to teach it (Mawer,
1993). Teaching styles, by contrast, are generally understood to encompass
the cluster of skills and strategies that a teacher uses, often habitually
(Capel, 2005). Put another way, when a teacher begins to use a consistent
set of teaching tactics, this is then considered to be their teaching style
(Mawer, 1993: 5). For the sake of simplicity, teaching styles is used as a
generic term in this chapter.
3 However, in England and Wales in recent years, teachers (including
trainees) have been guaranteed a proportion of their teaching time for
planning, preparation and assessment. This allows for the possibility of
reflective practice by building time into teachers workloads. It is an open
question, however, the extent to which such reflection as occurs is in anything other than the weakest sense or, for that matter, the extent to which
schools meet this obligation.
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Conclusion
Perhaps the most obvious way to conclude a book entitled Understanding

Physical Education would be to reflect upon the preceding chapters as a basis
for returning, full circle, to reconsider the nature and purposes of PE. To do
so, however, may simply serve as a reminder that, as Telama (2002: ix) put it,
the gap between what we say we want to do and what we are doing in practice
has been and still is the main problem in physical education. Rather than
return (directly, at least) to the ideologically loaded question What ought to
happen to PE?, it might be more interesting to speculate upon the likely
future of the subject assuming the direction of recent policies and
developments were to continue. This is, of course, a risky venture and will
inevitably generate a number of hostages to fortune. It may be worthwhile,
nonetheless, if only as a heuristic device to reflect upon the content of the
book thus far and to return, indirectly, to the supposed nature and purposes
of PE.
In an attempt to anticipate the consequences of trends and developments
in PE, the remainder of the conclusion is structured around several processes
which have been prominent themes in the book thus far and which may point
the way to a major change in PE in many countries. The first of these
processes the sportization of PE has long been a feature of the subject.
T H E S P O R T I Z AT I O N O F P E
The term sportization is employed as shorthand for a process by which sport
becomes more and more prominent in not only the justification for but, more
especially, the practice of PE. In extreme form, it represents the transformation of PE into school sport; in other words, a transformation from something
nominally focused upon education to something essentially focused on sport
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(in both leisure or recreational and high-performance forms) and to which

educational outcomes are purely incidental.
An initial phase of sportization within PE can be traced back to the
emergence and development of games in the Victorian public schools (Kirk,
1992; 1998). A second phase took the form of the establishment of games, and
sport generally, alongside gymnastic-type activities as the two staples of secondary school PE in the second half of the twentieth century. Recent developments suggest a third phase of sportization may be under way, one which
finds expression in the increasing emphasis on school sport in government
policies and, in England and Wales at least, in the increasing prevalence of the
term school sport alongside PE in the title of the subject. While the place of
PE in school curricula may have been secured (in terms of its place on the
curriculum and time allocated to it) in some countries (Belgium and Holland
and some Eastern European countries, for example) (Fisher, 2003) there is a
trend towards treating PE as synonymous with school sport in many countries. This development hints at the possibility that PE in the guise of school
sport might increasingly be driven towards the margins of school curricula
(as an extra-curricular or even extra-school subject, for example) along the
lines of either the American model of after-school, inter-school sporting competition or the European model of club-based sports participation; or even a
combination of the two in the shape of the sports academies that have
emerged recently in Flanders (see Chapter 4). Indeed, in recent years a number of countries, such as Sweden, and some regions of Germany, have considered locating physical education outside the main school curriculum,
delivered essentially in local sports centres, while in some parts of Australia
curriculum physical education has been franchised out to external agencies
in the interests of cost effectiveness (Fisher, 2003: 141).
The preconditions for the process of sportization to result in a transformation of PE into school sport can be identified in several recent developments:
The marketization of education in many countries and the associated
demands for value for money from, and reduced expenditure towards,
education. At the secondary level in England and Wales, for example,
general educational policy aimed at loosening state control of schools
has created educational markets in which competitive sport has become
a marketing tool for schools. The economic and symbolic value of extracurricular sport and inter-school sporting competition has long been
recognized in the USA (see Chapter 4) and the marketization of education constrains PE departments to sell themselves to their pupils and
parents and, in so doing, their schools.
The increased investment in, and greater policy emphasis on, school
sport (see Chapter 2) which has made school sport a source of power for
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CONCLUSION
229
external agencies such as governing bodies of sport and sports development agencies (for example, the YST in England). The often vocal
demands of the representatives of (elite) sport and sporting organizations continue to drive the policy agenda towards PE and school sport
in many countries (Fisher, 2003).
The range and utility of resources for PE (in the form of both people and
equipment) made available to schools by sports organizations the
wealthier ones, in particular and which tend to be received appreciatively by teachers (in primary schools especially) (see Chapters 2 and 3).
The associated and increasing tendency for schools to turn for support
towards adults other than teachers (AOTTs) especially in the form of
sports coaches and SDOs to deliver aspects of curricular and extra-curricular PE (see Chapter 3). The wealthier, more established sports governing bodies (such as rugby union and football1) possess an abundance
of coaches or development officers and are best able to fund an extensive
supply of personnel and equipment to assist the delivery of PE.
Although this may facilitate opportunities for participation (in primary
schools in particular) and for the improvement through coaching of talented youngsters, the representatives of these sporting bodies tend to
have sporting rather than educational priorities and tend to prefer working with and developing the more able youngsters.
The high costs of maintaining sports facilities in schools may exacerbate
the trend in policy to encourage schools to forge stronger links with
sports clubs that, incidentally, can afford newer and more elaborate
facilities (see Chapter 3).
The likelihood that government and sporting agencies funds will
increasingly be diverted towards talent identification and nurturing,
particularly in the lead-up to global sporting events (such as the
Olympic Games or soccer World Cup) and especially in countries hosting such events.
The fact that the bulk of the population of most countries and almost all
politicians would be hard pressed to differentiate (Fisher, 2003: 141)
between PE and sport in schools as, indeed, would PE teachers (see
Chapter 1) and are more likely to support rather than resist the sportization of PE.
Despite claims regarding the sportization of PE, it is important to note that

the conceptual distinction between PE and school sport represents something
of a false dichotomy. The former has almost always incorporated a good deal
of the latter, while the latter is almost invariably perceived by its advocates as
incorporating educational outcomes whether intentionally or otherwise. The
significance of sportization may, therefore, be a matter of degree. In other
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words, the extent to which the process involves a shift towards one end of a
continuum: towards a polarized version of sport in schools consisting almost
exclusively of sporting (predominantly team) games in the form of intra- and
inter-school competition with a focus on the development of sporting skills
and fitness for sporting performance at the expense of the other elements
(such as HRE) that constitute conventional or ideal-type forms of PE.
For some physical educationalists, one of the features of anything worthy
of the label physical education would be HRE, and concern with PE as a
vehicle for health promotion has rivalled sport for occupancy of the ideological high ground of the subject in recent decades.
T H E H E A LT H I Z AT I O N O F P E
Although this term jars on the ear it does allow for consistency by conceptualizing the relationship between health promotion and PE as a process, thereby
underlining the claim that the orientation of PE towards health promotion may
wax and wane. The first phase of the healthization of PE occurred around the
turn of the twentieth century with the emergence and development of physical
training in the nascent elementary schools (Kirk, 1992a). Whether emphasis
upon physical fitness in the service of sports performance in the decades following the introduction of compulsory secondary schooling after the Second
World War can reasonably be said to constitute a second phase, the emphasis
upon exercise as a vehicle for health promotion in the last two decades of the
twentieth century represents a significant reinvigoration of health-related exercise as a justification for PE. Nowhere is this better illustrated than in the rebadging of PE as Health and Physical Education in Australia.
Whether or not, the current context is likely to lead to a strengthening or
dimunition of the place of HRE in PE is difficult to anticipate. On the one
hand, the conditions appear favourable for the growth of a health dimension
to PE (see Chapter 6), in the form of:
the increasing prevalence of physical and mental health illnesses for
which more exercise is thought to be a, if not the, main antidote
the fact that sport and PE offer a relatively cheap and easy policy solution for governments and a ready-made justification for the existence of
PE
the likelihood that schools will continue to be viewed by governments as
a suitable setting for health promotion via early intervention
the existence of a vibrant lobby for PE as a vehicle for health promotion
in PEITT and academe as well as among governments and the medical
profession
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succesive generations of PE teachers with an ideological and, to some

extent, practical grounding in HRE.
On the other hand, the future of a health orientation to PE (and HRE itself)
may be uncertain for the following reasons. Claims by PE teachers to a
central role in promoting health are likely to provide a substantial hostage to
fortune. Hitherto, physical educationalists have been able to respond to
criticisms that their subject appeared unable to combat under-exercising
and, by extension, obesity by pointing out that it had never been given a
realistic chance (in the form of the resources) to carry out such a mission.
Substantial sums of money have been allocated to PE in recent years (in the
UK, in particular), in the expectation that it would result in changes in levels
of physical activity and, consequently, an improvement in the prevalence of
overweight and obesity. However, such grand expectations may return to
haunt the PE profession when it becomes evident to all concerned that no
matter how much money is invested in PE and school sport, PE may be
powerless to provide a silver bullet solution to a problem that is more
complex in its origins.
Overall, the healthization of PE appears set to remain the least transformative
of the three major processes. While HRE has become more central to justifications for the subject, this has not been reflected in the practice of PE to the
extent that might have been expected. Although HRE has become established
as a de facto activity area in its own right in a number of countries, this does
not appear to represent a substantial shift towards a pre-eminence of HRE at
the expense of sport and games in mainstream PE curricula quite the
reverse, in fact. Nevertheless, HRE is one aspect of a process that does appear
to be changing the practice of PE: that of academicization.
T H E A C A D E M I C I Z AT I O N O F P E
Physical educationalists have long sought to provide theoretical and practical
justifications for their subject in ways that have, in effect, treated PE as a
vehicle for other, seemingly more laudable and educationally valid, goals than
merely playing sport. In recent decades a genuinely academic justification for
PE has become available (see Chapter 5). The rapid growth of academic qualifications in PE has enabled physical educationalists to present theirs as a
more authentically academic subject than up to now: one that not only satisfies the epistemological requirements of the dominant liberal conception of
education but also provides very tangible benefits for schools in terms of an
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additional and popular examination subject. The preconditions for a continuation of the process of academicization appear visible in several recent developments, including:
the economic and status value, and corresponding marketing appeal, of
examinable PE (in the form, for example, of GCSE and A level PE/Sport
in England and Wales)
the corresponding demands (in some schools) for PE to make a contribution to academic success at a time when there is growing political
pressure on schools to free up curriculum time for supposedly more
important subjects (Fisher, 2003: 141) such as mathematics, national
languages and literature, science and vocational subjects
the desire on the part of physical educationalists at all levels for professional status and the apparent potential for the academic version of the
subject to provide this
the increasing numbers of qualified PE teachers who are predisposed
towards an academic variant of PE having themselves (1) undertaken
some form of PE or sport-related qualification while at school and, (2)
studied sports science (or its equivalent) at university
the potential of examinable PE as a power resource for PE teachers
within their schools.
Although the twin processes of sportization and academicization appear set
to dominate PE in the near future, they seem somewhat paradoxical. This
apparent paradox may not, however, be irreconcilable. A number of
interested groups within the PE network in England and Wales (for example,
OFSTED, a number of academics, headteachers and many PE teachers
themselves) appear happy to endorse both processes and both appear to be
gathering pace.
W H AT F U T U R E F O R P E ?
Whether or not the above processes are likely, in configuration, to result in
major, long-term or more subtle, even transitory, changes to PE or even cancel each other out is impossible to say. Currently, PE continues to be relatively established on school curricula in many countries and PE teachers
retain a large measure of professional autonomy and control over curricular
and extra-curricular PE. Nevertheless, viewed on a continuum from stability
through fragmentation to transformation, PE is evidently becoming more
fragmented and unstable.
The upshot of a configuration of the twin processes of sportization and
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academicization could well be that the term physical education becomes

increasingly associated with, and reserved for, examinable (and especially academic) forms of the subject, while traditional PE re-branded as school
sport is moved to the margins of the curriculum (that is, to extra-curricular
PE and sports clubs). In academic form, PE might be available only to pupils
in the later years of secondary schooling as a vocational and/or academic subject offering qualifications that point pupils towards employment opportunities (in the growing fields of leisure sport and health and exercise) or further
study (in related fields, such as Sport and Exercise Sciences).
Ironically, and despite the potential for enhanced professional status that
appears inherent in examinable PE, the success of examinations in PE in configuration with the emphasis on links between PE and external sporting agencies may bring about a realignment between PE and external agencies (such
as sports governing bodies) as a consequence of the tilting of the power-balance away from the former and towards the latter. The networks that PE
teachers are involved in are becoming ever more complex, and policies aimed
at encouraging AOTTs to become involved with curricular and extra-curricular activities threaten the status of PE and the autonomy of PE teachers. Their
increasing dependence upon and integration with SDOs and sports coaches
points to the possibility of status convergence between PE teachers and these
occupational groups. Indeed, the steady influx of unqualified outsiders such
as coaches and SDOs alongside the increased division of specialized labour in
PE (between examination and practical roles among PE teachers and between
PE teachers themselves and AOTTs) is set to reinforce the likelihood that PE
teachers will one day oversee an examinable subject while SDOs and coaches
are left to train youngsters in particular sports. This might, in turn, be
expected to lead to a preference for the recruitment of PE teachers with coaching specialisms and coaching orientations (in a manner similar to the present
situation in the USA). It might even lead to the recruitment of coaches rather
than qualified teachers (similar to the situation that currently exists in many
private schools in the UK) as the sole or main deliverers of school sport. What
would amount to a de-professionalization of PE as such would likely be exaggerated by the following current trends:
the normalization of the involvement of sports coaches and SDOs in PE
the widespread acceptance among physical educationalists that PE and
sport, are to all intents and purposes, synonymous (see Chapter 1). Jones
(2006: 7) observes that, some scholars,2 while acknowledging that both
activities are sometimes driven by distinct goals, consider that the line
of demarcation between teaching and coaching is not so obvious or,
indeed, necessary
developments including the increasing significance of assessment in
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education and the growth of public examinations in PE and expectations
regarding the development of youngsters with sporting talent and links
with sports clubs and the growth in provision of coaching awards for
teachers.
It is perfectly feasible that these developments will reinforce, not to say

exaggerate the well-established tendencies among PE teachers to (1) rely
upon formal, command-style teaching strategies redolent of and commonplace among sports coaches, and (2) utilize CPD opportunities to resolve
pressing practical issues, such as the delivery of examinable PE or the need
for specific coaching-oriented courses and qualifications (rather than the
more personal and professional development programmes that academics, at
least, might favour) thereby preparing themselves for one of two distinct
roles teaching academic PE or coaching sport.
The consequences of the continued sportization and academicization of
PE for pupils are equally difficult to second guess, not least because of the relative independence of young peoples sporting and leisure lives from PE (see
Chapters 7 and 8). Evans and Davies (1986) observed that PE makes both
friends and enemies of young people, it both inspires and enables and alienates and dissuades pupils; and sometimes both at the same time! Some aspects
of the aforementioned processes hold out the promise of enhancing the wide
sporting repertoires that appear an important aspect of lifelong participation
in sport and physical activity. Nevertheless, to the extent that we are witnessing a separation of PE and school sport with the former revolving around
examinations and HRE and the latter consisting solely of sport the potential contribution of PE to youngsters sporting participation is likely to
remain under-explored. Nonetheless, there are no grounds for thinking that
class, gender and ethnicity will cease to be anything other than the most significant of determinants of participation and success in PE and sport, because
of the continued significance of cultural and social capital irrespective of economic developments. Boys and girls involvement in PE and sport may well
continue, by degrees, to converge as girls participation in leisure sport and
PE increase, albeit to an optimal level: with both girls and boys there are
always likely to be out-of-reach groups. Even though girls are likely to participate in increasing numbers including in activities once associated with
boys, such as football, basketball, cricket and some outdoor pursuits the constraints caused by the relative incompatibility of sport generally and some
sports in particular with many girls perceptions of preferred femininity (as
well as some boys perceptions of masculinity) will very probably continue to
delimit levels and forms of participation. Womens and ethnic minorities perceptions of some places and some facilities as unconducive even prohibitive
to their participation will undoubtedly continue to restrict the involvement of
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CONCLUSION
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all but the most independent. That said, increasing numbers of young women
(especially from the expanding middle classes) are, indeed, beginning to lead
the kinds of leisure lives once associated with young males.
One thing seems certain in the short term: as its borders become more
contested, PE is likely to lose some of the coherence it may once have possessed
for PE teachers and pupils alike. Indeed, the more the power differentials
between more established (such as PE teachers) and less established (sport
coaches, for example) occupational groupings with an interest in PE diminish,
the more the course of PE is likely to become not merely uncertain, but also
beyond the control of any single individual or group. Nevertheless, the portents
of a future with PE teachers in the classroom, sports coaches and development
officers on the field and in the sports hall and fitness instructors in the gym are
there for all to see. Whether that is a good or bad thing depends entirely upon
ones ideological position regarding the nature and purposes of PE.
NOTES
1 There are very many more football coaches in the UK than any other
sport.
2 Also, Green (2003) would add, as PE teachers themselves.
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Index
Added to a page number t denotes a

table and n denotes notes.
abseiling 67
academic curriculum model 910
academic success, middle-class lifestyle
163
Academic/Active Learning Time in
Physical Education (ALT-PE)
research 51
academization of PE 889, 901, 92, 95n,
2312, 233, 234
accountability 801
acculturation 2089
achievement 79, 80
active learning, disabled youngsters 193
activity choice (option PE) 37, 50, 123
adherence to sport 12932, 135
adipose tissue 108
adults
other than teachers (AOTT) 50, 72,
75, 229, 233
physical activity, fitness and health
109
social class and participation 15960
Advanced (A) Level PE/Sport 81
comparison of grades (2006) 85t
segregation between vocational
qualifications and 88
standards of attainment 846
total entries for (19902006) 82t
widespread expansion and acceptance
of 82, 93
aerobic fitness 109

aerobics 140, 142, 160
aesthetic activities 10
African-Americans 107, 167, 172, 1767,
178
African-Caribbeans 107, 167, 1767, 181,
182
age, and participation 128
alcohol consumption, young people
1034
alienation, resistance of gender
stereotypes 146
ALT-PE see Academic/Active Learning
Time in Physical Education
American football 177
analytical-philosophical perspective
811, 1314, 15
angling 154, 160
anti-intellectualism 18
anxiety 99
AOTT see adults other than teachers
archery 55
Asians 107, 177, 181, 182
see also South Asians
aspirational model, efficacy expectancy
132
assessment 7981, 93, 198, 222
assessment for learning 79
Association for Physical Education
(AfPE) 22n, 28
athletics 55, 57, 69, 73, 140, 142, 182,
183, 195
attainment 846, 158
269
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Attainment Targets (NCPE) 34

attitudes to sports and physical activities
59
Australia
academization of PE 95n
anti-intellectualism 18
centrality of health to PE 96
curriculum for PE 60
lifestyle activities 120
sex and extra-curricular PE 67
sport participation 162
time spent on PE 512
badminton 55, 57, 76, 120, 121, 123, 140,
182
ball sports 121
Bangladeshis 169, 171, 1756, 178, 181,
182
barriers to participation 153, 203
baseball 56, 58, 69
basketball 55, 56, 58, 69, 70, 71, 73, 120,
121, 140, 142, 148, 160, 177, 182,
195, 196, 202, 203
behaviour change, evidence-based model
132, 133
behavioural difficulties, mainstreaming
and inclusion 1978
behaviouristic approach, teacher
education 212
Belgium 11819, 120, 126, 160
Black Africans 181, 182
Black Other ethnic groups 181, 182
black students, sedentary behaviours 107
boccia 55, 203
bodies of knowledge 9
body
class, sport and PE 157
sexualization of female 146
body mass index 1078
bowls 55
boxing 160, 177, 183
boys
ego-oriented dispositions 130
valuing of activity choice 123
see also gender
break from schooling, PE as 20
British Association of Advisers and
Lecturers in Physical Education
(BAALPE) 22n
British Olympic Association 24

bureaucracy 87
canoeing 55
cardiovascular risk, waist-hip ratio 108
Central Council for Physical Recreation
21, 24
centres of excellence 33
changeability, young peoples leisure
activities 131
cheerleading 55
China 97, 104
Chinese 67, 172, 181, 182
choice biographies 132
Choosing Health (DoH) 96
circus skills 55
class management, mainstreaming and
inclusion 1978
class sizes, pressure on teaching
resources 50
climbing 67, 69
clothing, conflicts between teachers and
pupils 178
club-based sport 126, 228
co-educational PE 1479
coaches 50, 235n
coaching orientation 213
coaching support 37
Coaching for Teachers 51
collaboration, calls for 40
command style of teaching 220
Community Use of Sports Facilities 47
competence 12930, 149
competencies 212
competition, academization of PE 92
competitive sports 57, 58, 67, 68, 71, 74,
119, 120, 140, 144
competitiveness, policy networks 28
contact sports 140, 148
continuing professional development
(CPD) 21618, 224
coping strategies, religion and demands
of PE 179
couch potatoes 139
Council of Europe 53
cricket 55, 56, 57, 69, 120, 121, 182, 195,
202
cross-country 56, 69, 70
cultural capital 1556
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cultural clash, teachers and pupils 177,

1789
curling 55
curriculum
externally-driven change 60
games-based 123
impact of examinations upon 878
number and range of activities 546
replication of traditional 209
the state of sport 568
see also academic curriculum model;
National Curriculum for Physical
Education
cycling 55, 76, 119, 120, 121, 160, 182, 202
Czech Republic 11819
dance 55, 56, 57, 69, 70, 71, 140, 142,
144, 147, 173, 191, 195, 221
DCMS see Department of Culture,
Media and Sports
debates 204
decentralized control 40
democratization of leisure 164
Denmark 120, 123, 171
Department of Culture, Media and
Sports (DCMS) 24, 28, 312, 34
Department for Education and Skills
(DfES) 24, 32, 34
Department of Health (DoH) 24
Department of National Heritage
(DNH) 35
depression 99
deprofessionalization 233
DfES see Department for Education and
Skills
diabetes 108
didactic teaching styles 222
diet and health 1034, 1578
disability and SEN 18991
contradictory policy goals 205
defining 1879
mainstreaming see mainstreaming
participation in extra-curricular PE 67
sport 2013
teachers lack of awareness of legal
obligations 2045
discourses, policy ideology 30
discrimination, engagement in sport 185
disengagement 135
271
diversity
among ethnic groups 16972
in family formation 174
participation, youth sport 119, 122,
1301
DNH see Department of National
Heritage
DoH see Department of Health
dominance hierarchy, PE classes 1489
drop-out, sport and physical activity
128, 131, 133, 158
dual-use sports centres 489
Duke of Edinburgh Award 81
Eastern Europe 49
economic deprivation, and health 158
economic inequality, leisure inequality
165
education
and health 112
marketization of 40, 478, 60, 923,
228
see also physical education
Education Act (1944) 22n
Education Reform Act (1988) 29, 34
educational attainment, and social class
158
educational nature/worth
physical education 16
practical knowledge 1112
educational sociologists 13
educationally worthwhile knowledge 89
efficacy expectancy 132
ego-oriented dispositions 129, 130
elite sport, tension between mass
participation and 40
embarrassment 146
End of Key Stage Statements 34
end-of-term/year reports 789
energy consumption, weight-gain 103
England
balance of power in school sport 28
expectations of PE 25
extra-curricular PE 68, 69, 71
gender and participation 139, 141
investment in PE 46
time allocation, PE 59
enjoyment 20, 12930
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Estonia 11819, 120

ethnic minorities
diversity and integration among
16972
lower levels of physical activity 1067
and participation 71, 2345
terminology 169
youthful make-up 172
ethnic penality 185
ethnicity 16786
key dimensions 1726
obesity 107
and PE 17680
extra-curricular 67
gender, social class and sport 1634
and race 16872
sport participation 1804
Europe
extra-curricular provision 623
gender and participation 139
lifestyle activities 11920
sedentary lives of children 978
time devoted to PE 51
youth sport 11819, 122, 126
see also individual countries
evidence-based model, behaviour change
132, 133
examinable PE 8294
the case for 8990
growth and development of 823
issues in 839
making sense of 903
examinations 28, 81, 878
see also Advanced (A) Level; General
Certificate of Secondary Education
exercise
health promotion 99, 104
social networks 125
see also health-related exercise
expectations
policy networks 25
pupil achievement 80
extra-curricular PE 6277
cultural clash, teachers and pupils
177, 1789
defined 62
empirical information 62
explaining 734
gender-stereotyping 75
greater support for 37
levels of participation 647
non-specialist teachers 50
outside agencies 72
provision 634
School Sport Partnerships 723
sporting bias 71, 72
types of sport on offer 6872
Extra-curricular physical education: more
of the same for the more able? 68
extrinsic rewards 129
facilities
Muslim participation 1734
provision 469, 589
rebuilding 37
youth sport 1278
family, and ethnicity 1746
fast food, and obesity 103
femininity 138, 144, 14951, 183
fencing 160
Finland 11819, 120, 126
firearms sports 160
fitness
decline in 98
physical activity and adult health 109
psychosocial outcomes 99
testing 1089
see also keep fit
Flanders 63, 71, 126, 162
flow 129
football 56, 57, 67, 69, 73, 120, 121, 140,
142, 148, 151, 154, 182, 183, 195, 202
see also soccer
Football Association (FA) 24, 28
football coaches 235n
formative assessment 79, 81
France 120
friends, impact on participation 1256,
132, 134
Game Plan 161
games 37, 228
games kit 179
games skills 1945
gender 13753
and activity 105
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ethnicity and participation 1812, 183

health-related exercise (HRE) 101
and PE
co-educational 1479
examinable 834, 86
extra-curricular 67, 69, 701
motivation and competence 149
nature of provision 1434
participation 13843, 234
self image 1457
social class, ethnicity, sport
1634
social dynamics 1512
socialization 14951
sex and 138
stereotypes 75, 139, 145, 146, 150
teaching styles 221
see also boys; girls; male teachers;
women
General Certificate of Secondary
Education, PE/Sport 81
comparison of grades (2006) 86t
as compulsory subject 94n
segregation between vocational
qualifications and 88
standards of attainment 846
total entries (19902006) 82t
widespread expansion and acceptance
82, 93
Germany
lifestyle activities 119, 120
Muslims 171
participation 11819, 1401, 184
popularity of traditional sports 123
sports club membership 160
time spent on PE 51
gifted and talented pupils 41, 58, 205
girls
involvement in male-dominated
activities 121
Muslim 1746
participation in sport 56
task-oriented dispositions 130
see also gender; sex
Girls in Sport 139, 142, 144
global crisis of PE 60
goal orientations 129
goalball 55
273
gold standard 84
golf 55, 121, 140, 160, 182
good teachers 220
good teaching 2223
government
policy see policy
quangos 24, 28, 77n
White Papers 30
grade inflation 84
grammar schools 22n
Greece 71, 148
guided discovery 221
gym 69, 76
gymnastics 55, 57, 69, 70, 140, 142, 147,
195, 221
handball 55
head teachers 28, 92, 94
health
economic deprivation 158
key contributors to 1027
limits to education 112
limits to individualism 11011
limits to PE 11314
limits to sport 11213
major problems 968
physical activity and sport as solution
18, 20, 36, 99102
physical capital 1578
psychological 989
health-related exercise (HRE) 1001
growing strength of lobby 37
limits of science 10710
in practice 1012
social class 158
healthism 11011
healthization of PE 2301
Healthy People 2010 96
heart conditions 108
hierarchical/linear model, policy
implementation 25
Hindus 169, 170, 171, 173
Hispanic 1689
hockey 55, 56, 57, 69, 70, 121, 142, 144,
182, 195
horse-riding 195
host-immigrant thesis 170
HRE see health-related exercises
Hungary 11819
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hunting 160
ice hockey 148
ice-skating 76
ideology, policy and 2930, 36
inactivity 98, 105, 158
inclusion 18991
debates 204
individualized activities 195
support for 1989
independence 125
individualism, and health 11011
individualization 125, 126
indoor facilities 47, 127
informing the mind 16
Inner-City Sport 99100
instability, young peoples leisure
activities 131
insulin resistance 108
integration
among ethnic groups 16972
intellectual dimension, of sport 10
intellectual knowledge 17, 22n
inter-scholastic sport 58
inter-school competitive sport 57
internal fat 108
International Council for Sports Science
and Physical Education (ICSSPE)
53
intra-school competitive sport 57
intrinsic motivation 149
intrinsic rewards 129
investment, in PE 46
Islam 173, 179
Italy 120
jogging 11920, 140, 142
Junior Sports Leaders Award (JSLA) 81
junk food 103
kabbadi 55
karate 160
keep fit (fitness) 55, 73, 76, 142
Key Stages 34
kick-boxing 142
knowledge
educationally worthwhile 89
see also intellectual knowledge;
practical knowledge; propositional

knowledge
leadership awards 81
learning environments 129
Learning Support Assistants (LSAs) 199
legislation, and participation 142, 148
leisure
activities 1256, 131, 142, 154
democratization of 164
economic inequality 165
renaissance 128
liberal-analytical tradition 811, 1314, 15
lifelong participation 12832, 133
lifestyle activities 73, 11920, 121, 122,
123, 142, 144, 183, 194, 202
lifestyle diseases 37, 99
Link Teachers 38, 51
Living for Sport 59, 118
locations (class), and involvement in
sport 157
locked-in to sport 130, 133
Loughborough Partnership survey 50,
53, 54, 55, 57, 73, 180, 193
love of sport 209
mainstreaming 18991
efficacy 2001
implementation 191200, 205
male dominance, open sporting settings
1489
male teachers, skill/sport-oriented extracurricular PE 74
manual workers, participation in sport
15960
marketization of education 40, 478, 60,
923, 228
martial arts 55, 121
masculinity 138, 144, 147, 14951
mass participation 37, 40
measurement
fitness 1089
overweight and obesity 1078
medical model of disability 1889
mental ill health 989
mentoring 21112
mid-adolescence 134
middle classes 154, 1578, 160, 161,
1623, 164, 165
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mixed race 16970

mixed-sex PE 1479
moral education 10
moral responsibility, towards health 111
motivation 59, 12932, 135, 149
motor boating 160
multi-activity PE programmes,
significance of 1224
Muslim communities 179
Muslims 67, 170, 171, 1723, 1746, 179,
181, 184, 185
National Curriculum for Physical
Education (NCPE) 16, 29, 301, 42,
43
1995 356
2000 367, 191
England and Wales 345
gender and PE 144
teaching styles 222
National Junior Sport Programme
(NJSP) 32
National Playing Fields Association 48
netball 55, 57, 67, 69, 70, 73, 121, 140,
142, 144
Netherlands 118
networks see policy networks; social
networks
new condition of youth 1247
New Opportunities Fund (NOF) 34
New Zealand 96
NJSP see National Junior Sport
Programme
No Child Left Behind 50
NOF see New Opportunities Fund
non-specialist teachers 50
North-West Development Agency (2005)
study 181
Norway 119, 1412, 148, 151, 161, 171
Norwegian Sports City Programme
162
obesity 97
energy consumption 103
environment 105
ethnicity 107
satisfactory measures 107
science of 110
socio-economic status 158
275
see also weight

obesogenic environments 98
occupational groups, policy networks
245
occupational socialization 90, 91, 209,
21416, 217
OFSTED 39, 51, 7980, 91
optimal experiences 129
option PE (activity choice) 37, 50, 123
organizations, attempts to influence PE
28
organized competitive sport 119
orienteering 55
out of lessons sport and PE 166n
see also extra-curricular PE
out-of-school hours programmes 57
outdoor and adventurous activities
(OAA) 191
outdoor facilities 47, 48, 59
overweight 107, 108, 158
Pakistanis 169, 171, 1756, 178, 181, 182
parental behaviours, and participation
150, 162
part-time jobs, non-participation in
participation
barriers to 153, 203
constraints to 712
curricular PE 389, 48
disabled youngsters 1934
diversity in 119, 122, 1301
education 1589
ethnic minorities 1801
fun and enjoyment as major motive
129
gender 56, 13843
Islam 173
significance of friends 1256, 132, 134
social class 1067, 15963
youth sport 11722, 124, 1267, 1334
see also lifelong participation; mass
participation
partnership
calls for 40
see also School Sport Partnerships
partnership development managers 38
pedagogy 219
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peer groups, impact on participation

1256, 132, 134
performance, as measure of school
standard 91
personal development, PE and 18, 20
personal and social development, PE as
contributory to 18
PESSCL see Physical Education, School
Sport and Club Links
Peters-Hirst (Petersian) approach 811,
1314, 15
philosophy, terminology 94n
physical activity
adult fitness and health 109
aerobic fitness 109
decline in 978
health promotion 99102
national recommendations/guidelines
98
psychological well-being 99
physical capital 1568
physical education
academization 889, 901, 92, 95n,
2312, 233, 234
assessment 7981, 93, 198, 222
ethnicity 16786
future for 2326
gender 13753
health 96115
healthization 2301
nature and purposes of 722, 28
non-educational justifications 20
participation see participation
policy 2344
preconditions for delivery 46
professionalization 912, 218
social class 15465
sportization 43, 44n, 122, 22730, 232,
234
state of 4561
teachers see teachers
teaching see teaching
see also examinable PE; extracurricular PE; quality PE; sport
Physical Education Association of the
United Kingdom (PEA-UK) 22n
Physical Education Initial Teacher
Training (PEITT) 21013, 224

Physical Education, School Sport and
Club Links (PESSCL) strategy
379, 401, 57
physical educationalists 24, 42, 231
physical skills, and sport 157
planning, performing and evaluation
34, 36, 226n
playing fields see public playing fields;
school playing fields
policy 2344, 132
basic questions about 23
blindness of 29
conflict in implementation 26
definition 234
goals 24, 3941, 205
ideology 2930, 36
likely outcomes 412
networks 245, 28, 233
power balances, shifting 278, 42
power relations 267, 412
process 25, 26, 309
significance for practitioners 424
as statement of intent 23
pool 182
Position Statement on Physical
Education 16
power relations, policy and 267, 412
practical knowledge 8, 1112
primary schools
extra-curricular PE 64, 65, 66, 69, 73
facilities 47
gender, PE and sport 56, 140
links between sports clubs and 57
National Curriculum 34
progress in participation 38
sport provision 56, 57
sporting curriculum packages 33
teachers 38, 49, 501
professional socialization
through CPD 21618
through PEITT 21013
professionalization of PE 912, 218
Programmes of Study (NCPE) 34
propositional knowledge 8, 11, 22n,
93
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psychological health 989

public playing fields 48
public sector facilities 127
Public Service Agreement Target, school
sport 52
pupil choice, significance of 1312
pupil compliance 220
pupil-centred teaching styles 2212
pupil-teacher ratios 50
pupils
cultural clash between teachers and
1789
gifted and talented 41, 58, 205
middle class youngsters as ideal 163
PE according to 1920
power resources between teachers and
278
see also boys; girls
push-pull effects, stereotypical
assumptions 167
qualifications
PE and sport-related 81
see also Advanced (A) Level; General
Certificate of Secondary Education
Qualifications and Curriculum
Authority (QCA) 7, 21, 51, 79
quality PE 2223, 226n
race, and ethnicity 16872
racial stereotypes 167, 176
Ramadan 178, 179
recreational, PE as 20
recreational activities 76, 119, 1256,
127, 140, 194
recreationalism/academic dilemma 10
recruitment potential, examinable PE 92
reflective practice 223, 226n
reflective practitioners 2234
religion
conflicts between teachers and pupils
178
demands of PE 179
and ethnicity 171, 1724
and participation 71, 183
reluctant participants 139
reproduction styles, teaching 221
resources
class sizes and pressure on 50
277
mainstreaming and inclusion 197

sportization of PE 229
role models, motivation toward sport
132
rollerblading 121
rounders 55, 57, 69, 70, 140, 195, 202
rugby 55, 56, 57, 69, 70, 140, 148, 157
running 120, 121, 140
sailing 55, 160
Scandinavia 119
see also Denmark; Norway; Sweden
school experiences, and social class 158
school playing fields, sale of 48, 59
school sport 52, 2289
School Sport Alliance 34
School Sport Coordinators (SSCOs) 37,
389, 73
School Sport Partnerships 389, 50, 54,
55, 57, 723, 180
see also Loughborough Partnership
survey
School Sport Survey (200506) 38, 523,
55, 57
schooling 12
schools
performance as measurement of
standard 91
see also primary schools; secondary
schools
Scotland
doubling of sugar-intake 103
secondary schools
curricular PE, time allocation 523
extra-curricular PE 63, 645, 66, 69,
70, 73
facilities 467, 48
gender and participation 56, 140, 141
National Curriculum 34
social class and PE 163
sports provision 57
teachers 49
teaching styles 221
sedentary behaviours/lifestyle 104, 105,
107
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self-consciousness 146, 149

self-determination 131
self-image 1457
self-teaching style 220
SENCOs see Special Educational Needs
Coordinators
sex
and extra-curricular PE 667, 70
and gender 138
sexualization, female body 146
shame 146
shared illusion 22
significant others, desirability of
examinable PE 90
Sikhs 169, 170, 171
skateboarding 73, 76, 121
skiing 157, 160
skill acquisition 1819
skittles 202
slippage, implementation of policy 43
snooker 182
soccer 55, 58, 119, 120, 140, 177, 182
see also football
social capital 155
social class 15465
cultural dimension 1556
defining 1545
education 1589
examinable PE 84
gender, ethnicity and sport and PE
1634
health 1067
physical dimensions 1568
physical education 163
social dimensions 155
sport participation 15963, 183
social dynamics, gender and 1512
social model of disability 189
social networks 125
socialization
class-based orientations 157
gender 147, 14951
sports participation 162
teachers 20818
young people 125
socially constructed bodies, young
people 157
socially constructed nature of PE 1314,
214
socially-oriented pursuits 134

socio-economic status see social class
softball 55, 58
South Asians 67, 169, 172, 175, 177, 178,
179, 182, 183
see also Bangladeshis; Pakistanis
Spain 118, 120
special educational needs see disability
and SEN
Special Educational Needs Coordinators
(SENCOs) 1989
specialist coaches 50
specialist schools programme 323
Specialist Sport Coordinators 73
Specialist Sports Colleges 32, 33, 378,
44n, 50
Sport: Raising the Game 356, 56
Sport for All 123
sport education 15
Sport England 24, 28, 47, 48, 55, 56, 68,
76, 118, 132, 139, 140, 142, 150,
166n, 181, 193, 2012, 206n
sport scientists 107
sporting bias, extra-curricular PE 71, 72
sporting curriculum packages 33
A Sporting Future for All 37
sportization 43, 44n, 122, 22730, 232,
234
sport(s)
continuation in 135
curricular provision 568
disability and 2013
ethnicity and 1804
facilities see facilities
health promotion 99102, 11213
justifying as valued cultural practice
1416
moral, health and aesthetic education
10
performance, played down emphasis
on 367
social class 15963
see also school sport; youth sport
sports academies 63, 73
sports centres 489, 59, 1278
sports clubs 38, 57, 121, 126, 160
Sports Coach UK 50
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INDEX
Sports Council for Wales 64

sports development officers (SDOs) 24,
41, 50, 75, 233
sports literacy 130
SportScotland study 140, 141, 149
Sportsmark/Sportsmark Gold 356
sporty types 139
squash 160
standards of attainment, in PE 846
stereotypes see gender stereotypes; racial
stereotypes
structural effects, alienation from PE
185
subjective warrant 213
sugar intake 103
support, and inclusion 1989
Sweden 51, 171
swimming 56, 69, 70, 76, 120, 121, 140,
142, 144, 160, 182, 191, 194, 195,
202, 203, 206n
Switzerland 123
syllabi, examinable PE 923
table tennis 55, 120
task-oriented dispositions 129, 130
teacher-centred instructional styles 221
teachers
adaptation of practices for Muslim
youngsters 180
call for two hour curricular PE 53
claims for efficacy of sport and PE 41
cultural clash between pupils and 177,
1789
disability and SEN 195, 196, 199200,
2045
ethnic minority, shortage of 184
examinable PE 90
frustrations with administrative
demands 80
gender stereotypes, reinforcement of
145
PE according to 1719, 21
policy networks 245, 233
power differentials between other
parties and 267, 412
push-pull effects, stereotypical
assumptions 167
279
significance of policy for 424

socialization of 20818
state of PE in terms of 4951
see also good teachers; head teachers;
Link Teachers; reflective
practitioners
teaching
context of 2245
examinable PE 87
science, art and craft of 21924
strategies 226n
styles 144, 1978, 21922, 226n
teaching orientation 213
Teaching Physical Education 220
team games/sports 19, 35, 56, 67, 68, 69,
120, 121, 123, 126, 144, 163, 191, 194
television watching 104, 105
tennis 56, 57, 69, 76, 120, 140, 160
tenpin bowling 121, 140, 142, 202
theoretical knowledge 8, 22n
theoretical PE 85, 87, 88
time allocation
curricular PE 514, 59
GCSE PE 878
PE, disabled youngsters 1923
Title IX legislation 142, 148
TOFIs 108
TOP Play/Top Sport 32, 33
traditional curricula, replication of 209
traditional sports/games 57, 69, 120,
121, 123, 163, 191
trampolining 123
transitions, and drop out 133
transport problems, and participation
67, 71
triathlon 55
two hour curricular PE 534
unadventurous types 139
unhealthy behaviours, young people
1034
United Kingdom
government policy towards sport 132
obesity problem 97, 107
youth sport 120
see also England; Scotland; Wales
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United States
competitive sports 71
inclusion 190
legislation, gender and participation
142, 148
mainstreaming 191
obesity 97, 107
PE teachers 4950
social class and sport 160
state of sport in 578
time spent on PE 52
untapped potential 139
upper classes 160
use-value of examinations 28
valued cultural practice, sport as 1416
vested interests, policy-makers and
implementers 24, 2930
volleyball 55, 56, 58, 123
voluntariness, sport participation 149
waist-hip ratio, cardiovascular risk 108
Wales
balance of power in school sport 28
club-based sport 126
extra-curricular PE 64, 65, 667, 68,
69
walking 56, 120, 182, 202
weight
self-image and PE 146
see also obesity
weight training 142
weight-lifting 157, 160
Western Europe 126, 161
see also individual countries
wheelchair users 67, 193, 194, 202, 206n
White Christians 171
White Papers 30
wide sporting repertoires 122, 123, 130,
131
Wolfenden gap 59, 136n
women
involvement in PE and sport 2345
see also young women
working classes 158, 160, 163
workplace socialization 90
young people
alcohol consumption 1034
decline in fitness 98
inactivity 98
obesity 97
psychological health 99
sedentary leisure 104
social class and participation in sport
1603
socially constructed bodies 157
see also mid-adolescence; new
condition of youth
Young People with a Disability and Sport
193
Young People and Sport in England 63, 140
young women
leisure activities 235
Muslim 1746
participation in sport 121, 13940,
142, 146
youth cultures, normalization of sport
124, 133
youth sport 11736
facilities 1278
lifelong participation 12832, 133,
135
multi-activity PE programmes 1224
participation 11722, 1334
team games 1201
underlying assumptions in
commentaries 117
Youth Sport Trust (YST) 28, 324, 55, 59

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What is the book about?

What is the book about?

What are some of the topics discussed in the book?

What are some of the topics discussed in the book?

8682green.

Understanding Physical Education

Ken Green 2008

For my parents, Betty and Stanley

2 Policy and Physical Education

3 The State of Physical Education

4 Extra-Curricular Physical Education

5 Assessment and Examinations in Physical Education

6 Health and Physical Education

7 Youth Sport and Physical Education

8 Gender and Physical Education

9 Social Class and Physical Education

10 Ethnicity and Physical Education

11 Disability, Special Educational Needs and Physical Education

12 Teaching Physical Education

In very many countries worldwide, young people between the ages of

contemporary PE, the book attempts to avoid offering value judgements on

THE SCOPE AND FOCUS OF THE BOOK

be a leitmotif of the book. The term sport is taken to incorporate both

THE STRUCTURE AND PERSPECTIVES OF THE BOOK

deficiencies with the arguments contained in the book, I claim sole

The Nature and Purposes

enquiry and associated bodies of knowledge (Carr, 1997) which, ostensibly at

1 to dispute the position in its own terms

Arguing for the educational nature and worth of practical

Pointing to the socially constructed nature of PE

Justifying sport as a valued3 cultural practice

The evident status of sport as an established cultural institution confirms for

common-sense philosophies. Nothing constrains PE teachers to think

(2001: 96) refers to as a shared illusion brought about where ideological

Policy and Physical

or central governments) authoritative decision about how things should be.

The policy process

Nor should the policy process be viewed as democratic and rational.

Policy and power

of power relations between teachers and other parties in terms of balances of

Shifting power balances in PE

teachers and their PE departments, it tends to be all three sources of power:

The blindness of policy

POLICY AND IDEOLOGY

goals and aspirations, over whose voices should be permitted a hearing

part, to take account of some of the unforeseen outcomes of the previous

The Departments for Culture, Media and Sport and Children,

The National Curriculum for Physical Education in England and

The National Curriculum for Physical Education 1995

secondary schools providing quality PE and sports programmes in the form

The National Curriculum for Physical Education 2000

The Physical Education, School Sport and Club Links (PESSCL)

as well as energised physical education in many schools and enthused large

Are the goals of particular policies clear?

Where policies have several goals, are these mutually compatible?

What likely outcomes might be associated with the

with an interest in PE diminish, the more the course of PE is likely to

What is the significance of policy for practitioners?

image conveyed in ideal-type models of policy is one of a transmission of

The State of Physical