South India

Under the
Vijayanagar .--.
Empire
The History of the Aravido Dynasty of
Vijayanagar Empire is the history of
the most im portant period of South
India which illucidate the domination
of the Tamil and Kanarese by Telugu .
No doubt, the whole of Southern
India was under the sway of Vijaya-
nagar prior to the 15th century but
the former rulers of the Tamilians
had been either retained , as in the
case of the Chotas of Tanjor or
restored, as in the case of the
Pandeyas of Madura, as feudatory
kings under the powerful Telugu
Empire.
It is needless to insist on the impor-
tance of the history of Vijayanagar
Empire without which no serious
study of South Indian History can be
undertaken . In these volumes the
learned author deals with the history
of South India from the second
half of the 16th century until the
middle of 18th century, when the last
representatives of the old feudatory
chiefs of Vijayanagar disappeared
with the usurpation of the kingdom
by Haider Ali.
Besides the historical aspects, other
important factors which shaped the
course of history were the flourishing
Portugese commerce in South India
and its decline with the appearance
of Danish, Dutch, French and English
traders . Muhammadans , Marathas and
the Mughal ' s invaded South and
shook to its very foundation the
em pire of Vijayanagar. It was also
during this period that Vaishnavism
was formely established irl the South
as a result of the ousllUghts on
Jainism and Saivism . The ~ eriod. thus
discussed in these v~lumes is
extreamly important in the history of
South India.

illustrated set of 2 vo, . . Rs. 250

SOUTH INDIA UNDER
THt:
VIJAYANAGARA EMPIRE
South India Under
the .
Vijayanagara Empire
THE ARA rIDU D YNASTJ'

Vol.1M II
By
Hury Hera.
With Art ill".rtr."ons

COSMO PUBLICATIONS
NEW DELHI-l l0002 I NDIA
]980
 95 4· g
£1<...

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FIRST PUBLISHED 1927

Published by
COSMO PUBLICATIONS
24B. ANSARI ROAD
NEW DELHI-l 10002
Printed by
MEHRA OFFSET PRESS
NEW DELHI-I 10002
 PREFACE
FATHER H. HERAS, S. J." ,Professor of Indian History,
St. Xavier's College, Bombay, ha s already distinguished
himself in promoling knowledge of the history of Central
and South India by two original papers in the I.dillll A7Jh·
quaT! on "The Conquest of the Fort of Asirgarh" and on
the "City of JInj i." He has now set himself to elucidate
the history of Vi jayanagara in the time of its fourth and last
dynasty, that is, dur ing the period 1542.1770 of the Christian
era-a period but lightly touched on in Mr. Sewell's well.
known history of Vljayanagara-A F~tottl" E",it" ,
The period is, however, a very important one in the story
of Hinduism, and it covers also that of the rise of European
power in India-Portuguese, Dutch, Danish, French and
English-and of the struggles of the various European
nations fm supremacy, ending in the final victory of the
English over all others. It was further a period of great
Jesuit activity and of tbe general spread of modern European
Christianity in South India, These considerations alone
attest the value of its exhaustive stu-iy and the interest it
cannot fail to arouse in all European students of the Indian
Empire.
It is, however, a period of great difuculty, owing to the
constant and varying struggle between Hindu Vijayanagara
ilnd the Muhammadan powers of the Deccan On the one hand,
and on the other of never-ending local difficulties of fighting
caused by the VijayanagJra system of governing through
Viceroys, who were practically independent kings in their
restricted territories and appeared as such to visiting Euro.
peans, while the representatlves of Europelln powers took
sidea and joined in the general ""lel, History thus appears
u an almost hopeless jumble of local .truggle, and indeed it
VI PREFACE

req uires no small research to put together the pieces of the

puzzle, so that the reader has before him an intelligible
account of the happenIngs at a period of Indian history of
the first importance to those who would nnderstand the condi.
tions of to· day.
This great task Father Heras has undertaken, to my
mind in the manner in which it should be undertaken. He
goes into the causes which lp.d to the conditions that brought
the last Vijayanagara Dynasty-the Aravidu-into existence,
and then writes up the history of It fr om anginal unpublished
documents, as well as from the books on the subject, and in
a long appendix he gives the unpublished documents them.
selves in their original languages. Hislory cannot be more
fairly presented.
Such is the method of Father Heras in attacking his
subject and in this first volume we find that he commences
with an account of the reigns of the last rulers of the Third
Dynasty-the Tuluva-so as to show how the Aravidu family
stepped q uietly into its place in the person of the Aravidu
minister, Rama Raya of Sadasiva Raya, the last Emperor of
the Third Dynasty. He then gives an account of the
administration of Vijayanagara under Riima Raya, the main-
tenance of Hinduism, and the foreign policy, especially aa
regards the Portuguese. As regards Riima Raya's clever a nd
tortuous dealings with the Muhammadan powers of the Dec.
can, a whole chapter is devoted to them.
Father Heras then harks back to South Indian History
to explain the early Telugu invasions of the Tamil country,
ending with the establishment of Visvanatha Nayaka as
N ayak (king) of Madura and the story of his successors-
introducing incidentally the doings of St. Francis Xavier and
other jesuit leaders. This is followed' by an account of the
Nayaks of Tanjore, Jioji and Ikeri (the very name of which
last once great city has since disappeared from the general
Indian maps), and of tbe Rajas of Mysore and other
 PREFACE VII

Feudatory Chiefs, including the obscure and curious Queens

of Bhatkal and UllAI.
These minor consider ations bring us back to the struggle
between the Tuluva Dynasty of Vij.yanagara and the
Deccani Muhammadans, e.nding with their "ictory at the
battle of IUk.I. Tagdi, the el(ecution of Rima Raya aDd the
end of the Tuluva Dynasty. This brings the Aravidu
Tirurna.la, Rama Raya's brother, to the Vijayanagara throne
~nd the transfer of the capital to Penuiconda, giving the
death blow to Portuguese commerce in India. His short
reign there&fter was necessarily a time of confusion and
trouble and constant struggles with the Muhammadans to the
North of him. He was succeeded by Sri Ranga I, who
kept the ~ apital at Penukonda and fought back the Muham.
madans. Under these rulers three Viceroyalties were esta.
bl ished respectively over the Telugu, Kanarese and Tamil
countries, to th e story of whi ch Father Heras devotes two
chapters, with details of Portuguese interference with their
affairs.
History then deals with the affairs of Venkatapatideva
Raya (Venkata II ), still at Penukonda. and with his strug.
gles with his feudatory chiefs, and also with the Muham.
madans and the Nayak of Madura, givi ng an account of that
feudatory dynasty. At this point comes in the Itory of
Father Roberto de Nobili and his unusual behaviour, of
which one is glad to have an orderly account.
Venlcata I I had further many dealings with the N ayah
of TaDjore and Jinji, the Kanarese Viceroy, the Raja of
Wyson, the Nayak of Ikeri, and other chieftains, in which
the Portuiue!te, the Dutch and the Jesuits were mixed up.
B ..ides describing these Father Heras giveg us an account
of the dealings of Venkata II directly with the Portuguese,
Dutch and English of the day, and a separate account of the
J .. uits at his Court.
viii PREFACE
The volume then goes into miDor, but yet important
matters such as those of painting at Venkata II's court,
especially by Jesuit Fathers, his family affairs and literary
activity under the hrst Aravidu sovereigns. Finally the
volume wind. up with a most valuable chapter on the strug.
gle of Sri Vaishnavism witn other Hindu sects.
The above v~ry brief m.",e of Father Heras's first
volume is sufficient to show what it covers and how the writer
has kept the many conflicting items of history apart, so that
they can be absorbed by the student without confusion of
mind.

R. C. TEMPLE
 CONTENTS
PAGE
PREFACE v
LIST OF PLATES xii
INTRODUCTION xiii
BIBLIOGRAPHiCAL INTRODUCTION x vii
CHAP,
I THE REIGN OF VENKATA I ...
II SADASIVA RAYA AND HIS IUtGI1NT
RAMA RAYA ... 13
III ADMINISTRATION OF THE EMPIRE 27
IV FOREIGN POLICY 5,
V RAMA RAYA AND THE DECCAHI MUHAM·
MADANS 73
VI EARLY TELUGU INVASIONS INTO THE
SOUTH ~g

VII THE NAYAKS OF MADURA .. , 181

VIn THE NAYAKS OF TAN]ORE, JIN]I AND
IKERI, THE RAJAS ')F MYSOItE AND
OTHER FEUDATORY CHIEFS 172
IX THE BATTLE OF RAKSAS·TAGDI IH
X THE END OF THE. TULUVA DYNASTY... 218
Xl THE SHORT REIGN OF TIRUKALA 2'8
XII THE EMPIRE UNDER SRI RANGA I 2M
XIII THE TAMiL VICEROYALTY... 280
XIV THE KANARESE ViCEROYALTY 2~
XV VENKATAPATIDEVA RAYA II 800
XVI WARS WITH THE IoIUHA)U'ADANS 326
XVII THE NAYAKSHIP OF MADURA ~l

2
x CONTENTS

PAGE
XVIII THE IUI!IOM OF FATHER ROBER TO
DK NOBILl ...
XIX THa KAYAKS OF TANJORIt AND JIMJI ... 397
XX THa aMD OF TH. KAJU.RESlt VICKROY'
ALTY 411
XXI VENIATA u's ItKLATIQNS WITH THE
POaTUGUaSlt, DUTCR AND ENGLISH 628
XXII THE JESUITS AT THJ: COURT OF VaN·
KATA II 46'
XXIII VENKATA H AMO THE ART OF PAINTING. ~6
XXIX FAMILY AFFAIRS, DEATH OF VENKATA
II '9.
XXIV LITERARY ACTIVITY UMDER THE FIRST
,.RAVlDU SOVEREIGNS· .. ~13

XXVI THII STRUGGLE BETWEEN SRI VAISH'

MAVIS .. ,.ND OTHER SECTS :)32

APpaXDI1 A 6~
APPKMDIX B 567
APPIlNDIX C 581
APP&MDIX 0 Gag
 LIST OF PLATES
PLATE PAG~

I STOME REPRESENTATION OF RAMA

RAYA'S HEAD Fronti.pitce
II THE EMPIR E OF VljAYANAGARA UNDER
SADASIVA RAY A to face ... 5'
III RAMA RAYA OF vrJAYANAGARA. JI .,. 90
IV VISVANATHA NAYARA OF M ... DURA ,t ••• 13 I
V BATTLE OF RAKSAS · TA G DI. THE HINDU
ARMY. FIRST ENGAGEMENT J, ••• 206
VI BATTLE OF' RAKSAS-TAGDI. THE DE-
FEAT OF THE HINDU ARMY " .. , 211
VII BATTLE OF RAKS.o\S-TAGDI. THE EX.!!'
CUTION OF RAMA RAYA " . ~ . 214
VIII BATTLE OF RAKSAS- TAGDI. THE RE -
TREAT OF THE HINDU ARMY t' ... 210
IX V11AYANAGARA. HINDU · MUSLIM BATH· .. 227
X TIRUMALA RAYA. UPPER TIRUPATI " ... 2-'8
XI VENKATAPATI DEVA RAYA I,I, UPPER
TIRUI'ATI '" ... 802
XII MAP OF INDIA OF SANSON D'ABBEVILLE,
1652 ., ... 313

XIII A PORTWN OF THE WALLS OF THE OLD

1"ORT OF VELLQRE I, ... 318

XIV THE EMPIRE OF VIJAYANAGAItA UNDE.R

VENKATA. II f, ..• B,.
xii LIST OF PLATES

PAGE
XV MUTHU KRISHNAPPA NAYAKA AND
MUTHU VIRAPPA NAYAKA to face.. . 358
XVI FR. ROBERTO DE NOBILl, S . J.t IN THE
COSTUME O F BRA.HMAN SANNYASI... 882
XVII INDIA AND BURMA ACCORDING TO THE
I CARTA MARINA.' OF 1516 BY M.
WALDSEEMULLER " ...
 CHAPTEIt XVII
THE NAY AJCSHIP OF MADURA

8UWMAII.Y.-1. Behaviour of Virappa Nayaka towards Veniata II.-

2. Virappa'. death. 3. Short recn of VillVapp~ Nayalca.-4
Acoe.ion of Kri.hnappa Nl&yak. II. Death of Ariyanatha
Kudaliyar.-5. Kri.hnappa's piety . HiR war with Travancore
and relations with the PandYlls . ~ . Hi, re~llion against
Vijayanasara. -7. De&th of Krillhnappa Nayaltit n. Short reign
of KUiuri Ra~appa NllYll.k • . -8. Acc!>sJon of Mu*'u I:ri.hnappa
Nayah. Hie action in the Fi.hery 00&11\.-9 Establi.hment of
the Dynasty of the Setupaii. at Rllmnad .-lO. The reien of
Tirumalai Udaiyau Seiupllti.-l1. Friendly relation. betwet'n
KuHu I:ri.hnappa and Venltata n.- u. His successor MuUu
VirapJNl Nayaka.-13. War between Madura and VijaYilUuJara.-
U . War between Madura and Tanjore.
CO!fTJ:M POUAIty SOURCJP,8.--l. Hindu inscription s and grants. - 2.
Ptrnd,vm. CJvollir/l', Suppim.tlllllry MSS. . MrIY'lIIjtll'" MSS.,lIislorYl1!
1/1(' KarlMlalta GovtrllOrs, Chr(Jllic/r n/ lire II r ls
()f Ihl' Sri'lpIUis.-3.
Jesuit letters.- 4. Mml('ocs dtJ Rc,lto (PaoO'illl Archives). - 5. Du
Jarric.-6. Anquetil du Pcrroo.-7 Cltik/mdc'V<lraya Valllstloo/i.
TilE southern throne was still in pc>ssessioll of the grandson
of Visvanatha, Virappa Nayaka. After the cldt.'at sustained
by his forces in the battle of Vallaprakara at the hands of
Venkata, while Viceroy of th e Tamil country', Virappa
rendered unwilling submission to the Empl.:ror of Vijayanagara,
as several inscriptions of the first years of Venkata's rrign
prove . .In 1586, Virappa requested and obtained from
Venkata the Dalavay Agraharam plates, by which the
village G3I'Iga Varappatti with other \·illages around were
given to a number of Brahmans. The plates say that Virappa
was then' living gloriuusly'!. An illscription of f588 of Ven-
kata himsdf at Pirammalai, Ti.rllPP(l ttur, R alll 11 ad, shows that
his 50vereignty was at that time acknowlerlged in tht' Madura

1. cr. Ch. XIII, No. 4.

2. Ep.lrul.• XU, p. 187, VI'. H -6G and 67-79.
3042 THE ARAVlDU DYNASTY OF VljAYANAGARA

country '. Another in.cription of the same year, at Erode,

records a grant of Virappa, as Venkata's subordinate~. In
1.590 Venkata, ..,hile at Kumbakonam, ,ranted sorae villages
in t~ TinneveUy district to a Vaishnava shrine under the
management of a certain Krishna Das ~ ; this also shows that
his jurisdiction over the Madura country was unquestioned.
Then in 1592 the Emperor made another grant to a temple at
Tirukkurunr;udi, also in the Tinnevelly district 4. But suddenly
such acknowledlFments of Vcnkata's suzerainty over the South
are no more found. What is the cause of this interruption?
Prof. Sathyanatha Aiyar says that there is nO doubt about
Virappa's loyalty to Venkata ro. But we are sure that on this
occasion the former's rebellion, recorded in the ChiUalievaraya
Vamsavali, took place. Anquetil du Perron says that Jbefore the
year 1595. the Madura Nayaka refused to pay due homage to
the Emperor of Vijayanagara on the ground that tht:: latter had
murdered his legitimate sovereign 6. This cannot be under·
stood to refer to Virappa's first rebellion which took place about
1583. For then Venkata was merely Viceroy of the Tamil
country; moreOver both sources, the French traveller and the
Hindu poem, state that at the time of this rebellion of the
Madura Nayak, Venkata was already seated on the jewelled
throne of Vijayanagara .
Again. Anquetil du Perron informs us that the tint
manifestation of this rebellioo was the refusal to pay the
tribute '. At once Venkatapali Raya declared war against
OJ

Virappa Nayaka of Madura", says the Chikkadevaraya Vamsfl-

va/i, .. and laid siege to the fort of Madura with a large
army"". The subseqent details given by this poem are not at all
1. Sewell, I, p. i97 ; RanaacDarya, II. p.1l89, 2'n
2. 13 of 1891.
3. Sewell, II, p. 3.
•. Ibid., I, p. 315.
5. SathYilnatha Aiyar. Jiislory of tire Naya/ts, p. 8l.
6. Anquetil du Perron, I. c., p. 166. This rebellion or tile follow-
in, one of Krishnappa II is llIcntioncd in the Lillerat Alflluac of the
Province of Malabar, 1606·1607, Ap. C, No. XXVI.
7. Ibid.
8. S. Krishnaswami Aij'Angar. S!Jum:s, p. 302-3.
 THE NAYAKSHIP OF MADlJRA 343
trustworthy 1. But Anquetil du Perron rec.ords the forcible
submission of the Nayak before 1595 2, which means a second
defeat of Virappa by the imperial arm y.
2. In the beginning of September of the sa me year, 1595
Virappa Nayaka died after a reign of 22 years and several
months J. His last known inscription, dated J 594, records
the building of the tempk of Kadirinaga Peru mal and of a tank
by his agent 4. During his reign a mandapa wa!> constructed
in the Sundaresvara t emple at Madura in 1582 5; and he is
said to have" levied tribute from every country" (;. His ri ght-
hand man in Government affairs, according to the Pudukkottai
plates of Srivallabha and Varatungarama Pandya, was Tiru-
malairaja 7. This chief's grandfather was Rama Nayaka, and
his father Timma Nayaka. He was the chief of Chintalapalli,
and a great devotee of the god Sri Ranganatha of Srirangam;
he was bra VI.! in war, generou s, just and courteous 8. We have

1. Accorrding to this poem, "Virappa Nayaka maniied to bribe

the several Itenerals of the Emperor's army. Tirumala Rayn, the
Emperor's nephew, was alia ono of those who acce pted the bribe and,
without continuing th e ~iege of Madura, ret ired to the capi t al of his
own viceroyalty t o Sermgnpatn.m". Dr. S, Kr l ~hnaswami Aiyangar,
Sourres, p . 19 and p. 248, note; and lir. Richards , Salem Gazett~",
p. 67, admit this account with out further discuss io n. Cf. Sathyanatha
Aiyarj/istory o/the Naya}ts, p. 17; p. 81, 'lote 17, and p . 99, note g, where
Dr. Krishnaswami gives a similar account of the course of eventa.
This acoount is quite incol1ailtent wiib th(1 information given by
Anqutil du Perron, viz. the submiliiion of th" Nayak. confirmed by
the inscripl.iona of hili luccessor Kriihnuppa n, early in 1595. Nei-
ther can we believe that Prince Tirumala was one of the general, of
the army; for . he would have been too young then for such a \alit.
The whole palllage seems to be a poet's concoction for jUlltifyini Raja
Wodeyar's capture of Serincapatam. "Hearing of these events",
continues the poem, "the Mysore chief Raja Wodeyar r ••olved to
drive ilte traitor Tirumala Raya from his Viceroyalty". I. c. Now the
. poet .peaks of this capture of Seringapata m al imm ediately following
Tirunlaia's supposed treason in Madura . Fourtern yean sepnute
thrse two events.
2. Anquetil du Perron, I. c .
3. Mrlyulfjaya MSS.. Taylor, O.H .MSS., II . p. 1l9. Cf. Sathyanatha
Aiyar, History o/thl' Nayaks, p. 83.
. 4. 470 of 1907.
5. 35 of 1908.
6. 470 of 1907.
7. T.A.S., I, p.61-2.
8. Ibid., p. 84., vv. 61-67.
 ~ THE ARAVlDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYA'MAGAU

!een him opposing Venkata's army at Vallaprak.ata. Hi,

activity in the government of Madura WI5 probably due to the
oW age of Ariyanatha Mudaliyar.
Virappa continued his predeceslOr's policy with the
Pandyas. About 1583, his officer Tirumalairaja obtained from
Srivallabha and Varatuniai'"ma Pandya the grant of the village
of Pudukkottai for a number of Brahmans I. The "hole text
of the ,rant shows a most intimate friendship between the
Madura Nayak and the repr.:sentatives of the old rulers of the
Pandya country.
3. Periya Virappa Nayaka " had three sons, who were
named respecively Visvappa Naicher, Kumara Krishnappa
Naicher, and Kasturi Rangappa Naicher. Among these,
Visvappa Naicher was crowned" 2. Thus does the History of
the KarnataJw G01Jtr"ors announce the succession to the throne
of Madura after the death of Virappa N ayab. We can no longer
entertain any doubt about the existence of this intermedi"ate
king between Virappa and Krishnappa II. The Supplemn,tary
MSS. also mention Visiappa or Visvappa as having ruled after
the death of his father, and as having been succeeded by his
younger brother, Kumara Krishnappa R. His statue under the
name of Visvama Nayaka may also be seen, though misplaced,
among the statues of the Nayaks, in the famouz Tirumala's Pudu
Mandapa at Madura 4. The .toresaid History states that • his
brotht:r Kumara Krishnappa Naicher was second to him in
power '. This does not mean that both brothers were Kings, as
Mr. Rangachari assumes ". Only one, Visvappa, is said to
h:lVc been crowned; while Krishnappa was, during the life of
his brother, on ly C/t;1fIIa ~ra;, 'associated in the government'.
1. Ibid .. p. 84, YV. 68-77.
2. Taylor, O. H. MSS., II, p. 25.
3. Ibid" 1, p. 2OS. In one of MrlYN"jaY{I MSS. , Ibid., II, p. 260,
Vilvllppa is ('.Il~ d the younaer brother of Krilhnappa II. -
•. The inscription over the fourth of these ~tatuell il dama,ed
and illq,ble; but it cannot be other thl1n the naml! of Vinanatba,
PeriYIl I:r ishnappa'. brother. Cf. Hens, The Sla/,us 1/ /III' NayaJts 0/
ft-liliIHra, Q.J M . S., XV, p. 212.
5. Rl\n~.,charl, Histlry 0/ the Naik Ki",(/Qm .. I'llii. Alit, XLV, p.
81.
 THE: NAYA KSHIP OF MADURA 345

Visvappa Na.yaka's r eign must have been s h urt. Thl: Tamil

chrouicles mentioneu above do not give any date: lwt since
Kri sh nappa is mentio ned ill the fu ture in"('ription~ I'll: ma y
cOllclude that Visvappa 's r ei~n had t>n d ed. III :In il sc riptioll
of 1696 Kumara Krishnappa :lP l h:ars :.IS rlil illg ()\l'r l\!ad ura I:
an d in a copper-plate grant of 1597 the sanw Kumara Kri!>hllapP<l
is sty led' the Pandya Kin g , ~.
4. "After thi s", says the Ills/f)r), (1/ /flr K(/rlla:,,~'cJ
(;(I'!Ierl1l1rS, "the crown devolved 011 Kum<lrl Krishllappa
Naicher, alld Kasturi H.an~aJlj1a NaldlL'r was his seco nd in
power" :1. Kasturi was then on ly 'a5sOl'lated 111 the Govern-
ment.' The most notablo.! event that m.:currtd durin~ the reiRn
o f Krishnappa II was the death of his ill III i"tvr. AriY:l llatha
Mudaiiyar. While Krishnappa W,15 ruling. Ariyan:llha is said,
in the Mrlyulljflya MSS., to have 'delivered liP both seal-rings
to his lo rd and obtained th e wor!d of Si\:l (i. ,'. di e d)·~. The
elate givl!n by this chronicle cur[cspon ds to AI ,ril 19th, 1588,
which is ci!.!arly wrong, iJS the saille MSS. place hi S demise in
th e reign of Kuma.a KrishniJppil 11 . Pruf S;lthyull3rha Aiyar
gives the year I6o<l as an appnJx im:w · d:lle for Ariyalla th a's
end :'.
We read in the Mrlyulljaya .vtSS. tint Ariyau:\tha Muda li-
yar "held tht: united o ffic es of minist~r and gener.lilssimo during
fOllr reig ns , or thirty-eight year s and nine: 1l111Ilth s" Ii. r feel
s ure that the power and efficiency of A.riyan a , ha ill t h..: Govern-
ment of Madura have been hitherto uUlggeratl'u. :\Ir. Ranga-
chari desc rihes him as the real sovereign of tlw so ut hern
country ' . Such a mistake co mes probably frofll Ariyanatha's
account 10 tht: Mr(Vll1IjaYfl i'1I/5S. That document is a
1. 404 of 1907.
2. Sewell, 11, p. 19.
3. Taylor, O. H . MSS., II. p. 25. Kumar .. Kri sh llappa ', ,t::lt ue is
placed in Tirul'1 a la 's c houl t ril' befur l' the one of Visvappa, l;ndf'r thE'
name of Lingama Nayaka , which st'[' ms to be tl l1 oth t'r naml' of
Kumllra Krishnappa. Cf. Nel~un, p. 107.
4. Ibid., p. 119.
5. Sathyanatlia Aiyar,liislory /lJ Ih,' NaYllh . p. 8G.
B. Taylor, o. c., II, p. 119.
7. Rangachar i, o. c., 111.1. AnI., XLV, p.91.
44
346 THE ARAVIDU DY NAS lY UJ:o v IJAY ANAGARA

panegyric on this minister very far from the tl'uth, as we have

already remarked a little above. The story of his appoi ntment
as Emperor of Vijayallagara by the dying sovereign Rama Raya
on the battlefield of Rak!'.as-Tagdi , and of the subsequent
undertakings of Ariyanatha, is evi dentl y false. Such a ooc-ument
is not at all trLlst worthy when praising Its hero, specially as
there is absolutely no t \' idem;e of his dominating influencl·.
Mureover the sii..: I1C't' o f the in cr iptions about him, spcciall y in
the rei g n of VirapP:J Nayaka (who is described by Mr. Ranga-
chari as a puppet in the minist t r's hands) is worth considering
whilt writing the hist ory of Mad~lra . J 11m however far
from denying thl' gellcral influence of Ariyanatha throughollt
the Pandya COtlll try as the primt miniskr of four successilt'
Nayaks . His archit ecton ic works arc sti ll an ('nduring proof of
hi s efficiency in h i!'. post. Thl! J\1r(I'III1./o),a MSS., ~ a y that
he 'constructed thllusand-pillared choultri,'s in Madurn,
Tinnevdly and oth(;r places' 1. His equ(;slrian statue at tht
entrance of the thlJu~;)nd-pjllarcd nl(llldapa of th e famous temple
at Madura is the most l'vicit:nt proof 1)[ / \r ana th a's power,
under th e first Nayak of Madura .
5. Kri shnapp::t Nayaka II is said, ill the Vel lan gudi
plates ofVenkata II. tn have bl!cn a very pious monarch: "He
gave to tht god Rangapati a kavac/la studded with precious
stones, il similarly bejewelled IIshnislia, yell ow si lk garments,
neck-laces, crown, tarrings, waist-zones, and prt'sented him
further with villagt:s and gardcns, and made arrangements for
th ' celebration of c::tr festivals and the daily servi ces. He set
up a number of light s ii' the prescnce of the god Sundara
Nayaka; made arrangcments for Lathing the image of th r god in
milk and for thc car festival ... Ht perfurn1ed th t ceremony of
weighing himself again s t goJd ... he founded agraharas for
Brahmans and protected them; he paid the Brahmans enough
money to enable them thereby to redee m theit lands si tuated in
the countries of other kings, which wt're mortg;)ged for the pur-
poses llf paying taxes" 2.
Fr. Pimenta, who knew him person !Illy, gives another proof

1. Taylor, D.C ., IT, p . 111.

2. Ep. /"ti., XVI, p. 320.
 THE NAY AKSHIP OF MADURA 347
of his piety. " Bee daily sits in judgment," says he, "a Bramene
standing by, which ever and anone whinet out tht: name of the
Idol! Aranganassa (Ranganatha); and when one is weary
another succeedeth and continueth that exclamation. though
hee sits six houres " '.
Tn the same Vellangudi plates, and again in th e Padmaneri
grant of Venkata 11, he is called 'the conqueror or taker of
the army of Pancilar Tiruvadi' ~ . Fr. Pimenta, the Jesuit
Visit, r wh o, in the year 1596, passed through Travancore,
relates tha t the king of Tra\'ancorc hud "certified to us that
the king of Madura was coming against him with seventy
thousand armed men and many elephants ., ;'. 'l'iiree years
la.cr, in 1599, when thl' Arc hbishofl ofGan, Frey Aleixo de
Mcnell's, was in Malabar. he could not meet th e king of
Trul'ancore. who" was at the frontier of his kingdom, ddendlng
it against the attacks of the Nayf1l1e of Madura (the Madura
Nayak)" 4. The same account statl'S a little later that this
war was mack towards the South of the Travancore kingdom ;'.
We do not know thl' r('~ult of this war, which was probably
du e to the refusal of the Travancore king to pay the
tribute: but we deduce that the Madura Nayak was victorious,
frum the fact that Fr. Barradas. writing. from Cochin on
December 12th, J6r6, says that the king of Tral'a ncore is under
the Nayak of Madura G.
The relat ions between the Pandyas and the ruling fami ly
of Madura continued most friendly. The Pand.l·a prince
Abhirama Ativiraramil, had a chief named Ayyakarapna, son
of Peddapfla and grandson of Nagama Nayaka, who bore the
title of Kanchipuradhis<I. being IJrobably a nephew of Visvanatha
Nayaka. At his rcqlle!lt the aforesaid Pandya granted tw o

1. From Fr. N. Pimcllta to Fr. C. Aquavivu, Purc:h as , X, p.219.

2. Vcll,ngud i platl's . of Venkata II, £1'. Ind.. XVI, p. a20;
PadmslH'ri grant ofVenkata II, Ibid., p. 227, vv. 67.77.
3. From Fr. N. Pimcnt <l to. Fr. C. Aquaviva, Purchas, X, p .
ZOO. Of. Du Jarric, 1. p. 62i.
4. Gouve", IOl'/lad(l do Arct'/lis/,o dc GO(l. 1'. 37.
5. Ibid., p. !l5 back
6. Sewoll. p. 230.
348 THE ARAVlDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA

villages, Muvaraikondram and Sattaleri, naming them Ped-

dappanayaksamudram, to sixty-nine Brahmans, on October
2nd, 1593 I. Some years later the same Pandya. at th ..: n :(jllest
of Ramakris\JIIappa Nayaka who was' sitting on t\w lion throne
of Vallabha Narendra.' granted the village ot Nadikkudi. und('r
the name of Ativiraramapllra, to :J nllmber of Brahmans ~.
Ativirarama ackn l.lw ledged the sovereignty of Venkata ll. as
an inscription of the year 1595. recording a grant of a Jllece of
land to tluee private persons, proves ".
6, In the beginning- of hi s reign Krishnappa II appe:Jl'S as
faithful feudat ory of Venkata IL In 1597 Vt'llkatapatl, at the
requ est of Krishnappa Nayaka, who is sty led' King Kri~hna.
the Pandya King " issued a grant llf the t\\'o \·illag..:s M arudan-
gudi and Karupuram in th e i\laclura (btrict tu sevc:ral

1. Caftlio/1'/(' IIf C(lpper-I'/,IIe (,r ''lIs in lite &O'/)CI'III1<1'1I1 .llrISrt/III.

Mlldra s, p. 33.
2. Dali1\'a)' Agrif iI/I ratrl platt', of A t.I·:ir;lr.IIIW 1'dllll.\·d, J'. .-/. S ..
I, p. 134; Scwcll. 11, 1'. 31.
3. 615 of 1915. Th!' (luov('-mrntionrd ;I t'l'O llllt uf the tr<i\ 1'1, 1)(
Archbishop Mf'nczcs through MalHbar r,i\r., SUl1lC intr[l"t ll1f,( clptccds
"bout this Pandya K ing "nd his d C,t1II12: S with th r Ch ri,td .IIl' . HI' I'
calJcdby Fr.Gollvca Punhati PeruIlHlI,butlllu~t Ill' idcntlficd With .At:-
virarama. thl' th en r u ling P a ndy a , bl' I~ H\lSl' of tlH' [oll owII\I' worcls 01
the samr author; "Oqllal l;l,('y foy autl!,:"lll l'nte ~E'Il!lor 110 1',lndr
(Panu)';I),mas ('0 guC'rr,,' lju(' tpu r com 0 Nailjuc dr M allrill r cC', \'1',\'0
a rsta, sen,,,. & 1HJ fald~ c)!'lhtS r,("l1l'rt!ll IllHitas S('rnas (tl rras l) ;,1'
[~ ey Ur 'j"'(;,lcutcs (,I) aondc agor" JI10ra, (,osLo que ind .• lbr ob".lcc " nl
algus pouos no P'llld('''. It 11a [1prll"tl it t til is t i 11\1' tltd t .1 trtl,(· ('.I II !'d
ot tilP /lfnl/cns, w Lto w"rr Hnder IllS dOlllinion, wI,hr·d (.,, bPI'UIlI{'
OhristHms. Thpy T('llllc'tcd <In lill'l from t! r l'andya K ill". S"CUrllll'
t!'cm fronl RlolC's tatioll on account of till'ir (,Ol1vrrSlOll. Til(' "II.I wa.';
duly obtained through thl' inllu !' ll<:t' of 1111 old Chri,t",n whu' w",
thr ulHlirnli)n of uis cOllnc ·I·. l'ltiS {ll/ri cdu, .. d !(fI'aL t"~IL"'I\~lIL
IItlOtll; thl' uo urt iers<lud Bralllll.,ns of the l'<tlldya ,(l vc r l ' I!'!;I1 . They
tuld hllll that the tl righ uuurong kings w('ct' rr;ld y til w.gl' w.ar with
him. if Lhe IIlla WNl'nl!t ciln .,c lkd ;<I"d tilr k.ing uf Tllrll;jUTI' (a palai -
Yilkaran) wOllld ;Ilso (;(lllSC d<lllli>l;t' to the P"lld) " King's tcrr:tury. 1>:1
divortill~ thr COllrs n of" ri\'t'r that was tho sourc!' uf Illu ch fr rtd,ty
to it. TIl!' lIlotht'r uf the ParulY<1 so':orcign was the first to try thl~
Ilila rJlvuked; but the King alway~ r!'plil!d tuat 'he would IH'vcr rt'\'uko
 THE NAY AKSHIP OF MADURA 349
Vaishnava Brahmans I. In l,<)8 Krishnappa obtained from
Venkata, who is acknowledged the paramount sovereign and
original donor, the village of Padmaneri, surnamed Tirumalam-
bapuram, for a number of Brahmans, most of whom were well
vers.:d in the Vedas .!_ In this grailt of Venkata, KutllJra
Krishnappa is called' Lord of the southern OCl'an' J. In the
same year th e Empero r, again at the request of Krishnappa,
granted as an a~rahara to a large number of Brahmans and
Bril hlllall ladi es, the villilt;e of Vellangudi with five othlT~
arollnd it~. But in th e year 1599 Krisbnapp a II again with-
ht:ld the pa y m ent of t.ribut e; and V enkata himSl'lf had to march
against him. " Ere (Venkafa) ", says Fr Pimenta, "was 1I0W
embroiled in warn; with the Naichus of l\bdure" :'.
Fr. Du )ar1'i.: gives some more inforll1;.tion about this war,
Fmm h i,; uarratil(';, it is certain that Vcnkata himsdf took
the sUllrl:me co mmand of his army a~ainst th e Nayak of Madllra.
Probably one ('f his gene rals wa:; Matta Ananta, who is said in
the Sldhout in 5cr iption of 1605 t o hal'c 'lc.d the campair,;l\
ag-ainst lht: kini!, of Madura' 6. Krishnappa. st.:t:ing himself
unabk to fight againSl the imperial army, ::lgreed to an un-

what hp had oncp prolllised to Archbishop MCllCZ(,S '. As a Jll~tter of

f,'~t, somp su\Jjl'cts of the Pandya King, ('ailed M(lIII'(I.\ (Muhammadans)
by Go uvca. proceodpd t o the cOlln of th e kinll of tilC Tcca llkutes
(ijlCl. nnd finally Huc":{'t'do.l in IIlduc inll thi ~ eh,cf to tbrC'atc n Punhati
P"rumal. A ll't t"r of tho form cT ag "i llst P prulI"d IS m('ut·oncd by
Gouve,\, but no action between thl'tn is Tccor<i<:d. Most lik ely tht'
Pandya sovereign apologized, and the f"lse ,I(:cusations of hi~ subjC'cts
w('r(' unmasked. (3ouvea Tplates tll"t tho Christian churell of the
MaIJolls was finally ('o mpletod in spite of groat ditlkulti{:'s. GOUY!'i(.
111I'11<ldu do Arabispo de GO/l, p. 82 baok.
1. ScwC'lI, rIo p. 19: ~angacharya, II, p. 1002, 91.
2. fir. {lid., XV1, p. 288 -9, an'! p. 297, vv. 4·1-57.
;) [bid" p. 297, VV. fi7 -77.
4. lbill., p. 320-1. _aud p. 302.
!i Frollllfr. N. Pimenta, to'Fr. C. Aquavlva, l'llrch .. ", X, p. 210.
6. M. i:'. N., 1916, para 75. S. KrishnaNwulIli Aiyang;,r, So II m '.1 , p.
:t4)j-~, transl .. t rs thi. patlsag" as lollow~: "Ho protcded the flying
arillies of til t' MaC.urd chief from destruction." This vcr~lon is incon-
oisteut witb th e loyalty uf tbis chief.
 350 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VlJAYANAGARA

conditiocal submission to Venkata. He was on th is occasion

made to pay something more than the usual annual tribute. vi:.
twelve millions of gold coins; for to the ordinary tribute was
added a war indemnity 1.
7. After a short reign, Krishnappa Nayaka II died between
May and June of 1601. according to the MrlYllllj aya MSS.~.
Muhammad Sharif Hanafi, who was at this time travelling
through southern India, informs us that a few days after hi s
arrival at Madura ... the ruler died and went to the lowest hell.
This chief," he continues, .. had 700 wives. anrl they all threw
themselves at the same time into the fin' " :1. An ins-
cription of 1600 at Serrnadevi seems to be the l a ~t one of his
reign; it mentions Murti Sr.:ttiyar, an agent of Krishnappa
Nayaka 4. He had been seriously ill in the beginning of his
reign. about the end of 1597. After his reco\'ery hl' ret:red to a
country house, in a delightful place far from the crowds of the
city, ostensibly for the sake of health" . But Fr , Pimcnta,
..vho passed through Madura a little after Krishnappu's retire·
ment. gives another reason : "The Naichus of MadurI: is v(,ry
superstitious , and resigned his Palace to his Idol Chic hanada
upon the authority of a Priest who said the Idol by night
had bidden hin; tell the King that he or I mu~t dwell in this
house" 6.
Krishnappa 11 had a son; hut according to the Pllndynll
Chronicle hL' had died before his fath er '. Then: was also a
1. Du J arric., I, p. 685-6.
2. TayloT, O.H. MSS .• ll.jJ. 119.Cf.SathYCllliJtbaj\ iy ar.o . ~ .• Jl .
87.
3. Maja!isfl.s Sn/,1/ilf, Elliot, VII. PI 139. Th e all thor does not
give the date of his visit to MadurCl. Anyhow WP, know that the work
was compiled in his old age in 1628. Now inhis journ('." tu Madura he
waS accolllpllnicd by hi s fa thor. Henc(' he could not be' til!'n more
tblln 35 yeuTs of age . Now supposing that h~ WClS abollt (iO whpn his
book was compiled. h(' was abuut 33 whon Krishnappa Nuyak'j II died .
Wo therefore conclude that this Krishnappa Nayaku WCl~ the ruler
referred to by Shurif Hanafi.
4. 7170f1916.
5. 'J I Jarric, I, p. 649 .
6. From Fr. N. Pimenta to Fr. C. Aqu llviva . Purch<l~, X, p. 219.
7. Taylor, o. c., I, p. 38.
 THE NAY AKSHIP OF MAD\JRA

SOn of the eldest brother, Visvappa 1 ; but since he wa~ a

child ", or perhaps, a young man , his uncle' Kasturi Ran gappa
Naicher was crow ned' ::. Thus dot'S tile IIlstory 0/ th e Kar-
1/,li ,lkll (;'m><'tnors announce:: the successor to the throne of
Madur;t after the death of Krishnappa II. Bllth th e Pandyall
( I1rolllc/, ' I aud the Supplemelltary MSS., support this r,. and no
I"onfirmalion was needed from Kasturi's statut', which stands in
T lrumab's choultrie at Madura immediately before the one of
;\1 utll Knshnappa.
We cannot say h()w I t): l~ Ka~tllri's rL'igll lasted. Bo, h
the SuPI'/clII('lItllry MS.',. , "and the llistory of flie Karl/cltnkc/
(;m,, 'mors; affirm that he reigned seveJl years; but then
th ert.: wlluld he IHJ room for Muttu Krishnap)J:l, his nephew,
11110 died in r608. Hence we prefer to admit the authonty
"f th e PUlld_wJ1/ Chrrmicle, which also givl's more lktails
a!JI)ut his end According to it "Kastllri Rallgappa. after
havin ~ bee n crowned, died eight days aftl'rwards ... on the
"ppnsltt' bank (of the river Vygai), whl'le he WJS residing" ".
H. After Kasturi's death Mut tu Kri~hnappa Nayaka, SOil
of Visvappa Nayaka, ascend..:d the Pandya throne~. Ol't: of
til(' first things intended by the lJew King of Madura in
160.1-4 was to oppress with nt:w taxes the Paral'as of the
Fishery Co:.._,t. During th e reign of Krishnappa Nayaka II
these po('r Christ ians had been tyranically treated by two

1. Mrtl'Unj(/),Cl MSS., Taylor, (J.t., 'J, p. 2'60; KuniYllr plate£ of V"'n-

k.l ta ll'. I-;/,. I nd .. III, p. 239. 'fhe PCllldyan Chronitk docs not s ta ttl
who,p .on hI' wus . Tllp History (ll/ ilr Km'na/aka (;O'IJ<'rn(lrs, Taylor, D.C.,
H, J.i. 25, and the SlIpplcmt'II/ClIJ' MSS., Ibid., I, p . 206, make him SOil of
Krtshnuppa Nayaka I r. TIl(' first opinit'D see Jll~ howpy(' r the most
fOllnded.
2. Stlppll'lI/cnlary 1I1S:-;., Taylor, 0.('., {, p. 206 , !Iistory 11/ Ihe Karn,l -
(,,1m GmJl'rJI (Ir.~, ]old., 11. p. 25.
3. His/on of /h e Karnaia/.:(1 (;ovl'n wr.l. 1. (.
4. Taylor. o. C. , r, p. 38.
5. Ibtd ., Jl. 20G.
(i. Ih id .
7. Ibid.,]f, p. 25.
8. Ib ,d., I. p. 38.
9. Hmdy.ln Chronic/r, lbid., Hislo ry (If (he Katnataka Governors,
Ibid ., II, p. 25; S uppleme"tary MSS.• Ibid .. I , p. 206.
 352 ,"!'HE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VilA Y ANAGARA

PalaiY.Jkarans of the neighbourhood, One is styled in til

Jesuit sources 'King of Tuticurin'. The Paravas of the
neighbourhood also llsed to pay him an annual tribute. But
wl1en this chief demanded froll) the poor folk of Tuticorin a
ho:avier sum, the 1atter refused to pay it. The petty king could
not brook such a flagrant breach of obedience. He marched
his army against Tuticorin, entered it by surprise, sacked the
whole town, robbed the College of the Jesuits and destroyed
the altars and images of their Church. The Father who was
then in the Collep;e, and whose name is not given, was captured
by the soldiers of the so-called king and carried to their
~apital. where he was kept in captivity till a ransom of fou"
thousand cruz ados was paid by the Paravas. Now these
much-vexed people demanded from the Palaiyakaran some
sort of amends for the injuries done both to :hem and
to the Catholic Church. But the chief was rather inclined
not to trouble himself as far as this satisfacti0n was concerned.
On seeing this the Paravas of Tuticorin abandoned their city,
and proceeded in a body to the little island called 'of the Kings,'
" league from the sea-shore, wht'fe they settled. Latd on
fortifications were built round the island, by the licenst' of the
Viceroy Ayres de Saldanha 1. Naturally the escape of
the Paravas from t he continent was not a welcome news to the
covetous N ayak of Madura. But another event , that followed
soon after still mpre illfuri~ted the Madura sovereign.
The Palaiyakaran of Vigi.ahadi (Vijayapati). named Ariya
Peru mal, was likewise heavily oppressing tht Paravas that
inhabited the tract between Cape Comorin and Manapadu.
Once he besieged the villagt~ of ObaTi and took all its
inhabitants prisoners to his capital. The Paravas could
not stand such a humiliation. They secretly resolved
to attack Vijayapati by night, in orrltr to lake revenge
on the extortion s of their tyrants. Early in October, 1602,
the chief.. and promoters of the expedition. with 300 young
men well equipped, (who were not yet cogniza nt of the
purpose of the enterprise), embarked at Manapadu on six

1. Guerreiro. Rf'lacam AlInal ... l'Wa"o a, 606. &- 607. p . 607. Cf.
BelSe, La Missioll dll Mad"". p. 409-10.
 TH.E NAY AKSH.IP OF MADURA 353
boats, A tremendous storm dispersed the boats before
they reached their destination, and at the break of day only
twu (If them had arrived at the shon:s of Vijayapati, The
garrison .:; f th!: town wa'> sleeping, Ariya Peruln<H himself and
his uoblt:s. who had held a festivity till the small hour., iTI the
moruing, were :llso in a sound sleep. Th l.: brave Parava~ crossed
the ditch :lnd entered the town without opposition and
pitilessly slew all they camt accross. On hearing of tht'
:lttack Ariya Perumalleft his palace and hid himself in one of
th e houses of tilt! tOWII , Therp ht: was finally found , It seems
he begg<.:d to bl: brought alive as a prisoner t<1 the presence of
the missionary :It Manapadu; uut his request was nut granteri,
aud he was barbarously slain. His head was Cllt off and brought
to i'1allapadu as a glorious trophy of that campaign . The
Jesuit letta which affords this information states that not even
one of the Parava heroes was wounded on tll:lt occasion I .
Muttu Krishnappa Nayaka could not leave s uch a crime
unpunished, An extraordinar y heavy tribute of 200,000
r rl/::;adlls was exactl!d from the poor Paravas the same ye:u, To
obtain it he despatched a body of 5,000 infantry with a numbt'r
of cavalry and clephantry, under a captain, This detachment
went straight to Tuticorin, which had been abandoned some
m()nths before, The captain then sent for one of the Jesuits who
were in the island called of the kings, Thl! Jesuit actually came,
but replied that th e Paravas could not pay such a large sum of
money , On hearing this the captain gave orders that one of
the neighbouring villages should be attacked . They did so, but
at the same time the Portuguese captain (If the island of Manar,
who was then in the island of tht: kings with two galliots full
of solr;liers, proceeded with the m tLl the sea-shore of Tuticorin
ano began an attack on th ~ Hindu temple built n(::ar th e city,
All the priests and devototcs of that shrine then rall to the Telugu
captalll begging for mercy, lest their temple shou ld be destroy-
ed, Shortly after pourparleurs wat:' opened between the Jl!suit
missionery and th e captai n of the Nayak. which cnded
in the latter's retreat to Madura with his soldiers~,

1, Besse. 0 , c,. 404-7,

2, Ibid,. p, 407-8, The Jesuit letten mentioned two o~her
45
354 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTV OF VI] AY ANAGARA

These facts show how strange was the situation of these

poor folks of the Fishery Coast. Of)pressed with taxes and
depredations by their natural lords, they had to be protected
by a forei gn people, whose sovereign in Europe took gr..:at in-
terest in their welfare. When that monarch was informed of this
new exaction, he wrote to his Viceroy as follows: "Matll)cl de
Cl:'nha, father of the Christ ians of the Fishery Coa st, I n:-
commend you to help those Christians as much as possihle, and
to employ all possiblt: means to hinder the said Naique from
making sllrh extortions any more" I.
This Information, refaring to the coutrol of th e Nayak of
Madura Over the Fishery Coast, is confirmed both by thl' fact
that Muttu Knshnappa's SOil, Muttu Vi rappa, mack a gift or
land to the Bhagavati temple at Cape Comorin In 1606 ~, and
by Fr.A. Laerzio's letter of November 20th, 160<), ckscrib ing the
Paravas as tributaries of the Marinra Nayak and the I:llkr as
the ally of the Portuguese 3.
9. Muttu Krishnappa is said to have been the founder ofthe
Setupatis of Ramnad in the Marava country. According to the
Pandytl1l/Q1ldala Cholammldala T(Judamandala Rajakal the Maravu
people were originally a colony of fishermen from Ceylon, who
settled at Rameswaram as well as on the opposite coast 4. 1n
the early times, when the Chakravartins flr.uris'hed. seve;, persons
from among the inhabitants of the Ramnad coast were

Irruptions of the Badagas into the Fishery (1oa~t, In 1603 and 1604.
Cf. Besse. o. C., p. 409-10 and 411. A new vexation of Muitu Krish .
nappa Nayaka is recorded in th e Jesuit letters of 1607, on th e ccasion
of the sh ipwreck of a Portuguese boat near the 151a nu of the kings.
Cf. Guerreiro, o. c., p. 109-10; B esse, 0 .e .. p. 412-5.
1. From King Phillip III to the Viceroy Mart im Affonso de
Castro, Lislx>n, February 26tb, lG05, Ap. B, No. VHI.
2. Cf. Negam Air", The Travancor(! Siall', I, p. 302.
3. Bertrand, La Miss ,:Jn dft Madun', II, p. 2. Cf. Guerreiro,
o. c., p. 107 -8.
4. Wilson, Tlte M{lcken::;ic Col/ecllon, p. 207. The popm adds that
they were settled there by Ram u aftl'r the conquest of Luuka , to
guard the temple and protect the pilgrim~; this cannot be admitted
by history until proved.
 1HE NAYAKSHIP OF MADU~A 355
appointed to be its guardians " They had been under
th e Pandya kings; but at the t ime of the Muhammadan
invasion they attained lhelr IndrlJt'ndence~, ancl several
famolls princes had silJce rukrl (}I'('r the !llarJI a nation,
Udaiyan St.:tllpati in '-13 4 buill the out l' r !>urrollJ1l.1ing walls of
tht.: western gOPlJras 01 the Ram e5 War~JlJ temple; and about
! 540 Tirumalai Setupati ert.:ct.:d t he southern half of the second
I'rakar<l of the same l<:mpk. finisl1cd IJy his son Raghunatha
Tirlll11alai S ,tup;lli ', Their main task was !o wa!ch Ol'c'r
the causeway l('adin ~ to Rameswaram and to protect th e
pilgrims, Blit after the conqul'st of the South by Visvanatha
l'iilyaka the Setupali ~ had lost tht'ir old authority, anel
were mingkcl with the other palai~' akarans of the South. Muttu
Krishnappa gave that i1ollsl.! a c·onsidl.!rable stril) of land in the
Mar:I\'a coulltry; and this is the reason why he is considered
the: fo under of that dynasty. This is how it happened,
The History (if the A:lima/aIM (;m'crllor5 relates I hal ,;'e
cl11ef gu ru of Muttu Krishnappa , who was invested with the
tille (If Kartarkal or lorel, wt'nt onct' on a pilgrimage !n
Rallll'SlI'aram, Udil' an Sl'thojia thi (Udaiyan SetlJPati), :l
e1t.:scl'nt!illlt l)f the old Setupali s 4, whose task was If) pro-
tect til.: pilgrims goill~ tu Ral11c:sw;uam , was thl'll lil'ini! in
the vi ll:lge of Pugalur. "lIe escortvd th.: chid guru s<lf<" l)' to
Ramisl:ram (Ramcsw::\ram). without allowinp; him to ~ut'fer any
insult or i1loh.:station on tht.: way; and in like manner he also
~afc).I' conducted him back ~)~ ain to Madura. Bein~ gn'at ly
ple:1sl'd with !his attl.!J1tion, thc' chid gu ru iJ1troducni hilll a~
a skilful guidl.! anel s:1feglla rd ()ll the road to Sl'thu". Con-
s'.:!(jucntly the chid was ti1 c' J1 prL' ~l!Jltt'd by tIll' Nayak "ith a
number uf villag!'s, along with an hO\lurary robe and \,ilrious
ornaments. On n'turJIi\l~ !l) rll~alur he built a fort therl': :lnn
1. Chrl)nicle 0/ 1/),' ,·/cls 11// /)(' S,'llIpol is, T~ylor, O. H, ,l/SS.. lJ, AI' "
p . 4\l.
2, Cf. Ch. VI, No.3.
3. BUTgl'ss, [I. 5i. Uf. ~CIV{'II, I I. I'. 22;.
4. His fath('r, or pl'rhap, Oil" (If hI "~ rul~t,uIl9 \\'rl' onc
Muthllv irnia RaglllJn ;,th ll SdtJP~ i , wh o i ll Hi04 .(' ttl('d it d r~p" Lr h~t­
wc('n two partios in the Hlltnll"J country. II of HJll; HUfl=""'.
p,62-3. Cf, R ~ ng(l ch " rYiI,ll, 1'.1170,105.

_ --".-. -- --'-
,,1

:. " ,85~1f; 2
356 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA

assembliogsome forces, subdued all the turbulent coun try around

and reducerl them to his own sov ereignty . He collected a con-
siderable slim of money from taxes le\'icd upon the ncwly-
subdued people, and brought it over to the Madura Nayak.
Muttu Krishnappa was greatly pleased with such activity, and
accordingly .. gave him an unrest ricted g rant to subd ue addi-
tional people ; instructed him to see to the forest-lands, which
yielded no reven ue, that these be cleared and cultivated; and
wrote letters to the people commanding their submission to his
Viceroy." Udaiyan Sethupati weot back to his coun try, and
without delay took possession of a grt:ater tract of land,
and divided r.e revenue into two parts, of whi ch he kept
one for himself and, sent the other to the Madura king.
Then Muttu Krishnappa sent for him and inrest\:!d him
with thc title ofSetupati, or chief of Setu, "bestowing on him
elephants and horses, with vestments and ornaments; and also
~ave him some banners or ensigns of dignit y; and in Madura
harl him consecrated to his viceroyalty, by the sprinkling of thc
water of the Ganges" '. This ceremony took place. accor-
ding to the Chnmirie of/he Ac/s 0/ th,. Sf/lltatis, in A. D. 1606 '.
10. The History of tile Kuma/aka Gm'cnlors tell s liS that
.. Udiyan Sethopathi built a mud fort ilt Ramanathapuralll
(Ramnacl), and ruled after the fashion of a ki ng" ". And "the
other six perso.ls. who were also gua rdiall s. were included in
hi s ~I)vcrnme(lt and. together with all the inh,ilJitants. yielckd
their t" msenl" ' .
One of the first measures of the nc 'y Rajil of Halllnad. m;
he is called in some inscriptions. was tn milkc a j.(i ft of livc
villages to the temple of Ramanatha ancl Parvatavarclhani at
Hamo.:5waram for worship and offerings. on NOVeillb('r 20th,
1606 ". Then in a copper-plat(!, dated July 8th. 1607. Dalavay
Setupati Kattadeva records illlothcr gift (If eight \'illages ncar
~-- ._--- -.-- - ..
1. Taylor. o. c., ll. p . 27-9.
2. Jbid .. Ap., p. 4'!l.
:l. Ibid., p. 29.
4. Ibid ., Ap., p. 49.
:;. GII(I/lIglll' of Copper .Piate (.·,.lnts in tltl' (;(/verlil/II:/Il MuseulII,
M",/,.,/., . 1'. :17.
 THE NAY AKSHlI> OF MADURA 357
Pamban to the same temple for the regular performance of the
pllja and of offerings '. Some days after, on the 17th of the
same month , he gave a plot of land in the island of Rameswaram
to a servant of the Ramanathaswami's temple 2. Then in th e
yea r r607, he made a gift of lands to the people' of the five
countries' who served as priests and cooks in the Rameswaram
temple~. These grants prove the care of the newly.
appointed Setupati for the performance of the Hindu rites on
that famous spot, of which he had been nom inated the guardi an.
An inscription of his of the following year 1608 at Ramcs-
waram gives the list of his titles. which will appear again in
some grants of his successors. Tirumalai Udaiyan Setupati is
therc sty led "the lord of the city of Tevai; the responsible
agent for the protection of the Setu embankme nt ; the rC5ponsi-
hI..: agent for the charities of Ramanathaswami . wh o is actively
engaged in worshipping Siva; the chief of all other kings; the
destroyer of the army of th e.: Ariyaraya. who cuts into a thou-
sand pieces and three thousand pieces those failing in the
correctness of their language; who conquers all the country
that he sees and never gives back a country once conquered;
the punisher of ]\'lllvara ya, the lord of the valorous and the
fertiic country. the protector of the Brahmans stlt(iy in g til<'
Vedas; who has put down the pride and pros),)erity of the valor·
ous and inimical Yavana kings" •
During hi s tim e, in 1608 accordinl!: to an inscription at
Ramesvaram, the temple of Ramalingesl'a ra was built :· ; and
it was at this time too that the sage Ramanatha. as other
inscriptions testify, repaired the main temple at Ramcsyaram (.
and constructed the Kotitirtha ma/ldapa in the salll e temple i.

1. Ibid ., p. 37; Sewell, II, p . 50 ; Burg!'ss, p. 1'0.8.

2. Ctlltl/oglll', p. 38. Cf. Burgess, p. 75-8.
3. Burg!'ss. p. 65.6; Rllngacharya. II. p. 1170, till.
4. Sewell, II. p. 6. Burgess. p. 65 ..1>6.
5. 11)2 of 1903.
6. Burgc~s, P. 59; R llIlIglichilrf~, ll. p. 11 tifl , ii'l ,
7. 100 of 1900. Th!' 8ame Ramaniltha lHld b"ilt ill 15!18 thl' AdilJ·
malldapa ill front of the contrlll shrin!' of th(' RanHlling('svara temple
at Ramesvllram. 99 of 1903.
358 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA

11. The relations between Muttu Krishnappa and the

Emperor seem to have been of mutual friendship and under-
standing. A gran t of Venkata II of the year 1601, to the
Bhasyakata. shrine in the Madanagopal temple of .M adura,
proves these relations to have been sllch from the beginning of
his reign 1. Then an inscription of 1606 at Villapuram, outside
the dominions of Madura, records a gift of a garden as a
reward to Muttu Krishnappa Nayaka '. Finally a coin which
probably belongs to Muttu Krishnappa, is a proof of the same.
It bears on the obverse a standing figure of Vishnu with a fish
the symbol of the Pandya kingdom-on his right; ann on the
reverse this inscription: 'Venkatapa ' :I.
Moreover in Septem ber, 1604, Venkata II received in
audience a special envoy of the N ayak of Madura, as a Jesuit
letter of the year 1906 tells us t. And in 160~, the last year of
Muttu Krishnappa's reign, another of his embas!ies reached
Venkata's cou rt. Fr. Coutinho, who was himself present at the
public audience, gives in one of his letters a detailed account
of the ccremony: "A very few days ago", he wrote on October
I !th, 1601', "the Naiques of Tangior and Madura sent th eir
tribute consisting of 500 thousand cruzados and many sorts of
prescnts to the King. In order to receive th ese (things), (the
King) dressed himself as on the da ys of great celebration,
with many orn aments of gold and precious stones. The one
he bore on his chest was valued at a hundred thollsand
cr,ll:;adus. Wc were prescnt at this ceremony by a s pec ial
privilegt:: and permission of the King" ".

1. 35 of 1908.
2. 326 of 1917.
3. Hultzbch, Coills of tilL' Kings of Vijllya/l flgllrtl, Illd. AliI.,
XX, p. 30.8, No. 37. Cf. I"d. Ani., XLV, p. 104, and Brown, The Coi/lS
of India, p . 64.
4. Littl'rar Anllfloc of the Provil)ce of Malabar, 1604-1606, Ap. G,
No XII.
5. From Fr. B. COlltinho to l'·r. U. A4uavlva, Vollore, OctohPT
lLth, 16011. Ap. C,Nv.XXIII. It may be seen from this how groundlrl!s
is the statcment of S{'wl'll, p. 220: "The Nayaks of Madura and
Tanjof(, became indep"lIdent in 1602."
:lluttu J\ri shllappa :.'\ayaka a nd 1I1uttti \ ·ir.Jppa X aya ka.
~j(du M fm:lapa. itl alura ,
 THE NAY AKSHIP OF NADURA 359
12. Muttu Krishnappa must nave died either at the end
of this year or in the beginning of the following year 1609; for
there is an inscription of the first half of this yeu recordi IIg a
gift '01' money to cdebrate certain festivals for the merit of
Muttu Virappa Nayaka, his successor 1. This was the
eldest of the three sons of Muttu Krishnappa; the vther
two, according to the History of thl! Kama/aka Gmwrllors,
were named Tirumali Naicker (who was destined to become
famous in the history of southern India) and KlImara Mlltttl-
Naicher '. Of th ese three Mutttl Vir3ppa s ucceeded hi!';
f'ltiler 3.
Following the wise policy of his father, the nl'W Maclurn
ruler continued on good terms with venkata II during th e
lirst yea rs of hi s reign . An inscription ill Madura bd()l l~ ing to
the yea r 1609 records that Vrnkatapatidevaraya, at th' request
of Muttll Virappa Na yaka, mad e :I gift of th e dJage of
Nagenalluru, surnamed Mudduviramahipalasal1l lldla, 011 the
northern bank of th e Kaveri riv er, to Bra hmans. The Nayak
divid~d the village into 82 shares and distrihUl<.:d thl'm to
several learlled Brahmans on Nuvember 13th ~ .
r 3. But suddenly these mutual rdations appear to h:l\' e
been broken. No more inscriptions are found showing the
names of lh.:: Emperor and his Nayak together; the latter
does not acknowledge his overlord any more. Early in 1610 :l
gift of land of hi s to the temple at Ambasamudram, Tinnevelly ".

1. 87 of 1905.
2. Taylor, rI .\·., If. p. 29. I do not know wil y Prof. Sathyanatha
Aiyal', Histor,. (If tIll' Nayaks, p. 97, dol'S not accept the existence of tbl~
third son of Muttll Kri shna ppa . ThE' Mrlyulljilya MSS., Tuylor, n,
p. 260. and the Supplrll/cnltlry MSS., Ibid., I. p. 206, do not mention him
because the y only give the list of the Madut'a kings , The same mus t
be said of the Kuniyur plates of Vl'ukata III. lip. rlll/., III, p. 239.
Silence in this caso is not a good proof, wh en other sou rct'S mentiml
Muttu Kris)lOappa's third son.
3. SIiPP/clllcntnry MSS., Taylor, I , p. 206; Mrl_l'llIlj(IYII MS"i.• Tb id.,
p. 260; History of III/' Knrnalakll GlYVernors, 1bid., II. p. 29 .
4. 9, Ap. A of 1906; Catalogue of CJPPl'Y·Plale Granls in Ihe Gml,'m.
1/1('nl MI/scum, Madras. p. 55; Rong;lcbnrya, IT, p. 1003, 95.
5. 122 of 1907 .
360 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA

and an exemption from taxes of the Mudaliyar servant s

of t' e Sokkanatasvami temple at Madura I are both recorded,
without mentioning Venkata . The same policy is followed iu
the mscriptions of the following years. In 1612 a gift was
made in Tinnevelly for the merit of Muttu Virappa Nayakkar ';
in 16r3 an inscription in honour of the same l\Iultu VirapjJ:.l
was carved in the greatest gopura of the Paumal temple
at Madura ~ ; in IIl.:ither of these dOl' S the name uf thl.: Empernt'
of Vijayanagara appear.
Fr. A. Proenza, writing from Trich~n()poly to Fr. (''''neral,
G. Nickel, in 1659, said: .. Tirumala Nayaka, who rules 1I0W,
walking in the footsll'I)S of his father resolved to free himself" 4.
We have s<:!cn th:.!t Tirumala's father always remained
loy al to the Emperor. Beyond doubt Proenza took Tirumala's
predecessor as hi s f::lllll'r; :lnd this means, that Muttu Virappa
Nayaka also 'resolwd til frl''': h imself'. Fr. Vico, writing from
Madura in r61I, says that the !'\ayak was not punctual in pay-
ing the tribute; oft..:n w()u ld he postpone the payment;
sometimes he even n:fu _ed it with iusolence. "In that case",
continul.:s the Jesuit, "th..: Bi snagar (the Emperor) comes or
scnds one "'If hi s gel\('rab at the h..:ad of a hundred men, to
make th em pay all th L' ant'ars with interest" 6.
One of these rebl·lliflTls to()k place in the beginning of
1610. Very likely \'(' I\k:!u did !lot lead the army which
marched against the n ·be l :\ayak . . At this time he is described
by both the Jesuit and titC' I'IJrtugu(!se sources as a very old, and
a I'aktudinarian. i\latla Ananta or Venkatapati Nayaningaru
mi ght ha\'e held the suprcnl.: cl)mmalld: the latter, in an inscrip-
li on of r612 -3, is 'called th.: C()lIq ut:ror of the territory called Pan-
chapandya' i.I·. tht: kingdum lIf :'ladura ". The result of this

1. Burgt'Ss, p. 109- 1V.

2. 123 of 1907.
3. Sewell, J. p. 293.
4. "rom Fr. A. Proellza to Fr. G. Nickel, Trichinopoly, 16::'9
i:Sf:r\Tolnd, L.I Missioll till Madlll'(' , III, p. 42.
5. From Fr. A . Vico to Fr. A. Laerzio, Madu ra , August 30ih,
1911, Bertrand. o. c., II, p, 124.
6. Butterworth, J. p. 246
 THE NAYAKSHlP OF MADURA

fight was the same as on the previous occasions: Mutt u Virappa

was defeated by the army "f Venkata, and compell ed to pay a
lwal ier tribute, sumnlillg liP tlte arrears and the war indemnity.
Fr. Roberto de No bili, writin~ from Madura on December 12th,
16ro, to Fr. L)6rzin, says as fo lklll s: "A certain notable
Palldara said to one I)t m.v Chris tians these last days that tIll:'
coming of the King of Bi5llap;a was t he destruction of the
Naidll~, ju ~, t as Illy st ~l y ill this (liuntry was the ckstructiOl1 of till'
Pandaras" I. Tilt: saying re krn·d to in this letter proves
evitll'ntly I>oth that thl: war was "vcr ilt the end uf the same
year. and that its result was satisfactory to thl: Vijayana~ara
Emperor. The same is meant by Fr. Vico's let!t:r, which says
that til .: poor people had to pay for the fault l)f thl.:! prince : "all
thl.! country is laid waste and people are plunden.:d or
J1l<1ssacred" ~.
After th is WJr, thl: contrOl of Venkata over Madura appcars
again thr u u ~lt the inscriptions of the following years. There is
(.) I'H' dated Ifll r (.) 11 a rock in the Matrihhlltcsvara temple ilt
Trichillopuly, which re.:rord!' a ~ift of Vt:nkata for the n1t.!rit of
Virapll;1 N<J) ab :'. The n 31H1thcr inscription of Ven kata of
T61J r"gist crs that il n:rtalll Venkatadari Bhattar set up at
Vl'II.lIl g11di, in the Co ulltry d in ·rtly rllll:d by Muttu Virappa,
the.: ima~"s of Krishna and Kamesvan and ~ranted lar;d fur
th eir wors hip 4.
14. Shortly :tfter th e war with V('nkat3, Mu tt u Vir:lppa was
en)!:a~l'd ill anotl1l'r war. Fe. La l: rzio, writing from Cl>chin 011
Decrmbt.' r 25th, 1101 I , says that he was going on his usual visit
to all the: 1rOll!' t:~ or hi s Province. On the nnd of Sepll'mbt.'r
he wa" in tnc C"llt.!).;e ;.lt St. Thome; but he was prevented tro ll)
proceeding to ;\1ddurJ on account of the: war b.:tween lilt'
NJyak of Madura 3nd the Nayak of Ncgapatam '. It WJ :.
1. From Fr. R. J l' Nobili to Fr. A. La~rzio, Madura, D CCCIII !" ' T
12th, 1.1>10, Ap. C, No XXXI.
2. Fron) Fr. A. YIC" t" Fr. A. Ltle rzio , Madura. August, lull,
Bertrand. L,j Mis.l·t,JII .1" v/tltitlr. ', ll, p. 124.
:I . 134 of 1905.
4. 45~ of 1\11ti.
5. From Fr .•\ . t.acfl.ill to Fr. C. Aqllaviva, COl: hin . 1)"\', 1111,, ·
2!ltb, lGll, Ap. C. No. XXXIiI. C'f. Bertran u, LII JftsswIl .III .I/ ,t,hm ·.
II, p. 108.
40
362 THE ARAVlDU DYNASTY Of VIJAY .\'IAGARA

usual among tn' Jesu its to call Nayak of Negapatam the Nayak
of T:injorc', Nothing is hith~rto known either about tht!
cause orthe r('su lt of this war uetween I\Iadura and Tanjore, Did it
break .lut becaus '~ the Tanjon: Nayak had given his aid to thl'
Emperor the year bl'forl', whil e going to subdue the n :bel Muttll
\"ir :tplJa? 'vVo,: shall see that th is felld bt:tween the tw o houses,
th ;tt came to :t he ad and burst in Venkata's r eign, continued
unabated till thi: extinction of Olll' of them: and that very soon,
ill t after the d ~· .lth of th l.' Emperor, the l\1adura and Talljon:
;';ayaks again cam,' tu blu\\'~.

1. DuJam c 1,p.(;:lJ.

RY GKVK
UAS LIBRA

\~\\\\\\\\\\\\U\\\\\~\\\\\\\\\
85952
 CHAPTER XVIII
T1IE MISSION OF FATHER ROBERTO DE NUllILI
SUMIoLlltY.-I. Tho fruitless mission of Fr. G , F('rn~nd('z <.It Madura.
-2. Fr. RoiJ('rto dc' Nobili in Italy, Goa and Cocbin.-3. De Nobili
ilt Madurd. Inv('stigation of the C'llIS(,' of th" failure of this
Illlssion.-4. Dr Nobili's nnw pl<ln :lppro"I'n by his superiors.
_. 3. Heprrsentslilnl.('lf as a 'i{ olllan Br:oIl1l1nn.'- G. His ordinary
lif('.-7. HIs mast.ery of Sanskrit, Tli 1111 I awl 'l't' lugu.--R. His
I1lIJdp of drallllg with vlsltors .--9. AlIwrt. t hr first COllVl'rt.· - 10. Dc'
Nohili dresses as U SIl'1I1Y(ISI .- J l. Otbrr cUllvcr,iolls. Good spi r it
of thl' Il(,w Clms tians. -12. Dl' Nobili's method of preaching. 'I'll('
fourt h Veda. - 13. A numuer of ext raord ina ry ('v"nt·~ confirm thl'
Christian Faith,-14. Rela tion. brtw('cl1 de Nobili and thl' PH l,liy,,-
karans. DC) Nobili's dealings with Sri\'allabha Pandy:' - 13. 1'1<.
Lcyti:lo and Vico at Madura.-lG. Criticism of de Nobili's JlIiS~IOn,
CON'rr:MPOlU-RV SOU R<': Jo:s.-l. Jrsuit Ictt.l'rs.-2. Du Jarrlc,GlI(,Trrir l '
Figu('roa.-3. MIll/COl's do Heinl) (Pailgilll Archivcs).-4. Juv('nt'io.
ONE of the most important l'vents in the history (If southerli
India during the reign of Vl'nkat~ I [ is tlw establishment of the
mission of the Jesuit Fr. Roberto Dt' Nohili 1. The brief ac-
count of it which we gin: here is an attl:mpt to do justice to
that bold but holy undertaking of this famous Jl'suit, so diffL'r-
ently judged both by his con tempo rari es and by subsequent
historians and controversialists.
In the year 1596 Fr, Gonzalo Fernandez arrivl'd at Madura
from the Fishery Coast. Here h e sett led down in order to look aftt,.
th l; spi ritual wflfare of the Christian Paravas of Coromandel,
who occasi()ll ally went to the cap ital O il business ' . 10'1'. G uerreiro,
rdying o n th e missionaries' letters, says that Fr. Fernandl't
stayed at Madllra to negotiate with the Nayak about the affairs
of the missionaries on the Fishery Coast :1, \Vh a t these 'affairs '
1. H('nee botb Mr, Rangachari, Hi;lol'yoj tht' .VI/d· KingdOlll, Ind.
A nt ., XLV, p. 1U7 -8, 116-9, ck ., <Inn I'rof. S"th),:,illatha Aiyar, H istory
o( l/i,' !\'tI_I"lks, p. 93 -5; JI)(;-8, 'JI!'ak at lel1gth of this mibsi"nllry
en tl'rpri Sf'.
2. Besso, LII Mission dll Madlll'l', p. 199.
3, Gucrrei ro, R<'ia<'t1111 A1I1Ial ... lIu tilt/If) de 606, & 607., [I. 112,
364 THE ARA V1DU DYNASTY OF V lJ AYANAGARA

were is not staten in this work; but we feel sure that the
frequent irruptions of the Nayak's soldiers into the villages of
the Paravas proved the ne~essity of such an agent at the court
of Madura. Kumara Krishnappa Nayaka 11, the then ruler of
Madura. received the miss :onary amicably and granted him
permission to build a church in his capital. Accordingly
Fernandez erected a church, not so magnificent as the Hindu
temph.:, says Du Jarric. but yet beautiful and pious I.
Madura was a new field to work in. The faith of Jesus
Christ had never been preached in the old Pandya capital, aud
the zealous missionary did not lose his golden opportunity . He
spoke about Christ anJ his holy religion in his cOllversations
with the pt!ople of th..: town 2. Frequent religious disputation5
were held at his house between the missionary and the
Brahmans. who were often attracted thither both by the Father's
benevolence :lOd by their natural curiosity. l\loreoH:r the
Jesuit established a displ'l lsary and hospital, where everything
was administ ered free to Christians and Hindus alike J.
It has been often said that Fernandez's labours bore no
fruit, a st"tI.:m..:nt \, hich is not founded 011 con temporary
j.'sllit allthoritil'S. The only information about this parti-
cular point is found in Guerreiro. who say~ ti,at • the
l3adagas I'l ' h ~llS) greatly admired the holiness of thc
Father <Jnd o;pccially his dl<lStity'; bllt he also statt's that
• ill the conversion of Hinuus he did very liltle I~. This
Il\cans, no doubt. that SOI11l' conversions to Christianity
wtn: made. but the SllCCeSS was by no mC::lns encollraging. For
~. lillIe' Fr. Nicol'I(' Leranto was sen t there in order tv study
Tamil !.. But he I\'.(S soon sent to St. Thome. and Ferllandez
(lnce more rtrl1aincd alone.
Muttu Krishllappa Nayaka f()llmvcd the poli cy of his uncl e
in his dealings with thl' Father, and the bonds of friend sh ip het-

1. Du Jltlrrill, 1. p. '64!l. Cf. I)'Sa , lflllf)/:I' 1Ij Ihe C,II/wlie Clllln h.

11, p. 31.
'1. Guerr('iro. I. ('.
J. Du Jarril', I, p. 1i49- 50.
4, GUerr(liru. I. c.
5. Du Jarril.:. I. p. 650.
 THE MI~SION OF FATHER ROBERTO DE NOBILl 365
ween the two were as close as ever. The King of Portugal, in a
letter to his Viceroy dated February 26th, 1605, says that he is
aware "that the Naique (the Nayak of Madura) made his
salutations to a religious of the Society (of Jesus), who was
conducting . some business there" '. Great fri(;udship must
have existed between Muttu Krishnappa and Fernandez, if the
knowledg~ of it reached the ears of even the King of Portugal.
2. Such was the position of the missi()n of Madura when
Fr. R oberto dc Nobili was sent tbac in 1606.
The new missionary had been !.Jom at Montepulciano,
Italy, in September, 1577 1, of ;l very noble family, related
to Po pes Julius III and Marcdlus II and to the Cardinals
Sforza and Bdlarmino '. Another of his illustrious relatives
did perhaps greatly influe:lcc Roocrto's career. This was his
uncl e and namesake, Cardinal Roberto de Nobili , who died some
rears before Roberto's birth, at the early age of 18 years 4•
.. Roberto de Nobili ", says Pastor, " was a Cardinal upon whom
thl: representatives of the Catholic rdorm party could rest their
greatest hopes. Highly gifted from an intclh;(.;tual point of view-
he is said to have spoken Latin and Greek at ten years of age-
h(; distinguished himself still more by his great piety. Likt:
Aloysius of Gonzaga, whom he particularly n ;!'ernbles, he was
scrupulously pure of heart. He could never do enough in his
ascetic exercises; he fasted strictly, slept 011 a board, wore a
hair-shirt, assisted at Mass every day , list,'lll!d frequently to
sermons, and often rc('eived Holy Communion, and from
'notives of humility would not allow his portrait to be painted.
fhe dignity of the Cardinalatt!, which he had n:ceived from Ju-
lills Ill, was only used to assist the needy. He repeatt!dly
thought of renouncing th;s dignity and of retiring into a

1. From King Pbilip III to the Viceroy Mart im Affon~o do

Cil~tro, I. isboll, FebrUdry 26th, 1605, Ap, B, No. VIII.
2. I3rucker, Malabar Riles, ' The Cllllto/ic E"c)'c/oprdia, IX, p . 558,
says It"i>l'rto d e- Nobili wa~ born in R\) III C. I Pt' ,'\C~ r the iiuthtlrity of
Dahm e n. RII/" 1'10 d,' Noblli, SJ., p. 1.
3, Juv(,llcio, Epito lJle fhstori'l<' SJ., IV, II. 74-5. Gucrreiro , I. c.,
says that he was a nephew of Curd. Sforzd. Cud. IJ ellnrm ill9 Willi his
falher' s uncie. Cf. Oa hmen, I. c.
4. Vab mC!u, o. c.. p, 2, note 1.
 366 TJiE A·RAVtDU DYNASTY OF VIJAl'ANAGARA

religious order; but his confessor, the Jesuit Polanco, dissuaded

him from this step. Assisted by him he died after a painful
illness, with the most perfect resignation to the Divine Will, on
January 18th, 1559. Men like Charles Bonomeo, Bellarmino
and Baronius venerated as a saint this Cardinal, who was so
early called away to a better life" '.
The pious nephew, moved perhaps by the example of his
uncle, in order to avoid any probability of his elevation to high
eccleciastical dignity, joined the Society of Jesus in 1597 at
Nocera, in the T9th year of his age. The famous historian of
the Society, Fr. Nicolao Orlandini, was his novice master ".
Four years later, though not yet a pri est, he requested his
superiors to send him to the missions of Ind ia :'. In
1604 his wishes were fulfillcd. He reached Goa in September,
1605, and was despatched shortly after to the College of Cochin,
where he finish ed his st udies in Theology.. One of his letters
to the General, written at Cochin, shows both the state of the
missions of southern India on those days, and his enth lIsiasm
to undertake missionary life in the interior of the peninsula.
It runs as follows: .. It is but too true that till nolV our Fa: :lCrs
have hardly tried to get into tOllch with the people of the: in-
terior. With the exct:ption of a few towns owned by the
Portuguese and a fe w stretches on both coasts depending on
them, where they had minor settlements. all that immense land
of India, where thl' power of the King of Portugal never
possessed any sort of influenc~, and where consequently one
cannot expect any help from that power for the promotion of
the missions, continues to grovel in the darkness of idolatry.
Thus the way to the cOllvers;·m of India is closed; and of our
best missionaries all are content to employ themsdves in the
Colleges of Cochin and in the four residences we have along
the coast, and close their eyes to the innumerable multitude of
souls living in th nse wide-spread lands of India. Only a few try
to pelletrat. into the interior" ' .
1. Pastor, Hislory of Ihe Popes, XIII, p. 176-7.
2. Dahmen, o. c., p. 2.
3. Ibid., note 4.
4. Ibid., p. 3· 5.
5. Clistets, The Mddllra Mission, p. 25. The last allusion of de
Nobili is most likely to tholle who were at the court of Venkata II.
 THE MISSION OF FATHER ROBERTO DE NOBILl 367

3. Finally in 1606 Father de Nobili himself ventured into

, those wide-spread lands.' In the middle of this year Fr. A.
Laerzio. the Provincial of the Malabar Province, when going to
pay his annual visit to the missionaries, took Fr. de Nobili
along and left him at Madura. The same Provincial, in a letter
written towards the close of the following year, says: "One year
and a half elapsed since we sent Fr. Robert0 de Nobili to the
residence of Madura in order to learn the language of that country
to perfection" I. And in another Jesuit letter of the same
year, 1606, we read again: ''In. November last Fr. Provincial,
passing through that resid~nce (of Madura), left Fr. Roberto d...:
Nobili there to help Fr. Goncalo frz (Fernandez), and to learn the
more correct language of the court ; and also to relieve the
Father who, being old and sickly, required a successor" 2. De
Nobili was then 29 years old.
We find the first impressions of de Nobili after his arrival
at 1\1 adura iri a letter dated December 3rd, 1607, to his god-
father the Marquese D. Gregorio Boncornpagno: "This," says
he, "is the chief city of the kingdom. It is thickly populated
by men that are indeed rich and brave in war, but who have as
yet no knowledge of the trlle God. They are addicted to a very
wicked idol-worship; and our Fathers who work here find them-
selves confronted with such insuperable opposition that after
twelve years they have not made a single convert, except three
or four sick persons who w e~ baptised shortly before death.
Yet our Fathers, who nave been at work so long here, are men
of outstanding virtue and true ability" 3; De ~obili , in anot her
letter to his cousin the Comtessa de Santa Flore , compares the
idolatry of Madura to the idolatry of the old city of Rome:
.. I am now", he writes. " in a famous city of this country called
Madura, crowded with wicked idols, as was form erly the fam ous
city of Rome" 4•

.1 From Fr. A. Laerzio to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Cochin, November

20th, 1607, Ap. C, No. XX.
2. Littcrae Amluae of the Province of Malabar, 1606.1607, Ibid.,
No. XXVI.
3. Dahmen, o. c., p. 4.
4. Ibid., p. 12, noto 1.
368 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA

Naturally de Nobili investigated the causes of the failure

of Fr. Fernandez, and finally discovered tht m. "There might,
of course, be other explanations", says Fr. Dandoy here. .. But
one seems to have suggested itself at once to the clear and keen
mind of the princely Tuscan missionary. There is an old
proverb about the Rome to which de Nobili compared Madura:
'Si Romae vivis Romano vivito more ', (when thou art in
Rome, do as the Romans do) . In other words. one must adopt
the customs and ways of the country one lives in. Nobili realis-
ed that one of the mistakes of his zealous brethren was that they
not only failed to observe Indian customs, but by their exam pit:
at least taught their converts not to respect them" I.
One of the missionaries residing at the court of Venkata II,
Fr. Antonio Rubino, after studying the causes of the lack of
conversions, arrived independently at the same conel usions al-
most at the same time. In one of his letters to Fr. C. Aquaviva,
he wrote: .. It is astonishing how well barred is th'e entrance of
this kingdom against the Holy Faith. This comes from the
aversion and implacable hatred they have (towards us), based on
the impression that we are the priests of the Portuguese, who
eat beef and drink wine ...We keep ourselves away from all
these things, in this kingdom. Yet our bla<:: k dress is quite
enough to rOllse such opposition and abhorrence; we are there-
fore looked upon by them as a pestilence. And to them it is
quite enough, as said before, that they know us to be the priests
of the Portuguese. It is necessary. in order to obtain different
results, to dress oneself, to eat, and to keep other social customs,
just as they do. in quantum fieri potest (as much as possible). I
often wrote this to Fr. Provincial. He wishes to send me,
dressed according to their fashion, to a city of this kingdom
where I am unknown" 1 .
This was neither the only, nor the main cause of such an
aversion tewards the Catholic priests. On account of a fatal
misunderstanding the l?aravas and their missionaries were call-
ed Pranguis; and the missionaries themselves, unaware of the
1. . Dandoy, A Salllfyasi from the West, The Lighl ojtlle East, July,
19U,p. 6.
2. From Fr. A. Rubino to Fr. C. Aqullviva. Vellore, September
3~b. 1609, Ap. C, No. XXVII.
 THE MISSION OF FATHER RODEHTO DE NOBILl 369
real meaning of this word, had accepted it, and even called the
Catholic Religion, • the Religion of the Prmlgllis', Christianity
had been wrongly identified with Pra71gllism 1, D e N()uili, after
a careful study of the meaning which the people attached to this
word, realized the great mistake of his predecessors, "The word
Prallglli", he wrote somt: years later in his Apol(lgy, "does 1I0t,
in the mind of thi~ peopl'~, signify either Portuguese, or Euro-
pean , or Christian; for th ey do not exactly kn ow either the one
or the other, It rol-ans a vile class 'of ,peoplc, des picablt: to a
degree not far removed from the heasts--pcople without virtue
and modesty, given to drink, feeding on unclean ml'at and evcn
human fl esh, incapabl ~ of science, divinity or rl'ligi lln, The
Hindus ", he C()!1tinul'~, "have selrlom met nwn uf the illustrious
Portuguese naliOI1 ... The lllen wh,) C(lm\:' here (froll1 thl' Portu-
g uese poss(:s~ions) lI1<1y be reducL'd t(l tw o ClaS5l.!s. Tlw)' arc
ei th e r men who, lll: ing born in lnc1ia, hJI'e no Porlllgu<.:se bloud
in th e m whatsoc"l'r, yd think that, Wh(:ll they hal'" learnt by
heart four Portug uese words and bal'c dressed tbt'lnse1vcs Iikt:
the Portuguesl:, th e}' liavt' cha nged th ei r race ar~cl have become
Portuguese; tbese we call Topa :,,'s 2, and th e 1ndians cnll th em
l'rallgllis; hence it is clear that it is not only white men whom
th~y call Pranguis, but anyone who, whatc I'l'r his cl1lllur,
dresses as a Portuguese. Or th ey an:: mt" wh o weCl' born
Jews, but came to some agreemcn t with th e Por,ul{l,reSe, and
travel on business, These als\.) the ptople of Madura call
Prmlglris without any qualification, Now anyone who has to
deal with them knows the nobility, the reliability ann the
c1eanlin.::ss of these two classes! No wonder then that the
Prallguis arc helel most vile":I,
4, The careful consideration of all these prt:jlldicc~ It:d to
the natural conclusion that the mode of living of miss ionaries

1. Tho word Prfll1llfli is borrowC'd bY' tllt' Hindus frolll the

Muilamllllldans to desi gnate dena tionalisod people, Th is word, in
Sanskrit Pllit(lnguin and in Pcrsiim Prnlll,'14;, was the nume Biv .. n by
the Muslims first to the Franks, and then to 1111 the E"ropeans in
general. The spet'ial meaninK utta"hed to it in ~outhC'rl\ Indill. in Fr .
de Nohili's days, was Quit,.. different.
2. One who \lses two langunges, Of. Ceylon Alltiquary, VlII. p. 210,
3, Dllhmen, o. (", p. 6 :lnd note 1;' Bertrand. 1,(1 Missi(lll ,III
Maduri', II, p, 151.
47
370 THE ARA vrou DYNASTY OF VIJA YANAGARA

had to be changed in order to attract the Hindus to the Gospel

of Jesus Christ. Blessed John de Britto, in a letter of 1683,
wrote to this effect: .. Fr. Roberto de Nobili, of revered
memory, that great servant of God and that model of mission-
aries, having acquired a most complete knowledge of all these
prejudices, and being persuaded with St. Ambrose that 'primus
discmdi ardor nobilitas est magistri' " made himself all things
to all men that he might win them all to Jesus Christ" 2.
But before taking any step in carrying out his new plan,
he consulted his superiors about the matter. The Provincial
Laerzio thoroughly approved of de Nobili's plan, and men-
tioned his approval in a letter to Fr. General, written in 1609 :1.
His ecclesiastical superior, Mgr. Francisco Ros, Archbishop
of Cranganor, and a Jesuit, says: " Before adopting this manner
of life, Fr. Roberto first consulted me, who am the pastor of
that church. When we had decided between ourselves on a
plan to be adopted, the Father gradually carried it out, whilst I
decided to continue to be, in a certain fashion, his fellow-worker,
and to assist him in so holy an enterprise. I first read books
on Hindu idolatry, the subtlest that exist; next I sought the ad-
vice of the best theologians of the Malabar Province, of the
Goon Inquisitor and of the Most Illustrious Primate, Dr. Frey
Alexis Menezes, now Primate of Braga and Governor of por-
tugal; and on finding that their views agreed with what I 'had
gathered from long experience of those parts of India, I gave
my full sanction to the method followed by Fr. Roberto in the
formation of his Christians. We declare in particular that the
thread worn by the Brahmans, and the kudumi or tuft of hair
which caste Indians grow on their heads, the !;andal paste and
other social customs, were not marks of a reJigious sect, but
only distinctions of nobility, caste or family, and that the con·
. verts mig-ht keep them without any scruple"~.
. - - - --- ---- ---"-- ._---
1. The eminence of the master clo:cites the first desire to learn
from him.
2. Littemr AlltrlUTe of the Mndllra Mis ~io n. 1683, Cnstets, Thr
Madum MisSion, p. 24.
3. From Fr. A.. Laerzio to Fr. C. Aqu8vi va, Ap. C', Nn. XXVIII.
4. From MgJ'. F . Ros to' Fr. C. Aql1l1Viv:I, Cooh;n . 'N'nvpmhl'r 19th ,
1613, Castetll, O.c., p. 29-30.
 THE MISSION OF FATHER ROBERTO DE NOBILl 371

5· With such a full and encouraging approval from the

Archbishop, de Nobili separated himself from his confrere Fer-
nandez, and started his new mode of life, in r607, a year after
his arrival at Madura. Let us hear again the Provincial Laer-
zio, in one of his letters to Fr. C. Aquaviva. .. God in his
mercy", he writes. "has at last heard the pray~rs we addressed to
Him long ago and crowned our hitherto fruitless efforts with
Sllccess. A new field is open to our apostolic zeal; and every-
thing makes us hope that it will be fertile in the labour, merit
and fruit of salvation, to the greater glory of God. I mean to
speak to Your Paternity about the Madura Miiision, by whose
beginning such brilliant hopes have been raised. Fr. Roberto
de Nobili was moved by the deplorable blindness of those people,
who are buried in the darkness of death, and was filled with the
great . thought that Jesus Christ had come down for the salva-
tion of all men, and must everywhere triumph over the devil,
destroy his empire and wrench all his slaves from him. So
after discovering the true cause of their obstinacy, he resolved
to bring an efficacious cure to such an evil. After the example
of S't. Paul, who made himself all to all, and specially after that
of the Eternal Word, who made himself man in order that men
might be saved, Fr. Roberto said to himself: I too will make
myself an Indian to save the Indians.
"With my approval , and with the authorization of Hi s
Grace the Archbishofl of Cranganore, he presented himself
to the Brahmans, protesting that he was neither a Prmrglli
nor a Portuguese, but a Roman Rajah 1, i. f'. a man of
high nobility; and a Stlllllyasi, that is, a penitent who has
forsaken the world and all its enjoym .::nt s. The lif~ tv
which he has bound himself by such a proft!ssion is very hard
and very difficult; but there is nothing that does not bccomr

1. Such is the statement of Laerzio. followt'd b~' Fr. Castets, b.c

p. ,24, note 2. It is however contrad ictE'd by b'lth Mgr. ROil and
Blessed Britto. liS WE' shal l soe late.r on. Moreov!'r Fr. J IIveocio, who
based his work on the account, ~ (,l\t annually to ROlllt'. lIaYM
expressly that dl' Nob;li dt'clal'C'<i him s!'lf 11 Brahman, and adds :
.. Id quod ver!' prl'dicarc potcra t. <1uil'P <' 'lui (' nollil issima inter
Itll.licll.s gentt' ortus". .Tuvencio. r;(,ill""", IV, 1J. ;4. Thr saDle
372 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIjAYANAGARA

easy to a man animated with a true desire to make Jesus

Christ known and to gain souls to Him .
.. From that moment, Fr. de Nobili admitted none but
Brahmans into his service. Rice, milk, herbs and water, taken
once a da y, constituted his only food .
.. He also thought it necessary to separate himself from Fr.
Gonzalo Fern.lndez and havitlg built for himself a house and a
chapel, on a site given him by a pagan of high position in the
Brahman quarter, he made it his own special home " 1.
Guerreiro's account states that the house was given him by the
Governor of Madura '.
Blessed John de Britto, writing on de Nobili's change of life,
says that he adapted hilJlself strictly to the Brahmanical man-
ner of life, .. us~d only Brahmans as servants, and gave himself
out as a Roman Brahman Sannyasi, or in Qther words, a
religious sage from Rome. Conformably to the social usages
of the country, he avoided all public intercourse either with
Europeans or with Pariahs" ' .
Moreover Mgr. Ros, while speaking of this strange evolu-
lion, says that 'he tra[lsforml.!d himself into a Brahman

Fr. Lacrzio, in another letter written one year later, November

20th, 1609, stat"s ·that Fr. de Nob ili put on th e thread'of five strings,
/JeCltllS( Ille Bralllllalls wenr olle nlade of three threads (Italics mine).
Cf. Ap. C. No. XXVIIT. Moreover all the sources affirm that"de Nobili's
new bouse was placed in the ~rahman quarters. Guerreiro, 1.0., not
acquaintrd with Indian things and customs says that ho presented
himsolf 'como Brahmene or Rayo '. 11) one of tho oontemporary
letters there is an anecdot E' which might perl1aps create some confu-
sion. Once the Nllyak Hermcc:l tti (Etumei Che'tti) sent soldiers to
arrest one of de Nobili's disciples. At the official's requost the mi~sion.
ary answered; 'If Hi~ Lordship wants my head, let him cut it off; but
lot him not expect from me It deed unworthy of my rank '. At th ese
words on? of th e soldiers, who was a rajah by caste, wall heard to
murmur with some pride: 'HerE'! is a true rajah. I know his caste
from till' way he behav('1j '. Bertrand, o.c. , II, p. 94. Is Bertrand
reliable here? I was unable to see the original of this letter.
1. From Fr. Laerzio to Fr. C. A'Iuaviva, December 30th, 1608,
Castets, o. c., p. 26-7.
2. Oucrrciro, o. c., p. 112.
3. Lillerac Annllflc of the Madura Mission, 1683, Castets, o.c.,'p. 24.
 THE MISSlON OF FATHER ROBERTO DE NO~lLI 373
philosopher' I. Accordingly he was called thereafter' Tal/flo-
bodllaka Swam;, the Philosophical Doctor.
6. De Nobili himself, in a lett_er to Cardinal BellamlinQ,
d:lted Madura, December 1st, 1607, describes coniidentially his
ordinary life in his new settlement. .. I now dwell ", he says,
.. in a mud-house covered with straw, which is to me more
useful and gives me more satisfaction than a rich palace. I hold
it to be most cE.rtain that there is no consolation comparable to
that enjoyed by one living in this voluntary sort of exile for the
love of God, and toiling much for His sake. Nevertheless at
times the labour I have undertaken becomes wearisome to me;
and when the thought rushes on me, that I shall have to
continue amidst such toil and fatigue all my lifelong, I begin to
be a,)l'r, hensivl.! that I shall not be able to persevere to the end.
But when I turn my thought from this to heaven, I am reminded
of what Your Excellency used to say, explaining those \\lords of
King David: • Qlli posuil filles tUGS pacem '. I ft!el that my fear
has vanished. and I am consoled at the thought that, since such
lIt!ace and repose await us in the end. a longing for rest here on
earth is simply unreasonable .
.. My way of living is as follows: I remain continually shut
up in my little mud-house. Thereto, every . day, after I have
said Mass and ('om mended myself to the ' Lord, I give free
admittance to whoever likes to speak to or to discllss with me.
The time left to me, which is \'::ry short, I spend in writiug, in
the la!lguage of the country, the refutatior~ of some of the false
doctrines upheld by various leaders of thought among these
people. As 1 am thus obliged to keep continually to my house,
Or rather to my single little room; and as the food I e ~ ~ is not
very substanti'al, since neither meat nor fish nor eggs ever so
much as pass my door. I am always sickly; and few are the days
in which I do not feel some pain either in the stomach or in thl:!
head. My food consists of a small quantity of rice, of which
th~re is abundance in this country. and some herb!; or fruits.
This manner of diet I must observe; because if these people did
'Iot see me following this penitential kind of life, they would not

1. From Mgr. F. Ro8 to Fr. C. Aquaviv~, Ibid. p. 29.

 374 THE ARAVlDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA

consider me fit to teach them the heavenly way. For so are

their doctors wont to live, and some of them even follow a har-
der and austerer kind oflife. There 'are those in fact who do
not even touch rice. Now if Your Excellency reflects that here
the use of bread is unknown, and that as to wine, I use it only
for Mass, Your Excellency may gather how little a man has to
feed upon if he abstains from rice. As for me, I do not vellturc
so far; bCl'ause what I already do, namely abstaining from flesh
and fish and eggs, suffices in order that those people may con-
descend to consider me as a true teacher of religion. At this
very moment I am suffering from such a strong fit of asthma
that I can scarcely breathe; and so I finish my letter bit by bit
as I can" 1.
This food was prepared by a Brahman cook; and he never
dared any more to take food prepar~d by a non-Brahman ser-
vant 2, He had one daily meal only, and that at four o'clock
in the afternoon , according to the custom of the samlyasis U.
7. For the rest of thf' day he was extremely busy with tht'
study of the languages of the country. Shortly after his arrival
in Cochin he had taken up the study of Tamil. In his letter to
Prince Boncompagno, quoted above, lie says: .. As soon (lS I
came here I began to learn the language which, on account of
its rich vocabulary and its syntax, is difficult. But God helped
me, so that after six months I could hold conversation and
preach without' an interpreter" 4. Two years later he wrote
again that • he finds it more difficult to speak Italian or Portu-
guese than Malabar (Tamil) ' 5. Writing to ·Card. Bellarmino,
he says; • I find their language very fine, very copious and very
elegant' 6. About the same time, Fr. Laerzio wrote to Fr.
1. From Fr. R: de Nobili to Card . R. Bellarmino, Madura, Decem-
ber 1st, 1607, Castets, o. C., p. :l2-4.
2. Gllerreiro, o. c., p. 112.
3. Figueroa, Hisloria y Anal RalaclOn. Lcs anos passados de 607
y 608, p. 134-5.
4. From Fr. R. de Nobili to Prinoe Boncompagno, Madura ,
December Srd, 1607. Dahmen, o. c., p. 4.
5. From the sa.me to Fr. Fabius de Fabiis, Madura, October 8th,
1609. Ibid., p. 14.
6. From Fr. R. de Nobili to Ca.rd. R. Bellarmino, Madura
December 1st, 1607, Castets, O. c., p. 33.
 THE MISSION OF FATHER ROBERTO DE NOBILl 375
General: "'Fr. Roberto charms everyone by his conversations,
the purity of his High Tamil, and the stories and passages from
Indian authors that he quotes from memory) ".
He now began to apply himself to Telugu and Sanskrit.
No Europeal. had previously studied the latter language 2.
His teacher was a learned Brahman from Madura. In a
letter dated April 22nd, 160<), Fr. de Nobili expresses to his
Provincial his gratitude to that learned man. .. I cannot ex-
press," he says, .. all the obligation J am under to this excellent
Brahman. Besides the knowledge of Sanskrit and Telugu, I
owe him a knowledge still more precious: that of the most
sacred mysteries of the Vedam. It is considered a crime for a
Brahman to write down the Vedam ; they only learn it by heart
at the cost of incrediable fatigue, and it takes them ten or
twelve consecutive years. My teacher has overcome his
scruples on this point, which is a shining proof of his faith.
He writes down all the laws for me; but this must be done
quite secretly; if the Brahmans came to know of it, the least
punishment inflicted on him would be the plucking out of his
eyes. We spurn the danger because of the utmost necessity
of this means: for on the knowledge of these secrets depends
the conversion.of the gentiles" 3. . His assiduity in study was
so great that Fr. Vico, one of his companions later on, affirms
that de Nobili used to study whilst the barber was shaving
him t.
In an account of the year 1608 we read as follows: .. He
has started to learn the Gueredan (Gradonic or Sanskrit) now,

1. From Fr. A. Laerzio to Fr. C. Aquavivl1, Cochin, December

30tb, 1608, Ibid., p. 27. "Babe ya la lengua Talmur (Tamil\, mas cor.
tesana, y pronunciala tan biem que no da ventja Ii lOB Bramanes
mas entendidos. Lee y escrive ya la misma lenguli, Y ti~ne passados
muchoslibros de sus historias y decorados mllcho~ pasos de su ley, y
versos de los mas famoBos Poetas de que ellos itacen mucho caso ".
Figueroa, o. C., p. 135.
2. Cf. Max Muller, Thl' SciNtCi' (If Langllagr. I, p. 143.
3. From Fr. R. de Nobili to Fr. A. Lllerzio, Madura, April 2211<1.
1609. Bertrand, o. c., III, p. 49.
4. Bertrand, o. c .. fT. p. 104.
376 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA

aDd, he reads it and speaks it moderately well" l. Two years

later. in a letter dated December 8th, 1610, Laerzio reports that
'li'ather Roberto possesses the language, understands it per-
fectly, and speaks it with ease' ~. Finally in 1613, Mgr, Ros
is able to affirm that de Nobili has "learned three very difficult
languages, investigated to their very depths the secrets of the
sacred mysteries of the heathen and mastered them fully", And
somewhat later on, the Archbishop expresses his admiration
for the marvellous knowledge acquired by de Nobili in such a
short time: .. I have cOllversed with Fr. Roberto ", says he,
" about the languages and manners of these people, and J was
so much impressed by his knowledge, that I, who may, how-
ever, be said to know something of those languages, am r~ady
to swear, every time I am asked to do it, that this Father cannot
have acquired the knowledge he possesses through natural
means, .any more than he can, without the special help of God,
lead the austere life he leads" 3
8. Admiring crowds gathert:u round the Philosophical
Doctor, and curiosity led the men of Madura to , see and hear
him. Visitors flocked to the small hut to inquire where the
new sanllyasi came from. what was his caste, his doctrine, his
manner oflife and his purpose. But de Nobili, knowing the
customs of the Indian ascetics, at the beginning did not stir
out, and received visitors only with great reserve. W,hen people
came to see him, his disciple told them that the sannyasi was
engaged in contemplation, or engrossed in meditation upon the
divine law·.

1. Figueroa, 0 , c., p. 135.

2. From Fr. A. Laerzio to Fr. O. Aquaviva, Oochin, December 8th,
1610, Bertrand, o. c., II. p. 88.
3. From Mgr. F . Ros to Fr. O. Aquaviva, Oochin, November
19th, 1613, Oas~ets, o. c., p. 29. "Suspiciebant (Brahmanes) majorem in
modum, tantam in hODline Ellropaeo vernaculi sormonis facultatem,
non secus ae si media in Madura et aula fuisset educatus;
eruditioneQi vero in nulla doctrinae Indicae parte rudem." Juvoncio,
EpitolNe, IV, p. 75. .. We feel deep admiration for his (Nobili's) learn-
ing and knowledge of Sanskrit, for not only the Sanskrit literature
waaknown to him, but also the Veda,at least one of the Sakhas, the
'lajurveda of the Taittiriyu". Caland, Robrrlo df Nobili and tile Sanskrit
i..anpage, Acta Orielftaiia, III, p. 51.
4. Guerreiro, o. c., p. 113.
 THE MISSION OF FATHER ROBERTO DE NOBTL! 377

When admiration and curiosity were at fever-height he re-

ceived the visitors, but not before they had come twice or thrice .
.. They tell the porter that they wished to speak with the Ayer
(that means the lord),". says Figueroa. "Then after much wait-
ing, as it is theFe custQmory, they are admitted to his presence
to talk with him. They find him sitting on a dais covered with
a red carpet-like cloth; another red carpet is lying before him,
and next to this there is a mat. Those who come, even the most
noble and principal courtiers, bow reverently before him, rais-
ing up their hands over their heads and then bringing them
down in profound obeisance. Those who desire to become his
disciples bow thrice in this style, and finally prostrate them-
selves for a while" 1.
Guerreiro affirms that even Muttu Virappa Nayaka was
desirous of hearing the new European sanllyasi, and manifested
his wish several times to his courtiers; but one of them, who
probably knew de Nobili, replied that' the Father was so chaste,
that he never went out of his house to avoid seeing women' 2.
As a matter of fact, de Nobili spent more than one yea r in
that holy solitude, w.ithout having been seen in the streets even
for a moment 3. When, after a while, he btgan to go occa-
sionally to his country-house' for some reSl, he went in a
palanquin preceded by two criers to clear his way. Some years
afterwards, however, all this show was dropped: he presented
himsdf as a mere spiritual guru, proceeding simply on foot,
with a long staff bearing his insignia and two Brahman
disciples accompanying him 4 . All these ceremonies and
honours were far from being, dear to the heart of the humble
missionary, who had joined the Society of Jesus in order to
avoid them; but in his Apology hl:: says that a Hindu Panda ram
had given him the following good advice: "If you desire your
own salvation only, you should retire to a desert, where you can
live stark naked. But if, as you teU me, you have at heart the
salvation of the people of this land, you must surround yourself
1. Figueroa, o. c:, p. 135.
. -- - -
2. Guerreiro, o. c • p. 113.
3. Ibid.
4.. From Mgt'. F . ROB to Fr. Aquaviva, Cochin, Novemb*<r 19th,
llst3, Oalltets, o. c., p. 38.
48
 378 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA

with splendour: the spiritual man must be like a corpse who

wears with equal indifference silk robes and linen rags, riches
and poverty. honours and ignominy" I.
De Nobili's purpose was successfully attained. Fr. B. Cou-
tinho, in a letter of 1608, speaks" of the great fruit obtained in
Madura by Fr. Roberto. and of the great edification he gives by
devoting himself to the service of God in a s6rt of disguise" 2.
And Mgr. Ros is still more explicit in the following passage of
the letter quoted above: "He (de Nobil:i) has attracted the
hearts of haughty Brahmans. 'in such a way that not only do
they come to see him , and hear from his lips the word of God
with iucr.:dible admiration; but they go so far.-a wonder wh ich
no one could have expected.-as to kiss the ground he has
trodden on and to embrace the faith that he preaches. Acknow-
ledging tI\eir errors, they openly declare: • Never has a man
spoken as he does' " ~.
9. The immediate fruit of this admiration and veneration
was a large crop of souls. The first Brahman who became a
Christia.n was a teacher in the school founded at Madura by ·the
Jesuits ~. He was a very learned and proud young m~n, who had
despised the Fathers and their doctrine. Fr. de Nobili gave
him a Tamil Catechism written by Fr. G. Fernandez, to be
translat ed into Teillgu. The reading of this book excited much
curiosity in the teacher's mind. On the occasion of an eclipse
of the sun, that took place on February 25th, 1608, Fr, de Nobili
refuted several of his ideas and superstitions. That was their
first religious talk. After that the teacher was a frequent visitor
at de Nobili's house, and became his constant disciple.
Guerreiro gives the matter and order of some of these discus-
sions : They firs t spoke about the plurality of gods. The
II

Father showt:d him its absurdity based on the argument of the

divine pr;rfection? F or it is evident that if God were to have
p~rtners of his di vinity inferior to Him, they would not be

1. Bertrand, o. c., H, p. 167.

2. From :Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. C. Aquaviva. Vellore, Ootober
11th. 1608,· Ap. C., No . XXIII.
3. From Mgr. F. Ro s to Fr. C. Aqnaviva, Cochin, November 19th,
1613. Castet41. o. c., p. 29.
4. Cf. Ch. XX," , No. 13.
 THE MISSION 01' FATHI!R ROBEl:rro De NOBIll 379

gods; if they were equal, none of them would be god,

since each would be wanting in tne perfections the others
had. The teacher easily agreed to this reasoning. Then
they discuss;:d whether God had created this world out of
nothing. On this point the pagans hold the same error as our
ancient pnilosophers did, viz. that it is impossible to create
something out of nothing. De Nobil i refuted this as follows :-
"Everything that exists has it~ exist~nc\! either because it
has it from itself or because it has received it from another.
Your Paju (Pasu) exist~; now, this existence is given him by
God or it comes from himself.
"The Hindu repli ed that it had not been given by God.
I ' Hence it comes from himself ", added the Father.

" It seems so," answered the Hindu .

.. Therefore, (replied de Nobili), this yo ur Paju (Pasu) is
God, and possesses an infinite being, and this being is not limited
by anybody". On hearing this the Hindu remained silent: no
answer could be given to the conclusion . Then, in order to
Convince him thoroughly, the Father proved the same with
another more evident argument from the omnipotence of God. If
God could not create something out of nothing, he was not
mightier than the earth, which produces the trees out of their
seeds; nor than the water, which aided by th e sun and other
circumstances produces fishes and other imperfect animals I,
H e would then be like a carpenter, who from a tree makt:s an
image, but he cannot make it without the tree. De Nobili told
him at the same time that God, in order to be infin itely power-
ful, cannot lack any power; but H e would certainly lack
power if He would need Paju (Pasu) in order to create any-
thing. Hence either He was not Almighty or He was not in
need of Paju (Pasu). The Hi!1du r~ma in ~d satisfi<::d after hear-
ing this reasoning .
.. On another occasion, another important dispute took
place about the transmigration of souls, an ancient dream of
Pythagoras. The reason given by the Hindu was foun,ded on
the variety of men : some are kiugs, others are slaves; some are

1. Thill idea was founded 011 the ancient philosophical th eo ry of

spontaneous generation, which is now thoroughly exploded.
380 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAV ANAGARA

Brahmans, others Pariahs. While explaining his theory the

Hindu spoke as a true Pythagorean would have done, 5ince he
maintained that tbe soul was not the form of the body, but was
(he said) insidl~ the body as the bird is inside the cage and ~he
chicken inside the egg. It was not very difficult to show him
the fallacy of this opinion .
., You know very well," said the Father, "that when the
bird is inside the cage, the cage does not grow; unlike the body,
that having the soul inside, grows up to its perfect height.
Moreover you cannot deny that the bird out of the cage can
beget another bird, and yet you will never state that the soul
separated from the body could have sons. Moreover the
soul is not in the body in the same war as .the bird is in the
cage.
" Then the Hindu asked de Nobill: 'HElw did it stay in the
body? '
.. The Father answert'Ai that the soul dwelt in the body as
the form and the life of that body, and both together made one
thing, called man. The Father proved this by the human
operations of eating, walkisg and running; for these operations
cannot be done by the body ,.lone without the soul, but by both
together. And for the same reason neither the body alone,
nor the soul alone, but both together forming one single thing,
make up what is called a man. Hence, it would not be in
accordance with justice that any of them separately shoUld be
either punished or rewarded for the bad or the good deeds of the
·man; both together must be ei~her punished or,rewarded, since
both togethe~ have done bad or good things. Then the mission-
ary explained to him how a man dying in a state of sin, that is,
in infinite malice, has to be punished with an infinite punish-
ment. But to be a hundred years in the body of a dog was not
an infinite punishmf::nt ; therefore a place was necessary where,
after pas:>ing away {rom this life, the sinner could be punished for
ever without ever entering another body. As to the variety of
men, from which the transmigration of souls was inftrred,
the Father replied taat the potter from the same mud moulds a
jar for the king's table and a basin for washing one's feet; in
the same way ' God according to his will creates one to be a
 tJ-tE MISSION Or' FATHER ROBERTO DE NOBILl 381

king and another to be a slave; and no.body cap reasonably

complain by asking: ' Why was I made so ?'
"This disputation lasted a long time. It was started at two
o'clock in the afternoon and was not over before eight o'clock
in the evening. From thi s, however, as well as from the prece-
ding ones and from othetS that followed, in which the mysteries
of our holv faith were declared to him, this Hindu was so satis-
fied and so enlightened, that he soon asked for Holy Baptism,
which was finally administered to him after having been care-
fully instructed for twenty days; and he was named Albert
"The Baptism of this fortunCilte teacher was the beginning
of many others, that were subsequently administered to those
who were coming to know the most sweet name of Jesus and
his holy law. For after a while he baptised another noble
youth whom he called Alexis Naique (Nayaka); and two
more Badagas (Telugus), and a brother "Of the teacher Albert,
and four or five more nobles, among them a very learned Cap-
~ain. All this was done with great rejoicing; but secretly, in
order that it might not reach the Naique's (Nayak's) ears till an
occasion for the Father to pay a visit to him presented it-
self" 1.
10. But all these conversions could not be made as
secretly and silently as de Nobili desired. For Albert had for-
merly been a disciple of a Pandara, who at once noticed his
pupil's desertion. De Nobili was afraid of this Pandara because
of his influence at court; but the man himself, moved by curio-
sity, ollce went, exhorted by his disciples, to the house of de
Nobili. The missionary received him as kindly as he could;
and after they were seated, a religious discussion at once began
De Nobili declared to him the tenets of the religion of Christ,
and so clearly, that the Pandara openly confessed before his
disciples that • Chhokkanatha (the god worshipped at Madura I
and the ashes they put on their forehead were all sham, 'and that
only the things taught by our holy faith !teemed to him true '.
On leaving the house, the Pandara told his pupils that those
1. Guerreiro, o. 0, p. 113-5. The final refutation of the trans-
migration of souls is also mentioned in Juvencio, Epitome, IV, p. 75-6,
And Marini, Delle Missio"i, p. 119.
382 utE ARA V!DU DYNASTY OF VIJA YANAGARA

who embraced de Nobili's doctrine were worthy of much praise;

and that he himself would help the missionary in his enterprise
to the best of his ability. And his first advice to him was of
great importance indeed.
It has been often said that, when de Nobili moveu to the
Brahman quarters, he also changed his black soutane for the
dress of a Brahman s(umyasi., This is not accurate. Up to this
time, viz., towards the middle of 1608, de Nobili wore the black
soutane, as contemporary sources clearly show. It was at the
advice of this Pandara that he changed his mind once more,
and changed his. habit too, for that of a sannyasi. "He advi,sed
him to leave aside the dress of the Portuguese, which was hated
by the Badagas-(Telugus), and to put on the garments used in
that country by the gurus and learned people who profess to
teach the divine law ". De Nobili objected ~hat this dress was
too showy and, therefore inconsistent with his vow of poverty;
but the Pandara solemnly replied
"Father, if you want to attain salvatIon yourself alone, you
may dress as you like; but if you want to teach others the way
to salvation, to be the guru of these people, to preach the
spiritual law and to have many disciples, you must live accord-
ing to the customs of this country, as much as you can" 1.
De Nobili followed the advice of the Pal1dara, and on this
occasion he took to the dress of the sannyasis 2. This dress is
described in one of the letters of Fr. Laerzio as .. a long robe of
yellowish cloth, with a sort of rochet of the same colour thrown
over the shoulders, a cap in the form of a turba,11 on his head,
and wooden slippers fixed on supports two inches high and
fastened to each foot by a peg passing between the toes ". "To
this", Fr. Laerzio continues, "he adds a string, the distinctive
sign of the Brahmans and of the Raju caste; but instead of the
three threads of which it is generally madt!, he uses five, three
gold and two silver ones, and a cross is suspended in the middle.
The three gold threads. as he explains, represent the Holy
Trinity, anq the two silver ones the body and the soul of the
a~orable Humanity of Our Lord; while the cross in the middle

1. Guerreiro, 0. c .• p. 115-6.
2. Juvencio, EpiJome, IV, p. 76.
 XVI. Fr. Hobcrto de Nohili. S. J..
in the costume of Brahman Sann yasl.
AN ",,I, sJulcli by If co,.u",pomry missi(m.ry Fr . B.u...~rda Cos/a, Bwlio/«a Naciomll, p",.ji",.
 THE MISSION OF FATHER ROBERTO DE NOBILl 383

represents the Passion and Death of the Saviour" 1. Figueroa,

after having d<!scribed de NobiU',S cOstume in accordance with
the preceding extract, adds the following consideration to ~he
explanation of the string of five thre1lds: "Thu~ with this
string he publicly an,nounces in that country the mysteries of
the Most Holy Trinity of the Incarnation and of the Redemp-
tion" 2. Later on de Nobili ascertained that a solitary ascetic
need not wear the thread, and thenceforth he discarded it n.
n. The number of conversions was gradually increasing.
At th<! end of September, r608,: h~ baptised four prominent men
of Madura-Dadamurti, tbe owner of the agranara where
Fr. de Nobili lived; Chritinada, a craftsman of great repute
with the Nayak and the nobles of the court; Golor. brother of
the chief porter of the N ayak's palace; and a fourth, whose
name is not given. A.t the feast of St. Thomas ' the Apostle,
December 21st. nine otners were also baptised 4. .
In the following year. one of the most illustrious converts
was de Nobili's own teacher of Sanskrit and Telugu. When
.their friendship began. the proud guru nursed fond hopes of
converting the Christian sanllylisi to Hinduism; but the result
turned out to be Quite other than he had foreseen Or even
hoped for. On June 7th, 1609 de Nobili announces this event,
showing in his words the joy of his heart and his thankfulness
to God: "Today" •. says he, "the feast of the Holy Ghost. I
have baptised my beloved teacner: I cannot sufficiel~tly express
his joy, mine. aDd that of all the Christians. He has received
the name of God-given. I trust he win do much for the
conversion of the Gentiles. for he is a young man well known
throughout Madura for his nobility. his cleverness. his erudition,
and his profound knowledge of the sacred laws; and, what I
esteem most, he has ever.led a pure and regular life 5.Of

The number of conversions cannot be ascertained with

1. From Fr. A. Leerzio to .F•. C. Aquaviva. Cochin. December
30th. 1608. Castets. o. c.• p 27. Cf. .A.p. C. No. XXVIII.
2. Figueroa. o. c.• p. 134.
3. Bertrand. o. C., II. p. 110.
4. From Fr. R. de Nobili to Fr. A. Laerzio. December 24th. 1608.
Figueroa. o. c., p. 141.
5. Bertrand. o. c., II. p. 37
384 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA

precision. Fr. Besse, after an examination of de Nobili's

letters, records their number at 71 for this first period of his
work, from 1607 to 1614'. The letters of de NobiIi and his
companions often commemorate the virtues practised by these
Christians, that recall to our mind those of the first Christians
of Rome. Alexis Nayak is mentioned as an example of humi-
lity and Christian perfection 2. His brother Vihuuada
(Vihuvada) Nayaka preferred to be dismissed from the retinue
of Kasturi Nayaka, a cousin of Muttu Virappa Nayaka, rather
than mark his forehead with the sacred ashes as in former
days n. Another called Calistri (?) is shown as busy spreading
the Christian faith among his old friends and always desirous
of the palm of martyrdom t. The craftsman we have
mentioned above was uffered great quantities of money to
induce him to make several statues of idols; hut he always
refused thein, preferring a life of poverty to contributing any
more to the splendour of that cult 6. Fr. Buccerio, a com-
panion of Fr. Fernandez, by whom he was later on influenced
against Fr. de Nobili, wrote a brilliant apology for the converts
of de Nob;1i ... J observed'in that Christian community", says
he. " two other things well worthy of the highest praise, and
exceedi ngly rare in India. among those who wish to become
Christians. I may speak from experience, for durin er my long
apostolate the Lord sent me many to be instructed and baptised.
Those who thus present themselves generally come to us either
because of the interest they find in joining Christians of their
Cas1f!, or because of the difficulties they experience in remain ing
pagans or M uham madans, or because the), hope to secure some
temporal advantage, or for other interested moti·,res. For these
reasons they are often he cause of p;reat difficulties to us. What
can we give them? How are we to clothe or protect them? At the
same time we must give them much instruction in order to teach
them to purify their intention, and to make them understand
that In our religion alone can they find salvation. But, on the
1. Cf. Dahmen. o. t .• p.77.
2. F igueroa. o. c., p. 1(7.
~. Ib id., p. l4.5.
\
4. Ibid .• p. 142.
5. Ibid., p. 1.:1. \
 THE MISSION OF FATHER ROBERTO DE NOBILl 385
other hand I observe that, in Fr. Roberto's community, those
new Christians have come with no other end in view than their
salvation; also after having attended, d~ring several month'S,
the instructions of the Aiyer (de Nobili) and understood that
our religion is the only true one, they asked to be baptised and
to be made Christians, solely to please God and to save their
soul. The Aiyer has never to give anything to his Christians;
it is rather they who, on the day of their baptism, are' wont to
present the Aiyer with SOID!' little offerings for the use of his
church, or for other simi!:!.r IJllrP9ses. W e, on the contrary, are
all our lifelong beset with cares and anxieties to find out how
we may help our Christians, who are continually begging. Some
of them have even come all the distance from Cape Comorin to
this city, in order to approach me for some help. The second
thing which 1 always tried, though in vain, to make both
Christians and Pagans understand, is that Ollr religion is no
more the religion of the Portuguese than of any other nation;
and that by becoming a Christian an Indiaa c10es not lose his
honour or his caste, but rather keep all the hononr he had, and
adds to it the much great~r glory of becoming an adopted son of
God. But it is useless for us to speak to them in this way; we
fail entirely to persuade them; for those who come to us
are invariably regarded by Christians and Pagans af joining
the caste of the Pranguis or Portuguest', or of that of
the Paravas, according to tbe nature of the converts ; and
the Pagans look down upon us in the matter of caste,
as being below everything. In consequence respectable
Pagans, or even the Christians of St. Thomas, refuse to admit
those converts into their houses or to their churches.
Fr. Robt!rto has ohtained totally different rt!sults. Hence,
though both Christians and Pagans well know that the law he
preaches is the same as that of the Portuguese (as is proved by
the crosst!s and other pious objt!cts which those Chrtstians wear
ill place of the image of their gods), the Christians (of de Nobili)
have the satisfaction of being assured that the Father is not a
Prangui: and the Pagans, who have the same conviction, are
appeased and have no difficulties in dealing with the Christians
in a.II social or civil matters" J .
1. Ca8te~5, o. c., p. 35-6.
;'9·
386 THE ARAVlDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA

12. After having seen the relatively great success obtained

by Fr. de Nobili, it may be of intere!';t to know what his way of
preaching was. He explains this in one of his letters: "The
advice given in the Exodus H, says he, ... Do not speak against
the gods', applies . even to pagan divinities; not that these
divinities are not despicable, but because speaking against them,
instead of doing good, prevents the conversion of souls. When
we wish to drive darkness out of a room, we do not waste our
time creating a great stir and trying to expel it with brooms ;
we light a taper, and darkness vanishes by itself. Reach the
-pagan heart by winning its esteem and affection, and then bring
in the taper of truth, and all the darkness of idolatry will vanish
without trouble " l.
In another letter he explains more particularly the dif-
ferent articles of faith which formed the subjects of his
conversations with his visitors: "To those who come to me,"
says he, "I teach that there is only one God in three persons.
whose attributes au infinite; who created the world, man and
all beings ; who in order to save men assumed a human nature,
body and soul, in the womb of an ever-chaste virgin; that this
incarnate God, true God and true man, is called Jesus Christ-a
name that means Saviour, full of grace and heavenly gifts; that
free from all stains, He atoned for all the sins of men and
saved them. The holy spiritual law which contains these
truths is the Law I preach. It requires of none' that he should
give up his caste, or that he should join another caste, or do any·
thing that is contrary to the honour of his caste. God is
witness to me that the holy spiritual law is for all castes. As
the great Nayak is the lord of these lands, so that all the
inhabitants: Brahmans or Rajas, are obliged to obey him in all

1. Bartrand, o. c., II, p. 265. Accordingly in his works, of which

we ahall' speak. at length in ihe followii'lg volume, he never directly
atiacks paganism. Cf. Miranda, The lllirodllcliotl of Christiatlit:~ illlo
the H eart 0/ India, p. 23. Figueroa,o.c., p. 64, however affirms tbut "he
had Tead many books o.f their stories. And thes" stories are to him
of great help in order to refute tl:.cm and to prove tha t there are not
Ibany gods, but only ODe who bas no body". Anyhow, this refutation
of tbe tenets of Hinduism always followed tbe exposition of thu
Christian Doctrine.
 THE MISSION OF 'ATHER. ROBERTO DE: NOBIU 387
temporal concerns; so the true God is the legitimate Lord of
all men, so that all conditions and castes should live according
to His spiritual law. This is the law I preach, and which other
saints and sannyasis have preached in this land before. If
anyone were to say that this law is proper to pariahs and
PnMguis, he should commit a great sin; for since God is the lord
of aU the castes, his law must be obeyed by them all; and no
caste is so high that it is not further raised by obedience to
that law. As the sun spreads its very pure light on all castes
and all objects in this world, without losing thereby anything
of its admirable purity; and as its light, instead of soiling the
Brahmans, honours them; so the true God, the spiritual
Sun, spreads over all men the gift of his holy law, the true
spiritucillight" L.
Now the way of conveying aU these llt!W ideas to the mind
and heart of his audi~nce was purely Indian : even in his way
of teaching he accomodated himself to the customs of
the country. Fr. Laertio says in Oile of his letters: .. Fr.
Roberto charms every one by a great number of verses of his
own composition, which he partly SlOgs and partly recites
with exquisite delicacy and distinction" 2. Fr. eastets, com-
menting on this passage, says: .. The practice here described
by Fr. Latrzio was then the approved method of preaching
or teaching moral or religious truths. It is not unknown even
now. The orator begins by singing a pithy stanza expressed
in more or less enigmatic and very concise language. This is
followed by a rather lengthy glos~ in which the explanation
g.{ Ute t<!xt is interspersed with quotations, ,;torit s, allusions,
according to the wealth of learning and flu ency of the exponent.
When one considers that Fr. de Nobili was able to go successfully
through such a perfQrmance: before a most fastidious and fault-
finding audience, and even to astonish his hearers by the
elegance ·o f his diction and the wealth of his literary knowledge,

1. Benrand, 1. c.
t. From Fr. A. . Laersio to Ft. C. Aquaviv8, Cocbin, Drcember
SOth, 1608, Casteh, o. c., p. 27 ... Sab4! iambien mucha8 canciones y las
eank con tan buena VOl y graoia, que 18 oyeu todos con admir8cioD y
IUlSo. " B'icueroa, o. 0 ., p. 135.
J~!S THF ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA

after scarcely a year's study of the language, v-e must conclude

that the Father must have been not only a man of wonderful
ability, but a true prodigy"
Finally, another unexpected circumstance drew to Fr. de
Nobili the attention of his audience. .. What helps me very
much in the conversion c;>f these people ", says he in a letter of
Decl!mber 24th, 1608, .. is the fact I discovered, that they had
originally four Vedas; three which the Brahmans still teach, vi:;.
of Vesmu (Vishnu), Brama (Brahma) and Rutru (Siva), and
a fourth, wholly spiritual, by which salvation was to be attained.
They say, however, that this fourth Veda is lost, and there is
no man wise and good enough to recover it. And the wisest
of their men state likewise that the most secret book. affirm
it to be impossible to attain salvation by any of the
other three laws. Hence many think that there is no salvation
at all, and others suppose that there is nothing beyond this life.
From this 1 take occasion to show them that they are in a fatal
error from which, as · they themselves confess, none oi their
three Vedas can save them. I prove this to them with the very
sayings of their books. These people have a deep yearning
for eternal life ; henc~ they are much inclined to -do penance
and to give alms, and to be very faithful 'to their idols. So I
profit by this disposition to tell them that if they wish
to be saved, they ought to listen to me ; that I have come
from a far-off country simply to save them by teaching them
th3.t spiritual taw which (as their Brahmans avow) has been
lost- thus following the example of the Apostle who preached
to. the Athemans the Unknown God. I tell them that if they
wish to apprehend this fourth law, they ought to declare them-
selves my disciples. Their conversion becomes then very easy.
For when they resolve to become my disciples, they easily
receive from me the doctrine I preach to them; and thus their
will being inclined in my favour, tbey gladly come to hear
my explanations" 2.

1. Castets, o. c., p. 27-8.

• 2. Figueroa, o. c., p. 147. Cf. Bertrand, o. c., II, p. 21. About the
discovery oftbe Veda, whioh Fr. de Nobili speaks of. see Yule, Notes
011 Supara alld the" DiscOtJery of Sanskrit ", Ind. Alit., II, p. 96; Burnell,
 THE MISSION OF FATHER ROBERTO DE NOBILl 389

This original way of insinuating hlms,: lf into the hearts of

the Hindus is acknowledged by Max Muller as a wonderful
token of th e prudence and knowledge of Fr. de Nobili. "The
very idea," he says, "that he came, as he said, to preach a new or
a fourth Veda wh ich had been lost, s hows how well he knew
the strong and weak poi nts of the theological system which he
came to conquer" I.
13 1n this enterprise Fr. de Nobili was e\'ioently aided
by God himself. l\lgr. Ros say> that "God confIrmed his (de
Nobili 's) testimony by prodigies and the gi ft s of the Holy

On !:J01II1! Etlrly R<'jel'eflccs 10 Ihr V"d(ls by Elll'clpr,1II Wril<!rs, Ibid., VIII,

p. 98; Caland, Onttickkingsges ..hi,·denis va ll d.·n Veda (Amsterdam, 1918) ;
Zachariac- Hosten , Tire Dis(lIvery oj tire '",·da. jour"al (Jf Indiart Historv.
II, p. 127.57. In the 18th <'~ntllry. a MS. cont<l in ing a ne w Veda tlie
Ezur-Veda was found in th r M i,sio n LibraryofPondieher,r. The'most
respectable native Christia ns of the pl ace he ld thr opinion, found ed
on no authority, th!tt the book was written by Fr. Roberto de Nob ili.
Nev ertheless. Mr. Ellis, A r,- mlJlt (If the Disctn.o')' oj fl Modl'rllllllll(ll iofl of
tile Ved,(s, Asiatic Researches, XlV, p. 32, wi sely says. "TbI'TC clI n be 11 0
doubt that he (de Nobili) was fully qualified to be th e author of tb ose!
writingd. If this should be th e fac t , oons idering the high cl la rackr
he bears among all acqllaintrd with h is nam e and the a aturt' of his
known works, I am inclinl'd to at trib ut e to him th e compositi on
only, nbt the forgery, of PSl' lIdo Vedas". Max MlIll "T, Ln·turrs 0 11 the
Science of Language, I, p. 174. n ott' 70, ca t egor ica.ll Y sa ys: "Tho E zur-
Veda is not the work of Rob~ rt de Nobili. It was probably wr itten
by one of his COil verts. Th E'rl' is no cvi dC'nce for ascribing thp work
10 Robert, and it is not mentionrd in tl.e list of h is works". In spit e'
of the st ,tcments of thesp lea rn ed scholars. D'Orsey, PrJrtugrles,' Dis-
(OVCI'I{,S, p. 256, boldly affirms that" Pere Robert appl ied b i~ gn'<l t
skill to the production of H forgery in Sansk r it on lin old bit of
parchment. Wh E'n questionpd as t o the g('nuineness of this certifi-
oa t e, he solemnl )' swore befort· the cOlll1cil of Br,tluuaU8 a t Madllr",
th at the docum ent was a uth €'lItic ; lind t hu t hI'. likE' HII J esuits , w a~
dt'scended from their Indian DlI'i nityl Nor Will; this all. H e forg('d
a IIf'W Veda, which wa s so wp ll I'xeclItrd thilt, for ne,IrI.I t " 0
c('nturips, it impospd itself upan thr n:, t ivrs th('lll~rlv('s·'. ThpTr
c,annot b() more histori ca l l:' rror ~ in so few lil1t'~. Th(,11 and Dr. Alpx
H. Japp, A jesuil Missioll"ry III ll1di,1, E(lst ,(lid rV<'st, 1IJ, p. 977-92.
Tl'peli ts this unfoundI'd accusation; but hr W itS tho rou ghlr r('fut (' d b\
.«"r. Ernest R. Hull, Was Robert de "'(lbili ,111 III/po/"l'.' Jb:d .• p 12il-3S
Tbl'TO cannot be any dOUbt about the authorship of thf' Ezur-Vedll '
A F rench ,J esuit, na mrd C<llmrttr, wrotr it on" c(' ntury latPr. _' :
Prof. Ca land, o. r ., p. 33, show~, th(' spE'llinf, of the' Sall'Skrtt word ,
and proper namrs pOints to Bengal lind Orl~SI' .1I1d not to thr llim il
count ry wherl' d e Nobili ordinarily livl'd. Cr. C'nl!tud, Robert de Noillil
and Iltt Sanskrit Lan,/(Itnge, Actll O"'l'nlllll(/ . T1'. )'. 50.
1. Malt Muller, uclllrrs 011 til,' Scil'fI(" of LtllIguag" I, p. 1 i-I- :,
390 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF "'IJAYAN~GAltA

Ghost" Impartial history cannot but acknowledge the

preternatural character of a number of cases related in the
contemporary letters, either of Fr. de Nobill himself, Or ot his
companions.
In 1607 a new Christian compelled the devil to leave the '
body of his wife, not yet a Christian, by ma.(ing the sign of the
cross over her forehead '. The same happen~d to a Muha::r:.
madan in July, 1608; for when Albert, de NQbili's first convert,
made the sign of the cross, the devil exclaimed: "You owe my
departure to the weapo:l given by this man". "Whose weapon
is this ?", questioned the Muhammadan. "The weapon of the
Almighty God. who created both of us", replied the devil, and
disappeared for ever 3. In August of the same year one of the
disciple" of de Nobili, not yet a Christian, W9S lying very
sick, together with his three children; de Nobili on
being apprised of the case, sent Alexis, cattying ~.he Gospel and
holy water. By these two spiritual remedies the four patients
were suddenly cured 4. Another catechumen was sick urrto
death, as a result of an attack of apopit:xy. on October 23rd,
1608; dl:: Nobili went there himself and baptised his diSCiple, and
the latter got up at once in good health 5. At about the same time,
another man possp.SlStd by the devil was presented to Albert.
T~is Christian, before making the sign of the cross over the
sick, asked the devil what kind of man was Father Roberto, and·
whether the things taught by him were true. The devil replied
that Fr.-de Nobili was a man of great authority, and that ~ll the
things he taught were perfectly true. Again Albert asked the
devil about the progress and success of Fr. de Nobili;s enter·
prise The devil answered that the missionary would obtain

1. From Mgr. F. Ros to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Cochin, NovelllbelO 19th,

1613. Castet!l, o. c.• p. 29. "Iroy tambelll 0 SenbQr seruido de oon.
firmar estes nouos Christao~ oom alguali obras marauilhoslI.8. que os
animam muyto a Ie (lonsolarem com Ii fee que tem recebido. 8
perseueral'em nella". Ouerreiro, o. c., p. 116.
2. Guerreiro. o. c., p. 116-7.
3. Figueroa. o. c., p. 139.
4. Ibid., p. 139.40.
5. Ibid., p. 140·1. Soe another similar oalle in p. 137-8.
 THE ){lSSION OF FATHER ROBERTO DE NOBILl 3qr

very little fruit in the beginning, but, three years later his
mission would be extraordinarily developed 1
14. All these events were naturally spoken about at the
court of Madura and even in the country around, and Fr. de
Nobili's fame and deeds were on . the lips of everyone: "The
fame about me at Madura and through the country", he wrote
on December 24th, 1608, " is that a new Mori (a spiritual ascetic
and teacher) has come to destroy the idols. Hence they speak
of me in very different ways" 2. This was the cause of the
friendship between de Nobili and a n umber of nobles and Palai-
yakarans of the kingdom of Madura.
In a letter to Laerzio, dated October 25th. 1608, de Nobili
says: " A chi ef Raya, about seventy years old. often came to
the door of my house, and spoke to one of my neighbours, beg-
ging to be announced to one of my servants, for he was already
old and the hour of his death was ne::ar. Then he begged my
servant to be introduced to me in order to become my disciple,
since many said in this city that I was teaching the road to
salvation. I allowed him to come in. and he prostrated himself
at my feet and prayed to be taught the law of salvation . I
spoke at length to this old man, who was very clever and sensi-
ble ; he promised to come regularly to my preaching, and to
bring to me several other Rayas who were under him" s.
On one occasion, one of the four Governors of Muttu
Virappa Nayaka. in the city of Madura, went to pay a visit to
the Father. A brother of his, who had been governing one of
the palaiyams, had died childless shortly bdore, and had been .
succeeded by him. De Nobili asked him where his brother, once
noble and rich, was; and concluded his interrogatory by sllying
that as he had not known the law of salvation, he was, on
account of this ignorance, in hell. De Nobili spoke with such
fervour on this poi lIt that his visitor hurst into tears, and pro-
mised to come back to hear more of his teaching 4.
At the same time de Nobili wrote a letter to the Palaiya-

1. Ibid., p. 139.
2. Ibid .• p. 145.
3. Ibid., p. 140.
•. Ibid., p.137.
 392 THE ARAVlDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA

karan of Daraporan (Dharapuram), in which he said that there

was no salvation for those who ignored God and the divine law,
and offpreri to put him on the right way to salvation. The chiefs
answer is as follows :-
.. I Chavarcovardin (Chakravartin), the slave of Your Lord-
ship, wrote this. while bowing and looking at the feet of Your
Lordship. I am ready to serve you at any time, accordtng to
the command of Your Lordship. With great rejoicing I re-
ceived your letter, by which you announced you would corne
soon to teach me the divine secret . This was the main purport
of your letter. But our land is now troubled with many wars.
As Soon as these matters are settled, I shaP send a message to
the holy feet of Your Lordship; and then, Lord, please come
to us. Do not be sorry that I beg you to delay your coming
a little, on account of the deadly dissensions in this country. I
cannot discover what good luck it was that brought
Your Lordship here. I shall let you know of everything" 1.
friendly relations were also started in r608 between de
Nobili and the then Pandya King of Tenkasi, Srivallabha, the
brother and successor of Ativirarama 2. The missionary wrote
Srivallabha a letter inviting him 'to hear of the things referring
to his salvation '. The messenger sent by de Nobili, who must
have been one of his disciples, was kindly entertained by the
King. They spoke about God and the new doctrine preached by
the Western smmyasi. SrivalJabha~showed his desire to see and
hear Fr. de Nol>ili. Accordingly he replied that when he should
go to Madura to pay a visit to the Nayak, he would see the
Father and receive his instruction. Srivallabha went there on
August 1st, and at once sent one of his Brahmans to the house
of de Nobili, to visit the Father on his behalf; this envoy told

1. Ibid., p. 136-7.
2. Cf. T. A. S., 1, p. 57-8. The details given in the Jesuit source
about this Monarch, who is still called • Rey de Madure', King of
Madura, leave no doubt tbat he is the nominal Pandya King. .. Era
este Rey antigamente muy poderoso, mas al presente el Nayque Ie ha
vsurpado muchas tierras. Tiene buen entendimento, y en 811 con{or-
midad desea saluarse, assi ay grandes esperancas de BU conuersion ".
Figueroa, o. c., p. 137.
 THE MISSION OF FATHER ROBERTO DE NOBILl 393
de Nobili that His Lordship would come later on, to speak with
him about his salvatitm. Unfortunately the Pandya fell sick
during his stay at Madura, and he had not yet recovered when
the letter that gives this news was written 1. We could not.
find any further details about this interesting subject.
Two years later, on December 24th, 1610, Fr. Vico wrote to
Fr. Laerzio from Madura itself: .. Two months ago a petty
King, feudatory to the great Naique (Nayak), by name Utappa
Naique, came to us. He was a man of very good nature, and
desirous of finding the way to heaven. This man on reaching
the chamber of the Aiyer prostrated himself, his face touching
the ground; nOr did he stand up till requested by the Father
twice or thrice. He spoke with the Father abo l:~ the misery of
this life, and about the certainty of death. Finally, he earnestly
begged the Father to come to his own country, as he was mud
interested in being instructed in our doctrine" 2.
IS. The hard life and heavy work of the Christian sannyas;
was too much for his enfeebled health. At the end of 1608 he
wrote to the Provincial: "I cannot stand so much work alone.
Hence 1 am in need of a companion. He must be a very
fervent man, desirous of suffering for Christ's sake. For the
families of those who are' already baptised are very numerous,
and there are other catechumens with their families. Many
other nobles and rich Hindus come over every day. Rest is
unknown to me day or night. I am afraid I shall not be able to
bear up with so much toil" 3.
Shortly before, de Nobili had sent two of his new Christians
to Cochin and Angamale, where they received tht.: Sacrament of
Confirmation at the hands of Mgr. Ros.. The presence of
those new Christians excited great eathusiasm among the
Jesuits at Cochin; many offered themselves to the Provincial to
share in the fatigues of de Nobili 5. Fr. Laer~io selected for
1. Figueroa, 1. c.
2. From Fr. A. Vico to Fr. A. Laerzio, Madura, December 24th
1610, A~ C, No XXXI.
3. Figueroa, o. c., p. 1«.
4. Ibid., p. 159-60.
S. Ibid., p. 161.
50
 394 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VlJAYANAGARA

this task Fr. Manoel Ley tao, a Portuguese, who was then Master
of Novices at Cochin 1. He left this town on the 15th of
August, 1609, in the garb of a saJI"J'~, and reached Madura
on the 26th of the same month I. From there he wrote an
interesting letter to Fr. Laerzio, of which the following lines are
an extract: .. After some time &pent in holy conversation",
says he, " Fr. Roberto told me it was meal·time. His disciples
came to prepare th e table. It w~ soon ready: a plantain leaf
placed on the floor served as table, table cloth, dish and plates.
I sat down close to the leaf, on which a Brahman placed the
fdod. I began to eat; but in spite of my great hunger, I felt
such abhorrence for this new .kind of food, and also perhaps for
the new way of taking it- with the. fingers-that I had to force
myself to swallow the morsels. This abhorrence lasted for
several days. I begin hO\\'ever to get a little used to it; for
every feeling must gIve way to the love of God, and to the
desire I have to serve Him in this land" s.
. He however could not stay long. His health broke down, and
he waHecalJed to Cochin at th.e begiO'ling of the fol~owing year,
and was replaced in the month of September, 1610, by
Fr. Antonio Vico, lecturer in Theology 4, of whom we shall
speak at length in the following volume.
16. This would be according to chronology the proper
place to relate the beginning of the persecutions against Fr. de
Nobili. which commenced towards the cLose 'of this period; but
we think it advisable to leave tht! narrative of them for the
following volume, where we shall be Ilb)J! to give an uninterrupt·
ed account of those sad events.
Before closing this chapter, however. it may be considered
the task of the impartial historian to give a criticism of de
Nobili's method of introducing Christianity into the heart of
Hinduism. He had certainly many enemies among his own
cO:ltemporaries ; but they were swayed in t!leir campaign against
the missionary by evil passions, which induced them even to
1. Juvenoio, Epitome, IV, p. Ul.
2. Figueroa, o. c., p. 161.!.
3. Bertrand, o. c., II, p. 53 ....
•. Be8lM!. o. c., p. ZOO.
 THE MISSION OJ! FATHER ROBERTO DE NOBILl ' 39S
calumniate the Christian sannyasi. Many Protestants have
condemned Fr. de Nobili's system I. It is a pity to see several of
those oM accusations, now exploded, innocently reproduced in
modern Catholic books. But impartial historians cannot but
praise the work accomplished and the method so successfully
employed by the illustrious Italian missionary.
Fr. Juvencio, the famous historian of the Society of Jesus,
recognised in Fr. Roberto de Nobili a man who had 'been destin-
ed by God to begin the Madura Mis:sion 2. This statemen t is
merely an echo of the eulogy of de Nobili, written in 1613, by
Mgr. Ros. to the General of the Society of lesus : "The Madura
Mission", says he, "which is within my diocese, is a very
spiritual one but very trying, and in all respects worthy
of perfect men and true sons of the Society, entirely devpted to
God~ without any -human satisfaclion and with a perpetual
mortification of the flesh. I am convinced that it has been
commenced by divine inspiration, in order to open the way to thp
conversion of the whale of the Ma\abar (Southern India). At last,
after numerous prayers, penances, It:ars, and holy sacrifices,
God Our Lord opened the eyes of the Zelotes of the Holy
Chur<:h; and they considered that the proper work of the Society
was to do what St. Paul had done; 'I have made myself all to
all'. Thus the good Fr. Roberto de Nobili went by a special
inspiration of the Holy Ghost, into the great city of
Madura" R•
. The method followed by Fr~ de Nobili was the only one
which ever met with success among the high castes of India.
His way of preaching Christ's Gospel to Indians was the result
of his deep knowledge of the religion, customs and literature
of the priestlv c~ste. His broad ideas made him clearly distin-
guish between religious and social customs, between superstition
and good manners, between faith and nationality; and through
a thousand difficulties and numberles5 hardships success crown-
ed his enterprise.
1. Cf. D'Oraey, o. c., p. 257, a.nd J!lPP, o. C.,p. 991.
2. Juvencio, Epitome, IV, p. 66.
3. From Mgr. F . ROB to Fr. C. Aquilviva, Cochin, November
19th,1613, Cuteilt o. c., p. 28.
396 ritE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA

His spkndid work and the encouraging results he and his.

cotllP;tnions obtamed, reached the ears of Philip III of Spain,
then also sovereign of Portul1:,al. This pious monarch, whose zeal
for the propagation of the Christian faith is well ·known, wrote
to them an encouraging letter, the original of which we could
not . anywhere trace. But t'he Archives of the Portuguose
Government at Pansim still preserve a copy of the reply of
the ViC'eroy to his sovereign. Dom Jeronymo d' Azevedo
wrote in 1613 to this effect: .. The letterYout Majesty sent will
be given to those (Jesuits) of Madure wh'Jtll I than~ed on your
Majestey's behalf for their good conduct in propagating
Christianity. They are religio'us who well deserve it, because
they do their work with the utmost care and assiduity" I.
1. From the Viceroy Dom Jeronymo ,d'.AJlevedo to Philip III,
lii13. Ap. B. No. Xli.
 CHAPTER XIX
THE NAY AKS OF T ANJORE AND JINJI
SUMMARY.-1. Continuation of the reign of Achyutappll. Nayaka of
Tanjore . His behaviour towards Venkata II.- 2. Abdication
and death of Achyutappa Nayaka.-3. Ragunathll. Nayaka
murders his eldest brother.-4. His suspicious relations with
Vijayanagara.-5. Krishnappa Nayaka of Jinji and his uncle.
- 6. Early rovolt of Krisbnappa against Venkata II.-7. Krish-
nappa Nayaka and fro N. Pi menta. Description of Jinji.-8.
Foundation of the oity of tiisbnapatam.- 9. Great power of the
Nayak of J inji. H is feudatories.-lO. Rebellion of Krishnllppa
against Venkata II. His madness.-ll. Victory of Venkata
over Krishnappa in 1608.-12. KrishnappaNayaka and the Dutch.
The fort of Devanapatnl\m .
.CONTEMPORARY SO UR~EB .--l. Hindu inscriptions and grants.-2.
Jesuit letters.-3. Du Jarric.-4. ~quetil du Perron.-5. Jon-
guc's Dutoh documents.-6. Sahilhyaratnakara. Ragllnathabhyudayam,
Ushapan·nayam.-7. Ve/ugllltiJanl VamsatJali.
DURING the first half of the reign of Venkata II, the ruler of
Tanjore was still Achyutappa Nayaka. The Sahityaratna-
kara relates that during his time the Dutch, who were
then starting their trading career .in the East, appeared
before Negapatam and attelnpted to land in order to found
a trading factory; but they were valiantly re n11 1<:p.n and
driven away by Achyutappa 1.
Negapatam had been lent by his father to the Portuguese,
and their number had been constantly on the increase '.
Fr. Pimenta, who passed through it in 1597, tells us that "many
Portugais dwt'll there and many winter there, which come from
the Coast of China, Bengala, Pegu and Malaca." a Achyutappa
Nayaka invited Fr. Pimenta to establish a .Jesuit house with a
Church at Negapatam; while another one was already started
1. Sahilhyaralnakara. oanto VI. V. 68.
2. Cf. Cb. VIII, No.2.
3,
Cf. Du
From Fr. N. Pimenta to Fr. C. Aquaviva. Purobas •
J arrie. I, p. 632.
.x. p, 207.
398 THE A.RAVIDU DYNASTY OF vtJ AYANAGARA

at Tranquembar '. And while Fr. Pimenta was in the town, the
inhabitants actually purchased a place for five hundred
I

Duckets, for a new Residence of ours' says the same

Fr. Pimenta 2. Fr. du Jarric gives a slightly fuller description
of this place. He says that it was "by the river side having the sea
to the West and was fitted for the functions of the Society".
Fr. Pimenta sen t two priests there 3.
As to his relations with Venkata iI, Achyutappa Nayaka is
mentioned with the title of Mahamandalesvara, in a much
damaged and dateles$ record on a stone in the Kankudutta
Vinayaka tem;)le at Kavalkudaru~. An inscription oD I596-7,
by the same Venkata in North Arcot, records a gift of money by
Achyutappa N ayakar Aiyan for the merit of Dikshitar Aiyan &.
Formerly Acbyutappa had sent bi~ son Raghunatha to help
the Emperor iil the siege of Penukontla ~.
But AnquetiJ du Perron gives us a piece of information not
consistent with the above. He says that before the year 1595,
both the Nayaks of Madura and Tanjore had rebelled against
Venkata 7. We really doubt the accuracy of Anquetil in this
passage; forthe inscription of Venkata mentioned above is
dated only a year later. It is possible, however, that the
rebellion took place some years later, and was misplaced by
Anquetil, confusing it with an earlier rising of the Nayak
of Madura. As a matter of fact, one of Fr. Coutinho's
letters from the court of Venkata seems to allude to an insurgent
attitude on the part of Achyutappa; for he affirms that "the
rumour was that the King (Venkata) would warre upon the
Naichus of Tangaor, called Astapanaicus (Achyutappa

1. Ibid., Cf. Du Janie, I, p.633.

2. Ibid.
3. Du J arric, I, p. 633. A letter of Philip III to the Viceroy dated
Lisbon, December 10th, 1607, mentions some riots occurred among
the Portuguese of Negapatam; it seems that the leaders of the rioters
were two brothers named Mello, Bulhao Pato, DOCI(1II1!1IiOS, It p.14G.
4. 298 of 1911.
5. 710 of 1904.
6. Cf. Ch. XVI, Nos. 1 and 2.
7. Anquetil du Penon, 1.0., p. 166.
 TJiE NAYAKS OF TANJORE AND JINJl 399
Nayaka)" '. This letter, published by Purchas, has been
eJttremely mutilated. The original gives more valuable infor-
matton. Coutinho says that Venkata "has a large army with
many good generals in order to re-conquer Kanchivaram; which
city, along with all the country around, surrendered to Astapa-
naichus (4\chyutappa Nayaka), the king of Tangior" 2. We
deduce from this passage that the cause of the trouble was not
precisely refusal' to pay the tribute, but the city of Kanchivaramj
though what .the fact was that created this enmity is not clt:ar.
Moreover we know from the sall).e letter that the war never
broke out; .. It is quite certain ", continues Coutinho, "that the
King does not think of that expL ditlOn any more" 8. Venkata's
designs were checked by the death of Achyutappa Nayaka 4.
And since this took place iJ 1600, this quarrel between the
Emperor and the Nayaka must have occurred in 1598-9.
2. According to the Sahithyaralnakara, Achyutappa Naya-
ka, on account of old -age, resigned the crown in favour of his son
Raghunatha Nayaka, and retired to Srirangam , where he spent
the rest of his life. Consequently Raghunatha was crowned
according to the ancient rites, Govinda Dikshita performing the
c~remollY 6. Up to this time we have reiied upon the authority of
Govinda Dikshita's son, Yagnallarayana Dikshita; who, how-
ever, to give some dramat ic interest to his poem, placed the
renunciation of Achyutappa after the outbreak of tile civil war,
and the death of Venkata II. Nothing could be farther from
the truth. Anquetil du Perron said that Achyutappa "bad
resigned and given up the government affairs some years
before 1600" 6. But Fr. Rimenta, when passing through
Tanjore in 1597, wrote that Achyutappa "has lately renounced
the world and prepared himself for death" 7. Fr. du Jarric
1. From Fr. B. Coutinho, Purehas, X, p, 222,
2, From Fr. B. Coutinbo to Fr. N, Pimenta, Chandragiri,
July 17th, 1600, Ap. C, No. V.
3. Ibid.
*- Ibid., Purehas, I.e,
S. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, SOllrCl'S, p. 273.
6. Anquetil du Perron,!' 0., p. i68.
7. From Fr. N. Pimenta to Fr. O. Aquaviva, Purehas, X, p. 219
400 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF V1JAYANAGARA

agrees with him I. Hence there can be no longer any doubt

about the date of Achyutappa's renunciation: the year 1597
witnessed the coronation of Raghunatha aud his father's
pi'grimage to Srirangam. T ne Raghunathabhyudayam agrees
with Pimenta and Anquetil du ferron; according to this poem,
Raghunatha was crowned King long before the civil war and
the war with Ceylon 2.
Both Pimenta aod du Jame relate that, when Achyutappa
retired to Srirangam, he was faithfully .. accompanied in that
devotion by his seventy wives, all which were to be burned in
the same fire with his carkasse, Hee had bestowed five thousand
pieces of gold in sweet woods against that day" 3. Anquetil
du Perron states that Achyutappa's death took place about
1600 4. And Fr. Coutinho, writing from Chandragiri 00
July 17th, 1600, reports: .. This (Achyutappa NaY'3ka) died
lately. His corpse, along with 370 wives still alive, was burnt in
a big fire of sandal-wood " ~.
Achyutappa is praised by the son of Govinda Dikshita for
his long and beneficient rule, for the destruction of his enemies,
and for his liberal patronage of learned men 0. He gave many
villages in free tenure to the temple at Srirangam, offerecl a
~stly diamond-throne to the god Ranganatha, with a rich
necklace, crown, and leg jewels, all set with diamonds. He had
many agraharams built in his name, and lodged ll}any Brahmans
in them. He performed many pujas and other religious services
in various temples, suth as those of Chidambaram, Tirupah,

1. Du Jarrie, I, p. 648.
2. S. Krishnaswam i Aiyangar, Sources, p. 286·'.
3. From Fr. N. Pimenta to Fr. O. Aquaviva, Purehas, 1. c. Of.
Du J arrie, l. o.
4. AnQuetil du Perron, I. e.
5. From Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. N. Pimenta. Chandragiri, July
17th, 1600, Ap. C, No. V. This pa.ssage had been tra.nslated by
Purchas. X, p. 222, as follows; .. Hie three hundred Concuoines
being burned with him to honour his ]£xequiea, willingly leaping' in~o
the flame,".
6, S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 273.
 THE NAYAKS OF TANJORE AND JINJI 401

Kalahasti etc. 1. According to the Raghunathabhyudayam, the

beautiful golden tower over the shrine of Srirangam was one of
his gifts to the god. This poem also records many presents
made by him to the god Siva, who was worshipped at Rames-
waram, and the restoration and reconstruction of many holy
bathing ghats of this place which were then in ruins 2.
3. Govinda Dikshita implies that Raghunatha was the
eldest son of Achyutappa Nayaka; but Anquetil du Perron
tells ur; th;:tt the eldest son of Achyutappa had been ilDprisoned
by order of his father 3, and this information is confirmed by
Fr. Coutinho, in his letter of July 17th, rooD, to Ft. Pimenta 4.
No reason for such an imprisonment is given; what is clear is
the extremt. predilection of Achyutappa foc Raghunatha.
'" When Raghunatha grew up", says Ramabhadramba in her
poem, " his great qualities pleased his father very much. He
had several Princesses of the Pandya and of other kingdoms
married to him. .t\chyutappa made Raghunatha Yuvaraja"~.
The same poem, when describing the return of Ragbunatha
from Penukonda after defeating the Muslim hordes. who were
menacing the capital of Venkata II, gives an instance of his
special fondness. When Achyuta heard that his Son Raghunatha
was returning after accomplishing his mission with the Emperor
of Kamata, he proceeded some distance from his capital to meet
him, and gave him a fitting reception '. Sivappa Nayaka, his
grand-father, also had anextraordirrary predilection for his grand-
SOn Raghunatha. If we are to believe Govinda Dikshita: "When
he and many other famous scholars were once 'sitting in the court
of Chevva (Siva), Raghunatha was' brought before them"a small
child. Seeing the child Chevva in great delight said: .. This
child will become great and rule the whele kingdom, and we

1. Kuppuswami Sastrh A Shorl Hislory, p. 6-7. Of. S. Krishna.

sWllmi Aiyangar, o. 0., .Pr 210.
. 2. S. Krishnaswami Aiyanga~ 0: 0., p. 285.
3. Anquatil du Perron, I. 0., p. 168.
•. From Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. N. Pi menta, Chandragiri, July
11Sh, 1600, Ap. 0, No. V.
5. S, Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 285.
6. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, o. C. , p. 286,
51
 04(>2 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGAltA

shall become famous on his account" '. This singular

love for Raghunatha naturally excluded the eldest son from
the succession to the throne; and this was perhaps the reason
of 'be latter's imprisonment.
On many occasions such predilections have been the origin
of unspeakable family tragedies, as it was in the present case.
The crime that ensued was carefully concealed by both the Court
poets, Yagnanarayana Dikshita and Ramabhadramba, who
did not mention even the existence of such a brother. After
Raghunatha's accession to the throne his brother remained
under custody; and either because of a natural fear proceeding
from the fact that his own right to the crown was less founded
than that of his brother, or owing perhaps to a court cons-
spiracy in which his own brother was implicated, Raghunatha
murdered his elder brother; this crime is testified to by both
Anquetil du Perron and . Fr. Coutinho t. As Fr. Coutinho
&peaks of both eve:lts in the same letter, dated July, 1600,
this fratricide must have been committed in the beginning of
Raghunatha's reign, perhaps immediately after the death of
his father.
4. Raghunatha's relations with Venkata II ar-e a little
SlISP1C10US. There is no doubt that in 1604 the latter received
an envoy, probably with the tribute, from the Nayak of
Tanjore 3. Nevertheless it seems that, before 1606, Tanjore
bad withdrawn the paymeut of tribute t. In 1608, at the end
of September or at the beginning of October, Tanjore again
sent his tribute to Venkata, according to a letter of Fr. Coutinho,
referred to in the preceding chapter~. About 1610, however,
Tanjore was not on friendly terms with Vijayanagara. At about
this time Venkata besieged the city of St. Thome; the Portu-
guese were aided by Ragunatha, who received for this service a
letter from the Spanish sovereign (wbo was then also the King
1. Sallilya Sudha, S. K.rishnaswami Aiyangar, ~l.Irc~s, p. 267.
2. Anquetil du Perron. J. Co.; Letter of Fr. Coutinho mentioned
above.
S. Litttrat AllltUne of the Province of Malabar, 160..1606, Ap. O.
No. XXII.
i. Utterae AllltUQt of t.he Province of Kalabar, 1606-1607, Ibid.,
No. XXVI.
5. Of•.oh. XVII, No. 11.
 THE NAYAKS OF TANJORE AND JINJI 463
of Portugal) thanking. him for his aid 1. This is a proof that
Raghunatha's policy to~ards the Empire was very suspicious.
After Venkata's death howt!ver he became as we shall see, the
most enthusiastic supporter of the heir aDf)oinlt!d bv Venkata
0:1 his death-bed.
5. When Venkata II ascended the throlle of Vijayanagara,
the Nayak of Jinji was probably Krishnappa Nayaka ', calkd
Vencapatir by Anquetil du Perron s. We do not know what
kind of relations existed between him and Surappa Nayaka,
who has been spoken of in the preceding chapters 4. Anquetil
du Perron says that Krishnappa Nayaka succeeded his father ".
Who was then his predecessor? We ca::lOot give a satisfactory
answer to this question. Mr. Rangachari calls Krishnappa
Nayaka, Varadappa Nayak (1580-1620), and states that he was
the son of his predecessor Vt!nkatappa (1570-1580); without
however, mentioning the source of his information v.
We know nevertheless that after the death of his father,
Krishnappa N ayaka, who must have been th~n a young man, was
imprisoned by his uncle in the same fortress of Jinji. But .. by
helpe of his friends", says Fr. Pimenta, "he forced (his uncle)
to become in the same place (prisoll) his unwilling successour,
having put out his eyes" '. Anquetil du Perron, who records
the same fact, adds that KrishSiarma was freed bv his own
subjects '.
6. Krishnappa was probably one of the chiefs who revolt-
ed against Venkata II in the beginning of the latter's reign;
for, we see him imorisoned by Venkata, early during the siege
of Penukonda by the Golkonda forces t. On the occasion of his
rebellion, the Emperor sent against him an army under the
command of one Venkata, an elder brother of the Kalabasti
1. Cf.Ch. XXI No. 1'3.
2. Ra8h"lIlIthabhyudllyam, S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, SoIlJ'US,
p.286.
3. Auquetil du Perron, 1. c., p. 1611.
, Cf. Ch. VIII, No.3 and Ch. XTT1, No.7.
5 Anquetil du Perron,l. c.
6 /Ild. Alit., XLV, p. 92.
7. From Fr. N. Pimenta to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Purohaa. X. p. 218 .
8. Anquetil du Perron, I. c.
9. ct. Ch. XVI, No.!.
404 THE ARAVroU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA

chief Ankabhupala. Venkata marched against Krishnappa and

defeated him '. It seems that Krishnappa fell into the hands
of the victorious generals for he was afterwards kept 'in the
Emperor's prison". Such is the expression used by Rama-
bhadramba in her Raglmnaihabhyudayam; it has been supposed,
however, that this E.m_peror's prison was in tht capital itself,
Penukonda 3. During the time of his confinement the Jinji
territory seems to have been ruled by Venkata, the general who
had defeated the N ayak; because the same Ushapari1tayam,
that gives us the information about his victory, says that after
this event Venkata • constructed in his territory (viz. Krishna-
ppa's) a large tank, and named it Chennasagaram after his
father" 4. This seems to imply a long stay in the Jinji country.
It happened afterwards that Raghunatha Nayaka, after the
defeat of the Golkonda forces, asked the Emperor Venkata for
-the release of Krishnappa, which was granted through the
Tanjore Crown-Prince. "The lord of Tundira (Jinji) then pro-
strated himself with his Queen before Raghunatha, and showed
his gratitude by giving Raghunatha his daughter in marriage" ~.
7. Some years after Krishnappa 's return to Jinji , Fr.
Nicolas Pi menta, a Jesuit traveller often mentIOned in this work,
made his acquaintance while making his visitation of the Jesuit
missions in the South of India; from him we fortunately possess
a valuable account of his dealings with the Nayak and of the
very city and fortress of Jinji.
Their first meeting took place in the city of Chidambaram
in 1597. Pi menta arrived there on his way to St. Tho_me, where
Krishnappa Nayaka happened to be at the time ... The Naichus
of Gingi", says Pimenta himself, .. was come thither, in whose
Dominion it standeth. He commanded that we should be
co ugnt to his Presence. Before us two hundred Brachmanes
went in a ranke to sprinkle the house with Holy water, .lnd to
prevent Sorcerie against the King, which they use to doe every
- . - .-=-- - - - - - - -_._ - - -
1. Ushi lparinayalll, S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 308.
2. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, o. c., p. 286.
3. cr. Ibid., p. 272, note.
4. Ibid., p. 308.
~ RaghllnaJilabhYlldayam, Ibid .. p. 286.
 THE NAYAKS OF TANJORE AND JlNJl 405

day that the King first entreth into any house. We found him
lying on a silken Carpet leaning on two Cus hions. in a long
silken Garment. a great Chaine hanging from his necke. distin-
guished with ma ny Pearl es and Gemmes. all over his brest. his
long haire tyed with a knot on the crowne. adornl;!d with
Pearles; 'ome Princes and Brachmanes attended him. He
entertained us kindly. and marvelled milch that wee chewed
not the leaves of Betcle which were offered us, and dismissed us
wit h gifts of precious Clothes wrought with Gold. desiring a
Priest of us for his new Citie which hee was building" l.
They md again after some days at Jinii itself. Fr P irnenta's
narrative is worth reading; it shows the greatness and wealth of
this famolls city. called at that time by the Europeans the
Troy o/the East; it shows as well some of the customs and
ceremonies performed in the court of Kr is hna pp a Nayaka.
"Wee went thence to Gingi," writes Pimenta, "the greatest
Citie we have seent: in India. and bigger than an y in Portupll.
Lisbon excepted. In the midst therefore is a Castle like a
Citie. high walled with great hewen stone and encompassed
with a ditch ' full of wat er: in the middle of it is a Rocke framed
into Bulwarkes and Turrets. and made im ;)regnable. The
Naicus showed us his gold~n stuff~. amongst which were
two great Pots carried on their shoulders full of wat .:r for the
King to drinke ... The Naicus appointed our lodging in the
[ower, but the heat forced us to the Gro\'e (though cllns..:crated
to an Idoll) ..
"The next aay t1\ : inner part of the CastlL! was shewed us,
having no entrance but by the ' Gates which are perpetually
guarded. In the Court the yo unger sort were exercis..:d in
Tilts. Wee saw mLlch Ordnance. Powdn. and Shot; a
spring also of clcare water .. , He (the Nayak) was gllardcd home-
ward with a thousand arm<:d men; in the Streete were
ranked three hundred Elepl,ants as it were fitled tl.) the
wane, At the Porch one en t.:rta ilwd him with a :1 Oration in
his praise, a thing usual! in their solemne pompes.
Christapanaichus (Krishnappa N:.lyaKa), (that is hi s name)

1. From Fr. N. Pimrnta to Fr. C. Aquaviv~, Purchas. X, p. 208.

cr. Du Jerrie. I. p, 634.
406 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY- OF VIJAY.\NAGARA

shewed .u s another day his store of Jewels, and gave us leave

in his new Citie" I.
8. This new city refe::rreci to by Pi menta was then under
construction. It was named Christapatama; i.e. Krishnapatam,
after the name of the Nayak, its founder 2. "It is located",
says du Jarrie, "in the country call~d Arungor near the mouth
of the river Vellar" J. In order tv foster the new foundation,
Krishnappa allowed every body to select his own building-site i
and a piece of land was assigned to everybody in the outskirts
of the city for agricultural purposes. Consequently many
buildings were under construction when the visitor went
there '. To superin'tend the building of this town, Krishnappa
had appointed Qne of the nobles of his kingdom called Cholgana
(Solaga), of whom we shall speak a little f-luther on ~.
Krishnappa Nayaka earnestly asked Fr. Pimenta to build
a church in this new city, and to erect a residence for a priest,
he himself giving a good endowment: "two hundred pieces of
gold being assigned to the Priest thereof, says Pimenta,
II

"his Letters Patents written in the Tamulan and Badagan

Languages" 6. This grant was made in the presence of all
the gra:ldees and nobl~s of the court 1. Accordingly
Fr. Pimenta called Fr. Alexander Levi, 'a man of renowned
holiness and of great knowledge of the vernacular', from
Travancore, and left him at Krishnapatam to superintend the
construction of the new church 8.

1. From the same to the same, Purchas, X, p. 217-8. Cf. Du

J arric, I, p. 640-2. See Heras, Tlte City of finji nt the E"d of the 16th
Century, Ind. AII/., LIV, p. 41-2, where this extract of Pimenta'~
leiter is iIIuBtuted and commented upon.
2. Du J arric, J. c.
3. Ibid., p. 646. It forma the prcSf'nt H indu quarter of Porto
Novo.
•. Ibid., p. 646-7.
5. Ibid., p. 642.
6. Frnm Fr. N. Pimenta to Fr. C. AquBviva, Purchss, X, p.
218,
7. Du Jarric, I, p. 642-3,
8. Ibid" p. 6.7. It is very strange to see Krishnappa Nayaka
favollring so much the Portuguese Je8uita, whose nation was
 THE NAYAKS OF TAN]ORE A;ND JINJI 407

9. One of the Jesuit Letters of 1000 states th.at from

among the three Nayaks of Madura, Tanjore and Jinji, he of
Jinji was the most powerful, and accordingly he had divided his
dominions among other smaller Nayaks. One of these smaller
Nayaks, subjects to Krishnappa Nayaka, was, according to the
same letter, Lingama Nayaka of Vellore 1. Fr. Pimenta
mentions two other feudatories of Krishnappa, • the Princes of
Trividin (Tiruvadi) and Salavaccha (?)' 2. The above mentioned
Solaga was also one of the chiefs of the highest rank 3. He ap-
pears both in the Sahilyaralllakara ofYagnanarayana Dikshita
and in the RnghllllathabhYlidayam of Ramabhadramba 4. During
Fr. Pimenta's stay at Jinji, Solaga's son, a boy of fourteen,
'accompanied by many nobks aud old men', reached the
capital to ask Krishuappa to name him after him!';elf; with the
further request of a grant of a golden chair aad several pieces
ofland. He became a close friend of the Jesuits; so close that
when the Nayak allowed the Fathers to depart he commended
them to the care of Solaga's son, who accompanied them safely
to the castle of his father ".
The latter was living in a small fort at the mouth of the
river Colerun. .. He had seene his eighties, and was a man of
great authority among his subjects, feared by everybody" G•
.. Colgan a (Solaga), a great man, received us with great kind-
nesse", S:lYS Fr. Pimenta himsdf. "Hee is old and severe, and
hath caused Crocodilt:s to bee put in his River for his securitie,
charging them not to hurt his owne peo:->le. They nevertheless
killed a man; whereupon I knowe not by what arts hee tooke two
of them which were the malefactors. and put chaines about

reputed as polluted by the orthodox Hindus. Du Jarrie, I, p.63S,

affirms that the Nayak ll se d to say that '.he had formerly seen
other Portuguese priosts, but non e was alike t o these.'
1. Lit/erne Anlluae of the Province of Malahar, 1604-1606, Ap.
C, No. XXII.
2. From Fr. N. Pimenta to Fr. C. Aq\llJ,vi"a, Purchas, X, p. 209.
3. Du Jarric, I, p. 642.
4. We shall speak of him again ill the b ~gining of the following
volume.
5. Du Jarrie, 1, p. 6'3
6. Ibid., p, 647.
408 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VI]AYANAGARA

their neckes, and cast them into a miry place, there to bee stoned
by the people, and to die of famine. One of these we
s)tw .. 1.
This description of the person and character of Solaga
marvellously agrees with the account given of him in the
Raghunathabhyudayam: "He had occupied an island near the
sea, and was giving great troullie to the surrounding country.
He used to carry away women from the neighbourir"" country,
and was giving the people no peace'~ 2.
10. Such were some of the tribtHaries of the powerful
Krishnap;Ja Nayaka of Jinii. Holding sueh a power as he did,
it is not st.:ange that his old ideas of independence should again
rise in his mind. The fact is that in 1600 the nobles and
courtiers of Venkata II were earnestly urging him to capture
I

the town of Jinji " as Fr. Coutinho informs us in one of his

letters 3. Anquetil du Perron says that Venkata had plenty
of reasons for waging war against the Nayak of Jinji, in 1600';
but nowhere are these reasons found. One. was, very
likely, the refusal of the annual tribute as pointed out by the
same Anquetil.
And then all of a sudden it happened that Krishnappa
Nayaka Lccame dement ed. "Krishnappa Naiken, the Sovereign
of ]inji ", says Anquetil du Perron, "became insane, as a result
of a poison which was adrrrlnistered to him" 5. This was
indeed the first rumour of this affair; but soon it was clear
that his madness was feigned, as we read in Fr. Coutinho's letter
mentioned above. "Christapanaicus (Krishnappa Nayaka)",
says he, "being poisoned, got mad, although the fraud
1s now patent: the King feigned to be out of his
head in order to please four of the grandees of his
kingdom, who were afterwards killed by his order ". This
apparent insanity saved Krishnappa Nayaka from the war
1. From Fr. N. Pimenta to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Purchas, X, p. 218.
Cf. Du Jarrie, I, p. 6-'7.8.
2. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 286.
3. From Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. N. Pimenta., Chandra.giri,
July 17th, 1600, Ap. C, No. V.
4. Anquetil du Perron, 1.e., p. 166
5. Ibid., p. 169.
 THE NAYAKS OF TAN]ORE AND J1NJI

which Venkata and his nobles were ready to make upon him.
"' They persuaded the King (Venkata)to invest this city (Jinji)".
says Coutinho. " but he, though having right to do so, ... replied
that it would be a most cruel thing to go to war with a feudatory
while he was insane" 1.
Four years later, in 1604, Krishnappa sent an embassy to
Venkata, as the Jesuit letters inform us 2; but war burst out at
last towards the end of 1607, ending with great dishonour to
the Nayak.
11. On this occasion Venkata, not being able to stand the
tardin ess of the N ayak in paying his tribute. 'despatched his
capt ains to conquer the lands of the Naiquc of Ginga (Jinji) "
says Fr.Coutinho in another Jetter. One of these captains,
and perhaps the commander-in-chief. was Velugoti Yachama
Nayadu; for the Velugutivaru Vamsavali says that in the course
of VC:1kata's reign he captured Chengi (Jinji) a. "While the
imperial army was approaching the fortress, God wanted to
punish the Naique who was within, " continues Coutinho. "Had
he remained in the fortress, nobody would have defeated him,
for it is impregnable; but he, too arrogant, went out to meet the
army of the King (Venkata). Then his own captains, despair-
ing, deserted him ; and the said Naique fell prisoner into the
hands of his enemies. And he," adds Coutinho, "distributed his
earrings and other jewels he bore on his chest among his
:>pponents, in order to induce them not to kill him". Such
was the great victory won on New Year's day, 1608.
News of the happy event reached Vellore at midnight. The
Emperor set out for Jinji next morning with a large retinue of
courtiers and relations. "The imprisoned Naiql1e prostrated
himself at his feet, and through the Queen and her brothers,
agreed to paying him a sum of 600,000 cruzados, and to handing
over to the Queen the fortress of Ganaripatao, which lay close
by. After this, the King retired again to Vellur, and the Naique

1. From Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. N. Pimenta, Chandragiri , July

17tb,1600, Ap. C, No. V. Cf. Anquetil duoPerron,!' c., p.":'SS.
2. Litteral! Annuac of the Province of-Malabar, 1604-1S06, Ap. C.
No. XXII.
3. Wilson, The MackelfZie Col/ectinn, p. 274.
52
 410 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA

of Ginga (Jinji), moved by his loss of money and elephants,

marched towards Cirangan (Srirangam), one of his temples,
s~ing that he did not want to govern any more, and so on.
But the two Naiqut!s of Madura and Tangior, who are his
friends, presented him with mat\y gifts and caused him to
return to his State, where he is now" 1.
12. Precisely at the end of this year, an embassy from the
Dutch traders arrived at Krishnappa's court, requesting his
permission to establish themselves at Devanapatnam, near the
present European Club. Cuddalore. A Jesuit· letter informs us
that the Nayak "received these (the Dutch) very hospitably,
and allowed them to build a citadel at the post where they
landed" 2. The Nayak's olia, in which this first concession to
the Dutch was made, is dated November 30th, 1608 s.
The letter quoted above relates that the Dutch, after
obtaining this document, • had very diligently begun to build
the citadel'~. In one of the following chapters we shall
see the consequences that followed the construction of this fort,
which was finally destroyed by order of Emperor Venkata.
1. From Fr. 'B. Coutinho toFr. C. Aquaviva, Vellore, October 11th.
1608, Ap. C, No. XXIII. See Ap. C, No. XXV, where Fr. Laerzio
alludes probably to this war in his letter to Fr. C. Aqua viva, dated
Cachin, December 30th, 1608. :'
2. Litterne Annuae of the P~vince of Malabar. 1609. All. C. No.
XXX.
3. "Copy of the Caull of the King of Gingier.-J acob de Bitter,
Captain, representing Admiral Pieter . Willemsen Verhoeven: We
promise to protect the Dutchmen who will settle in Tegenampatna, to
allow them to build a town, to refuse entrance in it to the Portuguese,
to whom we shan remain hostile. On the other hand, we Dutch.
men promise to bring all kinds of goodS', to traffic with all traders,
on the cO'ldition that they will pay us four for every hundred of all
the merchandise we shall bring there, excepting the rice which is
used at home, for which they will not pay. Moreover we shall pay four
for every hundred of the merchandise that we shall carry away from
there. Those who have paid once will not pay again. We promise
and take the oath to keep all these faithfully, Amen. On the 30th of
Novemberof the year 1608 in the large town of Clingier." De Jongue,
Ill, p. 281.2.
• . i.itterae A"muu mentioned in note 2.
 CHAPTER XX
TRE END OF THE KANARESE VICEROY ALTY

])fMARY.-l. Vindication of Vioeroy Tirumala. His rule.-2.

Tirumala and the Jesuits.- 3. Conquests of Raja Wodeyar of
Mysorc. His relations with the Viceroy.-4. Muhammadan
invasion of the Kanaresc country.-S. Seoond inroad of Man.
jun Khan. Conquest of Mysore.-6. The Viceroy Tirumala
leaves Soringapatam.-7. Oocupation of Seringapatam by Raja
Wodeyar. His relations with Venkata H .-8. The Nayaks of
Ikeri.-9. The Queen of Ullal and her fortress against
Mangalore.-lO. Kempe Gowda II of Yelahanka.-l1. The
chiefs of Cbitaldroog and Bellur.-12. Portuguese interests
in Kanara.
CONTEMPORARY SOURCES.- l. Hindu insoriptions and grants.-2·
Jesuit letters.-3. Moncoes do Reino (Pangim Archives).-4.
Ferishta.-5. Guerreiro.-6. Anquetil du Perron, Travels of
Pietro della VaUe.-7. Chikkadevaraya Vamsavali, Annals of the
Mysore Royal Family. Si'vaJattvarotnakara.
THE concocted story of the Chikkadevaraya Vamsavali, about
how Prince Tirumala was bribed by the Nayak of Madura in
the beginning of Venkata's reign, and then retreated to
Seringapatam in a rebellious attitude against his uncle, has
found its way into several modern works. The character of
the Kanarese Viceroy has thus come to be associated with the
specially repulsive ideas of rebellion and treachery, totally at
variance with the historical personality of the unfortunate
nephew of Venkatapatiraya. Can it be possible that the
energetic and warlike Emperor would have waited fourteen
years till he saw his supposed rebellious nephew expelled from
the capital of his viceroyalty? On the other hand, no word on
this SIIPPOSOO attitude of Tirumala is found either in Anquetil
du Perron, who merely remarks that he was residing at
Seringapatam 1; or in the Jesuit letters, which testify, however,
that Venkata had a natural predilection for Tirumala's younger

1. Anquetil duPenon,1. 0., p.167.

412 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VITAYANAGARA

brother, Ranga t. Moreover we know two of Tirumala's

inscriptions of the year 1585, in the Mysore district, in which
he is styled Mahamandaleswara 2,-a title which suggests a.
subordinate rank under the Emperor. His rule as Viceroy of
the Kanarese cQuntry could not be stigmatized as either weak
or fictitious; for in 1609-10, iust on the eve of his departure
trom Seringapatam, the Kalasa-Karkala chief, Bhayirarasa
Vodeya, (son of Vira Bhayirarasa Vodeya, who did not acknow-
ledge the !'uzerainty of Vijayanagara), is said in one of his
inscriptions. to rule as feudatory of Venkata II 8. Fr. Coutinho
says in one of his letters that Tirumala 'is liked by more as
well as more powerful chieftains' than his brother Ranga 4.
Now, the above mentioned inscription of the Kalasa-Karkala
chief proves that, instead of taking advantage of this friendship
and respect of the subordinate chiefs for rebelling against his
uncle, he obtained the acknowledgment of his sovereignty at
least from one who did not pay homage to his predecessors since
the time of the battle of Raksas-Tagdi~.
Very little information about his internal administration
has reached us. In 1598 he remitted the customs-dues on
the village of Akalan\cajayya ; and when Bachihalli-Pamappa
Nayaka heard of this, this chief too granted a similar exemp-
tion to the village of Vijayapura 6. In 1607 he made a
grant for the service of the god 7. Again, in 1610 he made
another grant to Holinahala Linganna of the Seringampattana
malha 8; and another inscription of the same year seems to
mention one ofb\s dependants named Ramanujayya, who is
styled 'the establisher of the path of the Vedas, follower of both
Vedanta' G.
1. Cf. Ch. XXIV, No. 6.
2. Ep. Carn., III, Sr, 39 and 40.
3. Ibid., Mb, 63. Cf. H. Krishna Saetri, Karkala Inscription of
Bhaimv<1 II, Ep.lnd., VIII, p. 127.
•. From Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. N. Pimenta, Chandragiri,
July 17th. 1600, Ap. C. No. V.
5. Cf. Oh. X, No. 17.
6. Ep. Carn., IV, Gu,~?
7. Ibid., He, 36.
8. Ibid., Ch, 194.
9. Ibid., Gu, 40.
 THE END Of THE KANARESE VICEROYALTY 413

2. Tirumala's character is fully described in the letters of

the Jesuits who were living at this time at the court of Venkata.
He was determined that at least one of the Fathers should
reside at Seringapatam, and erect a church for the Christians
of his country 1. OJ. July 17th, 1600, Fr. Coutinho ~rote to
Fr. Pimenta : "Trimaragius; the eldest SO:1 of the King's brother,
heir of his kingdom, urges us again and again inviting us to
his court. He sen t us a let ter which I am goi ng to copy here:-
"Trimanus, Mahanda Lispara, Ramarragius Trimarragius,
Lord great prince, sends this letter to the Fathers. I shall
rejoice very much when I shall hear that you are coming to
this town of mine; I shall give you then a good piece of land in
this city to build a house and church; moreover five hundred-
fold pagodes yearly. Besides, I shall receive you with great
honour and generosity. So I swear by Lord Zanganatam
(Ranganatam) and by the feet of my father Ramaraja. You
will learn the rest from my ambassador. Come at once, and do
not make me wait" 2.
This seems to have been Tirumala's first invitation to the
Jesuits to come to his court. Later in the same year two of
the Fathers went through Seringapatam in the company of
Venkata's ambassadors to the Viceroy of Goa, as will be related
in the following chapter. On this occasion Tirumala
constantly urged the Fathers' that one of them would stay
with him on returning' B. But they did not gratify his wish j
partly because of the want of , missionaries, (lnd partly on
account of the antipathy of Venkata II towards his nephew,
the Viceroy. In 1606 Tirumala sent once more a message to
the Fathers residi!lg at the imperial court, and addressed them
the following letter :-
"In the year Subaratut, in the lOth month, on the loth day
after full moon. Letter of Trimalaraju, Ramaraju'~ son, the
greatest Prince, Raju among Rajus, sent to the Fathers at
---------- - _ .... _- - - ._-- __ __--
.

1. Guerrero (sic), RelaciQII Anllal ... l!1I los alios de 600 y 601, p. 137,
Cf, Heras. The Jesuilllljlucllce, QJ.M.S., XIV, p. 133-4,
2. From Fr. B. Coutinbo to Fr, N, Pimenta, Chaudragiri,
July 17th, 1600 A.p, C, No. V,
3. Ihid,
414 mE ARAVIDU DYJfASTY OF VITAYANAGARA

Ciandagrini (Chandragiri). I received your letter you sent me

through your Raju, and I kept it over my heart. All your
presents are also in my possession. I was very glad to know
that you have spoken in my interest with the King and
the Princes of the kingdom, about illY journey to the court. You
told me, when passmg through here on your way to Goa, that
you would soon com e back for good. r am astonished YOll are
not yet here. Come soon; do 110t h ~sitate. My envoy will tell
you the rest" 1.
This second letter of Tirumala is a most valuable document
for determining the ' relations between him and his uncle. He
was desirous to go to the court; a strange disposition of mind to
be expected frC?m a rebellious feudatory, as he is commonly
depicted. To attain this object he used the Jesuit influence at
the court of his uncle. The Jesuits .spoke to Venkata about
Tirumala's coming ; but apparently the Emperor disliked the
proposal, or at least was loth to give his approval to it 2.
In 1608 the Jesuits had not yet gone to Seringapatam. An-
other letter of Fr. Coutinho, written in this year, says that "Tiru-
malarayu , the Princl: , is continously writing olias to us from
Cirangapatao (Seringapatam), where he resides, calling us (to
his court) and shllwing by writing the same friendship he
showed personally to ·us while go.ing to Goa, along with tht:
ambassadors of the King " u.
Tirumala's wishes were uever grantt:d. The year 1610 wit-
nessed the end of his viceroyalty; and several years passed
before the opening of the Jesuit mission in Mysore.
3. One of the influential chiefs of the Kanarese country at
the beginning of Venkata's reign was, beyond doubt, Raja
1. Litlcrae A nllIIae of the Province of Malabar, 1604-1606. Ap. C,
No. XXII.
2. Can this agroe with the following words condemnatory of
the conduct of Tirumala towards his uncle: "'f hi s coolness (of
Tirumala towards Venka..t a) led direotly to ~h e taking ofSeringapat am
by Raja Wodeyar of Mysore... Richards, Salem Gazetteer, p. 67. We
shall see lat er on that the capture of Seringapatam was due precisely
to the coolness of Venkata towards Tirumala. Cf. No 6 infra.
3. From Fr. B. Coutinbo to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Vellore, October
lltll, 1608, Ap. C, No. XXIII.
 THE END OF THE KANARESE VICEROYALTY 415

Wodeyar of Mysore. We have seen elsewhere how.at the end

of Ranga's reign, he began the policy of annexing petty States
to his Own. As Madura was in the Tamilian, s'o too he wanted
to become supreme lord of the Kanara country; and yet always.
it seems, under the sovereignty of the Vijayanagara EmIlP.TOr.
With this aspiration he continued now to absorb systematically
the territories of the neighbouring chiefs. According to W\lk's
list the territories seized by the Raja of Mysore in the
beginning of Venkata's reign were the following: In 1545, he
conquered from one Tima Raja. Rang Sammudir containing
twelve villages. In 1)90 he cap~ured Kemb~la by assault. In
1505 Narmalli and Karugalli were taken from one -of his
relations. In 1600 Arrakerra, the primitive jagir of Jagadeva
Raya, was likewise annexed; and in 1606 he took Sosilla and
Bannur from the Raja of Thlakkad, and Canniambaddi from
Dudeia Prabhu 1.
Such accession of power natllralty aroused the suspicions of
theSeringapatam Viceroy. That was perhaps the reason why he
besieged the town of Kesara, which depended on the Wodeyar.
But the Mysore forces defeated the army of the Viceroy, one
elephant being among the plunder. "But Raj Wadeyar", says
Wilks, "sagely reflecting, as the manuscript states, that he
co.uld maiQtain thirty soldiers at the same expense as one
elephant, sent the animal as a peace offering to the Viceroy.
The next year," continues Wilks, "we find him received with
particular favour at the court; and immediately afterwards, llOt
only refusing to pay his tribute on pretence o~ some damage
done to his pla;)tations by the people of the Viceroy, but
receiving a further grant of land to compensate for the
injury" 2.
The Government of Seringapatam was unwillingly yielding
to the powerful chief; and an attempt on his life was made, but
without success. "The opportunity", says Wilks, "was expected
to be. obtained by the mission of an officer of the court,
attended as usual by a large but select retinue, for security
after the perpetration of the morder, and ~stensibly charged
1. Wilks, History 0/ MYS0ri'. I. p. «.
2. Ibid .• p. 38.
416 THE ARAVroU DYNASTY OF VlJAYANAGARA

with a secret and confidential message from the Viceroy. The

Raja, ul).suspicious of treacherr, without hesitation ordered all
attendants to withdraw; but a more vigilant observl:!r took the
precaution of concealing himself behind one of the pillars of
the hall of audience ; and on perceiving the officer to grasp his
da!rger, instailtly inBicted on the assasssin the fate intended
for the Raja" 1.
4. The Viceroy, however, was not the only one who was
scheming to seize the newly-acquired territories of Raja
Wodeyar. A new foe had sprung up in the person of the-Sultan
of Bijapur. Early in 1587, while Venkata was waging war with
Golkonda, Ibrahim Adil Shah II despatched one of his generals.
Balil Khap, with twelve thousand horse, "to collect the
farrears .of tribute from the Rays of Malabar (Kanara);
and in case they refused payment, to reduce their forts" 2.
He was in Kanara for one year, during which • he nearly
brought affairs in that quarter to a final adjustment' 3. But
he was suddenly recalled to the Court to join the Sultan's
army against Ahmadnagar. When he received his order "h:
~as just on the point of receiving a large sum as part of the
arrears of tribute, which would have been lost to the treasury
had he immediately made public his 'orders of recall; and the
troops would also have met with great difficulties" as he
himself confessed in the presence of the Sultan. according to
Ferishta 4. Finally he retreated to Bijapur with several Rajas
of the Kanarese country, who "accompanied him to pay their
compliments to the King" 5. These chiefs were afterwards
honoured by Ibrahim Adil Shah with precious robes 6. One
chief was, according to Ferishta, the son of Arsappa Nayaka 7.
Another was named, as the Portuguese sources tell liS.
Sam Carnao Botto (?) W e have aeen unable to identify this
person, wh?se terri tory was neax the fort of Basrur. When
1. Ibid .• p. 39.
2. Ferish ta; III, p. 161.
3. Ibid.
4. Ibid., p . .162.
5. Ibid.
6. Ibid., p. 163.
7. Ibid.
 THE END OF THE CANARESE VICEROYALTY 417

the Portuguese sovereign was informed by his Viceroy of the

intention of this chief to relinquish his dominions to Bijapur,
he sent his instructions as follows: "As regards the business
of Sam ~arnao Botto, which is of gro::at importance, as is clear
from the way it goes on, I recommend to bl.:: very careful, and
to consent by no means that those fortresses be handed over
to Idalxa (Adil Shah), using every possible endeavour to this
end" 1. But shortly atter tidings were sent to the King of
the actual surrendo::r of these forts to Bijapur: "Again
the same governor informs me tilat, on account of the
entrusting of the fortresses to Idalxa by Sao Carnao Botto tht'
fortress of Barcelor (Basrur) is in it great distress" 2.
5. Nevertheless this subjection of the North Kanara
petty rulers to the sway of Bijapur was due only to the force of
the latter's arms; for from th .. time of Balil Khan's retieat in
1588 up to the year 1593 all of them' had neglected to pay their
tribute'. Ibrahim Adil Shah resolved this year to humble
these chiefs. "For this purpose", says Ferishta, "he despatched
Manjun Khan with a considerable army. This general on
arriving at Bakapur halted, and summoned all the Rays to
meet him with their tributes; promising protect ion ·to those who
obeyed, but threatening the refractory with vengeance. Most
oflhem prepared to comply with his demands! and intended
coming in a body to vi!;it him; but as Ganga Naik, who
was O:1e of the principal Rays of Malabar (Kanara), and
had eight or ten thousand horse and foot in his pay, went
first to pay his respects, the rest jealous of his power,
and suspect ing th.at he had gone to form some plan against
them with Manjun Khan, broke off their engagements and
withdrew to the mountains. Manjun Khan, 1I0t thinking it
prudent to foUow them into !In unknown country, marched
with Ganga Naik against Jem.:h which bdonged to Arsappa
Naik; who with his allies, to the number of twenty thousand
men, endeavoured to interr{lpt the s_iege. For three days bloody
1. From King Philip II to the Viceroy Mathias de Albu-
qllerque, Lisbon, January 12th, 1591, Ap. B, No. L
2. From the 8sme to the same, Lisbon, January 12th, 1591, Ap.
~, No. II.
53
418 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYAfofAGARA

skirmishes were maintained by the Bijapur troops, who could

not make use of their cavalry owing to the nature of the ground,
so that their success was frequently doubtful. But at length the
good fortune of the king prevailed", says the Muhammadan
writer; "aDd Arsappa, seeing further resistance vain, consented
to pay tribute, and made a present of two fine elephants to
Manjun Khan, with many curious and valuable effects for the
King".
Manjun Khan, accompanied by Ganga Nayak and Arsappa
Nayak, who now joined the invader, then proceeded southwards
and besieged the city of Mysore 1. The siege lasted three
months; but the city was finally reduced, twenty five elephants
being taken among the booty. It is a pity that we have no
further det'ails concerning the surrender of Raja Wodeyar's
capital, about. which the Hindu sources maintain a discreet
silence.
Mysore however ala not remain long in the possession of
the Muhammadans; for Manjun Khan was again recalled at
Bijapur in the same year to assist the Sultan's troops against
his brother who had rebelled at Belgaum t. After his retreat
the Kanarese Rajas again withdrew th61r allegiance to Bijapur,
as is implied in Ferishta's statement: .. The Hindus of
Malabar, (Kanara) seizing the opportunity, invaded the districts
of Bankapur" 3. These Hindus who invaded the districts of
Bankapur must have been a detachment sent there by Venkata
II himself. according to the t~aty enacted just then between
him and the Sultan pf Abmadnagar against the Sultan of
Bijapur 4. Naturally the presence of the imperial army in
North Kanan suggests the freedom of the petty Rajas of
Kanara from Muslim slavery.
TherisingoflbrahimAdil Shah's brother at Belgllum proved
on this occasion the salvation of Kanara. The rapid conquests
made by Manjun Khan were the beginning of the successful
1. Ferillbta say. here that Mysore belonged to Venkatadri
Nailt, i. e., the llceri Nayalt. This is a palpable mi8~ke, copiec: by
BIl1'1r-, Chro"oiolY, p. 56.
2. Fel'i.hta, III. p. 175.6.
S. Ibid., p, 180.
4. Ibid., p. 286,
 THE END OF THE KANARESE VICEROY ALlY 419

campaign which would have marked the end of the Hindu power
in this country. This was likewise the opinion of the Portuguese
of those days, who were close to the scene of that
tragedy, and interested enough in the revenue coming from
Kanara to fill up the empty state-coffers. We kn ow of
this feeling of the Portuguese through a letter of their King
written in 1596. He wrote to the Viceroy as follows: "(Mathias
de Albuquerqut:) also writes to me that the Idalcao (Adil Khan)
had sent some captains to fight against the Kings and Lords of
Canara, at the request of the Queen of Baticalla (Bhatkal); he
says likewise that two fortresses would ha\'e been taken by
them in Gatty, had not the rising of the brother of the said
Idalcao compelled him to recall the ,aptains" 1.
6. Soon after the expulsion of the Muhammadans from
the Kanarese country, an event took place in the capital of its
Viceroyalty which completely upset the political balance in the
West of the Empire. We refer to the occupation of Seringapatam
by Raja W odeyar of Mysore.
The Chikkadevaraya Vamsavali says that Raja Wodeyar, on
hearing of the defection of Tirumala in the siege of Madura,
"resoh'ed to drive the traitor Tirumala Raya from his
Viceroyalty, and sent his spies to test t.)1e feeling among
Tirumala Raya's feudatories" t. But we have rejected this
passage as a concoction of the poet inconsistent with other
proved historical facts, and as clearly evincing the author's
biassed purpose, viz. to extol the founder 'of the dynasty. But
this is not the only story forged around this event. "The
acquisition of Seringapatam in 1610", says Wilks, "is related
in different manuscripts with a divt:rsityof statement, which
seems only to prove a mysterious intricacy of intrigue beyond
the reach of contemporaries to unravt:1. The pervailing tale
states that the Viceroy Tremul Raj, being afflicted with raj-
pora or royal boil (the disorder most fatal to op ulent and
luxurious Indians) retired to the holy temple of Talcaud (Talak-
kad), with the view of being cured by the..interposition of the
1. From King Philip II to the Viceroy Mathias de Albu-
querque, Lisbon. February 8th, 1596, Ap. b; No. V.
2, S. Krishnaswami Aiyaogar. Sources, p. 303,
420 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGAaA

idol, or of breathing his last before the sacred shrine; and that
previously to his departure. he had selected Raj Wodltyar of
Mysore for the confidential trust of administering the govern-
ment in his absence; and in the event of his death, of trans-
ferring it to his kinsman and heir the Wodeyar of Ammatur"l.
Wilks wisely rejects this tale, and we reject both as contra-
dictory to each other.
It i~, however, worth while noticing that according to
Wilks the only thing proved is • a mysterious intricacy of
intrigue beyond the reach of contemporaries to unravel '.
This intrigue was probably the one referred to in the MS. of
Naggar Putia, which according to the same Wilks, "even
details the names of the persons, probably of his own court, who
had combined (as it is stated, with the permission of
Vencatapetti Rayil who then reigned at Chandergherril to
compel him to retire" 2. Now it was Venkata's interest,. as
we have declared elsewhere, to disgrace Tirumala before his
subjects, by showing him as incapable of defending Seringapatam
against his opponent Raja Wodeyar; and he did so thoroughly
attain his aim, that even now, three centuries after, the prevalent
opinion is against the last Viceroy of Seringapatam 3.
Yielding to the advice of his courtiers and secretly
admonished by Venkata, Tirumala quietly retired to Talak·
kad.. According to the Annals of the My ;ore Royal Family.
the Viceroy retired from Seringapatam with his two wives
Alamelamma . and Rangamma 5. The Palace History gives

1. Wilks, H istory oj Mysore. I, p. 41-2. See' anoth er story from

a Mackenzie MS. in Rangachar i. History oj the Na ik Kingdom, Ind.
AnI.,XL V, p.134, note 65.
2. Ibid., p . 43.
3. Cf. H eras; Venkatapatiraya I and the Portuguese. O.].M.S .• XIV,
p.314.
4. S. Krishnasw smi AiyangaT, Sources, p. 19. and Ancient
India. p. 282.3, affi{ms that the retreat of Tirumala took place during
a siego of Seringapatam by Raja Wodeyar. Really the Congu Desa
Rajakal<KyjeYllt speaks of a seige and storming of Seringapatam at
this t ime. Taylor, Cataloglle Raisonnet', III. p. 33.
5. PuttaiYD. A Note on the Mysore Throne, Q.J.M.S. , XI, p. 263.
There are incongrucncies in this passage of the Annals, 811Ch as the
 THE END Ol" THE KA"RRBSE VICEROYALTY .pI
one name only, viz. Alamelumanga I, and seems to sup-
pose that before reaching her husband, who went ahead, she
met her end; Raja Wodeyar being most probably responsi-
ble for her death 2. Frs. S. de Sa a!1d B. Coutinho, while
going to Goa with Venkata's embassy, met the father-in-
law of Tirumala, viz. the father of one of these two ladies 3.
But he seems to have had no sons, since the Kuniyur plates of
Venkata III, speaking of the two nephews of his; namesake
Venkata II, 8ay: 'Of these two, Srirangaraya begot sons' 4.
Both Wilks and Rice state that Tirumala died soon afterwards 5.
But ther~ is a grant from Gundlupet Taluk which seems
to indicate that he was still living in 1614, and probably
with the authority of Viceroy, though 'very much reduced; he is
called in it "the Mahamandalesvara Rama Raja Tirumala
Rajayya ", and is said to have made to Vengadeyya-Bhatta ,
'establisher of the path of the V c::das', a grant of the village of
Yereyur, rent free e.
7. After the retreat of Tirumala to Talakkad, Raja
W.ode)'ar occupied Seringapatam, apparently with the consent
of the Emperor Venkata, as will be prov~d by the latter's
further grants 7. Most likely on this occasion the Mysore
Raja sat on the throne of the Viceroys of Seringapatam left
vacant by the retreat of Tirumala @.

appointment ofBri Ranga Raya, the son of Tirum ala , as rulcr at

Seringapatam, the seven kings governing thE'Te till 1610. etc.
Nevertheless there is no reason for rejectillS the ,·am('s of the two
wives of Tirumala .
1. Cf. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Ancient Indi", p. 284.
2. Ibid., p. 285
3. l"rom Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. C. Aquuvi"a , October 11th,
1608, Ap. C, No, XXIII.
4. Ep. Ind., lIt. p. 253, v. 22. Several aut'lorS as W ilks, H istory
oj Mysore, 1, p. 42; Sowell, II, p. 252 ; and Rice, I, p. 364, call Tirumilia
an aged man; we have proved elscwhere that he coull not be morl'
than forty on this occasion. Cf. Heras, Vrllklltnp.lti,."yn I a~d tile Portu-
guese,1. c.
5. Wilka, O.c., p. 43 ; Rice, 0.0., p. 364.
6. Ep. Carn. IV, Gu, 13.
7. This was already notioed ~y Rice. Iifysorl' n nd Coor", p. 122,
and Richards, Sall'lII Gnulter, p. 67.
8. Puttaiya, A Note on tile Mysore tlu'onl' , Q.].M.s.• XI, p. 262.3.
'fhis Boema to be the old throne of the Mysore dynasty which is
saoredly kept in the Royal Palace as 8 holy relic of the Pilst.
423 THE ARAVJDU bYNASTY OF VtJAYANAGARA

We cannot with comfidence Join in the chorus of the

authors who look upon this event as tbe first act of the dis.-
membecment of the Empire '. Raja Wodeyar always acknow-
ledged the sQvereignty of yenkata II, as may be seen from
an inscription of 1604, recording a grant made by him,
when Venkatapati Raya was seated on the jewelled throne I ;
also from another C1f 1612, whicb commemorates ·another of
his grants to Siva, after acknowledging Venkata as his
paramount 'lord I. In the same year 1612, another event took
place that proves Raja Wodeyar's subjection to the Em~ror of
Vijayanagara : it is a charter confirming the acquisition of
Seringapatam, obtained by Raja Wodeyar from Venkata II.
'this document is not yet available, but is referred to in art ins-
cription of Chama Raja. Wodeyar of 16'22: "On a certain day",
savs the incription, .. when this Chama Raj Odeyar of Maisur
'was engaged in conversation on good stories of works of merit,
it came into ,his mind that he would estaelish an agrahara. And
on inquiry, finding that formerly in the Saka year IS34 (A. D.
1612), when Venkatapatideva Maharaya being in Ghan.agiri
(Penukonda), ruling the kingdom of the world, he had granted
to Raj Odeyar, a King of his own line, Ummatur and Se-
ringapatana, as an hereditary estate, Raja Odeyar had then
sent a petition saymg he wished to establish an agrahara, and
that Venkatapati Raya had expressed his strong approval and
granted a copper sasana" '.
This ratification" of the capture of Seringapatam and the
concession of the village of Bev.inahalli to Raja Wodeyar by
Venkata are recorded in two inscriptions of the1'ormerbelonging
to the years""(614 and 1615; both prove likewise the loyalty of
the Raja to Venkata tiil the end of the latter's reign, for they
mention him as the supreme sovereign. The first mentions a
grant of Raja Wodeyar "for the god Cha{uvaraya and 28
1. Cf. Rice, Mysore, I, p. 356; Rice, Mysore and COOrl, p. 121;
Sew'!lI, p. 220; H. Krishna Sastri, The Third Vijaya1lagara Dy1lasty,
A.,$./., 1911-12, p. 196.
2. Ep. Car"., IV, Ch, 62.
3. IbicH. 135.
•. Ep. Car"., III, TN, 62.
 THE END OF THE KANAltESE VICEROYALTY 423

Brahmans belonging to Seringapatam, which Venkatapati Raya

has assigned to him as an umbali" 1; the second records
ano~her grar.t made by the same "for the god Ramachandra of
Vahnipura of the village of Bevinahalli belonging to Bannur,
'which he had received from Venkatapatideva Maharaya as an
hereditary permanent estate" 2.
8. The Mysore chief was not alone in his desire to obtain
supremacy in Kanara. The Ikeri Nayak, Chikka Sankanna
Nayaka, was successfully administering his kingdom. It was he
who gave the first impulse to expansion, which was fo1l6wed by
his successor Venkatappa. A letter of the King of Portugal
to the Viceroy Coade de Vidigu,e ira informs us of the ambitious
projects of Chikka S:lnkanna. It runs as follows: "You say
that the Queen of Baticala (Bhatkal) has not paid the tribute
due for many years, and that she is now in great distress on
account of one Naique (Chtkka Sank anna N'ayaka) formerly a
subject of the king of Narsingua (Vijayanagara) but now risen
to power, and who gl'ves clear proofs of his ambition to become
the paramount lord over all those neighouring kings" 3.
Chikka Sankanna constructed a beautiful new town at Ikeri
with a magnificent palace, which was provideci with a handsome
theatre. At the village of Sangala he had a big tank built and
a garden laid out; which contained all kinds of trees and
creepe.rs 4.
Although he had a son called Siddhappa Nayaka, in his old
ag~ he appointed his elder brother's son , Venkatappa Nayaka,
his successor, and nominated the latter's younger brother, Rama
Raja, Yuvaraja 5. Thi!t fact must be placed before, or in the

1. ~bid., Sr, 157.

2. Ibid., TN, 116. According to Dr. S. Krishnaswami Aiya~ar,
AlfCient India, p. 281, the' grants' of Venkata II ~o Raja Wodeyar ,
• appear to have been conquests rather than grants '.
3. From King Philip IT to the Vioeroy Conde de Vidigueira,
Lisbon, Nevember 21st, 1598, Arcllivo PorlUgu1'1S Oriental, III, pt. 2nd,
p.916.
~. Sivatatl'Varatllallara, S. Krishnaswami .A.i yangar, Sources, p. 339.
5. Ibid., p.338-9. Mr. Sewell, II, p. 177, says that Siddhappa
Nayaka succeeded his faiher Sankanna, but reigned only one year
(1603..4),
424 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF V'I]AYANAGARA

first half of 1592 ; for there is an inscnption of September 30th,

1592. in which Venkatappa appears as Nayaka of Ikeri making
a grant for the services of a matha 1.
The new ruler was to be the most illustrious of the princes
of Ikeri, and was destined to become for time the rival of My sore
in his wars of conquest; but since most of his achievements as a
successful conqueror belong to the period subsequent to the
death of Venkata II, we shall reff'r to them all in the following
volume. Mr. Sewell qualifies him as a 'weak ruler' I, a state-
ment that appears entirely false; for he was a valiant and
enterprising general as well as a shrewd politician. It bas also
been said that he threw off his dependence on the Vijayan agara
Emperor~, though no reliable proof of this has been yet afford-
ed. As a matter of fact, we have convincing proofs of his
loyalty to Venkata II in the aforesaid inscription of 1592 and in
another of 1614, at Udipi, South Kanara, in which mention is
made of the grant of the village of Huvinakere by Venkatappa
Nayak of Keladi to the local Krishnamatha 4. In both, the
Ikeri chief acknowledges Venkata II as his sovereign ..
9. One ofVenkatappa's royal 'neighbours was Bukka Devi
Chautar, Queen of UUal, of whom we have already spoken in a
preceding chapter. After the settlement of the differences
between her and the King of Bangher, recorded during the reign
of Ranga I. it seems that she cons,;ructed a fortress in Ullal to
oppose the one built by the Portuguese at Mangalore, but was
compelled by the Portuguese Viceroy to destroy it probably in
fulfilment of one of the terms of the treaty of peace. The
King of Portugal wrote to the Viceroy on February 18th,
1595, approving of this treaty with the Queen 6f Ullal &.
But on the 26th of the same month, probably after getting
fuller information, his Majesty wrote to his representative in
India as follows: "I approve of the peace made with the Queen
1. M. A . D., 19231 p. 106-7.
2. Sewell, II, p. 177.
3. Rice, Mysore, II, p. (31.
(. 110 of 1901.
5. From King Philipp II w the Viceroy Mathias de Albu-
querque, ' Lisbon, February 18tli, 1595, Arriiw Portuguell Orierlla/,
III, p. '78.
 THE END OF THE KANARESE VICJj;ROYALTY 425

ofOllaia (Ullal) after forcing her to pull down the fortress that
sh,e had constructed and retained with such great loss of
reputation to that State (of Portuguese Inaia); but I am inform-
ed -now that the aforesaid fortress of Ollala has nOt been
demolished as completely as it ought to have been, and that the
foundations are still remaining, in such a way that in a very
few days and with very little work it may be put 110 again; I
recommend you to see that the foundations are totally
destroyed" 1.
Accordingly the Viceroy sent to Ullal Dom )eronymo
d'Azevedo, who razed the fortress to the ground, as another
letter of the King informs us 2. In the same letter we are told that
the Queen was waging war against the King of the Serra (?) at
about 1597. The King of Portugal "had written to the King of
Bangud {Bangher) charging him to settle such differences; and
praying him that he would by no means join the aforesaid King
of the Serra against the Queen" 3. This final recommendation
of the Portuguese sovereign makes it seem probable that the
King of Bangher had formerly rendered some aid to the King of
the Serra against the sovereign of Ullal. This was customary in
the court of Portugal ; it recom-nrended people not to do in
future that which it knew was already being done. Anyhow
this incident was probably the cause of the definite break of
re:lations between the two neighbouring chiefs.
The Italian traveller Pietro della Valle informs us about
the relations between these two sovereigns and the subsequent
events resulting from this break of intercourse; "yet, though
they were Husband and Wife," says he, "they liv'd not together,
but apart, each in their own lands: on the confines whereof,
either IIPon Rivers, where they caus'd Tents to he erected over
boats, or in other places of delight, they came to see and
converse with one another; the King of Banguel wanting not

1. From the- same to the same, Lisbon, February 26th, 1595,

Ibid., p. 503.
2. From the same to the Viceroy Dom Francisco de Gama.
Conde de Vidigueira, Lisbon, February 5th, 1597, Ibid., III, pt. 2nd,
p.667.
3. Ibid.
54
.p6 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA

other Wi\'es and Women Who accompany'd him wherever he

went. 'Tis reported that this Queen had the Children, which
she hath, by this King of Banguel, if they were not by some
other secret and more intimate Lover; for, they say, she wants
not such It 1.
10. During this period, in the petty state of Yelahanka.
we find lmmadi Kempe GOwda II: but we cannot admit
that he was the immediate successor of Kempe Gowda, with-
out at the same time admitting that his reign lasted 89 years;
and specially when there are documents to suppon the pro-
bability of another chief between the two Kempe. Gowdas ~.
He improved the Somesvara temple at Ulwr and, calling
from Belur a famous sculptor named Jakanachary, ordered
him to carve on its walls the episode of the marriage of Parvati
and Siva. .. The carvings," says Mr. B. Puttaiya, "consist of
numerous sculptures and figures of Gods and Goddesses who
attend the marriage, including Brahma and Vishnu and the
thirty-three crores of D.!vathas or inhabitants of the celestial
world. The details of the assemblage at the ceremony are all
carved in stone with a wealth of elegance, ornament, and realism,
so that one is astonished at the wonderful skill displayed in
carving such intricating details on hard stone" 3.
It is said that Kempe Gowda II died in 1658. Hence we
shall speak of him again later.
II. VerY little is known about the other states of Kanara
during Venkata II's reign. The year 1602 seems to have
witnessed the death ofObana Nayaka; who, being appointed by
Sadasiva chief of Cbitaldroog, had acquired .considerable
importance during the reign of Tirumala and Ranga. He was
now succeeded by his son Kasturi Rangappa Nayaka, during
whose reign the possession of Mayakonda, Sente Bennur.
Holalkere, Anaji Jagalur and other places was contested in
1. Della Valle. II, p. 313. Fr. Couiinbo in one of bi8 letters says
that 'Tornagoda, ibe Governor of Olala, invite8 U8 (to go there)'.
From Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. N. Pimenia, Chandragiri, July 17th,
1600. Ap. C, No. V. This must be a governor on behalf (If Bu}t:Ca Devi.
2. Cf. Puttaiya. The Kempe Gowda Chiefs, QJ.M.!:>., XIII. p. 129,
and Ep. Carll., IX, An. 47.
3. Puttaiya. o. c., p. 730.
 THE END OF THE KANARES£ VICEROYALTY 427
several battles with the Basvapatna chief. But they remained
attached to the Chitaldroog territory. His governorship lasted
until 1653 ; and in the long tenure of his office he had consider-
ably extended his territories 1.
In BcHur we find a grand-son of Era Krishnappa Nayaka
and son 'Of Venkatadri. An inscription of 1587, which
acknowledges the suzerainty of Venkata II 'ruling the kingdom
in peace and wisdom', records that Krishnappa Nayaka.
grand-son of Era Krishnappa and son of Venkatappa N ayaka,
made a grant for watchmen from money obtained from the
temple endowmen ts 2.
12. No other conquests by the Portuguese took place in
Kanara Quring this period; but the King of Portugal as well as
his Viceroy at Goa were carefully watching the fortunes of this
country. We have seen the interest the Portuguese sovereign
took in the affair of the fortresses of Sao Carnao Botto.
Portuguese trade received its greatest supplies from Kaoara.
'.' Accordingly (Manoel de Sousa) writes to me," says Philip II,
"that the greatest quantity of pepper that comes by these fleets
is taken from Kanara, alld acr.ording to him it will be increased
every year; a thing which wiIl be of great value for the loading
of our ships. He says, moreover, that he was trying to satisfy
the kings of the coast as murh as he could because of this
pepper, the majority of which comes from the lands of Sao
Carnao Botto 3."
This was the reason of the intercourse between the
Portuguese and the chiefs of the Ka~ara country; for trading
purposes also, several Portuguese fafts were built on the coast,
as we have narrated during the reign of Sadasiva. In the
begining of Venkata's reign, these fortresses were repaired and
furnished witJ! sufficient ammunition, according to an order of
the Portuguese sovereign to the Viceroy dated February 18th,
1595 4.
1. Rice, Mysore, II, p. 50!.
2. Ep. Ca,."., VI, Cm. 79.
8. From King Philipp II to the Viceroy Matbia8 de
Albuquerque. Li8bon, January 12th, 1591, Ap. B, No t.
4. From the same to the same, Lisbon, February 18th, 1595, Ap.
B, No. IV.
 CHAPTER XXI
VENKATA II'S RELATIONS W.JTH THE PORTUGUESE,
DUTaH AND ENGLISH

BUMMARY.-l. · at. Thome under Venkata lL-2 Contemporary

ducription of the town.-~. Formation of th" Portuguese,
Dutch and English Trading Companies.-4. Spain against Eng.
land and the Netherlands.-5. Embassy of Venkata H to the
Vioeroy Ayres de Saldanba.-6. Embassy of Ayres de Saldanha
to Venkata II.-7. Dilfere~ces and riots at St. Thome.-8.
Erec\ion of the Diocese of Sao Thome de Meliapor.- 9. Destruc.
Ron of the city of Madras and fortress 01 M:Ylapore.-lO. Great
distress of the Portuguese in India in 1608.-11. Ve,nkata II
causes the Dutch to be expelled from Devanapatnam.-12.
Correspondence between Venkata H and Philip III of Spain.-13.
Siege of St. Thome by Venkata IL-14. Decision to fortify
S~. Thome and necessity of a Governor.-15. The Dutch obtain
Pulicat from Venkata H.-16. First attempt of the English
to settle at Pulicat.-17~ Embassy of Venkata If. to the
English at Masulipatam. Their second voyage to Pulicat.-18.
Portuguese designs against Pulicat.
CoNTE){PORARY SOURCES.-l. Moncoes do Reino (l'angim Archives).
- 2. Jesuit lettors.- 3. Travels of Gasparo Balbi and Ludovico de
.Barth em a, Anquetil du Perron.-4. Du Jarric, Guerreiro,
Queyroz.-S. Documents concerning the Mylapore Diocese.-G.
Letterll of the E. I. C.

THE bistory of the dealings between Venkata II and the Portu·

guese chiefly centres round St. Thome and Pulicat ; aod in the
meantime, Dutch and English traders appear in the southern
seas, boldly challenging the Portuguese monopoly and trying to
make friends with the local rulers.
The city 'of St. Thome, from its position within the territory
of Vijayanagara, paid at this time an almost nominal tribute to
the Emperor: it consisted of a quarter per cent of the merchan·
dise imported by sea '. Nevertheless, its administration was
1. From Kin,! Philipp III to the Viceroy Don Jeronymo d'Azeve.
do, Karoh nb,1613, Ap. B, No. XIII.
 VENIUTA II'S RELATIONS WITH THE POkTUCUESE 4~~

immedIately under the authority of file Nayak of Tanjore I ;

and accordingly it paid an additional tribute to him, at least
from the year 1600 2. It was the Nayak of Tanjore who
appointed the governor ,or adigar of St. Thome; the Jesuit
annual letter of 1604-1606 tells us that in 1600 the Tanjore
Nayak nominated ' to this place one Puley or Pillai, a noble
of Kanchivaram . 3.
This governor did not reside at St. Thome, but at the
ancient city of Mylapore. "The Portuguese", says the Jesuit
annual letter of 1606-1607, "have a captain or ouvidor, to
govern and administer justice. In another separate town, but
in its vicinity, there is a captain of the King (of Vijayanagara),
who collects the taxes and governs the Hindus" 4. Mylapore
is the same city that Gasparo Balbi speaks of in the account of
his travds through India in 1582: "Without the Citie of Saint
Thomas is another Citie invironed with walls, made of earth,
and inhabited with Gentiles Souldiers, whose Chieftaine is
called Adicario (adigar), who !Jath power to execute justice" 5.
Apparently Mylapore was then fortified and garrisoned by
the Emperor of Vijayanagara ; hence it receives the appellation
of a fortress in several Jesuit letters of those years 6. All
these letters distinguish between thi~ fortress and a Hindu
town which was a little farther away. We have suggested
elsewhere that this Hindu town might be the one called
Madarasa, next to which the Fort St. George was constructed
several years after by the English traders, who called it Black

1. Du Jarrie, I, p.638. Cf. Hay, De Rebus IapoJl icis, p. 740.

2. Litterae Artrtutle of the Province of Malabar,1604-1606, .Ap. C,
No. XXII.
3. Ibid.
•• Litlerae Artrtuae of the Provinee of Malabar, 1606-1607, .Ap. C.
N"o.XXVI.
5. Purchas. X. p. 1411.
6. From Fr. M. Roiz to Fr. J . .Alvarez. St Thome, November bt.
1606, .Ap. C, No. XII; From Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. C. Aquaviva, St.
Thome, November 4th. 1606, Ibid., No. XIII; From the same to the 8H me
same date. Ibid., No. XIV; Litterae A"nuae of the Province of Malilbar,
1606-1607, Ibid., No XXVI.
 430 THE ARAVtDU DYNASTY OF VlJAYANAGAXA

Town, as inhabited by coloured people 1. The Bevinahalli

grant of Sadasiva Raya mentions both Mailapura and Madarasa
as connected with the father of one of the Brahmans favoured
with the grant 2.
2. The above mentioned Gasparo B:llbi has an interesting
description of St. Thome which deserves to be quoted in full.
It runs as follows: "The Front is towards the West, very
strong by reason of the Blockehouses, which are upon the Port,
along towards the sea. This port is so low that el~phants cannot
enter in at it, for the horses enter with not a little trouble.
There are three Churches: one very fair, of Saint Thomas,
which is well served with Priests, the chiefe Of them is a Vicar
(for so they call him) who was sent thither by the Archbishop
of Goa. There is another of Saint Frands, very well served
with Capuchins and another of Saint John the Baptist, where
the Fathers of Saint Paul of the Companie of Jesus are in
continuall prayer; to build this they had not so many transomes
a~'Were sufficient, when miraculously a great piece oftimber was
cast up by the Sea, which seemed to be made by the line and
'measure of that Church. 1 was here when this piece of timber
was cast up ; for one day going to Masse to the Church of our
Lady, I saw great concourse of people running to the Sea-side,
and I went also to see what was the matter, and saw this piece
of timber cast upon the shoare. Then the Church of St.
John the Baptist was finished, but because they wanted
transomes to make the roofs they covered it with straw. The
·foresaid Fathers of Saint Paul have another Church in the
Citie dedicated to our Lady, where they baptise the Gentiles.
and exhort dnd instruct them in matters of Faith 3.
There is anothel Church called of Our Lady of Light,
which (is) served by Saint Thomas his Priests .. .Saint Thoma!

1. Cf. Herlis, Venkalapatiraya I and the Portugllese, 0,]. M. S., XIV,

p. 316, nOlte 9.
2. E;. Illd., XIV, p. 215. Se'Verlil of the Brahmans' names in the
list of this grant are connected with the territory. Cf. Ibid., p.216.
3. The congregatioll of tbis Church consisted of five thou.and
recently made Christians, in 1606-7. Cf. Guerreiro, Relaca". A"IIaI.. .
no allo de 606. & 607., p. 105.
 VENKATA U'S RELATIONS WITH THE PORTUGUESE 431

is as faire a Citie as I saw any in that Countrie, and the houses

joyne one to the other, so to be able to succour one another" 1.
Such was the city of St. Thome in the beginingof Venkata's
reign. At about the sam e time several events took place in
Europe, which were to influence much the future history of
Vijayanagara.
3. Up ·to the year 1587, the monopoly of Portuguese
commerce had rested with the Government; but in this year the
whole trade was handed over to a newly established company
calle,d • Companhia Eortugueza das. Indias Orienlaes', a definite
step towards the' Comercial Company ', 'Comptmhia do Comer-
cio', which was created in 1630 2. This new organization
was intended to meet the fresh needs which were beginning to
face Portuguese trade inthe eastern seas.
A little earlier, 011 April 8th, 1583, the Dutchman John H uig-
hen Van Linschoten had sailed from Lisbon to the East Indies;
and after visiting the Portuguese colonies and some other places
inland, returned home and published the account of hi~ travels
ten years later. Linschoten's account excited the enthusiasm
of his fellow countrymen, who had shortly before thrown off th e
Spanish yoke. One chapter of his narrativ~ in particular, "of
the Spices, Drugs, Plants, and Stuffes for Physicians and
Apotnecaries, ordinarily used in India, and of their growing" 8,
had the effect of launching several trading compani es in the.
Netherlands, which sent about .fifteen expeditions to the East
between 1595 and r601 J. On March loth, 1602, the various
Companies of the Flemish States, became united under the
name of 'De Algemeene Geoctroyeerde Oest-btdischl1 Compagnie' 5.
During the next year the- new United Company sent Ollt a great
expedition of thirteen ships to the East Indies under Steven van
der Hagen, and in the instructions furnished to him made
special mention of the piece-goods trade of Pulieat and Masuli-
-------------------~.----
1. Purchas, X, p. 147-8.
2. Danvers, Report, p. 12.
3. Purcbss, X, p. 310.
4. Galletti, The Dutch in Malabar, p. 6. SAB A Col/ection of Voyages
Undertaken by t!J ~ Dille" Easl/lIdia Company, Introduction.
~. Galletti, 1. c.
432 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA

patam on the East coast 1. But neither of these places was to

house the first Dutch factory on the eastern coast. We have
seen elsewhere that in 1608-9, through the benevolence of the
Nayak of Jinji, the Dutch were building a factory in Devana-
patnam 2. We shall speak later of the transactions between
the Emperor Venkata, the Nayak of Jinji and the Portuguese
which resulted from the building of this fort.
But the Dutch were not then the only rivals of the Por-
tuguese in the Eastern seas. Early in 1527, Robert Thorne,
a merchant of Bristol, had addressed a memorandum to
King Henry VIII of England advising the opening of
a route to India by the North-West B. But the attempts
made \hrough this route proved a failure. Subsequently,
from 15So to 1584, several letters were received in London,
spurring the merchants of the place once more to try a
new route to India: such letters had been written by the
Jesuit Father Thomas Stephens, the first' Englishman who set
foot in India. In one of them, dated October 24th, 1583, he
describes several kinds of fruits and other productions of
Salsette and Goa 4. Such a description was a tacit invitation
to the enterprising British traders. Accordingly, after an
unsuccessful attempt of Sir Robert Dudley in 1596, a large

1. Ibid.
2. Cf. Ch. XIX, No. 12.
3. Cf. Balu, Rise o[ the ChristiaN Power, I. p. 16.
4. "We have here a tree oftener been than the elm or the
vine, called the Palm on account of its likoness to it. Or perhaps
because it is really so, if you admit that Palm is a generic word and
consi~ts of two species. It gives oil. liquor (vinum). toddy (lac).
syrup (mel), sugbr and vinegar. Coir rope is also made from it to
tio with, and its branches are used to protect huts from rain. It
gives fruit a.ll the year round. which are rather nutll than dates,
resembling a man's hend. When the exterior rind has been removed.
they 'equal the sille of two fists. Inside the fruit contains water like
beer and good to Quench one's thirst. It is 80 plentIful tha.t. after
drinking from one fruit, you would not look for another. In th"
interior of tht' nut is a kernallining it all over like It covering and
forming a prized article of food. The shell furnishes the blacksmiths
with charcal. Those that live near the sea not only load their b.lats
with the tree, but also utilise it for milking ropt-II and sails. You will
find hardly any pieoe of writing except on its leaves. Tholle that live
on land invariably make use of thorn to shelter themsolves frOID rain",
etc. Saldanha, The Christinn Purana. p. XXIII-XXXVIII.
 VENKATA II'S RELATIONS WITH THE PORTUGUEiE 433

number of English merchants formed themselves into an

association and subscribed upwards of ;, 30,000 in s®port
of the undertaking. A Charter of Incorporation was &nnted
by Queen Elizabeth to George, Earl of Cumberland, an,d two
hundred and fifteen Knights, aldermen and merchants, under
the Harne of' The GO'lJernor and Company of Merchants of Lmrdon
trading into the East Indies '. The first expedition of this
Company, under Captain Lancaster, sailed from 'Wollwhich, on
. February 13th, 1601, but it did not reach India. In 1604 a second
attempt was made under the command of Henry Middleton but
with np better results.. Finally a third expedition was sent, and .
Captain Hawkins its commander, landed at Surat, proceeding
thence to the court of the Mughal Emperor. New voyages to
the East Indies were subsequently made almost every year 1.
4. These Dutch and English activities were by no meanS
propitious to the prospt!£ts of the Portuguese in the East. Since
1584, the relations between Spain and England had become
daily more and more strained in the Europeau se:;as. Moreover
in 1566 the Netherlands had rebelled against the Spanish
sovereign. And Portugal, now united to the Spanish crown,
was destined to taste in India the bitter fruits of ·this disagree-
ment between her conqueror and these two.enterprising nations 2.
True, a treaty of peace between Spain and England had been
made in 1604, one of the articles of w.hich, the 9th, provided
that the English were not to go to India, nor carry on commerce
in any part of it '. But the- British traders went on acting
as thoul!:h there were no such treaty . . Precisely at this time
John Mildenhall was in the Court of Akbar, deputed by Queen
Elizabeth, and trying to persuade the Mughal Emperor to
allow the British to -trade in his dominions on the same
.te;ms as those enjoyed by the Portuguese, Moreover he asked

1. Cf. Ldters Received by the E.ast India Compa"y, I, p. XV.XLI ;

DaB Gupta, India i" the Seve"temtli Century, p. 26.67; Robert •• History 0/
British ]'ulia, p. 21.22 ; HawkinB, Voyag,s, p. 379.H9.
2. Danvers, Report, p. 15-7.
3. Torre do Tombo, Livros das MOlleoes, Livro 32, fol. 72; Livro 33,
fol. 72. Cf. Danv8T8. o. c., p. 29.
55
..34 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA

Akhar not to take offence if the English captured Portu-

guese vessels or ports on his coasts t. They however endea-
voured to avoid open hostilities with the Portuguese, while
they competed with them for the Eastern trade 2. Early
in 1604 Fr. A. Laerzio wrote that there were in the gulf of
Bengal "many Dutch and British ships, our enemies, who had
captured some Portuguese vessels" s.
5. But at this time the influence of the Portuguese in
southern India had reached its zenith, through their ancient
friendship with the Emperor of Vijayanagara. Early in 1600,
when the Superior of the Province of Malabar, Fr. A Laerzio,'
passed through Chandragiri and was received in audience by
Venkata. the sovereign ordered all tke courtiers to leave the
haD and remained alone with the Fathers; then taking the
Provincial apart, he told him he wanted to send his ambassadors
to the new Viceroy of Goa "in order to renew and strengthen
the old friendship with the Portuguese". Now he wished that
Fr. Simao de Sa, who was then Rector of the College of St.
Thome, should accompany them: hence he begged Fr. Laerzio
to give him permission to do so. "Then the Provincial replied
that when the news of the landing of the Viceroy should arrive,
he would (."()nsider the cause. But the King urged again
(saying):--
"And when thi~ newS comes nQbody will be her ~ to give
this permission to the Rector (Fr. de Sa). We must make our
decision now; afterwards we shall not be able to do so."
Then Fr. Provincial gave his permission acc;ording to the
II

wishes of the King, who betraying his joy (in his countenance),
told Fr. Rector in a loud voice:-
.. You have already permission to go to Goa along with my
amb1ssadors" '.
The new Viceroy Ayres de Saldanha landed in Goa in the

1. cr. Smiih, Akbar, p. 292-3.

2. Danvers, o. 0., p. 21
3. From Fr. ·A. Laerzio to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Cochin, January
15th,16o., Ap. C, No. IX.
.. Liltmzt tt"muu of the Provioce of Malabar, 1604-1606, Ap. C,
No. XXII.
 VENKATA II'S RELATIONS WITH THE POR1UGUESE ~

same yt:ar 1600: and, according to a letter of Fr. Pimcnla datt:d

December 21st, 1602, shortly after his arrival wrote to the Emperor
Venkata "announcing by this letter his landing in India, thank-
ing him for the benevolence with which he treats the members
of our Society" I. This news probably reached Venkata's
court r arly in 1601; and it was then that Venkata sent to Goa
his legation btiefly mentioned by Anquetil du Perron '.
The ambassadors, along with Fr. de Sa and another Father,
left Venkata's court in the same year 160l. Fr. R ieio, who remain-
ed at Chandragiri, wrote on October 20th, of the same year: "Tht:
King wishes to be in close friendship with the Portuguese, and
sends his ambassadors to the Viceroy along with two of
our F athers, who are Fr. Simao de Sa and Fr. BelchiorCoutinho,
and presents (the Viceroy) with two rings that cost five thousand
lagodes, along with a message showing his desire to be the
brother in arms (ally) of the King of Portugal" 3. This extract
shows clearly Venkata's purpose in sending such an embassy
to the Poruguese Viceroy; it was to establish firmly a defensive
alliance with Portugal, probably against the Mughal Emperor
Akbar, whose desi~ns were at least suspected at Venkata's
court 4.
In a letter of December 21st, 1602, Fr. Pimenta, who was
still at Goa when the two Jesuits reached the city with the
ambassadors, writes: "I could write a long account of this
legation, as well as of the earnt:st entreaties lof the Prince
(Tirumala), whose country (Seringapatam) they had to pass
throu~h, that one of the Fathers should stay with him on his
return" :i. Unfortunately Pimenta did not set down this
account at length: he only says that the embassy passed
through Serinltapatam; hence it would proceed to Mangalore,
and from Mangalore would perhaps reach Goa by sea.

1. Lillerae A""wae of the Province of Goa, wriUen by Fr.

N. Pimenta. Goa. December 211t, 1&02, Ap. C, No. V.
2. AnqueiiJ du Perron,!' c., p. 168.
3. From Fr. F. Rioio tit) Fr. C. Aquaviva. Chandra,iri.Oc\ober
20th, 1601. Ap. C, No. L
4. Cf. Cb. XVI, Noe. 9 and 10.
6. Lilterat" A".at of the ProvInce of Goa, reeerred \0 in .o~ 1.
436 THE ARAVIDU 1>YNAST'Y OF VIJAYANAGARA

The success of this embassy seems to have been extraordi-

nary. In another Jesuit letter of 1602 we read: .. The
ambassadors, after having reft Goa full of gifts and honours
from the Viceroy, went by land to Chandegri (Chandragiri),
where in the presence of the. King and of the nobles of his court
they extolled all our things and, the honours and favours they
had received from the Viceroy and our Fathers in Goa; this was
highly esteemed by the King, who showed himself hereafter
more inclined to our interests" I. Even Philip III congratulat-
ed the Viceroy on the success of this legation; he wrote to him
from Valladolid on December %3rd, 1604: "I was very glad to
know that the ambasl>adors of this king (of Vijayanagara) were'
gallantly entertained and heard by you, as you wrote to me that
you did" 2.
6. The Viceroy naturally returned this courtesy with an em-
bassy of his own, the account of which is also found in one of the
Jesuit letters that runs as follows: "The ambassador was receiv-
ed by the King (Venkata) with great respect and splendour, as on
his arrival at Chandcgri (Chandragiri) one of the chi~fs of the
Royal Council, accompanied by elephants, camels. horses, kettle-
drummers and other signs of joy and meriment, went out to
fetch him and lodge him in the best palaces and houses of that
city. The King was at that time at Tt'ipeti (Tirupati), two
leagues from Chandegri. The King determined to receive our
ambassador in this city. for which he sent his favourite with
great show and reverence to f>ring him there. The King was
outside a very great court; not dressed in rich clothes, because it
is not customary. but covered with precious stones, armlets and
strings of pearls from his feet to the crown of his head: he wore
among others two jewels of great beauty, one of which was an
emerald surrounded by big pearls and brilliant diamonds, and
the other a ruby of high price and extraordinary greatness. The
ambassador knelt down, but the King ordered him to get up
and sit down. He (the King) joyfully received the letter and

1. LiJlerae Alflluae of the Province of Malabar, 160', Ap. C, No.

VIII,
2. From Kinl Philip IU ~o ~he Viceroy Ayres de Saldanha,
Vlllladolid, Deceillber 23rd. 1604, Ap. B, No. VII.
 V1!NKATA u's R£LATIONS WITH. TIlE PORTUGUESE 437
the gift of the Viceroy, and spoke of the friendly relations he
wished to llave with the Portuguese, and of other things concern-
ing tl\e welfare of the State. Then he sent back the ambassa-
dorloaded with honours and presents" 1.
Thus the old alliance which Venkata's predecessors had
made with the Portuguese was renewed s. "It had been
almost forgotten at tne time ", says the above-quoted letter J.
Venlcata himself in a letter to Fr. Pi menta, who was then at
Goa, wrote as follows: .. Myoid love for the Portuguese was
sufficiently proved at Goa. I have determined to send a ring
with other gifts to the Viceroy; my interpreter Condogor will
be charged with handing them o"er to him. Kindly inform
the Viceroy about my purpose, in order that the old friendship
may be renewed" f.
1. In the meantime in the city of St. Thome there were
continuous diffenmces between the Portuguese themselves, and
even sometimes between them and the neighbouring Hindus.
This uneasy state of affairs is indicated in a letterof the Viceroy
Dom Jeronymo d' Azevedo to his sovereign. in the year 1613:
" The inhabitants of the city of Meliapor (viz. Sao Thome de
Meliapor) were accustomed tolive in the most absolute freedom.
Justice has no other meaning than the one those citizens, and
specially those who are reputed as powerful, arc;: pleased to
give it. For since that land belongs to the King of Bisnaga
(Vijayanagara), and there is no garrison nor authority to be
respected, such and many other troubles take place there every
day" 6.
Venkata was aware of these dissensions, and felt how hard
the task of the governor or adigar of that city must be. The one
appointed in 1599 was, it seems, a man without the experience

1. Litterae Air_ of the Province of MalabllT, 1602, Ap. C, No.

VIII.
!. Cf. Ch. IV, No.5.
3. See Ap. C, No. VIII.
4.. Litterae Allmuu of the Provinc~ of Goa, written by Fr. N.
Pimentd., Goa, December 2b~, 1602. Ap. C, No. V.
5. From the Vioeroy Dom J eronymo d' Azevedo to King
Philip III, 1613, Ap. B, No. XVII.
.38 THE ARAVJDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA

of years or of affairs j hence Venkata wrote to Fr. Simao de Sa

to look carefully after the welfare of the city, and also ordered
his adigar totake no serious steps without previously consulting
the Jesuits I . As a matter of fact, one of the Jesuit letters of
1600 relates that some differences between the governor and the
Portuguese were settled through the deligence of Fr. de Sa and
Fr. Manoel de Veiga 90.
Nevertheless, the (iots in the city of St. Thome continued in
the following years. .. When I reached this country on
September 3rd, 1606", writes Fr. M. Roiz from St. Thome itself,
.. I found the Portuguese quarrelling and lighting among them-
selves, as they were doing two or three years ago" ' . And
anotht:r letter, recounting the affairs of the same year 1606, states:
"This city of Sao Thome is for the best dir ided into factions
md there are often terrible fights, as in times of civil war. No
remedy can be found for that, since it is situated in tile country
of the Hindu King, and far from the capital j and neither the
judicature nor the captain is so provided with military fotce a&
to arrest and punish the criminals. Great troubles however have
been checked by our (fathers). One Friday during Lent the
preacher spoke so fervently and zealously against hatred and
strife that the chief of one of those factions, who was hearing.
the sermon together with other people carrying arms and
muskets, was so deeply moved that he determined to change his
life at once and to become a friend of his foe j as he did in the
Mother Church of· St. Thoma. the Apostle, where he made
amends for the damage and loss he had caused and went to
confession with signs of cClntrition and amendment. At
present there is no hatred nor ilrife" 4
8. In order to put an end to these contin ual disturbances.
it seems that the appointment of l!- Bishop for Sao Thome was

1. Du J arri c, I. p. 682.
2. From Fr. :J;l. Coutinho to Fr. N. Pime:1ta. ebandragiri. July
17th, 1600, Ap. e, No. V.
3. From Fr. M. Roiz to Fr. J. Alvarez, St. Tbome, November
let, 1606, Ap. e, No. XII.
4. Litterae Allmlae of the Provinoe of Malabar, 1606.1607, Ap.
e, No. XXVI.
 ~ H8
XV] I. India and Burma according to the' Carta :\larina' of 1516 by M. Waldseemuller.
 VENKATA II's RELATIONS WITH THE PORTUGUESE ..39

proposed, as is clear from a letter of the Viceroy Dom

Jeronymo d' Azevedo to the King written in 1613. In this
letter the Viceroy states that experience has shown that the
citizens of Sao Thome have not improved after the appointment
of a Bishop there 1. On the other hand, th e Bishop of Cochin
was unable to make his pastoral visit through "he whole of his
diocese on account of its extent 2. Hence Philip III of Spain,
moved by these two reasonS, requested Hi s Holiness Paul V,
to erect a new 'Bishopric in Sao Thome~. Hi.. Majesty's peti-
t'ion was presented to the Pope by Cardinal Eduardo Fnrnesse 4.
Paul V finally erected the Church of St. Thomas at Mailapur
(Mylapore) as the Cat hedral ofthe new Bishopric on January 9th,
1606; and on the same day appointed the August iuian Friar Fr.
Sebastiao de Sao Pedro as its first Bishop, according to the
KiJlg's request 5. The new Diocese embraced the whole Coalit
of CAilromandel and the Kingdoms of Bengal, Orissa and
Pega ll•
The new Bishop reached St. ' Thome late in 1608. ,. The
new Bishop sent by Holiness and His Majesty", writes Fr.
Coutinho, .. has reached St. Thome. And our Fr, Rector ~nter­
tained him very kindly in our own house, where he resided i and
when he went through the streets on foot, he was received with
great pageant, dancing. garlands, tri u mph ~l arches, etc. He i.
our sincere friend" 1.

1. From the Viceroy Dom Jeronymo d' Azevedo to KiDg, Goa.

December, 1613, AJ> .• B, No. XIV. n seeJllS that Dom Jeronymo
e_ proposed to abOlish the Billhopric of St. "I:home, for on March
2nd,lSl5.,PhiliplII wrote to himaafollows: "Na mesma car$a me pro-
pondea que 08 bispados da China y Meliapor se devem tornllr a unir
aoe de ),{alaca e Coohim .. .... e por quanto os inconvenieDte. que
aporfaesnao meparecerem bastantea para alterar 0 que, \&0 pouCo ba,
tenho orcienado, hei por bem que a88Y 8e oontinue ". Bulba\) Pato.
Docw""IIIoJ, III,p. 284.
2. Noticia destt Bis~ de Mailapur. Ap.D.No. II.
S. Ibid. Of. Mitras LusitalUlS, p. 95.
•• C.?a dO _is ~·.e"ciaJ iIfIlNlla da ertccao do Bispo de S. T""'e,
A,p. D. No, I.
S. N.ucia dtste Bista® d, Mailap#r, 1. c.
6. Colia till _is eStIfCiai, ). o.
7. From Fr. B. Cou\inho to Fr. C. Aquaviva, VellaTe, Oo\ober
urn.
lUb, 1608, Ap. C. .rio.
440 THE ARA VJDU DYNASTY OF VJ)A Y ANAGARA

9. Precisely in the very year of the establishment of the

Diocese of Mylapore, an event took place in St. Thome which
enra~ed Venkata II against the Portuguese. The occasion was
a fight the Portuguese had with the Hindus, owing to the death
of a Portuguese gentleman married at St. Thome, who was
stabbed by the Hindus at night in their own city (probably
Madras). He had gone fully armed to it in search of a girl,
who either had run away from him or had been stolen from his
house by a soldier of the adigar 1. A fight having ensued
there, many Hindus joined this soldier, and the Portuguese was
killed and a brother of his wounded. News reached St. Thome
at once. .. Our men ", says Fr. Coutinho, .. rioted and wanted
to set out during night to attaek' the fort. The captain
stopped them till next day, when at dawn they wer:t well
armed to the captain's house; and the counsels of the young
men prevailed over those of the Priests and the old people of
the city". The captain, moreover, was forced by the relatives
of the deceased to take revenge. At last, gathering together a
strong force of armed people, he marched against the Hindu
town (Madras), by storming and sacking it and slaying a number
of people; and as the adigar had taken shelter in a fortress
close to St. Thome (Mylapore) the Portuguese set the fort on
fire.
News of this rising was reported to Venkata by the same
adigar. But his letter "related the events falsely", says the same
Coutinho, .. and the Quec:n, who has paramount power all over
the country at present, excited the King against the Portuguese
on account of this affair; so that, after the aforesaid. letters (of
the adigar) were ' read in the presence of the whole court, the
sovereign ... became so furious that, though usually as meek as a
lamb, on that occasion he looked like a lion, and said several
times that he would destroy even the foundations of our city; to
do which he appointed some captains, declaring that he did not
want friendship .y.'ith the Portuguese any more, and that he
would call the Dutch, and so on," One of the things he said,
according to another Jesuit letter, was that " if the adigar

1. The .ourees we ule for the narrative of this fact are not
COli currenton thie point.
 VENKATA II'S RELATIONS WITH THE PORTUGUESE 441

had committed anyofi'ence, they (the P-Qrtuguese) ought to have

represented it to him and he would have punished him" ... His
courtiers said ", continues Countinho, "that they had never
seen him so much excited as on this occasion " .
.. The inhabitants of St. Thome", says another letter,
.. fearing that the King might send an army to besiege them,
deputed Fr. Rector, Nicolas Levanto, to go to the King and
appease him with reasOlls and presents. The King on hearing
of his arrival sent him ;, message inviting him, in case he had
come to talk on the Fa .hers' business; but if he had come to
talk on the affairs of M"leapor (Mylapore} he would not listen,
seeing that they had. oftered him such a great affront; nor would
he receive their presents ". Nevertheless Venkata gradually
relented; and being naturally meek and benevolent " after two
months he sent for Fr. Levan to, who was received by the Sove-
reign with signs of great affection. Then the Rector of the
college of St. Thome offered to the King all the presents he was
carrying on behalf of the Portuguese, and obtained everything
he had asked for, .. even (0 remove that adigar or captain of the
fort, placing in his stead another one according to the wishes of
the Portuguese". Such was the end of that unpleasant incident,
which might easily have been the ruin of the city of St.
Thome '.

1. From Fr. M. Roiz to Fr. J. Alvarez, St. Thome, Novemberlst.

1606, Ap. C, No XII; From Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. C. Aquaviva, St.
Thome, November 4th, 1606, Ibid., No. XIII; From the flame to the
same, saine date, Ibid., No. XIV; From the same to Fr. J. Alvarez,
Vallore, November llth,1607, Ibid., No. XVIII; Litterae Annuae of the
Province of Malabar, 1606-1607, Ibid., No. XXVI. Two years later
Venkaia reoeived in his court at Vellore a Portuguese merchant
dealing in emeralds. From Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Vellore,
October 11th, 1608, Ap. C, No. XXlII; Guerreiro, Relacam Annal ....
"0 a""o de 606. &- 607., p. 105. It i. wor~h while to oompare this
aooount based on impartial contemporary doouments with the folio".
ing extraot from Whiteway, The Riu 0/ the Portuguese Power, p. ~:
"When St. Thome was held to ransom for the intolerant acts of tOme
Jesuits and Franoi.cans, the Raja of Vijayanagara kept suclmaith
with the Portugu81e that, as one of them says, such humanity and
ju.tice are not to be fund among chri.tians ".
66
#2 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA

10. It was their very good fortune not to lose for ever the
friendship of the powerful monarch of Vijayanagara, in those
days of great trials and dangers for the Portuguese in India;
their cause was in great dis~ress"aRd the success of their·enter-
prises was then first thwarted by 'the enemies who finally ruined
their once flourishing State.
Fr. Alberto Laerzio, an Itahan and hence an impartial wn-
ness, in a letter to Fr. J. Alvarez dated C,ochin, November 20th,
1608, says that the causes of these troubles were two: the mal-
administration of Archbishop Menezes, who was then act-
ing as Governor General since the death of Dam Martim
Atronso de Castro I , and the increasing power of the Dutch
and the English traders; .. the Dutch ships", he says, .. are
cruising in these eastern seas, checked by nobody" 2. At
the same time the English had taken possession of Masuli-
patam ; and Philip III, in a letter dated December loth, 1607,
rc::commends his Viceroy to do his best with Vell kata in order
to obtain their expulsion 'from the place 3. At the end of
the same year, the new Viceroy Conde da F eira was eagerly
expected at Goa; but· the Dutch were interested in impeding his
arrival. He had left Lisbon with a fleet of fourteen ships, one
of which, says Fr. Laerzio in the above mentioned letter, "parted
from the Viceroy and reached Mozambique in the month of
August; and finding there thirteen Dutch ships that had be-
sieged our fortress, was conquered' by them after one day's
hard fight". The Dutch were then informed that the Viceroy
was coming behind; hence they raised the siege and went to
Goa, where they anchored off the mouth of the river. " During

I, In 1606 the Arohbilhop Governor sent the gift of a horse t~

VeDkata II. From Fr. B, Couiinho to Fr. C, Aquavi va, St. Thome,
No.ember·Ub,l606, Ap, C, No. XIV.
t. From Fr. A. Laerzio to Fr. J. Alvarez, Coohi'll, November
10th, 1608. Ap. C, No. XXIV.
3. From Philip III to the V leeroy Martin Alfonso de Castro,
Lilbon, Deoember 10th,l607, Bulbao Pato, Docu",tIIlos, J, p. 1-'6. An-
other le«er of the same sovereign, dated Lisbon, February ·21st, 1610,
lpeaka of the same expullion of the Engli.h \radera hom Maluln-
patao (MalUiipatam). Ibid.. p. 359,
 VENKATA D'S RELATIONS WITH THE PORTUCUES£ 443

oW'stay there ", C"ontinues Laerzio," news reached us that a

ship. Oliveira by name, belonging to the Viceroy's -party, had
alto arrived and was six miles away on the North and even
within sight: our ships went there from Goa, threw all money
and goods overboard and, before the arrival of the Dutch, had
set the ship on fire and reduced the whole of it to ashes, that
the enemy might have nothing of it. OJ Of the other twelve
ships with the Viceroy no news whatsoever is heard ", so Laerzio
says at the end 1. As a matter of fact Conde da Feira nevec
saw the' shores of India: he died on the way.
II. At the end of the ye!lr 1608 the Dutch obtained from
Krishnappa Nayaka of Jinji permission to build a fort in
Devanapatnam. as we have stated in one of the preceding
chapters 2. It seems that in the place selected by them ther~
was formerly an old fCJl't 3. They soon started to construct
their own. But according to a letter of Venkata to Philip III
of Spain, which we shall quote later on, no sooner did the
Emperor hear of the construction of this fort, than he sent an
envoy to the Nayak of Jinji, ordering the expulsion of the
Dutch from his territory. It seems that Krishnappa Nayaka
did not obey his sovereign's order; for in the following year
1609, Fr. Nicolas Levanto was deputed by the Bishop and the
Municipality of St. Thome to obtain from Venkata the expul-
sion of the Dutch from Devanapatnam. Levanto went to
Venkata's court and easily obtained from him a new order for
the Nayak of Jinji, to whom he personally presented it. He
was also well rooei¥ed by Krishnappa. M.atters however were
seriously discussed; .. the nut was a hard·one to .crack", says
the Jesuit letter we are transcribing here, .. becaJlse of the
large profit he was boping to get from the new guests; hence
he (Krishnappa) told the Father to hope for the best, but at
the same time delayed giving him a definite reply". Venkata
in the meantime suspected the cause of this delay, and accord-
ingly issued a third letter. of his own accord, in which he
scolded the Nayak for his disobedience, and ordered him again
1. From Fr. A. Laerzio to Fr. J.Alvarez, Coohin, November 10th,
1608, Ap. C, No. XXIV.
2. Cf. Ch. XIX, No. 12.
3. Rea, Ml1lff1melllal R_ilfS, p. 13.
 444 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTV OF VlJAYANAGARA

.. to do accord in, to the ' demand of t~e Father, and expel from
his territory the foes of the Portuguese, who are better friends
than the Dutch ".
As soon as Krishnappa received this letter he sent for
Fr. Levanto i and after assuring' him that he was ready to obey
the Emperor's order, gave him letters for the Bishop, the
Captain and the Municipality of St. Thome. In these letters he
anllounced his final resolution that the fort already in construc-
tioll should be delivered to the Portuguse. Fr. Levanto him-
sel! went there, by the Nayak's express command, to witness
the expulsion of the Dutch. .. The foundations and the walls of
the citadel had already been built on' all sides to some height.
There was a huge amount of lime and a good supply of bricks,
for the fort was going to be of brickw.ork .. One of our priests
remained there" 1.
Great was the success of the Portuguese on this occasion,
thanks to the benevolence of Venkata; and equally great was
the disappointment of the Dutch. But they did not relinguish
all hopes i for once more before Venkata's death they demanded
from Krishnappa Nayaka p.ermission to settle in Devanapatnam
and Porto Novo, the new city founded by Krishnappa 2, but
this time without success iI. Probably it is on account of these
constant refusals on his part to allow the Dutch to settle in his
territory, that Krishnappa is said in a letter of the Portuguese
Viceroy, Dom Francisco da Gama, dated November 28th, 1634,
to be .. very fond of the Portuguese" 4.
12. This friendship of Venkata with the Portuguese was
confirmed in the same year on receipt of a letter from Philip
III, King of Spain and Portugal, in which His Catholic Majesty
thanked the Vijayanagara Emperor for his royal protection of
the Missionaries of the Society of Jesus. The text of this letter

1. Lirr6rae AflltUae of the Provinoe of Malabar, 1609, Ap. 0, No.

Xxx. Of. Figueroa, Historia y Aflal R'elaciofl .. .Los IJIIGS passados de
607 y 608, p. 114-5.
2. Cf. Oh. XIX, No. 8.
3. Memorial agai"st the Jesuits 0/ VijayaffflKara, Ap, C, No.
XXXVIL
•. This lettet will be published in Vol. II.
 VENKATA fi'S RELATIONS WITH THE PORTUGUESE 44S
runs as follows, according to a coov we have found in the
Pangim Archives ;-
.. Very Noble King of Bisnaga (Vijyanagara) .
.. I, Dom PheJippe, etc., make you aware that I have come '
to know the good hospitality you have extended to the Reli-
gious of the Society who dwell in your kingdom, and ,the favour
and assistance you have bestowed on them, as to things con-
cerning Christianity; for which I deemed that it was my duty to
thank you, as I do by this letter of mine, and to inform you of
the good will with which I shall be pleased, for the sake of all
this, to oblige you in all your thing$.
"And thus I command my Viceroy to carry it out in
whatsoever way you may want from him. And I expect from
your nobility that you will keep up this your excellent treatment
of the said Religious, so that I may ever feel more and more
indebted to you, the Very Noble King of Bisnaga .
.. May Our Lord enlighten you with the light of H is grace,
and with the sarfie keep you under His protection .
.. Written in Madrid, January 27th, 1607" I.
This letter from such a powerful sovereign deeply affected
the old Emperor of Vijayanagara. From the latter's answer we
deduce: that the Viceroy of Goa also wrote proposing to him on
behalf of his sovereign an alliance against the Muhammadans,
with special reference to the Mughal Emperor. This was
precisely Venkata's desire. Witness his answer to Philip III
as follows ;-
.. Letter of the King of the Kings, Great Lord, Great Knight,
King Vencatapati, very &reat King, to the most powerful Lord
of sea and land, Dam Phelipe, King of Portugal, etc.
.. I received Your MlIjesty's letter and I enjoyed its read-
ing very much. Your Maje9ty spoke of two things in It;
the first was about the Fathers of the Society of Je511s, who are

1. Ap. B, No. X. In a letter of Ki~ Phelippe to his Vioeroy

dated Deoember 10th, of the sam!! year, the Spanish sovereign refen
to this letter to Venkata II: .. Pelo que me esoreve.tes d(' bom
prooedimento del.rey de Bisnaga e favorel:t que faz em suas terras
aos padres da companhia, mandei escrever as graclls d'il8O nas nau.
que eate anno foram ". Bulhao Pato. DOCUllleillos, I, p. 146.
«6 THE' liRA VIDtJ DYNASTY OF ViJAY ANAGAllA

living at my court, and Your Majesty's joy on hearing

bow I was myself honouring and entertaining them. The
second was about Your Majesty's Viceroy at Goa, viz. that Your
Majesty had already written to him, ordering him to help
me when the welfare of my kingdom should require it. I
was very glad to know both things, because, as far as the
Fathers are cencerned, they, in these eleven years they have
spent at my court, have always been good, religious, very
chaste, prudent, learned people and preachers of their own faith ;
and I shall treat them in the way Your Majesty desires
and they are worthy of. As regards the Viceroy, 1 am always
ready to help him with the whole of my army and power, when
necessary, against our old common enemies the Moors
(Muhammadans) .
.. I learned how the Dutch, rebel subjects of Your Majesty
came to Girola (Jinji), to talk with the Nayque (Nayak), and
they requested from him the harbour ofTauana Patan (Devana-
patnam), where th ey were already building. a fortress. I sent
at once a messenger of mine with some letters for the Nayque;
and later on Fr. Nicolas Levanto, Rector of the College of St.
Thorne of the Society of Jesus, at my request went there taking
with )Um letters of mine on the same obj.:ct. And I saw that
the Nayque forbade the building of a fortress by them, and
expelled them from my possessions, since they, being rebels
against Your Majesty, so they are also to my person.
"The old friendship which existed between the Kings my
ancestors, and the Kings of Portugal, from the time of N arsinga
(Narasimha), must continue at present between Your Majesty
and myself, and I beg Your Majesty to write me at once when-
ever necessary .
.. From my Kingdom
.. Venkataja, King" I.
The Spanish monarch was naturally extremely glad to
receive Venkat_a's letter, and to know his attitude towards the
Dutch traders at Devanapatnam. Simultaneously he addressed
a number· of letters to several Princes of the East against his

1. Fi.-roa, Histllria y Allal Relacioll ...... Los alios passados d,

. " 1 601, p. 11M.
 VENKATA n's RELATIONS wrrH THE PORTUGUESE 447
rebel subjects of the Netberlands. COPies or wmch are to be found
in the Government Archives at Pangim 1. Kin~ Phelippe was
made aware of the conduct of Venkata II towards the Dutch by
a letter of Archbishop Menezes, as one of the former's letters to
his Viceroy testifieli. Even before he had received this letter of
Venkata, he had again written to the old Emperor thanking
him for his loyal friendship 2.
13. This friendship between Venkata and the Portuguese
!'.eems to have come to an abrupt end in 16II, when the former
besieged the city of St. Thome. The Viceroy, Dom Jeronymo
d 'Azevedo, in a letter to his sovereign dated 1613. (month not
given), says that the origin of this war 'was due to the absence of
the Jesuits' from Venkata's court 3. They had been removed
from it shortly before 4. A Jesuit letter of I-6II gives a full
account of this unfortunate affair.
" Its cause ", says the letter, "was greed of money; for the
old King dotes sometimes. and on such occasions those who
1. See one of these letters to' the k ing of Cananor in Ap. B. No.
IX. In 1613, 1.he Spanish monarch ordered his Viceroy 1.0 thank the
Kings of CaLicut and Cansnor for the expulsion of the Dutch from
their pons. Ap. B, No. XVI. In ih ~ same year he gave a detail.
acoount of the Dutch and British ships, which bad left Europe for ~be
East. Ap. B, No. XVI. In the volume MOllcol's do Reillo, No.6, (la. pte.)
in the Arquitlo da Serretaria Gual do GOVl'nro, PaDgim, there are several
documents on this subject. A letter to the King of Cocbin, dated
Madrid, January 17th, 1607 (fol. 117). another to the King of Melinde.
Li.bon. December 22nd, 1606 (foI.120), another to the Prince of Carnate
(.fie), ' Lisbon, December 23J'd, 1606 (fol: 123), another to the King of
Porqua. Lisbon, December 22nd, 1606. A letter of the same sovereign to
hi. Vioeroy dated January 16th, 1607, laying down their attitude
towards the petty chiefs of Canara runs as follows .. E porque 0
estado das cosas mostram ser necessario conservar a estes reys em
paz e amiS!lde, vosencommendo trateis com que 8ssi se faoa lembrando.
Ihe a elles que nao tenham commeroio nem amisade com os lebeldes de
Hollanda, por serem aleuantado8." Bulhao Pato, DOClllllellttls, I. p.73.
2. .. E porque 0 dito arcebispo govcrnudar me escreve na
melma conformidade e 0 bem que 0 dito rey Be tem avido em nao
con.entir que 08 hollandezea sejam recehidos em lIenhum porto lieU,
Ihe mandei escreuer a carta que vae nestas viaa." J.. isbon, December
10tb. 1607, Bulbao Pato, DOCllmr"toS. I, p. 146.
3. Ap. B, No. XJL
4. Cf, Cb. XXII, No. 11.
44B THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA

govern the kingdom do as they please. Once they demanded

from the citizens of St. Thome an enormous amount of money.
They (the Portuguese) refused (to pay) such an el.traordinary ex-
action; then they were attacked (by the King's soldiers), and
defended themselves; both parties fought courageously ; many of ,
the enemies and some Portuguese were killed" 1. In the city,
which was not yet fortified 2, the besiegers resisted for several
months, according to a letter of Fr. Laerzio \ Fr. Queyroz,
who suppose!t that Venkata himself was commanding the
beleaguering army, relates that in the course of the siege, his
Queen brought forth a child whose legitimacy was doubtful.;
this seems to indicate that the siege lasted about nine months.
Thc l;ame author records that the army of Venkata contained
two hundred and twenty thoul;and soldiers, who were finally re-
pulsed with heavy losses by the Portuguese under the command
of Manoel de Frias, Captain of St. Thome 5. From a letter of
Philip III to his Viceroy, dated March 6th, 1613, it appears that
the Bishop Fr. Sebastiao de Sao Pedro had a large share in the
hardships of the siege, the success of which was partly due to
him: •. I highly appreciate the person and the services of the
Bisbop ", says His Majesty, "and his conduct during the
siege "'. And on February 20th, 1614, the King writes again
to hi, Viceroy as follows: "The Bishop of Meliapor (MYlapore)
wrote to me describing his action in my royal service during
the siege of that city" 7. The same letter speaks of the aid
given to the Portuguese by Raghunatha Nayaka of Tanjore

1. un"" A"ltUae of the Province of Malabar. 1611. Ap. C, No .

XXXV.
2. From :Un, Philip III to the Vioeroy Dom Jeronymo d'
Azeyedo. Li.bon, March 7th. 1613. Ap. B. No. XIII.
3. From Fr. A. Laenio to Fr. C. Aquaviva. Coehin, November
!Stb. 1611, Ap. C. No. XXXII.
L Que)'l'OlI; Co"quista de Clylao. p. 309.
5. Ibid.
6. Philip III'. letter mentioned in note 2. Ap. B. No. XIII.
7. From Phili» III to the Vioeroy Dom Jeronymo d'.A.aevedo.
Li.bon. Pebruary 20th. 1614. Ap. B. No. XI. Fr. Beba.tiao de Sao Pedro
i••110 .. 1111. io have defended St. Thome and Sadra. ,,,inlt the
Dukh. Of. N«icia tleste Bis}a4D de Naila./flr. Ap. D, No. II,
 VENKATA U'S RELAT IONS WITH THE PORTUGUESE 449
.. And since I have also been told of the good . conduct of the
Nayak of Tanjaor (Tanjore)" in my service during the
aforesaid siege, I am sending by this mail a letter
thanking him, entrusting you with the charge of forwarding it
to him" 1. Unfortunately neither this letter nor a copy of it
has hitherto reached our hands; we know only that it was sent
to the Bishop of Mylapore, by whom it had to be dispatched to
Tanjore: .. The letter of Your Majesty to the Nayak of Tanjaor
(Tanjore) ", says the Viceroy in his answer liD the King, " is
being sent to the Bishop (of Mylapore). who will hand it over to
him" ' .
Finally the Bishop and the Captain of St. Thome deputed
Fr. Antonio Rubino, and two of the chief men of the city to pro-
pose terms of peace to Venkata. .. But since they did not bring
the sum demanded, they were seized and cast into prison. We
are still ignorant of what will be the end of this affair" '. So
does aJesuit letter, written at the close of ISII, end its narrative
of this war. At any rate we know that Fr. Rubino and his com-
panions remained in prison for two months, and were eventually
released on the Portuguese promising to pay 401 pagodas; half
to be paid at once and the other half by instalments during the
following six months. Rubino's return to St. Thome was a
solemn triumph: he was received and acclaimed as the liberator
of the country 4.
14. The siege of St. Thome by the army of Venkata II
clearly showed the imperative necessity of fortifying the city.
No walls had surrounded the settlement till then; it was really a
lour de force to resist the attack of the imperial army for several
months, without walls, bastions or ditches. In a letter of Philip
III of March 7th, 16T3, we read: "The same Viceroy wrote to me
that the inhabitants -,of the city of C:t. Thome were demanding
aid and permission, not only for fortifying themselves, '

1. Ibid.
2. From the Viceroy DOql Jeronymb d' Azevedo to PhilipIII.
January 21st, 1613, Ap. B, No. XIII.
3. Litterae Antlllaeof the Province of Malabar, 1611, Ap. C, No.
XXXV.
4. Cf. Saroglia, Vita del Venerabilc P. Antonio Rubino, p. 30.
l)7
..SO THE A'RAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA

but alSo for incorporating their city into the jurisdiction of that
State '(of Portuguese India), and establishing a custom,house
and a tax-collector to gather the • one fourth per cent', which
is now paid to the King of Bisnaga (Vijayangara), f~r my
treasury" t The second item which the King speaks of
,shows the disaffection the inhabitants of St. Thome felt towards
'venkata. It had been the natural r.esult of his recent siege
of their OWl) city. This was the first indication of their
desire to be jndependent of the sway of the Vijayanagara
Sovereign, Great discussions ensued on -this point after the death
of Venkata, which will be narrated in the following volume. As
to the first poiht of the King's letter, his decision to fortify St.
Thome was not carried out until after Venkata had passed
away; his letter did not reach India before that event. This
may be seen from the answer of the Viceroy 2.
There was still another problem about St. Thome, which
required prompt solution. The Viceroy, in a letter of 1613,
jlfter relating the difIt!rences and brawls between the citizens of
St, Thome, adds: "For this reason I wish to appoint a hidalgo
of authority as captain of that city, and at the head
of a garrison able to wage war" a. Dom Jeronymo d'
Azevedo, when writing these words, had no doubt in mind the
recent war, with Venkata. At the end of the same year he
again urged his sovereign to nominate a respectable hidalgo
for that task, "because, oYfing to the want of such a respect-
able person there, mallY riots take place and the citizens are
divided and fighting among themselves; and specially (he is
necessary) to be -there ready to check the Dutch if they intend
to settle again on that coast" 4. The Bishop himself also
wrote to the Viceroy requesting the appointment of a person

1. From Philip III to the Viceroy Dom Je:ronomo d' Azevedo.

Lisbon, March 7th, 1613, Ap. B, No. XIII.
2. Ibid.
3. From the Viceroy Dom J eronymo d' Azevedo to Philip III
1613, Ap. B, No. XVII.
4. From the same to the same, Goa, December 26th. 1613, Ap.
B, No. XV.
 VI::NKATA UIS RELATloNS WITH THE ~ORTUGUEsE 451

for that post I . To put an end to such troubles, Dom Jeroriymo

'd'Azevedo' wrote to the King on December 31st, 1614, that per-
haps he would himself proceed to St. Thome 2. But his pro-
ject was not carried out.
In the meantime, he wished to appoint Dom Bernardo de
Noronha, Captain of St. Thome; for he wrote to the King to
this effect on December 26th, 1613. On the matter being proposed
to his councillors, Dom Bernardo was elected and .. thus I
declared to him ", says Dam Jeronymo, .. that I would give him
as much (money) as I could take from th e State, with the same
regulations as the Captain of Ormuz has, and the authority
over that city and tbe whole of that coast, which is ordinarily
given to the Captain-Generals of the fleet". But in spite of the
earnest entreaties of the Viceroy, of the Archbishop and of
other nobles such as Dom Luiz da Gama, Dom Bernardo de
Noronha refused the appointment B. The Viceroy, however,
still hoped to send Dam Bernardo to St. Thome; but at the end
of the following year he received two letters from his sovereign,
in which Philip III disapproved of such an appointment.
.. Hence" says the Viceroy, II I did not think of i't any more" 4.
Nothing further touching this matter is found during the life of
Venkata II.
I S. The fear of the Portuguese that the Dutch, after their
expulsion from Devanapatnam, would renew their attempt to
establish a factory on the eastern coast, was not groundless. In
1605-6, one of their ships went to PuJicat, and after that tf1e
. ------ ------
1. From the same to the sarno, llhas, December 31st, 1614, Ap.
B, No. XVIII.
2. Ibid.
3. From the same to the same, Goa, Decom ber 26th, 1613, Ibid ..
No. XV.
4. From tho same to the same, as in note 1 of page 450. Dom.
Bornardo de N(:)ronha was finally appoiniC'd Oaptain General of
Malabar in the following year, acoording to a letter of the Viceroy to
the King, dated Decflmber 18th, 1615. Atchivo dn Secre/aria Geral do,
Governo, Pangim, Moncoes flo Reino, No 12, Ana de 1614,/01.191). He
BeemB to have died shortly after, IIccording to anothor letter of the
Viceroy (Ibid., fo1. 254.).
 452 TH& ARAVmU DYNASTY OF vI,JAVANAGARA

place was selected by them for their future settlement. .~ A

Dutch ship," says Fr. Coutinbo in ,a l~tter of 1606, "went there
(Pu1icat~ twice; and they (the natives of the pl~~) wanted to
receive them and were inviting them to land, with the purpose
of introducing them to the King; but they (the Dutch) suspected
that we would object (to their landing) here; and we have ob.
tained o/as from the black King (Venkata), in Velur (Vellore),
in which they are absolutely forbidden to allow them (the
Dutch) to land in any case" 1.
The place selected by the Dutch traders in the Chingfeput
District, 25 miles North of Madras, was admirably suited
to their commercial purposes 2. Being situated on the
southern extremity of an island which separates the sea from
the Pulicat Lake, it had been a trading port before the Dutch
knew the route to India and the eastern seas. Ludovico de
Barthema, who travelled through India from 1505 to 1507, des-
cribes Paleachate as a .. place of immence trade" a, which, it
seems, was conducted by the natives mainly with the Str-aits
Settlements 4. The Portuguese had been at Pulicat several
times after their first settlement in India 6. Pulicat was t<>
become the chief settlement of the Dutch East India COII)pany
on the coast of Coromandel, and a continual thorn in the side
of the Portuguese, who in the possession of that spot by the
Dutch foresaw the ruin of their own trade.
The shrewd traders of the Netherlands were aware that
their main enemies at the court of Venkata were the Jesuits. So
when they heard shortly after that the Jesuits had left that
place for good (as will be narrated in the following chapter) they
took this opportunity to press their demands on the King; who
1. From Ft. B. Coutinho to Fr. C. Aquaviva, St. Thome,
November 4th,lS0S, Ap. C, No. XIIJ..
2. In II. letter of Jacques I'Hermite to the Chambers of
XVII dated Bantam, November 10th, 1610, we read the following,
words; .. For the present, these plaoes (Devanapatnam and Plllicat)
remain in good hands and will be in the future the most important of
the shore, especially Pllleaoata." De Jongue, De OpkolUSl, III. p. 541.
3. Gubernatis, Slor!a, p. 1 ~3 .
4. Burgess, Sold/, Indian PalaeograpllJ, p. 193.
5. Correa, IV, p. 324.
 VE14KATA IllS RELAtioNS WITH THE PORTUGUESE 453
being now old and weak ~nd shorn of Jesuit support, finally
consented'. Aceording to a' letter of DonI Jeronymo d' Azevedo
to Philip IU"of 1613, this concel;sinn to tbe Dutch would never
have been made, had the Jesuits been then at Venkata's courll.
This event took ptace at the end of 1606. But the agree~
ment was not signed until the month of April of the following
year. This dQ1::ument, translated from tht: Dutch, runs as
follows :
.. Agreement made by the Captain Arent Maertsz, in the
name and by the power of the Most Honourable States~General
and of His Excellency the Prince Mauritius de Nassau un one
side; and the r.elebrated high-born King Vinkata Pati Raya
Alou King of the country Carnatica, Sinwasena, Pati and otht:r
districts on the ' other side, and that for ever, on the 24th of
April of the year 1610,
.. First, His Princelike Excellency will build for his subjects
at Palleacatten a place, a stone house, to keep all kinds of war
ammunitions, powder, lead, bullets, anchors, ropes, sais and all
kinds of other merchandi.se to save it from fire, robbers and all
lcinds of accidents .
.. Furthet"more, we Dutchmen and men from Zeeland and
those who traffic here in the name of the General Company shl\l1
be oaliged to pay two in every hundred of goods and merchan-
dise which shall, be brought on land or taken away from there ;
it being well understood that what has been paid once has not
to be paid a second time; moreover, riqe aod other nec~sitjes
for the house have not to be paid for.
"The King may not allow the Portuguese to live and to
trade !D' Paleac.atte, but on the contrary has to prevent it.
.. No one on either side will be allowed to introduce any
que~tion and argument or disput~tion about religion.
' If anyone; on account of some mischief, is induced torun
to th~ King or into the country, the KUig will be obliged to hand
him over to our nation.
"Moreover, .all persons (as) merchants can traffic with us,

1. From·\be Vioeroy Don Jeronymo d' Azevedo to Philip III,

I~13,Ap. B, N,o. XII.
4S4 fHE ARA\tfDU DYNAsty OF V1JAYANAGARA

sell or buy goods and merchandise, so that no one can prevent

it.
H All painters and weavers who should make some agree-
ment with our nation and make or paint cloth or sell linen here,
will receive the payment according to the agreement. More-
'over, the King will not be able to allow any ,European nation to
trade here, other than those who have the permission, of His
Princelike Excellency.
"On our side, we on behalf of this General Company pro-
mise to the King that whatsoever goods, guns, war-ammunition
or other such things of our countries he desires we shall be
obliged to bring here on the first occasion; the King will pay
for these things the price they cost in our countries
" When we stop with our ships in the harbour of PaUea-
catta, we shall not be allowed to do any harm or to arres,t any
boat.
" All the boats that sail from here to other places _with a
passport of our captain will not receive harm from Ollr nation.
"All these points of the contract I, Vinkata Pati Raya Atou,
.King over these countries of Carnatica, Sinvakena, Pali
and more principaulities, promise to keep them now and for
ever, and I swear it by roy God Peramal (Perumal) .
.. 1. contr.actor of the General East Indian Company, pro·
mise not to break the same, otherwise let God interfere.
" Under this there was printed in black the seal of the lCing,
and near it wri.tten: That' is the seal of the King, printed by His
Majesty .himself, for greater security; the King has moreover
printed his ~and on a piece of linen, which they call the hand
of Sa~dal, and signed. " Arent Maertss (sic)." 1_
Fortune was proving adverse to the Portuguese. Some

,1.. De Jongue, Dc Opkol/lSl, III, p_ 348-9: This - was the caul

referred to by Peter Williamson FlorIS, when. one year later, he paA-
ed through Pulicat:" John Van Wersicke the Dutch President on
the coast of Cboromandel, showed us a caul from the King of '
Narsinga, Wenoapu1;i, Raja, wherein was granted that. it should 1\010
be lawful for any that came out of Europe to trade there. but such_al
brought Prince Maurice his Patent". Purchas. His Pilgri",e~. III,
p.520.
 VENKATA n's RELATIONS WITH THE PORTUGUESE 455

years atter, in r~30, the Pottuguese Viceroy wrote to his sove-

reign the following words, suggested most likely by this conces-
sion of Venkata to the Dutch: "From the time that our EurQ-
pean enemies began to come to India, it seems that all 'the
I,ndian Kings have broken their faith and aItegiance which was
due to this Government" 1.
16. The lucky adventurers started without any delay
to build their factory at Pulicat. 'When two years later
the English Captain Hippnn sailed up the eastern Coast
of India, looking for a place .to establish a factory as well,
the Dutch were firmly settled at Pulicat. · It ·is worth while. to
quote Hippon's words to the East India Company. His ship
had mt! a Portuguese boat of St. Thome with two Portuguese
merchants from that town, who informed the En~lishmen "that
the Dutch had settled a factory in Peltacata (Pulicat), where-
upon ", continues the English account, "we resolved to make
for that place, to see if anything might be done at the place
aforesaid for the profit of the 'Company although neither of us
had ever been at this place. In the evening, p8~sing by St.
Thome we did see 13 on 14 aseletows, or small barques, riding
in the road i about some two leagues (further) we came unto an
anchor because we would be sure not to pass by Pellacata. The
next morning we setting sail, and in the afternoon we came mto
the road of Pellacata, and there then came 2 boats aboard,. the-
one sent from the Hollanders with a DutC'hman therein, f{om
whom we did learn some particulars concerning the country
there aboat, the other boat was sent from the Shabunder to bid
us welcome, and then we gave them to understand that we were
English am:! not Dutch. And for the first we desired to have ,a
CO'lVI of the Shabunder to send persons aland, for to make a
('ontract with him, and to have further conference together. all
which they promised us we should have, and 'so they departed
from the ship. The next day in the morning being the 10th
ditto so came again aboard us the people of Shabunder, bring-
ing .w ith them a cowl. according as we desired, whereupOn we
resolved to send our skiff aland, with )tir. Peter Floris 'and Mr.
Robt. Brown for to speak with the Shabunder, and to learn
1. Thil fetter will be publi,hed in Vol. II.
456 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAY.\NAGARA

out what might be done tl).ere for the Company's behoof, and
then on our first entrance, we were in present danger, and were
not able, by any means, to avoid it, for being in the breach of
the bar our skiff was turned upside down, anc;l we (by the great
mercy of God) wers aU preserved so that nothing was lost save
only of some particular as so~e apparel aod rapiers and such
'like ..... . and so having had this misfortune we came aland, where
the Shabunder atte~ed our coming upon the strand, who was
very sorrowful for our mischance, showing unto us all the
friendship that he could. An~ so we embarked and went up the
river towards the town where he had provided us of a house,
which was but a poor one, but yet it was so good as that place
did afford. In the (Wening we sent a boat aboard with news of
all that was ,.passed by us: and withal that Mr. Lucas Antheu'nis
and Thomas Essington should come aland for to consider
together what was best to be done in tbis business and further
we found that the Hollanders did bear a hard hand against us,
for to hinder us from trading in this place. The c;lay following
after that Mr. Lucas ..t\theunis and Thomas ' Essington were
come aland, then we went unto the Shabunder for to speak with
him and when we were set then came thither Jan Van Wesick
(John Van Wersick), who is President of the Dutch Compan,
upon the coast of Coromandel, and after some compliments used
by both sides, he showed U~ a cowl of the king, wherein, under
other articles there was one which made mention that he did
forbid all nations which should come out of Europe without
(permission) of the Dutch Company of East, India 1 (unfor.
tunately there are here some gaps which make the account
unintelligible); whereupon we fell into some hard words one
with the other. At last the Shabunder came between us and
gave both parties contentment with words and referred us until
the comin~ of Conda ' Ma who is governess of this place 2.
And this Conda Maa was gone into the country. and would

1. Cf. No. 15 and noie 1 of p. 45.,

t. Flori. say.: .. We an8wel'ed we h!ld Commi8sion from hi.
lIajeatio of England and would therefore doe what we could. Henoe
(the Dutoh Pre8ide ,lt) arose high worda, which the Bhabunde oalmdd,
tetling of the Govemesae her coming thither within three daTI".
PIlfoba8, His Pilgrimes, JII, p. 3~O.
 VENKATA U'S RELATIONS WITH THE PORTUGUESE 457

return again within 3 or 4 days, and in the meantime W~ must

have patience. The 15th ditto the afo~esaid governess came
into the town and also that MI. Br.own was fallen very sick
again, so that we have expressly sent for Captain Hippon. that
he should come- aland, for to have his opinion upon all occasions
that might happen, that nothing. might be overslipped which
might redound unto the benefit of the.company. After that the
governess was come into the town we had prepared a very good
present for to ' have presented her withal; then she refused tQ
give us audience .. and sent us word that she had nothing to say
unto us, also that tItis place was given unto the Hollanders by
the mere gift of the King, and if we would go unto the King, to'
desire some other place, she was thereunto very well contented.
Which message made us much amazed, yet notwithstanding we
did use our best endear ours to come , t9 have speech with her,
but could not be effecteCl.. whereupon we fell into counsel with
ourselves whether it was best to go unto the King, who was but
50 leagues from thence and to see what with him might be pro-
cured in these affai~; and -after that we had well debated the
matter between us, and considering that we had not people
sl!fficient to settle a Factory, and having, not time enough,
fearing Lest we should lose our monsoon, and that we should be
at great charges in going to visit the King, SQ that we have
resolved to oepart ftom hence, ..... ,(here again there ate several
words torn clway). If the Company are resolved to enlarge their
trade, we cannot find that this place will · b~ ,so available that it
will be worth any extraordinary charges ~eeing that at Masul-
patam (Masulipatam) and at Pettapoly (Petapoli) will be
sufficient to bring us more cloths that your Worships shall
possibly find vent for, and so far that your Worsq.ips w.iU be
desirous to have this pla,te or any other place near ab6ut it, then
it will be needful that your Worship should procure letters from
his Majesty, and with a fair present unto the King of Narsinga,
Vencapati Raiah (Venkatap.ati Raya), and then to see if you
can procure any sea town for a place of residence, which will
~ot be. done without great trouble an~ extraordinary charges,
your Worships may do herein as YOll shall think good. Wedo
not think good with the ship called the Globeto proceed furthu
KG
~S8 THE ARAVlDU DYNASTY OF VIjAYANAGARA

here in considering that lV1uselpatam and Pettapoly is more

than sufficient for us to finish our pretended voyage, the which
serve your Worships for advice" 1. It is very interesting to
see the difficulties the British merchants met with on their first
attempt to establish factories in a country which was subdued
by them after two centuries.
17. Needless to say, the idea of a settlement at Pulicat
was not abandoned by the enterprising British traders. They
returned to the newly established factory at Masulipatam, and
shortly after they were glad to receive a quite unexpected visit.
Ven.kata II had heard of the voyage of the English merchants
to Pu1icat, and had therefore sent 'an envoy to them at' Masuli-
patam, with proposals for opening trade with them 2. Floris's
account gives many details about this Embassy of King Venkata
to the English traders :-" I returned to Masulipatam n, says
he, "where I found three persons which said that they were
sent with Letters from Objama Queene ofPaleacatte, Jaga' Raja
Governour thereabout and of Saint Thomee. Apa Condaja
(Kondaja) secretarie of the Great King Wencatadraia 3,
wherein they sent me word that if I would come thither, tHey
would grant me a place right over against the Fort of Palea-
catte, with all such Priviledges as we should desire. and other
great promises besides. But I considc.-ring how I and the James'
had beene entertayned there could beleeve but little: yet at last
we agreed toat one of them should' stay with me, and the rest
should depart with one of my folkes, who should ' carrie the
letters to the aforesairi persons, as also to the king; wherein 1
repeated the bad entertainment which we had at Paleacatte.
And if now it pleased him that we shQuld come into his Coun-
try, then to send us his Caul or safe Conduct, -to which we
m\ght trust.

1. From 'Captain Rippon and the merohants of the lleoventb

~oy8ge to r.
the E.I.C., August, 1611 (?), .utters received by the EJ.C.,
p. IS3.5.
2. Rea, MoltUWlelllal Re",ains, p. 6.
3. Floris says that there were three person II in ihill Embuly
'and t)l~JI lpeake of two only. The third . perhaps "a~ one Tima
(Tirumala) Raja mentioned with the other two a litUe later.
 VENI(ATA II'S RELATIONS WITH 'tHE POltrOGtJEsE 459
"The nine and twentieth of July', arrived foure persons as
Embassadors, with my man Wengali, from the great kina of
Narsinga ofVelur, bringing me a Caul with his Abestiam (which
is a white Cloth where his owne hand is printed in SandaU or
Saffron) as also one from the Queene of Paleacatte, and divers
Letters from Jaga Raja. Tima Raja. Apocondaia and others.
The Kings Letter was written upon a leafe of gold. 'wherein he
excused tlie former fault done to us in Paleacatte, desiring that
now we would come into his Country •. and chuse a place to our
best liking, and that there we should build a house or Castle
according to our own'e liking. with other priviledges. He gave
me a Towne of about foure hundred pound of yearely revenue.
with promise to doe more at my coming thither. The Hollanders
had wrought much against it, but their words ' were not now in
such force; the Inhabitants grieving to see every Yeare English
ships passe by without any profit to them, and therefore filling
the king with complaints, and procuring these .friendly offers.
I kept them wi~h mee, allowing their daily charges till the ship
be come into the Road, then to consider further. My man
Wengali had beene in person before the King, and spoken with
him. the King laying his hand on his head, and presenting him
with a Tesseriffe" '. Floris seems to have been inclined
to proceed to Venkata's court. But when on the 25th of October
he heard of the King's death, he was s,Omewhat disheartened on
account of the expected troubles. "I dispatched likewise the
Embassadors of Velur." says he. <Ii n 'respect of the troubles there,
and my short stay denying fit opportunity: yet I left Letters
with them for the first English ships, with my best advice" I.
In,dependently of this attempt another English expedition
called at Pulicat in the beginning of 1614, to start trading with
the natives there. Two boats, ' The Globe' and 'James', went
there, but for the second" time met with an unwilling reception:
"Arriving at the road of Pollicat (Pulicat)", says the commander
John Gourney to the East Indi~ Company, .. we had soon after
two several troops of messengers from the Shabunder to wei·
come us. and to show us that if we came to tradEtwe should not
1. Purohas, 'His Piigrimes. III, p. {J3G·7.
2: Ibid., p. 341.
460 TIlE ARl\vwU DYNAs1'Y 01: Vi1AY~AGAltA

want any favours needfpl and that his desire -was to seen us
ashore; this agreeing with our own desire. I went ashore taking
Thomas Brokedon with me.. and being e~tered into the town
understood th;lt the Shabunder was gone forth to the town. So
we turning directly towards a large castle the Dutch have there
built were at our coming into it entertained with kind shows by
Warner Van Berghen. a1ias Captain Drinkwater, Captain'there
and Rector of all the factories upon that coast, being then
accompanied with Captain Samuel King, English born, and
there we also found with them sundry of th,e principals of the
town prepared to declare unto us (as they presently did) that
,their king had given by his cowl or firman the privilege of the
whole trade of that town to the Hollanders. without whose
leave w~ English nor other strangers might · intermeddle, and
the said Van Bl:rghen added that it was not in his power to
give leave. These speeches having heard and knowing that
Mr. Floris had been in the like manner put 'off, conceive that
the Killg of Ve~our (VeUore, i.e. Venkata II) must be dealt
withal with the King's Majesty's letters, which no doubt at any
time will prevail. Rut the king being within the land at war,
few factors of us and our two principal ports to be -furnished
beiJ)g Musulpatam (Masulipatam) and Pettapoly (Petap6Ii). we
having that night following received very kind entertainment of
the p_utch, we prepared in the morning to embark. at which
time ,t he parties aforesaid returned 'to parley again and, making
the same conclusion as before, they added that we ought to pay
anohorage. Our answer was that we knew it to be their hearty
"esire that ~e should Stay aDd trade with them, if we could have
sufferance from the Hollander, but DOW we could neither accept
of liberty nor stay to trade, neither- would we give them
anchorage, Whereat without more am., they gave us betel to
chew, ,as their manner of courtesy is, and bade us farewell.
desiring us to be gOod to Gentiles, if we met them at sea" 1.
We do not know of ether attempts of the first Engliab traders
to establish a commercial settlement at Puli~at. At this time
the Portuguese bad already started their campaigp against the
Outch settlement.
1. From John Goumey to 'be E. I. C., Patani, July j8\b. 16U,
LttJen Received by life E./.C., II, p. 83,(.
 VENKATA II'S RELAtIONS WITH THE poktUGUESE 461

18. The most iiltrepid adventurer who carried into execution

the capture of Pulicat from the Dutch was the Bishop of Sao
Thome de Meliapor, Frey Sebastiao de Sao Pedro. His Majesty
the King of Spain addressed the Viceroy regarding the intrepid
Bishop's adventure in the following terms: "They wrote to me
about the efforts of the Bishop of Meliapore ttl destroy the
factory of the Dutch at Paleacate" 1. The erection of a fort in
the neighbourhood of Pulicat whence the Portuguese could
batter the walls of the Dutch fortification was a premeditated
plan of the Bishop, which had already been proposed to the
Viceroy ( We havt:: not come across any further details aoout
this scheme. The fact is that the Dutch factory was actually
captured by the Portuguese. We are made aware of thi~ by
the King of Spain in a letter dated January 31st, 1614. The
King himself was informed of it by the Viceroy in a previous
mail 3. Considering the length of time occupied in a journey
from India to the metropolis in those days of difficult naviga-
tion, we can place this event in the beginning of 1613, or per-
haps at the end of 1612. The King's message records the valiant
deeds done by the Captain and inhabitants of St. Thome 4 ; ltut to
the Bishop of Mylapore was supposed to be the hero of the
day on account of his intrepidity and boldness. In a letter
from the Spanish monarch dated 1614, mention is made of the
Bishop of Meliapor .. in capturing the fort the Dutch had at
Paleacate "~ . In another letter of 1615, ·.the King of Spain
mentions again the capture of the Dutch. fortress at Pulicat by
this Prelate 6. He commanded a force of 130 Portuguese who
took the fort by surprise setting on fire the buildings of .the
Dutch traders. The latter defended their properties very

1. From Philip III to the Vicoroy Dom Jeronymo d' Azevedo,

Lisbon, February 28th, 1613, Bulhao Pato, Docu11lc/ltos, I, p. 314.
2. Ibid.
3. From the same to the same, Lisbon,January 31st, 1614, Bu-
Ihao Pato, o. c., III, p. 31.
4. Ibid.
5. From the same to the same, Lisbon, February 20th, 1614, Ap,
B, No. XI.
6. From the same to the same, Lisbon, March 5th, 1615, B~lhao
Pato, o. C., nI, p. 302.
~62 1'HE AltAvlDU DYNASTY OF VijAy ANAGARA

valiantly, till many of them were slain by the invaders. The

booty captured by the Portuguese seems to have been consi-
de'Table 1,
With the e~pulsion of the Dutch from Pulicat the fortress
was razed to the ground t . The Portuguese however were
not destined to enjoy' their success for long. For in the begin-
ning of 1614 Pulicat had again fallen into the hands of the
Dutch. In his letter dated February 6th, 1615, the King of
Spain tells us that after the Dutch fortress was levelled to the
ground, two Dutch ships weighed anchor at Pulicat harbour
to negotiate with King Vcnkata to re-establish themselves
there, and for this purpose had made mU!lificent gifts to the
monarch. Through the influence of the latter's brother-in-law,
who openly favoured them, they obtained. permission from the
monarch to build a new fortress. They-Io'st no time. They set
about work at ollce. The new fortress was erected on a
different spot which commanded greater facility for defence
than the form er. "It was further fortified", says Philip III, "by
the ere-ction of several bastions round the walls and the picketing
of artillery and soldiers" a. This was the fort which was
called later on Castel Ge l~ria" •.
This dealt a death blow to Portuguese commercial enterprise.
Dutch commerce got the ascendancy again; it flourished now
just as it did prior to the expulsion of the butch from Pulicat.
rhe Dutch made i roarin g trade with the famous Pulicat cloth
and amassed enormous profits 5. This excited the jealousy
of the Spanish sovereign who ordered his Viceroy to try the
re-capture of Pulicat, a thing which at this time appeared easy
and would not brook deta},,-for delay meant that the Portuguese
would have to encounter a formidable enemy after the lapse of
even a few years . "By aU means", says the King, "cause
this second
. fortress built by the Dutch . at Paleacate to be
1. Ragvagli d' AIC'lJne Missioni, p. 151.
2. From the same to ~he same, Lisbon, February 6th. 1615. Ibid.,
p.190.
S. Ibid., p. 189.
4. Mandelslo. Voyages ,lnd Travels, p . 9f.
5. From Philip ur to the Viceroy Dom Jeromymo d'Azevedo,
Lisbon, February 6th, 1615, Bulbao Pl!to, o. 0., p. 190. '
 VENKATA II'S RELATIONS WITH THE PORTUGUESE 463

destroyed, for attaining which you may accept .the overtures

.made by Bishop Frey Sebastiao de Sao Pedro" 1. The
Bishop's desire was none other than to sieze again the Dutch
factory as he had done previously. All he needed to give effect
to his .plan was some money and a number of sCOlldiers, "Let
this be done as soon as possible", adds the King.
H Do not allow the Dutch to fortify it (the fortress) more, for if
they do so, their expulsion from there will be extremely difficult" 2.
In fact the Bishop himself" had also urged the Viceroy to
send a governor to St. Thome who could take charge, among
other things, of the capture of "the fortress the Dutch have
made at Paleacate"". The Viceroy's purpose was obvious.
One of the reasons why he had wished to send Dam Bernardo
de Noronha as captain of St. Thome was that "he migilt be abl e
to attack Paleacate" t, The re-capture of Pulicat was beyond
doubt the fervent WIsh of Dom.]eronymo d'Azevedo. In one of
.his tetters he says: "I trust in God that the fortress ofPaleacate
will be soon captured by the lieet I have decided to send
there" 5.
The re-capture of Pulicat was never effected. Nothing
was heard of any se-:ond attempt being made by the
warrior-like Bishop. To all intents the cause of this apparent
stagnation was most likely due to the death of Venkata II.
During the disturbances that followed this ~vent , the Portu-
guese at St. Thome had to prepare themselves for further
eventualities, the recounting of whicll shall be the scope of
the second volume. When things had settled, circumstances
had changed; and the Portuguese realised that to attempt
alone the re-capture of Pulicat would be foUy. Hence
they could not carry out their adventurous plan: to do so
they had first to gain the Vijayanagara Emperor to their cause.
1. Ibid.
1. From the same to the same, Lisbon, March 5th, 1616, Ibid.,
p.302.
2. From the Viceroy Dom Jeronymo d'A.zevedo to Philip In,
Goa, December 31st, 1614, A.p. B, No. XVIII.
3. From the slime to the same, Goa Deoember 26th, 1613, Ibid.,
No. XV.
4. From the same to the salllC, 1613, Ibid., No. XII. See Ap.
B, No, XVII.
 CHAPTER XXTJ
THE JESUITS AT THE .COURT OF VENKATA IT

SUJiUUllY-1. First idea of establishing a mission at Chandragiri.

Frs. de Sa and Rioio proceed to the Court.-Z. Their relations
with Venhta and his fatber-in-law.- 3. Frs. Veiga and Rioio
settle at Cbamiragiri. Tbeir hou.s e.-4. The inoome given them
by the Emperor, and its withdrawal in 1603.- 5. V~nkata's
good-will towards the Fathers. His letter to Fr. Pimenta.-
6. Fr. Veiga leaves the court. New missionaries. Theil'
interviews with Venkata.-7. Fr. Laerzio, Provincial 'bf the
Province of Malabar, pays a visit to Venkaia at Vellore. His
impressions.-8. Venkata's opposition to · the Jesuits. They
leave the court. Their further settlement at Vellore.-9. The
Jesuit. build a churoh next to Venkata's palace. The King
defends thom against Tatacharya.-lO. Sundry events from
1608 to 1611.-11. Withdrawal of the Jesuits from Venkata's
court. The end of the mission.-lZ. Practical fru its of the
Jesuit mission at Chandragiri and Vellore.
CoNTEMPORARY SOURCEB.-l. Jesuit Letters.-2. MOllcoes do Reino
(Pangim Arobives).-3. Du Jarric, Guerreiro.

WE have hitherto made frequent mention uf the Jesuits at

Venkata's court, while narrating events of which they had
.been eye-witnesses aud in which they had at times even active-
ly participated. We shall now collect all the available infor-
mation about their inBuenc t at Venkata's court, and the way
they acquired it; it will help us to appreciate the character of
this monarch, and the whole history of the South of India.
In 1597, Fr. Nicolas Pimenta, as Visitor on behalf of the
General of the Society of Jesus, visited all the Jesuit houses and
missions in the . South of India. While he was at St. Thome,
he recommended the Fathers of that College to try all
possible means to establish a mission at the capital of the
Emperor of Vijayanagara, then at Chandragiri. It was
suggested by Fr. Pi menta that a Father should go there to
present his respect to the sovereign, from whom he might
 THE JESUITS AT TilE COURT OF VENKATA IJ 465

o.b tain sanction to establish a house in his capital. A II the .

Fathers approved of the idea. Accordingly "I 3IJPointed Fr.
Simon (de) Sa, Rector of the Colledge of Saint Thomas," says
Fr. Pimenta himself, II to begin a Mission thither as soone as
hee could" 1. Fr. de Sa at once got in touch with a Christian
merchant, a native of Chandragiri, who was then livin g at St.
Thorne; this person wrot« about the matter to olle of his rda-
tions, a servent of Oba Raya, the Emperor's fathcr-i71-law, to
whom he praised the wisdom ·and holiness of the Jesuits of St.
Thorne so highly that Oba Raya became anxious to make their
acquaintance. Accordingly the latter wrote to the Fathers,
inviting them to proceed to Chativerum (Kanchivaram), where
he used to reside in a fortress of some importance 2. Fr. de Sa
replied that he would go after the monsoon was over. In the
meantime Oba Raya, having been called to Chandragiri by the
Emperor invited the Rector of St. Thome to proceed to th a
court, where he expected to be for a long period. Aecordingly
on October loth, 1598, Fr. de Sa together with Fr. Francesco
Ricio left St. Thome for the capital of the Empire. A nephew
ofOba Raya, a boy aged 13, came forward to meet and salute
the Fathers with a considerable retinue of crephlnts and horses.
When a league away from Chundragiri they sent a message to
Oha Raya, who next morni ng despatched a gen!"ral accom-
panied by many nobles and soldiers riding eithl!r elephants or
horses to receive and lIsher th em into the city. A great rect!p-
tion was given thl!m in Ota Raya's palace; they h:lnded over
their presents to that chid, who offered them in thl~ir first
interview any town they desired to stay in and build a church;
moreover, he promised to defray the expenses of the missiona-
ries who stayt:d in the town. He also presented them wit h rich
silk cloths and inquired eagerly about the King of Portugal and
his Viceroy in India; and afta some days he oerso!lally
introduced the Fathers into the presen ce of Venkata n. .
1. From Fr. N. Pimenta to Fr. C\ Aqllaviva, Dt'cemup.r, 1597,
Purchas, X, p. 210 ; Du Jarric, 1, p. 638 an~ 65-t. Cf. Ap. C, No. I.
2. Fr. Ricio says that • Hoburllja wrote two ol/as to the
Fathers ' . From Fr. F . Rkio to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Chandragiri,
October 20th, 1610, Ap. 0, No.1.
59
 466 HE ARA VIDU DYNASTY OF VI]A VANAGARA

2. On the day appointed ~hey were kindly received by the

Emperor. II The sovereign", says clu Jarric, "was sitting in a
narrow vestibule, built for himself alone, that. was to be reached
by several stairs. He was seated on a mat and leaning against
a pillow. Next to the King, just at the edge ofthe mat, the crown
prince was also seated; he was a young man of white com-
plexion and handsome face. On the other .side of the King,
opposite the Prince, Obo (Oba Raya) and his brother were seat-
ed too. The King was dressed in yellow ... After the usual
salutations the Fathers stood before him, as the other 'nobles
did, excepting those menlioned ; they were so near the throne
that some times they touched the border of the King's dress.
'The Monarch said that he had enjoyed our coming (here du
Jarric probably quotes a letter of de Sa-) as much as the world
enjoys the rising of the sun; hence he will send us away full of
hon.ours and gifts; he knew of us from the things related by
Obo (Oba Raya)'. They, having thanked him, offered him some
prese&ts. which were kindly accepted : there was among these
presents a golden glass heart-shaped jewel brought over from
Portugal; the King asked what it was for; was it perhaps some-
thing eatable. Theyanswered that it was nothing else but a
symbol of the human heart made with silver and g~ld, which
they offer.ed him as a sign of their sincere love, their loyalty and
'thankful~ess towards His Majesty. ""Then he thank ed them in
his mother tongue saying:-
II Maha Santo S eam," that is, I am extremely glad.
"Then he also gave some gifts to the Fathers: four pieces of
silk cloth to Fr. Rector and two to Fr. Francis Ricio." After
this a long talk ensued in which Venkata asked about the life
they led; and after having heard their account, addressing his
nobles he said:-
II They are like our sa1l1lyasis; but these moreover are
Gurupi (i. e. le3rned Priests)".
The audience had been long enough; at the end, after a
detailed explanation of the Sacraments of Baptism and Penance,
that washed away the sins from our soul very much better than
the Brahmanical ablutions, which clean only the body but not
the soul, Venkata asked the Brahmans, who were present:-
 THE JESUITS AT THE COURT 0;0 VENUTA 11 467

.. What do you think of it ?"

And they, struck with admiration, exclaimed:
.' Suami, Sua",i " (Lord, Lord).
Finally 01>a Raya told the Fathers that the Klng had
determined to give them two villages, for their expenses and for
the construction of the temple; and then a golden palankin,
which is only permitted to the grandees and gurupis. Finally
he allowed them to build as many temples as they wished
throughout his dominions. Before their departure the King
~ranted another audience to them; in which, at his request, they
declared many of the tenets of the Christian faith, and were
granted permission to build a church in Chandragiri itself.
After this they returned to St. Thome I. It was at this time
that Venkata's friendship with the Jesuits began. 2.
3, On reaching St. Thome, Fr. de Sa wrote to Fr. Pimenta,
then at Goa, about the success of.the expedition, and demanded
more priests for opening the new mission. Many Fathers and
Brothers offered.themselvt!s to the Visitor who was desirous of
commencing that holy enterprise. Pimenta however selected, from
amongst those who were either in Goa or in St. Thome, six
Fathers, namely Manoel de Vciga who was to be the Superior,
Gaspar Estevao, Francesco Ricio, Joao da Costa, Pdro Euticio
and Bdchior Coutinho 3. No mention is found in further
documents of three of the above mentioned Fathers, vito Estevao,
Costa and Euticio; perhaps they never reached St. Thome.
The first to arrive at this town wa~ Fr. Veiga who, accom·
panied by Fr. Ricio, left for Chandragiri on August 12th, 1599,
reaching the capit~l four days later. "Thus", says Fr. Ricio,
.. we went to Oburaja (Oba Raya), who after having paid us
the highest respects, introduced us to the King. He welcomed
our arrival. Oburaja, on behalf of the King, gare us a very
good place for building a little church and house ; we also con~·
tructed a wall around; we put up in the church two images:

1. Du Jarrie, I, p. 654·77; Orme. Historicnl Fragments, p. 61. Cf.

Ap. C, No. I.
2. From Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. C. Aqua"iva, St. Thome, Novern .
Iter 4th, 1606, Ap. C, No. XIII.
3; Du Jarrie, I, p. 677-8.
468 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VI] AYANAGARA

one of our Saviour and one of our Lady. Very many heathens
go continuously to this church, and they make bows, and
prostrate themselves before the images, and ask for some
temporal rewards; many have already come to thank (God) for
those they have received. We preach to them about the
mysteries of our faith, and convince them of -their error; since
the things thEY believe in are nothing else but evident lies and
sins; nobody knows what to answer and all remain in great
confusion, though reverencing the tc::nets of our faith. W e have
often declared the tenets of our faith to :the King .himself,
showing him sevt!ral pictur~s he liked very much to see; and
he, though possessing such a dear intellect, does the same",
vb. does not know what to answer 1. Another letter of Ricio's
states that they were allowed by the King" to build a Church,
erect Crosses, and COil vert men; insomuch that fifty families
were to give place and depart from the ground thereto assigned
us" ~. FT. Coutinho, who arrivl;;d at Chandragiri some months
after, ' 'describe;; their house and compound as follbw,s: " Our
littie house has large prem ises exposed to a healthy ' breeze;
they are good enough for building up a church and residence,
and far from the crowded streets of the town. In the meantime,
we have constructed a small church on the spot, large enough
for the present, until we shall have money enough for building
a larger one" 3.
4. The income of the. villages which Venkata had promis-
ed to the Jesuits at his court, was, according to a Jesuit letter ui
1602, .j never settled, because of the chief governor and some
grandees of that court, who claimed that the revenue of the
villages belonged to them. Henc!:: the King," continues the
MS., II gave them yearly a thousand pagodas out of the tribute
paid by one of the Naiques (Nayaks) who are his subjects,

1. From Fr. F. Rieio to Fr. C. Aqu6viva, Chandragiri, October

20tb, 1601, Ap. C, No. 1. Cf. Du Jarrie, I. p. 685-90. Du Jarrie, I, p. 689,
says that the spot where the Fathers built the church was given
them by the Queen, daught er of Oba Rays.
2. Purehas, X, p. 221.
3. From Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. N. Pimenta, Chandrsgiri,
July 17tb, 1600, Ap. C, No. V.
 THE JESUITS AT THE COURT OF VENKATA II 469
until some lands should be vacant, from which the maintenance
of the Fathers could be talcen without objection. For this
purpose he issued the necessary alias; and one of ou r Fathers
went to Cangeuaram (Kanchivaram) to see the Poile (an officer
of the imperial treasury), through whom such a renl had to be
received. He was entert ained and honoured by this Pol/e, who
gave him as great proofs of his love as any of those princes
who are friends of the Soci ety would have done in Europe.
When he was aware of the coming of the Fath er, he used to
send him every day a messenger with congratulatory letters,
that were, he said, like daily salvoes to cheer him. He promised
to pay diligently the first part of the ren t in the following
January, that is one fourth of the whole; and, as a matter o~
fact, he has already given us five hundred pardaos" I .
In connection with this story of their revenu e tht: Jesuit
sources narrate a case not known hitherto, and One which
undoubtedly reflects on the integr ity of the nobles of Venkata 's
court. "T he caSe was strikingjn thi s ", says Guerreiro, ,. that it
should happen to the chief Governor of the Empire, who so
earnestly opposed the grant ordered by the King from tbe
reven~e of those villages for the ministers of the Church. It was
just he who was accused before the King of having robbed the
royal rents and treasure; he was disgracefully deprived of !.lis
functions and dignity. And when asked by th e King for one
of his rings that had cost fifty thousand pagodas, he denied the
charlte and swore on his parents he had, never taken the ring.
By many witnesses he was declared guilty of tht! theft of tnt:
ring and of three hundred thousand pagodas; so he is now
imprisoned. The new Governor, his successor, is a very good
friend of the Fathers" ' .
Thus the Fathers enjoyed from that time an annual income
of one thousand gold pieces 3. This constituted the main
sourceo! the revenue of the College at St. Thome, and on it

1. Litter(Je Annuae of Eastern India, 1601, Ap. C, No. VI.

2. Guerrero (sic), Relacioll ArtUal ... en los 01705 de 600 y 601,
p.137.
S. From Fr. F. Rioio to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Cbaodragiri, Sep-
tember 10ib, 1603, Ap. C, No. VII.
 '''0 THE ARAVlDU DYNASTV 0'" V1JAYANAGARA

the Chandragiri mission depended~. The rest of the Collece

revenue was paid by the adigar of Mylapore, who 'Waf. himseH
a very good friend of the Jesuits: he gave them annuall}' t~
hundred gold, pieces out of the tribute tile inhabitants of St.
Thome paid to the Nayak ()f Tanjore 2. But from the year
1603 this yearly income, so kindly made over to the Fathers
v:
by order of enkata, ceased, as we gather fram a letter
of Fr. M. Roiz writtell in 1606 3, and from another of
Fr. A. Rubin!), of· 160<) 4. The reason of this change may be
gathered from a letter of the Viceroy of Goa, Dom ]eronymo d'
Azevedo; who, wri~ing to Philip III said that the lands that had
yielded the income had been destro~-ed 6. And it seems that
no other source of revenue was assigned by Venkata for tl\e
maintenance of the Fathers in the following years.
5. We learn from a Jesuit letter of 1600 that .. in the
mission of Bisna~a (Vijayanagara) there are three priests and
one Lay Brother"·8. These four Jesuits were Frs. Veiga and
Ricio, who had arrived at Chandragiri in the previous year, and
Fr. Be1chior Coutinho an'd the English Lay Brother, Alexander
Frey, a painter, who reached the court in 1600. AtlotJJer, letter
says that the three Fathers and Bro. Alexander, did excellent
pioneer work," a great deal for the improvement of the
Bisnagara (Vijayanagara) mission. The King", adds the Iette\",
.. is very well disposed towards them" 7.
This good will of Venkata towards the Fathers is recorded in

1. F:rom Fr. M. de Veiga \0 Fr. J. Alvarez, Oooll!n. December

10th, 1601, Ap. C, No. IIl .
2. LiUtrae A,,1IUae of the Province of Malabar, 1604,-1606, Ap.
C,NoXXlI.
3., From Fr. M. Roiz \0 Fr., J. Alvarez, St. Thome, November
.lat, 1606, -!t-p. C, No XII.
, . From Fr. A. Rubino \0 Fr. C. Aquviva. VelloTe, 8ep~..ber
SOth.1609.lbid., No. XXVII. '
5. From Philip III to his Viceroy Dom Jeronymo d' Asevedo,
Lia'bon;February 2Otb,16U. Ap. B, No, Xl.
6. LiJlerae A"""ae of the Province of Goa,I600. Ap. C, No. n
7. I.itUrae A"lIIUIe of the Province of Goa, wri\\eI\ by J'r.
N. Pimenta, December 1l1l\,l602, Ibid., No. V.
 ·THE JESUITS AT THE COURT OF VENKATA II 471

all the letters in our posses~ion, dated the same year. "The King
is kind to the priest~'.', we read in one. "and granted them many
favours" '. "He received us with special kindness and. love",
says another 2. Venkata's regard for the Fathers grew when
he learned from the Mughal ambassador in what high esteem
they were held by Akbar. 3. On one occasion, Coutinho
relates, "as the King was taking a walk in this neighbourhood a
few days ago, he asked his attendants where our house was.
When we knew that the King was coming, we proceeded to the
door to receive him respectfully. The attendants of the King
were exclaiming:-
" Pareco Parango[u", that is, let His Highness see the
Portuguese Priests.
" He (the King) talked to us affably and cheerfully" 4.
Another testimony of his esteem jor the Fathers was,the
letter he wro,e to Fr. Pimenta that year. Purchas'published
only the first part of it &. But we were fortunate enough to
unearth its original kept in the Jesuit Archives. It tuns as
follows :-
"The King of kings, the great Lord, the Knight of knigltts,
Vencapati (sic), King atter God, sends the followin~ letter to
Fr. Nicola9 Pimenta who is at Goa. I was filled wj.th joy on
receipt of your letter during a personal interview with Fr.
Manoel de Veiga, Superior of the Father-s who reside here. I gave
thet:n pel'Illission to erect a church and house in my own town
of Chandegri. I havp. allotted the revenue of the village c~lIed
Elamur, which is in the vicinity of St. l'home, for the ex~~s
of the Fathers, and I shall confer not only on these but also on
their successors extraordinary privileges and endowments.
Moreover.I have allowed them complete freedom to preach tl1e

1. LiUerae AII"uae of the Provinoe of Goa, 1600, Ibid., No. IL

2. i'rom Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. N. Pimenta, Cbandragiri, July
.17th, 1600, Ap. C, No. V.
3 LiHerae Alllluae of the Pro'{ince of (It)3, 1600, Ap. C, No. II.
Cf. Ibid., No. V.
4. From Fr. B. Coutillho to Fr. N. Pimen\a, Chandragiri, July
17tb,l600 Ap. C, No. V.
5. Purch.s, X; p. 221.
472 THE ARAVInU DYNASTY OF VIlAYANAGARA

law of God, so that anyone wno wishes may become a

Christian, without being deprived of his previous position. My
old love for the Portuguese is by nOw well knowll in Goa. The
fathers themselves will write to you about the honours they
have received from my hands. I have resolved to send the
Viceroy a ring and some other presents, which I shall charge
my interpreter Condoquor to deliver. I wish Your Paternity
to inform the Viceroy of this, so that our old friendly. relations
may be renewed. Fr. Manoel de Veiga will inform you about the
new occurrences. I havt! myself nothing else to say." I.
6. The year 1600 witnessed a great loss to tbe recently
founded mission of Chandragiri. Fr. Manoel de Veiga, who
is justly called its founder ', was called to St. Thome and
appointed Visitor of the Jesu-h houses of the South s, with a
view to separating them from the Province of Goa. We find
him accordingly in 1601 visiting the Jesuit stations on the
Fishery Coast 4, and after a while, in the month of December,
at Cochill 5. It seems that Fr. V eiga's opinion was not
favoura ble to the separation of the Vice-Province of Malabar 0.
Nevertheless, without his concurrence, it was effected shortly
after; and Fr. Veiga was then appointed Provincial of the
Province of Goa 7.
. After his departure three Jesuits remained at Chandragiri:
Fr. B. Coutinho, who was ap;.>ointed Superior, Fr. F. Ricio and
the Lay Brother Alexander Frey 8. Fr. Ricio, writing in the
year r603, gives the following information regarding their relations
with Venkata: "When we converse with him he not only shows
us marks of great friendship, but also lends a very willing ear

1. Litterae Annuae of the Province of Goa, written by Fr. N.

Pimenta, Goa, December Zlst,160Z, Ap. C, No. V.
Z. Litterae AnnuM of t.he Province of Goa, 1601, written by Fr.
N. Pimenta, January, 1602, Ap. C. No. IV.
3. From Fr. B. Coutinhc. to Fr. N. Pimenta. Ohandragiri, July
17th, 1600, Ap. C, No. V.
4. Guerrero (sic) Rclacion Antlal ... clI los aI/os de 600 y 601, p. lOB.
5. See Ap. C, No. III.
6. From Fr. A. Laerzio to Fr. (J. Aqullviva, Cochin, January
12th, 1605, Ap. C, No. XI.
7. Ibid.
8. From Fr. F. Ricio to Fr. C. Aquavjva, Cbandragiri, October
20tb, 1601, Ap. C, No. I.
 THE JESt'ITS AT TH¥ COURT OF VENKATA II 473

to the exposition of our doctril~e, especially when the topic

under discussion is Jesus Our Saviour, and the Blessed Virgin.
And after he has heard us, he approve;; of, and repeats our
sayings to others. The same willingness is shown to us by
very many others, distinguished both by birth and learning. On
hearing our exposition they arc filled with joy, and acknowledge
that there is only one faith and (lne God (a point we Jay stress
on in all our arguments.) But though in every doctrine which
we propound they show great joy. th(;i1 trappiness when we
enumerate and explain the ten commandments of the divine law
is ~o great, that it is easier f(lr ont: to imagine it than for me to
describe it to you in a letter. They confess that this law is
divine and very sound, and that theirs is teeming with error;
and for this "ery reason they very often coml: to us and attend
our church and willingly bear the divine prec.:pts and all that
pel·tains to tbe salvation aI vur souls with grf'at reverence .and
devotion. And not only those who dwell in this im/>crial city
flock to our church, but abo a large number from many
di1ferent towns of this kingdom; and on rt:aching it tbey
pro!>trate themselvt:s on the bare floor, aild with sincerest
humility bt:g assistance from.God in their neeqs " 1.
7. Such was the life of thE': Jesuits at the court of Venkata
II while he ruled at Chandragiri. After his conquest of Vellore
in the beginning of 1604, aad during his short stay at that place.
Fr. Ricio Wt!llt there to pay him his respects;; and shortly
after Fr. Alberto Laerzio. the Superior of tht! Vice-Province
of Malabar, who had visited him at Chandragiri in the pre-
ceding ' year,'1 also went to Vellore to d'o homage to him.
Venkata, on hearing of his coming. gave orders to prepare and
adorn a house next to the palace for him and hiS compani(}J1.
" As soon as they arrived .... says a Jesuit letter. " several nobles
paid a visit to them, and congratulated them on their arrival

1. From Fr.F. Ricr1!/ to Fr. O. Aq'Uaviva, Chandragiri, Sepiem-

ber 10th. 1603, Ap. O. No. VII.
I. Lillerae Annuae of the Province of Malabar. 1604-1606. Ap. C.
No. XXII.
3. From Fr. A. Laerzioto Fr. C. Aquaviva, Ooohin, January 15th,
160'. Ap. 0, No. IX.
60
.,. THE ARAVmU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA

on behalf of the king. Then Ramana, the son of the King's

sister, a very good friend of ours, also sent to the Fathers some
nobles of his household, through whom ,he presented to the
FathetS some good dishes of his own table, as he had previously
don~ to Fathers Nicolao Levanto and F.rancesco Ricio. Father
PrQyiDcial answered that he and his companions would like to
cook their food themselves at home; then the prince sent them
a large number of wethers and hens, besides butter, rice, aDd
other uncooked eatables; moreover; a while after, he again sent
'hem a wild boar brought by his b~other from a hunting expedi-
tion; finally he came himself, aDd gave the Fathers many
proofs' of his sincere friendship and 'esteem .... •
.. On _the same day", continues the same letter, "the King
sent a message to Fr. Provincial, to know when he would like
to visit him. The Father replied he was expecting an elephant
be had left resting a little at Kanchivaram. When the beast
reached Vellore the Provincial sent word to the sovereign. The
latter despatched his private secretary, who is also a very good
friend of the Fathers, with a large re~inue to fetch tli'e Fathers.
They reached the entrance of the palace in a coach. The King
came down to the entrance-lobby to receive Fr. Provincial, as
well as to see the elephant, the hound and the other presents.
Then he took the Father to the audience-hall and ordered hitn to
sit down next to the royal throne, the grandees ot: the kingdom
standing round. When the Provinciat asked for permission to
leave, he did not grant it ; for · to dismiss him. on the first
meet~ would be offensive to the dignity of both." As a
matter of fa.et, Fr. Laerzio prolonged his stay at Vellore
some days and was finally dismissed with great honoun
and tokens of sincere attachment '.
ShOl'tly after .this visit Venlc.ata weOte to the General of the .
Society of Jesus, then Fr. Claudio Aquaviva. Two ,yean later, .
in 1607.. fr~ Coutinho points out that the King was a,waiting the
answer I. 'W e SJlPpose it came in due course, but: no furthe.:

1. Liumu. .,Allllflae of the Provinoe of M8la~r. 1""-1106. Ap.,

O,No.XXII.
J. From Fr, B, Coutinho to Fr. O. Aqu&viva, VeUore, NeweID.
ber 5th, 1807, Ap. C, No. XV.
 TIm JESUITS AT THE COURT OF VENICA'fA U 47S
mention of this letter has been found. In the meantime the
nobles of the court and kingdom still showed respect and admi-
ration for the Fathers. .. All of tbem are very good ftiends of
the Fathers", sus Laerzio, U very polite and kind ... and many
request us to build churches and houses in their towns, and alsO
offer rent for the Father's mainter.doce" 1.
In the month of July, 1606, Fr. Fran&sco Ricio passed
away 2 t' he was the first missionary to dre in the Vijayanagara
mission. Fortunately his successor came out io the same '
year. Tbis was another Italian, Fr_Antonio Rubino. Fr. Ricio
himself had. when writiri'g to Fr. General in 1603, asked for Fr.
Rubino for this mission '. He was a great· mathematician and
a profound theologian; moreover he was a very good preacher
-and a virtuous priest •. He ·reached Chandragiti in tlie begin-
ning of 1606; and from I.bere he wrote to ·Fr. ('.e'-neral of
the Society ot Jesus in the following year as follows: .. Last
year I wrote to Your Paternity an account of this mission .in
the kingdom of Bisnaga, in which I am now by Y01;lr Paternity's
command with great consolation on my part. I hope in OM
Lord that I shaIJ end the res~ of my life, which will not last very
fong, in this mission» 6. '
8. But shortly after his arrival a great storm burst over
't he heads of the missionaries. It w'a s then that the c<Jnftict
between the inhabitants of St. Thome and the soldiers of the
adigar took place, ending with the partial destruction of
Madras and Mylapore, as we have related in one of the pref'.ed-
iog chaptets,. When news·of the disaster reached Venkata's
1. From Fr. A. Laonio ~ Fr. J . .Alvarel!, Cochin, January
8~b, 1604, Ap C, No. X. .
2. Fr. Rinio'. death is aunounced in a leUer of Fr. Cou\inho,
da\ed November 'th, 1606, pr811.erved in the Archives oBbe Socie'y.
3. From Fr. .A... Rubin'O \0 Fr. C. Aquaviva, Cbandragiri,
8ep\ember 10th, 1603, Ap. C, No. VII.
• '- From Fr. B. Coun\inbo \0. Hr. C. Aquaviva. 8.. Thome,
.rfovember "h.l606.. Ap. C, No. XIII; From ilie _me \0 tbe same,
l&D)e crate, Ibid., No. XIV.
'5. From Fr . .A. Rubino \0 Fr. C. Aquaviva, Cbandrqiri,
NOY8JDber. 8'h, 1607, Ibid., No. XVIL
6. Of. Ch. XXI, No.9.
476 THE AkAVlbU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA

ears, mftamed with anger he exclailll..ed among other thin~s

that' he did n<¥ want the Fathers in his kingdom any more' 1.
For this ~eason, the Provincial did not proceed to Venkata's
court on his annual visit, and the Fathers were recalled to St.
Thome to see their Superior there; Laerzio ordered them not to
go back to Venkata's court ti'U peace had been restored 2.
Towards the close of 1606, as related above, peace
was finally made, and in the first days of January,
1607, the mission aries were back at their posts' in
the mission of Vijayanagara: Fr. Rubino at Chandragiri,
and Fr. Coutinho with the Lay Brother, Bartolomeo Fon-
tebona, at the new n:sidence of Vellore 3 where the- capi tal
of the ~mpire had just been transferred. .. In the month
of Januacy", says Fr. Coutinho, .. we came over here, Bro.
Bartolomeo Fontebona and myself. Among other things that we
offered to the King was a pot full of cakes, on~ out of a dozen
pots we had received in the college on the feast of JeslIs
(january 1st). This pot was a work of fine art, showing a pelIcan
w~\·h its young ones around. I'told him at the time (when pre-
senting this pot) that the people of St. Thome were like dead
because His Highness had been unfavourable to them; but in
the course oftime, when he had showed from the bottom of t\is
heart his love towards them, they, a~ his children, had returned
to life, as it had happened to that bi~d. etc. He was very glad
to hear this, for they are men who like comparisons". In the
same letter, Coutinho relates that Fr. Rubino also went to Vel-
lore to pay a visit to the King. H e brought him as a present a
nice map of the world with Telugu inscriptions; the principal
kingdoms and the four elements and the twelve skies were des-
cribed there; the King enjoyed very much seeing and reading
all these things; he questioned Rubi-no about some difficult
problems of mathematics, and the missionary showed himself te
--~--- -
1. From Fr. B. Coutinbo to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Si. Thome, N ovcm-
ber 4th, ]606; Ap. C, No. XIV.
2. From Fr. M. Roiz to Fr. J. Alvarez, St. Thome, Noyember
let, 1606 Ap. C, Np. XlI.
3. From Fr. B. Coutinho io Fr. C. Aquaviva. Vellore, Novem-
ber 7t.h, 1607, Ap. C, No. XV. Cf. Ibid., No. XIII.
 tH~ JEsUITS AT tHE COURT OF VENKATA II 477
be an excellent mathematician 1. Rubino himself adds that
on this occasion he also gave the King a treatise on astronomy,
.. and the King caused it to be read before him and in the
presence of all the learned men of his court. These people were
greatly astonished at the differenc:.: that lies between our
science and theirs" '.
9. Venkata gave the J<;suits at Vdlure .a site next to his
own palace to build a hUllse and churcJJ. .. The King", says
Coutinho, .. gave us a house and church within the first enclo-
~ure of the fortress; and I put up the H oly Cross over the gate.
It is situated in a beautiful street runnin ~ from North to South
and leaning against the walls of the palace. The Church is visit-
ed by many of the Kilig's relations, who are oLir friends !lnd
neighlJours; they .enjoy our conversations about God" 3. This
proves that, after that temporary storm of hatred against the
Portuguese, the love of Venkata for the Jesuits was renewtd
once more" He (Venkata) " says F ontebona, .. shows us as
much love as we can desire" 4. And in another It:tter he says:
.j It is surprising to sec how he loves us " ". Fr. Antonio

1. From Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. J. Alvarez, VeUore, November

lIth, 1607, Ap. C. No. XVIII.
2. From Fr. A. Rubino to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Chandr;lgiri, Novem-
ber 8th, 1607, Ap. C, No. XVII.
3. From Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. C. Aquaviva, St. Thome,
November 4th, 1606, Ap. C, No. XIII; From tbe sam r. to th e same,
same date, Ibid., No. XIV. When I visitRd the place in Januar.v. 1924.
as Boon 3$1 entered the fort,l noticed tbrough the green trc(-'s a small
whi$e cross over the facade of a church towcrlllg above all tho other
edifices. I remembered at once tbo above qnotN,l passage of Coutinho.
Then I realized that the aforesaid church was built nex t to tho walls
of the Mabal still standing and in the streot runn ing froOl North to
South . The coincidence was amazing. I could not howevor get
more information about that church, as thel'P was no priest then a t
the parish house. I wrote lately to a Cathohc Prie-st of Veil ore, Rev.
J . Tridoau, lind I wa s informed by him that, according to local tradi -
tion, there is no recollection of a Catholic Church inside the fort
1 redlized then tbat the church I had 8e('11 must be the Anglican
Church, but nevertheless the spot where it' IS buJlt ~oems to be the
Bdme as that of the ancient churoh of the Jesuits at· Venkata's
oourt. Cf. Penny, The Church ilt Madras, I, p. 624-9.
4. From Bro. B. Fontebona to Fr. C. Aqu1.I.viva, Velloro, Novom.
ber 7th, 1607, Ap. C, No. XVI.
5. From the same to Fr. J. Alvarez, Vellore, November 11th,
1607, Ap. C, No. XIX.
478 11tH ARAvlnu DYNASTY OF VUAYANAOARA

Vico. ~ting from Cochin at about the same time. informs us

that" the ~ing of Bisnaga is daily growing fonder of the
things of God" '. while Fontebona says elsewhere ' that
Venkata "likes to talk abo~ our things, and specially about
our holy faith" '.
One of these talks with Venkata about the Christian tenets
is related in a letter of Fr. Coutinho : .. The other day", be says,
.. we were talking about the things of God; and His Majesty
heard at length the explanation of the ten commandments.
When in explaining the first we said that there was only one
God and that the others wer~ false gods, idols (Devils), the King
did not say anything. The Brahmans, however, asked hiin
what was the use of hearing such things; to which the King
replied that it was a very good thing and··so worthy of notice.
He was also pleased to see the album of holy pictures which
the Brother showed him, drawing his attention especially to
the ones by Fr. Nadal 3. He saw them one by one and at
the same time inquired minutely about their meaning; in so
doiog he was very glad to know of these high mysteries. But
the King's religious preceptor (vi.::;. Tatacharya) wished to C()O-
vince us oftbe falsehood ot the passion (of Jesus-Christ). He
was one of those whom St. Paul represents to us as saying that
our doctrine was folly; he tried to convince him of the storie:>
of their false gods, who are so unworthy of divinity; but we
d~clared to him how perfect was the Jove of Jesus Christ, who
came to the world for our salvation. The King heard everything
Cn silence, and was by no means angry when at what we said
against his idols and temples" 4. The same It.~tter records
that once, when the King was praising the Fathers for' being

1. From Fr. A. Vieo to Fr. P. A. Spinelli, Coobin, December 9tb,

1607, Ap. C, No. XXI.
2. From Bro. B. Fontebool:l to Fr. J . Alvare;!;, Vellore, November
11th, 1607, Ap. C, No. XIX.
3. For the history of these pictures, seo Heras, La Dinns/ia
Mall.:im til C;';,w, I, p. 4lZ-4, and Tile Jesllil IlIjfllence ill 1M COUll of
VijaYlllltlgara, Q. f. M. S., XIV, p. 136. n. 26.
4 From Fr. B. Coutinbo to Fr. J. Alvarez, Veil are, Novembel
1Ub, 1607, Ap. C, No. XVIII.
 THE JESUITS AT THE COURT OF VENICATA D 479

Sa~ia~s (san1fJ'asis), and religious and chaste people'~ "Tata-

'charya happened to be present, and being an enemy of the
Fathers, replied to the King's remark:-
. If th~ are religious, why do they eat meat 1"
.. Although they eat meat" the king answered, .. they are
chaste and have no wives" I .
10. Venkata's affection for the Fathers !=ontinued during
the following year, 1608 ' . . This year Fr. Laerzio again paid a
visit to the Fathers of both the residences of Vijayanagara:
Coutinhc 'and Fontebona were residing at Vel1ore,' where they
built a fine crib in the Church for Christmas; while there was
Fr. Rubino.alone at Chaudragiri, ' where he works a great deal
for the service of God " says Coutinho 3.
In 1609 we find Fr. Coutinho no longer at Vellore, and Fr.
Rubino has taken his place, though also ill charge of the Chris-
tians of Chandragiri 4. W e !?uspect that Coutinho was recalled
10" St. Thomas, as his health had broken down. He died in 16m,
and then Rubino was appointed Superior of the mission. Fr.
Antonio Diaz was then sent there and the Provincial expected
to appoint two additional Fathers for this mission~. Fr.
Coutinho's ·death was a great loss' to it: he was a man" of great
virtue and of excellent intellect", Fr. R icio wrote in 1001 6.
He was a bosom friend of Venkata. As a matter of fact
afte. the death of Coutinho the King became colder and colder
in his relations with the Fathers. At the end of loo·~, Fr.
Rubino wrote to Fr. General: .. The. King is not as good a

1. Ibid.
2. From Fr. B. Coutinho ttrtI'r. C. Aquaviva, Vellore, October
11th, 1608, Ap. C, No. XXII; From Fr. A. Laerzio to Fr. C. Aquaviva,
Cochin, December 30th, 1601, Ap. C, No. XXV.
3. From Fr. B. Coutinqo to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Octobel' 11th, 1608,
Ap. C, No. XXII. .
4. From Fr. A. Rubino to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Vellore, September
30th, Ap. C, No, XXVII.
5. From Fr. A. Laerzio to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Cochin. November
25th, 1611, Ap. C. No. XXXI.
6. From Fr. F. Ricio to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Chandragiri, October
20th, 1601, Ap. C, No. I.
480 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA

friend of ours as he was before. The cause of it :Ire those

accursed Brahmans, who are the chid foes of our H oly Faith;
the King is more than a slave before them" I. Another Jesuit
letter of J600 shows what kind.of ~!avery the King was subjected
to: "The King is not allowed to' talk to anybody", we read there,
"before he has seen the face of two Brahmans" 2.
In the month of June, r6II, we find Rubino in Colombo.
He had preached on Fridays in Lent ; his preaching pleased
everybody and was fruitful. The reason f0r his going there
was that Venkata had requested him to accompany the ambas-
sadors whom he was sending to the Portuguese Governor of
Ceylon, and whom he had deputed to soli several elephants
to the Portuguese 3.
n. By the end of the same year, r6rr, no Jesuit houses were
found any more either at Vellore or at Chaudragiri. What was
the cause of their withdrawal from Venkata's court?
Soml! years before, a docu ment full of slanders against all
the Jesuits of the South, but especially against those who wht!re
at Venkata's court, had been prtseuted to Philip III. The
accusations may be redu.;:ed to the following four heads : 1.
The Jesuits res iding at Venkata's court h,l'le no interest
at all in the conversion of infidels, and only preach
according to the will of th~ Brahmans and other Hindu
ascetics. 2. All their efforts art: reduced to making mc 'y and
.to accumulating enormous amounts of money in order to
increase their income; and to attain this purpose they always
do whatever the King likes. 3. Bro. Fontebona is busy
painting indecent picture. to please the sovereign; and 4- They
--- ----~- - -- - - ---- -
1. From Fr. A. Rubino to Fr. C. Aquavivll, Veil ore, September
30th, 1609, .Ap. C, No. xxvn.
2. From Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. N. Pimenta, July 17th, 1600, Ap.
C,No. V.
S. From Fr, A. Laerzio to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Oochin, November
25tb, 1611, Ap. C, No. XXXI. This is the last time w.e hear of Rubino
in connection with Vijayanagara. In 161S he became Rector of the
College at St. Thome, as recorded in a letter of 1615, which will be
published in Vol. II. Rubino died ma.t;tyr in Japan on March 17th,
1643.
 THE JESUITS AT THE COURT OF VENKATA II 481

for~ed letters of the King of Spain to Venkata and of Venkata

.0 the King of SpalO, and bribed the minister!': of the former to
obtain the royal seaI"
No doubt, these charges created great resentment in the
suspicious character of Philip III. On March 9th, 1610, he wrote
about them to his Viceroy Ruy Lourenco de Tavora to this
effect: "From the note I am sending you herewith, you may
see the things which were communicated to me about the
conduct of the Jesuits who reside in the Empire of Bisnaga;
hence I recommend to you, first, to request from their Superior
the immediate withdrawal of these Religious (from that Empire)
to any other house of their Order; they may be, if necessary,
repl aced by others of good conduct, whose efforts must be Dnly
devoted to the conversion of the gentiles. Then you will
secretly inquire from impartial persons about the accusations
as contained in the said nott" " ' . No person can defend this
strange -and imprudent order of the Spanish King. He ought
first to have 0 rdered an inquiry, and then to proceeded to the
expulsion of the guilty, if any. The Provincial of the Malabar
Province, to avoid any suspicion of covetousness on their part,
on receiving the Viceroys's order promptly withdrew his sub-
ordinates from Venkata's court: .. As soon as their Superiors
were aware of what Your Majesty wrote about them, they
caused them to be removed at once to their' own province",
wrote Dom Jeronymo d'Azevedo to his sovereign, in 1613 8•
No other Fathers were sent there.

1. Memori Al against the Josuits, Ap. C. No. XXXVIII.

1. "Por hum papol que ira com esta vereis 0 que 8e diz do
procedimento dos religiosos da compallhia que residem no reino de
Bia alga, e pareeemme remettervolo e encomendarvos, como faco, que
irateis oom 0 superior dRquella religiao que reoolha logo estes reli-
giosQs a algua outra casa da sua ordem. e sendo neceseario enviar
alli outro8, 0 faea, escolhendo para iSBO peS80atl de sa .,sfaccl\o e que
attendam somento a eonversao dos gentios d'aq uelle reino; e que do
mais que contero 0 dito papal tomeis informaoao em todo 0 segreoo
por pessoas Bem suspeita". From Philip III to the Viceroy Ruy Lour-
enco Je Tavora, Lisbon, March 9th, '1610, Bulhao Pato, DO(1l11lrlllos,
I, p. 372. Cf. another letter from the same King to the Viceroy Dom
Jeronymo d'Azevedo, Lisbon, February 28tl)., 1610, Ibid., II, p.18'.
3. From the Vjceroy Dom Jeronymo d'Azevedo to Philip III,
1613, Ap. B, No. XII.
61
482 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA

This removal of the Jes,:!its from the Court of Vijayanagara

caused a great deal of harm to the Portuguese influence in
India. According to the Viceroy, the settlement of the Dutch
at Pulicat as well as Venkata's war against St. Thome were due
to this fact 1. "Consequently", the Viceroy adds, ' " I have to
say that it is not only absolutely necessary to have them (the
Jesuits) at Chandegri (Chandragiri) close to the King, who loves
them, but even in Paleacate (Pulicat), after the capture of this
fortress from the Dutch ... and in other places of that coast" 2.
The Viceroy's wishes were never fulfilled. Venkata died soon
aftt:!r; the turbulent period that followed was not conducive
to the re-establishment of the suspended mission; but Fr.
Rubi no in a letter dated from St. Thome, November 29th, 1617,
says that there were hopes that the mission of Vellore would be
renewed aftt:!r the en d of the civil war '. Nevertheless, as far
as we know, there were no more Jesuits permanently residing
either at VeIJore or at Chandragiri during the supremacy of the
Emperors of Vijayanagara.
12. What was the real character of the Jesuit mission at
the court of Venkata? Their stay first at Chandragiri and then
at Vellore was not prompted by a desire for temporal advanta-
ges. Though they sometimes inclined Venkata in favour of
the Portuguese, this was not the main purpose of thei r mission.
Dom Jeronymo d' Azevedo, in tht: above quoted letter, spoke of
them only from this political point of view. But Fr. Pimenta had
ordered the establishment of this mission "in order to preach
here the doctrine of Jesus Christ ", as Ricio says ill one of his
letters 4; du Jarric says likewise that Pimenta's purpose was
---------------------_.__._ . --
1. Cf. Ch. XXI, Nos. 13 Ilnd 15.
2. From tile same letter of tho Viceroy to Philip III. Tbese
extracts of tbe Vicoroy's letter to bis sovereign do not agree at all
with tho accusations of Danvers, The Portugllese iii b,din, II, p.
XXXII, and of Rangacbari, History of the Naynk Kingdom, Ind. A,/I.,
XLV, p.lSl.
3. This Jetter will be publishea in Vol. II.
4. From Fr. F. R icio to F .... C. Aquaviv8, Chandragiri, October
20th, 1601, Ap. C, No. 1. Cf. Du Jarrie, I, p. G3S,
 THE JESUITS AT THE COURT OF VENKATA II 483

.. to make known the Christian faith in the kingdom of Bis-

nagar (Vijayanagara)" 1.
The importance ·of this ~n lerpris e is frequently emphasist::d
in the Jesuit letters of those days: .. There are in this kingdom
such extensive regions and populous cities ", Ricio again wrote
in 16:)3, H that if God calls them to the faith (as weAlOpe), num-
berless labourers will be needed for working in this vineyard" 2.
Again, in January, 1604, the Provincial Laerzio informed
Fr. General that" the Residence of Chandragiri in the kingdom
of Bisnagar (Vijayanagara) was an enterprise of grcat impor-
tance. We expect many convasions therc. If but on-e of those
chiefs wishes to be baptised, the rt:st, it se:.:ms, will follow his
example" 3. Laerzio repeals the same in 1605 f. Such wt::r~ the
hopes of the Jesuits of those days that the King of Spain, Philip
III. evinced much .interest in the affairs of this mission, not
precisely for political motives, but on account of his zeal for tht
propagation of the faith. Accordingly on December 23rd,1604,
he wrote to his Viceroy: " 1 expect you will inform me about tht:
results obtained by those (Jesuits; who reside ntxt to the King
of Bisnaga (Vijayanagara)" 5.
Th~ first conversion is recorded by Ricio in a letter of 160r;
not perhaps a real conversion, since Ricio says that the person
baptised was a child (lIIenillo), 6, who might have died soon
aft(:r. As a matter of fact Laerzio says in 1604 that "no con~
versions were made till now" 7. In 1606, Fr. Roiz wrote from

1. Du J arric, I, p. 654.
:l.. From Fr. F. Ricio to Fr.C. Aquaviva, Ohandragiri, Septem.
ber 10th, 1603, Ap. C, No. Vll.
3. From Fr. A. Laercio to Fr. J. Alvarez, Oochin, January
18th, 1604, Ap. 0, No. X.
4. From the same to Fr. o. Aquaviva, Oocbin, January 12th,
1605, Ap. C, No. XI.
5. : From Philip III to his Viceroy Dom Joronymo d' Azevedo,
Valladolid, December 23rd, 1604, Ap. B, No. VII.
6. From Fr. F. Ricio to Fr. O. Aquaviva, Ohandragiri, October
29th, 1601, Ap. C, No. I.
7. From Fr. A. Lasrzio to .Fr. J. Alvarez, Oochin, Jauuary
18th, 1604, Ap. 0, No. X.
484 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA

St. Thome that in Chandragiri the Fathers had baptised six

persons who were their servants; at the same time he says that
.. there is no hope of more conversions, because these negroes
(sic) are very obstinate in their diabolic doctrines, about which
I have before written to Your Reverence; they certainlyac-
knowledge that our doctrine is good, but they say that theirs is
also' good and that they can obtain salvation by professing it.
Hence they want t() keep it., since it is according to their own
customs and received from their ancestors" 1. At the end of
the same year, 1606, Coutinho announces that besides the six
Christians of Chandragiri, there are five more in Vellore '. In
1607, Laerzio informs Fr. General that Fr. Rubinohas made
some Christians in Chandragiri B. But Fr. Rubino himself
writes that the persons convertE!d were only four; there were be-
sides eight others who were then being instructed. "We are work-
ing as much as possiele to propagate our holy faith", hesays, "but
janua cialtsa est (the gate is shut), and great grace of God is
required to ope, it; we must incessantly knock at it again till
it be opened. Our knocking however from outside will be
nothing, if God does not from the inside knock with his divine
inspirations, as' we hope He will do" 4. In the following year,
1608, the few Christians of Chandragiri were persecutedby the
governor of the town 5, while Coutinho baptised an old man
at Vellore G. •
No more conversions are mentioned in the letters of those
missionaries: .. It is a matter of great sorrow to see the door

1. From Fr. M. Roiz to Fr. J. Alvarez, St. Thome, November

ht,1606, Ap. C, No. XII.
2. From Fr. B. Coutinbo to Fr. C. Aquaviva, St. Thome,
November 4th, 1606, Ap. C, No. XIII.
3. From Fr. A. Laerzio to Fr. C. Aquuviva, Cochin, November
20th, 1607, Ap. C, No. XX.
4.. From Fr. A. Rubino to Fr. C. Aquaviva., Chandragiri,
November 8th, 1607. Ap. C, No. XVII.
5. From Fr. A. Laerzio to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Cochin, December
30th, 1608, Ap. C; No. XXV.
6. From Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Vellore, October
11th, 1608, Ap. C, No. XXII.
 THE JESUITS AT THE COURT OF VENKATA II 485

so closed to the Gospel ", writes Rubino in 1609 1. And

Laerzio himself says in 16II; We shall try every possible
means to get the expected harvest from this mission; this (fruit)
was very much diminished this year" ' . With this 'good hop~
th e Vijayanagara mission met with its end; that very year, as
has been related, the Jesuits were withdrawn from their posts 3.

l. From Fr. A. Rubino to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Vellore, September

30th, 1609, Ap. C, No. XXVII.
2. From Fr. A. Laer7.io to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Cochin, November
25tb, 1611, Ap. C, No. XXXT.
3. It has been supposed that the Jesuits were (j Iso eata'blished in
the vpry city of Vijayanagara during tuo time of its splendour, or
perhaps during Sltdasiva's reign. Cf. Slater, ~V"erc! Rt'ilgiolls Mrt'l,
Q. J. M. S., VIII, p 307- 8, We are sure that no Jesuit was ever estab-
lished in the city near the Tunghalladra; nor do w(' evon know (>f
any other missionary settled there. The ouly informat ion we 1111 va
is that in the year 1542 Fr. Antonio l'oItrao or Petroni o, a FranCiscan
Friar, converted 13Ql) Hindus in the kingdom of VijaY,lIlagara (no t
in the City) and built Ii thurch dedicated to St. Anthony, which was
afterwards converted into !i monastery. Tho place wher(' th is luissio.
nary obtained this harvest is not given. Cf. Historin· Chrollo/{)gim, 0
GabiMte Litterario das Joontailfhas, I, p. 86.
 CHAPTER XXlIl
VENKATA II AND THE ART OF PAINTING

SUMMARY.-l. Indian paiul.ers a~ Ven.kata's court.-2. Venkata'H

interest in the art of painting shown in his first audience to
the Jesuits.- 3. Bro. Alexander Frey, painter to the Emperor.-
4. Bro. Bartolomeo Fontebona called for toe mission of Vijaya-
nagara.- 5. His introduction to Venkata. His painti~g8.-6.
Venkata's kindness to Fonteboua. -7. The Provincial of Malabar
wishes to promote Fontebona to the Priestbood.-8. Fontebona's
removal from tbe Court. His death in Bengal.
CONTEMPORARY SOURCES.-1. Jesu it Jetters.-2. Du Jarrie.

VENKATA II'S predilection for the art of painting deserve::s

a special chapter on his relations with the nainters at his
court.
Unfortunately we know nothing about the Indian painters
employe::d in his capital; their very existence is only known to
us through a European source. Fr. du Jarric states that there
were several native painters at Chandragiri; "bllt these artists
could not. have approached the.: standard of the Europea;l paint-
ings presented to the King by the JtI6uits 1.
About the two European painters who resided for some
years at Chandral'(iri and at Vellore, our store of information is
considerable. Hence we are able to trace the course of
Venkata's relations with' them. Incidentally the subject will
serve to give \0 our readers a hitherto unknown aspect of the
character of that monarch.
2. In the course of the first audience given by Venkata to
Frs. de Sa and Ricio, the sovereign a&ked them about the King
of Portugal. They hai)pened to have with them several small
portraits of Dom 5ebastiao and his prc:decessors and showed
them to the King. Venkata was amaz<!d at seeing them. He
scrutinised them carefully and passed them on for examination
to the attendant nobles. They too were aston ished .at the per-
-----_ ._ - - - - - -
1. Du Jarrie, I, p. 669.
 VENKATA II AND THE ART OF PAINTING 487

fection of these European paintings. Then Vcnkata inquired

of his visitors whether there was at St. Thome a good painter.
The Fathers replied that there was illdeed one; and as a proof
of their statement, offered to th~ sovereign another painting
recently done at St. Thome. It rep r ~sented the Gospel parable
of the rich Epulon and the beggar Lazarus. Venkata ask ed for
the explanation of this subject, which was courteously given in
Telugu by Fr. Ricie. His explanation. according to du Jarric.
resolved itself into a sermon on hell; Ricio was prepared wi th
the subject-matter before leaving St. Thome; but now he was
so carried away with his declamation that his pronunciation
was often faulty, a:1d occasionally made the nobles laugh 1.
At the farewell audience some days later, Venkata ques-
tioned the Fathers once more abollt th e painter they had at St.
Thome 2. From these facts d!.: Sa and Ricio reasonably inferred
that it.. would be of great imJ,ortance for the future mission to
have such a painter in the r~si dl:nce wh ich was to be establish-
ed at Chandragiri. and the id~a was most likely communicated
to Fr. Pimenta.
3. This paintt;:f was th :: Jesuit Lay Brother Alexander
Frey. We know nothing mure about him except that he was
an Englishman, as th e letttrs of those days often r\,;cord 3.
In spite of the: KIng's wishes, Bro. Alexander, as he is
commonly c.:alkd. was aot :.1mon~ the Jesuits who n:ached
Chandragiri in 1599. But ill the followillg y.:ar we find him
installed at Venkata's court. A Jesui t letter of 1600 gives some
interesting information about his work at the imperial palace.
It runs as follows: ,. Bro. Alexander showed to the King one
of h 's paintings that repn;s~nts the three Magi adoring Ollr
Saviour recently born and put in thl:! manger. He offered be·
sides to the sovereign a:lother painting, showing the Blesst'd
Virgin with Her Child in her arms. The King bowed hdof!.: 'it
and placed it in one of the rooms of his fl:.1lacc:. The Brother
is now painting another one of Christ's desc:;: l1t int o hell. He

1. Ibid .• p. 665.
2. Ibid., p. 670.
3. From Fr. F . Ricio to Fr. C. Al1u iI\'i\· ... Chandragiri, Ocbbcr
20th. 1601, Ap. C, No. 1.
488 THE ARAVIDU 'DYNASTY OF VI]AYANAG,ARA

(the King) is eagerly waiting for it, because out of many pictures
pr6yiously shown he selected this and the preceding one to be
reproduced. He talks quite unreservt:dly with the· Brother. It
happen ed once that the King was looking on while the Brother
was painting; the latter happened to say that some of the
colours required for his work were 'l;ome times lacking; then
the sovereign returned to his apartment, and came out bringing
in his own hands a hundred gold pieces, which he gave to the
Brother, in order to get all the necessary things" I.
Fr. Ricio informs us that at the eno Ofl601, Bro. Alexander
was still working at Chandragiri, and was a great favourite with
the King. In the same letter, he asks the General of the Society
permission to give a beautiful painting to Venkata on the
General's behalf 2.
No further mention of Bro. Alexander Frey is discoverable
in the Jesuit letters from Chandragiri. He probably left the
court. in 1602. We cannot assign any reason for his departure,
though some years later we find his name among the missio-
naries of Malabar.
4. No doubt Frey's departure from Chandragiri was a
blow to the recently founded miSSion. This enterprise
rt:quir~d the support of the powerful sovereign; and the
presence of a painter among· the missionaries was con-
ducive to this suppC!rt. H ence the Provincial Fr. Laerzio,
who, probably before leaving Italy, had made the acquaintance
of an Italian Lay Brother, also a good painter, wrote to Fr.
General in !t)03, requesting a man of his type for the mission of
Vijayan agara n ; and repeated his petition in the following year t.
This Lay Brother's name was Bartolomeo Fontebona or
Fontebuone. Owing to his artistic talent he became one of the
most intimate friends of Venkata. It would seem that Fr.
------
1. From Fr. B. Coutinbo to Fr. N. Pi menta, Chandragiri, July
17th, 1600, Ap. C, No. V.
2. From Fr. F. Rioio to Fr. C. Aquavi\'s, Chandragiri, October
20th, 1611, Ap. 0, No. I.
3. From Fr. A. Laerzio to Fr. J. Alvarez, Coohin, Januar)
18th, 1604, Ap. C, No. X.
4. Ibid.
 VENKATA II AND THE ART OF PAINTING 489

General sent him to India immediately upon the first petition of

Laerzio; for Laerzio himself. in Janu ary of the year 1605, wrote
to Aqu~viva that Fontebona had already been in Goa for two
years I; but that the Provincial of Goa, Fr. Manoel de Veiga,
had retained him in that city, in order to paint the new church
of the Professed House 2. Five years later, in 1607, Fontebona
wrote from Vellore: .. I. have been told that a Flemish Lay
Brother, himself a very good painter, was coming (to India); I
was very glad, 'indeed, for he will be able to finish the painting
of the new church of the Profess:!d House, started by mc" 3.
The Prov incial of Malabar wrote again to th e General in
1605, pressing for the services of Fontebona in th..: Vijayanagara
mission: "We !Ire very much in need of Bro. Bartolomeo, the
painter, for this' Christendom", he said; "but Fr. Provincial
(of Goa) will not allow him to leave Goa, if Your Paternity
do not order him to do so. Wh en in Rome I asked Your
Paternity for this Brother for this Christendom; he has already
been at Goa for two years; I should 'think that they must be
quite satisfied 4.II

Most likely the General sent his order to the Provincial of

Goa, in accordance with Laerzio's wishes; because at the end
of 1606, Fontebona was already at St. Thome waiting for an
opportunity to go to Vo::nkata's court. He happened to arrive
there when the Jesuits had retired frol11 the capital of the Empire,
owing to the sudden storm occaSioned by the fight of the in-
habitants of St. Thome with the soldiers of the adigar. Hence
Fr. Coutinho, in November, 1606, wrote from St. Thome that
"Bro. Bartolomeo Fontebuone i here painting while waiting
for a chance to proceed to the court with us; for we hope the
--- ---- --------
1. From Fr. A. Laerzio to Fr. C. AquaviVl:t, Oochin, Janua ry
12th, 1605 , Ap. 0, No. XI . .
2. This was the house and the- church of the Born J~sus, whi ch
had been started in 1589. Cf. Fonseca, 51.·,'1<'11 of Ihe Cily of GO.I, p.279.!l0.
3. From Bro. B. Fontobona to Fr. O. Aqu ~ viva, VeUore, Novcm·
,bel' 7th, 1607, Ap. C, No. XVI; From thc same to Fr. J. Alvarez,
Vonore, November 11th, 1607, Ibid., No. XIX.
4. From Fr. A. Laerzio to Fr. O. Aquaviva, Oochin, January
12th, 1605, Ap. 0, No. Xl.
62
490 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA

King will renew our previous relations; for ~his purpose he was
sent to us by our Father (General)" 1.
5. Finally, in January, I~7, the Fathers were allowed to
return to Chandragiri, and even to establish a new residence at
Vellore, the recently created capitaL Fontebona was natUrally
sent there to be in readiness for the King's orders 2. He was
introduced to Venkata by Fr. Coutinho, who thus describes the
audience held on this occasion: "I introduced the Brother (to
the King), sayi·ng that he had come from far ' away, by order of
our Fr. General, in order to paint before His High.1ess. He
praised this highly, and asked the Brother at onc~ *hether he
had at that time a good painting to show to him . The Brother
had nothing else but the two portraits of". our Blessed Fathers
(Ignatius and Fra~cis Xavier). The King on seeing them was
astonished and could not persuade himself that the Brother
had\painted them. I told him I had witnessed his work. Hence
he (the King) asked him (Fonttbona) to paint others like them in
his presence. He replied that he would, and began at once by his
order to sketch them on a big panel. The King was surprised
to see how quickly the Brother worked. In fact the.painting was
finished in an hour and a half. He retouched the face of BI.
Father Ignatius. The King on seeing that was greatly astonish-
ed; and going back to his lodging, sent him according to his
custom a rich golden cloth. He went on with his painting, while
we took the opportunity to relate to him the main facts
and the miracles and virtues of BI. Fatht:r Ignatius and of B1.
Father Francis (Xavier). :The King was much pleased on hear-
ing those things. He (Fontebona) painted also his (the King's)
own portrait. He (the King) is a very grave man: on this occa-
sion however he changed the place where he was sitting and
movt!d to another which was selected by the Brother. He re-
mained there until the portrait was completed. Furthermore, to
please the King he painted a panel of the BI. Virgill, Our Lady,

1. From Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. C. Aquavlva, St. Thome, Novem

ber 4th, 1606, Ap. C, No. XIII.
2. Lillerae Annuae of the Provinoe of Mala l art 1606-1607, Ap. C
No. XXVI,
 VENKATA 11 AND THE ART. OF PAINTING 4Qt

wilh the chIld Jesus In her arms and the holy child, the Baptist,
at htr side, and St. Joseph in th~ rear, copying it from a small
picture. The panei was finished to perfection; and the King
ordered it to be hung in a prominent place in the room of the
assembly, opposite his royal throne, where he reads with his
learned Brahmans. These asked the King why that painting
made by the Christians was there, and so on. The King
rcplied:-
This carpet on which I am sitting, and you also, l:alUl!
from their country. If we are nevertheless. sitting on it, wh y
cannot that pai.nting be there? Did not this velvet cap you have
on your head come from their country too?' SUCIl discussions
were repeated several ti mes" '.
By the same letter of Fr. Coutinho we are made aware lnat
Fontcbolla showed to the King several books and albums of
pictures, one oflhem being that of Fr. Nadal. This especially
was liked very much by the King;~. Then Venkala told the
Brother that he was greatly pleased to sel! him painting those
!'mall pictures. Accordingly Fontebona spent a good length of
lime in this work, and' has bl!t!ll praised very highly by the
King' 3. The Provincial Laerzio confirms this news, while
stating that • Fontebona is loved by the King and by all' 4.
Fontebona himself at the same time reports: .. I am at Vel-
lore at presenl. .. My daily occ upa tio n consists in painting seve-
ral things in the palace and in the ,.King's presence. His
Majesty is as much pleased by watching me paint painting, as 1
am pleased by gratifying him" ".
6. As a result of this continual work, Fontebona fell sick
at the end of the same year, 1607. On the occasion of this sick-
ness, Venkata's love towards the Brother was o~enly shown.

1. From Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. J. Alvarez, Vcllore. November

11th, 1607, Ap. C, No. XVIII.
2. Cf. Ch. XXII, No.9.
3. Lotter mentioned in note 1.
4. From Fr. A. Laerzio to Fr. C. Aquavivii, Cochin, November
20th, 1607, Ap. C, No. XX.
5. From Bro. B. Fonteeona to Fr. J . Alvarez, Vollorc. N o\'omber
11th, 1607, Ap. C, No. XIX.
492 THE ARAVtDU DYNASTY OF VIJAV.\NAGARA

Fontebona himself gives' an interesting account of his relations

with the mon arch at this time. H is letter runs as follows: " i
once heard, while sick, that the King was going to leave the
palace (for a walk). I wen~ to the palace gate in order to greet
h;m while passing. When he went out I presented myself to
him and offered him a crystal cup full of rose water. He stop-
ped and receivt:d the cup with his own hands, saying at the same
time how sorry he was to see me so lean and pale from my sick-
ness. On the following day my sick ness grew worse; it was
necessary to go to St. Thome to recover. I have been there for
almost two months. The King on learning that 1 could not get
rid of my disease sent a message through the Queen, instruct-
ing me in the way r could be cured.. I came back to Vellore
after my recovery, and began to paint a panel of Our Lady.
"He (the King) offered me many gifts, but since the Pro-
vincial forbade us to receive money, we declined his offerings;
this made a great impression on him, so much so that he said
to his courtiers that we had never asked for anything. I have
also painted several small pictures, specially one of Our Saviour.
I once showed to llim,:a painting of Our Lady which I had made
pre!tentation to one of our Fathers. He was greatly surprised
at the sight of it and took it to his apartments to show it to the
Queen; the picture never camt: back to my hauds. Later on
we were given to understand that the King had preser ','c:d it in
a box where he keeps the jewellery, very well cover~d; we were
told mort:over that he used to open this box and look at tb e
picture every day" 1.
Fontebona contInued his work in the presence of Venkata,
who was every day more pleased with tbe skill of the Italian
Jesuit. Fl\ Rubino wrote of the latter in the year r609, that
• he was stiN. often busy painting before the King ', and later
on the same writer adds that Venkata 'bad given the Brother
two hundred gold coins (scudi) for buying colours' Y.

1. From I3ro. B. Foutebona to Fr. J. Alvarez, Vellore, Novem-

ber llLh, 1607, Ap. C. No. XIX; From the same to Fr. C. Aquaviva,
Vellore, Novl'mbrr 7th, 1607, Ibid., No. XVI.
2. From Fr. A. Rubino to Fr. C. Aqua viva, VellorC', Scptombrf
30th, 1609, Ap. C, No. XXVII.
 VENKATA II AND THE ART OF PAINTING 493
7. So great was the help given to the mission by the
humble painter, who knew how to keep alive the good-will of
V enkata towards the Fathers, that the Provincial Fr. Laerzio,
contrary to the custom of the Soci ety of Jesus, thought seriously
of promoting him to the sacred priesthood. This would have
given Fontebona a better opportunil , to work for the pro-
pagation of the faith .
Laerzio in a letter to Fr. General dat ed November 20t~.
l607, afler paying tribu te; to Fontebona's virtue, exam ple and
goodness, adds: .• It seems to me that he would help' us still
more in that kingdom if..he were a priest; he knows Latin
pretty well. It is true that he never m::nift:sted to me any wish
in any way, nor did other persons speak to me about this. Pro-
b~bly he never thought of this; it is' only an idea growing upon
me for some years past, that as a pril'st, he would be of
more profit to the service of God, In case my idl!a is approved
of by Your Paternity, kindly s:!nd me your permission ] I feel
sure it will be for the. glory of God and for the greater profit of
the souls of that kingdom" L.
8. Apparently the General's permission never carne.
Fontebona was removed fronl Venkata 's court with the rest of
the missionaries at the en d of 1611, when the missions of
Chandragiri and Vellorc were definitely abandoned.
The Superior of Malabar, Fr. Laerzio, after realizing that
Bro. Fontebona's work would not be rer;,uireri any more at the
court of Vijayan agara, 3S hopes of re-establishing the mission
wt,re groundless, sent him iii the company of Frs. Stefano
Cacella and Joao Cabral on an expedition . to Tibet, that
was to start from BengaL They left Cochiu on April 30th, 1626.
Having set out, on their journey from Hugli , on one of the
branches of the Ganges, Font~bona (who was then fifty) was
sent back to Hugli from Sirip'ur on account of the difficulties of
the enterprise. He fell ill shortly after his arrival, and died
there on December 26th, 1626. 2.

1. From Fr. A. Laerzio to Fr. O. Aquaviva, Oochin, November

20th, ] 607, Ap. 0, No. XX.
2. WessEllR, Early Jesuit Travellers, p. 121-2.
 CHAPTER XXIV
FAMILY AFFAIRS. DEATH OF VENKATA 11
SU~MARY.-l. The wives of Venkata II.-2. The King gives a garden
party to his wives.-3. Oba Raya's influence at Verikata's court.
-4. Great power of Queen Pedobamamba.-5. Story of the putative
son of Venkata.-S. Relations hetween the King and his two
nephllws Tirumalaand Ranga.-7. Ve\lkata's last illness. Appoint-
ment of Ranga as his successor.--S. Death of Venkata II.-9.
Venkata judged by his oontomporaries.-l0. Final criticism of
this sovereign.
CONTEMPORARY SOUROES.-1. Hindu insoriptions and grallts.-2.
Jesuit letters.-3. Letters to th e E. I. C.-4. Du Jarrio, Guer-
reiro, Qlleyroz.-5. Anquetil duo Perron, Floris.-6. Ramarajiyamu.

VENKATA II's fam ily lift: was far from pleasant, and the
private affairs of his relations hastened the downfall of the
Empire itself. ,This chapter is a narrative of those unfortunate
events which precipitated the civil war related in the foHowing
volume.
Considerable discussion has arisen concerning the wives
of Venkata n, because the contemporary sources agree neither
as to their number or their names. Our own opinion is that
such diff\:!rences spring from the ob.vious fact that these con-
temporary sourct:s give the number of venkata's wives at the
time of their composItIOn, and could by no means
give the names of all the wives of this monarch. In the light
of this fact there is really no discrepancy among the. different
documents; and indeed there is a perfect agreement between
the indigenous and th,e foreign sources.
According to one of Venkata's grants of 1586 he had
fo ur wives: Veokatamba, Raghavamba, Pedobamamba and
Pinavobamamba 1. But in the Dalavay Agrahatam piates,
Nhich were issued the same year, the name of Pinavoba~amba
s replaced by that of Krishnamba 2. This would mean that
1. Ep. I"d., XI II, p. 231, note 7.
''2. Ibid., XlI, p. IS6, vv. 27-39.
 FAMILY AFFAIRS. DEATH OF VENKATA II • 495
Pinavobamamba had died the same year, and that a new wife
called Krishnamba filled her place 1. These four names, viz.
Venkatamba, Raghavamba, Pedobamamba and Krishnamba
are again mentioned both in the Vellnngudi plates ~ and in the
Padman eri grant of the same Venkata II " both issued in 1598.
But in 1601 the Vilapaka grant mentions five wives: the rour
just sp("ken of, plus Kondambika ., thus showing that betwcl::n
1598 and lqoI Venkata married another wife named K on dam-
bib. Raghavamba however did not live long. The Ramaraji-
yamu, which seems to have b:!en written towards the close of
Venkata's reign, gives only fo ur names: Venkatamma,
(Venkatamba), Obamma (Pedobamamba), Krishnamma (Krish-
namb a), and Kondamma (Kondambika) 6 . The same four names
are repeated in a gran t of 1633 6. One of them however must
have died early; for when the deathofVenkata occurred C't t,he
end of the following year, 1614, only three wives \.."mmitted
sati, according to both Fr. Barradas and Flon~ , who
will be quoted later on. W e cannot ascerta in which of these four
consorts of V enkafa died previo us to
his death; but we may
alttrm that the question lies bctween Krishnamba and Kondam-
bika . ThIS we shall discuss while narrating Venkata's demise.
According to this explanation Venkata had· altogether six
wi ves. Of them Obamma or Pedobamamba was the daughter of
Jillella Ranga Raja; Krishnamma or Krishnamba was the
daughter of Jilldla Krishna Raju; and l{ondamma or Kondam-

1. There are, however, tw,p grJ nts of Venkata Incons is tent with
thili opinion: one is of 1587, Ep. Garn., VIr, Sh . 83; ·the other of 1589,
Ibid., XU, Ck, 39. In both docum ents th e naDl es of Vcnkatll's Queens
are tbe following: VenkataDlba. Ragha vamba. Ped-Obllmamba, and
PiIt-Obamamba. Is th is simpJy a mistake on the part of th e engrave·r,
or perhaps Krisbnamba a nd Pjn~Obamamba (Piuavoba JU a mba) arc two
different names of th e same · person? In th o latter supposition
Venkata's wives would hav e been in all only fiv e in n umber.
2. Ep. Ind., XVI, p. 31~, vv. 31-35.
3. Ibid., p. 297, v. 30.
4. Ibid., IV, p. 270.
5. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, SOIl~ces, p. 243.
6, Ep. Ind .. XIII, p. 231.
496 fHE ARAVJDU DyNASTIY uF VIJAYANAGARA

mbika was the daughter of Gobburi Oba 1. This Gobburi Oba or

Oba Raya had, moreover, another daughter who was married to
Venkata. We are inclined to believe that she was Raghavamba.
This information comes from the Jesuit sour~s of 1598- 9,
when the 'first Jesuits visited Venkata's ('ourt: "The King", says
du Jarric, "had married two of his (Oba Raya;s) daughters" 2 :
and the same author says later on that Oba Raya had "two
daughters married to the King .. ~. Now we know the names of
the fathers of the other three of Yen kata's wi ves at that time.
Raghavamba's father is unknown to us. It is true that the first
mention of Kondambika is found ill )60I ; but she might have
been married to Venkata a little earlier. Thus the explanation
holds good that when the Jesuits first visited Venkta's court
two of Venkata's wives were daughters of Oba Raya.
• The Ramarajiyamu makes no reference to the family of
Venkatamba. She is the only one whose father is not mentioned.
Hence she must be the one spoken of by Fr. Barradas as the
daughter of Jaga Raya, by the name of Bayamma,4 'as any
lady could be called Bayamma in Telugu', to quote Dr. S.
Krishnaswami Aiyangar 5. She appears to have been the first
Queen, as she is always mentioned first, and may be identified
with the one said by Barradas to be ' of the same age as the
King' 6.
2. Fr. du Jarrie, relying invariably on the COnt(;!mporary
Jesuit letters, gives interesting details of a feast prepared by
Venkata for his Queens in I698 .
.. One of those days (during the Jesuits' first stay at
Chandragiri) the King invited the Queens to a garden outside the
city to enjoy themselves there ... The retinue which accom panie~
them proceeded as follows: in the van there was a good cavalry
detachment htaded by a captain, who was a Muhammadan,
urrounded by four or five knights; there were several sil~
1. Ramarajiyamll, S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 243.
2. Du Jarrie, I, p. 654.
3. Ibid., p. 674.
4. Sewell, p. 223.
5. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, o. c., p. 20.
3. Sewell, p. 224.
 FAMILY AFFAIRS. DEATH OF VENKATA n 497

st-andards in this company; after this there came a flute and a

vinaband.: the play'ers rode several camels; many foot soldiers
were also to be seen. Tlren the Delenais (Dalavays), or chief
captains followed; they proceeded on foot and were fully
armed; in their rear walked one of the royal elephants, over
which the imperial standard' was carried; there were several
court nobles around. Next, a huge iron gong was carried by
four porters, and four soldiers were continuously striking it I:
the King himself then advanced on a gold sedan-chair, with
many courtiers and servants around, who carried four very
handsome umbrellas; then the royal insignia were to be seen
on the top of picks ; the hairy tail of a white wild cow, which is
very much appreciated in the East; a big representation of a
fish and another of a lion and finally another standard. After
this there came the chief Delevay (Dalavay) of the kingdom,
and at last the Prince (Ranga) with the King's wives,
accompanied by very many women carried in silver and gold
sedan-chairs, with great pomp; the Queens were carried in
shinning gold litters, covered with rich golden drapery adorn-
ed with precious stones; next to every litter two umbrelas
were carried to keep off the glare of the sun; there were besides
many handmaid!" moving their fans to and fro on each side of
their mistresses. Such was the order of his state procession
when the King went to- the garden in the suburbs of the city
to spend a holiday. He came back on the same day after sun-
set i so many torches illuminated his way that it seemed clay
in spite or'the hour" 2.
3. Up to the year 1606 the influence exerted by Oba Raya
and his. family at tbe court of Venkata may be seen both from
the Hindu inscriptions and from the Jesuit sources. An inscriJ)T
tion of Venkata at Narasingapuram mentions Gobburi Oba
Raya and the gifts of sixty-five gold pieces called Venkataraya-
varahans. Oba Raya seems to have regulated the festivals

1. This gong was' I01lgitudi1le duo",,,, doliorv",', according .to du

Janie. I cannot estimate its size, since the name dolio",,,, meana
quite a different thing in Latin. It is possibly a mistllh
2. Du J arric, I, p. 673-4.
63
49i THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA

and daily services in the temple of Alagiyasingar at KuvaJ1)

TyagasamudranaUur'l. In another inscription at Kuvam,
Chingleput, he is styled Mahamandalesvara Gobburi Oba·
rajayyadeva Maharaja, and is said to have provided for speci.
worship in the Margaly month, in the temple of Tiruvirkoles
~ara 2. Another inscription of 1547 mentions the gift . pf IZO
varahas by Narasammangaru, 'wife of the ~lahamandalesva:.a
Gobburi Obayadeva Maharaja of the Kasyapa gotra, for provid·
ing offerings to the god Ahobalesvara during his installation
ceremonies in the vasantamandapa which he had constructed
on the North side of the temple at Diguva Tirupati 8.
That this chief was the father-in-law of Venkata II is
recorded in the Ramarajiyamu ., in the Jesuit letters 5 and in
du Jarnc '. Now Fr. Barradas speaks of one Obo Raya (st'e)
brother-in-law of Venkata 7. Is this statement inconsistent
with the above mentioned sources? Not necessarily. Oba
Raya han a1 least two sons, as "Ne shall soon see; one of them
might easily have been called Oba Raya after his father. The
custom of a son being named after hi _.; father was not unsual
in those days. An inscription of 1557 at Lower Ahobalam,
mentions one Obalraju, son of another Obalraju of the Pochi-
raju family 8.
As to the sons of Oba Raya, Fr. du Jarric informs us that
two of them paid a visit to the Jesuits shortly after the latter's
first arrival at Chandragiri; they went there accompained by
much cavalry. "The Fathers received them .with great kind-
ness and showei them several paintings. They liked them so
much that they asked to be allowed to take them home to show

1.
243 of 1910.
!.
332 of 1909.
63 or 1915.
3.
4.
S. Krishnaswami Aiyan;ar, o. c., p. US.
From Fr. F. Rioio ~o Fr. C. Aquaviva, Ohandragiri,
5.
October 20th, 1601,-Ap. 0, No. I; Litterae IbrnilU' of the Province of
Malabar, Ap. C, No. XXU .
6. Du J arrio, I, p. 654 and 674.
1. Sewell, p.223.
8. 69 ofl915. Of. No.5, infra.
 FIrM1I.Y AFFAIRS. DEATH OF VENi{ATA II 499

them to t~eir wiv... They also saw a hydrographical map

showing the great Oceal)s and their gulfs and bays and the in-
numerable islands all over the w5rld. It was for them a matter
of oleasure and instr~ction as well" t, At about the same
time one of Oba Raya's sons, different apparently from the two
just mentioned, was received among the gurupus. The same
author relates the ceremony as follows: "The boy was brought
over to the temple and placed over the capital of a pillar. His
father with his hands clasped before his chest bowed before him;
the same ceremony was performed by the rest of those present.
Then the boy was invested as gurupu, s.eated on a golden
s~an-cbair and carried around the city surrounded by number~
less people" 2.
Oba RaiYa's influence at Venl:cata's court is thus recorded
by du Jarric: U He (Oba Raya) was one of the highest
nobles in the whole kiIJgdom and his authority before the
King was very great" 3. While journeying from St. Thome
to Chandragiri, Frs. de Sa and Ricio were gwen a free passport
over any road and river merely by showing the letters patent
of this Oba Raya. .. A refusal of any officer would bave been
equivalent to signing his death sentence; such was Oba Raya's
power,i, says du J31'I'ic 4. When the same Fathers were received
by Venkata they -round Oba Raya sated on the same mat as the
King and Prince Ranga 5. This favour at Venkata's court was
resented in some quarters. Naturally Oba's power was envied
by the Dalavay or chief minister; du Jarric describes them as
enemies 8. Now as both ert'joyed such great power. they Wt!~
no doubt the central figures round whom all the courtiers
assembled. Thus they became the heads of the parties at
Venkata's court.
4. For many years Oba Raya's favour and party remained

1. Du Janie, I, p. 689.
i. Ibid., p. 673.
3. .. IUe e maximi!! regni proceTibu8 erat, et permagnAe apud
regem autoritatis ". Ibid., p. 654.
•. Ibid., P.' 658.
5. Cf. Oh. XXII, No. i.
4. Du Jarrie, I, p.680.
Soo tHE AkAVlDu DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA

triumphant; but .after the first two years of the jesuit's stay at
Chandragiri, Oba Raya's name is no longer mentioned in Jesuit
sources. The cause of this change of fortune was perhaps the
death of Raghavamba, which must hav.e taken place at this
time: she was probably the favourite wife of the sovereign, and
for that reason Oba Raya, her father. had acquired such great
'power in the Empire and such considerable influence at the
court.
Kondambika, however, did not replace her sister
Raghavamba in Venkata's affection. The new favourite
Queen, who is sometimes simply calle::! 'the Queen', is often
mentioned in the Jesuit letters from 1606 onwards. In
November of this year Fr. Coutinho wrote~that 'the Queen,'
owing to our sins, has the 'supreme power in this country " and
describes Venkata's total subservience to this consort of his as
follows: "He (Venkata) shows such great subjection to the
black Queen that she governs every thing. H e would r a~her
break the bonds of friendship with everbody than thwart her
wishes. She was the cause of our estrangement from the King
and will continue hostile till she receives from St. Thome the
money and presents she expects, as a satisfaction for their
deeds" 1. In another letter of Fr. Coutinho of the same date
it i~ recorded that the complaints of the inhabitants of ::M.yiapore
against the Portuguese of St. Thome were sent to Venkata
thto\\gh t~ Queen ". In November of the following year,
Fontebona received, during his illness at St. Thome 3, a pre-
scription from the samt: sovereign, but it did not reach his own
hands before passing through those of the Queen 4. In january
1608. after the serious defeat suffered by Krishnappa Nayaka
of jinji, terms of peace between Venkata and this chief were
arranged through the influence of the Queen. who received on

1. From Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. C. Aqultviva, St. Thome,

November 4tb,1606, Ap. C, No. XIV.
2. From Fr. B. Couttnbo to Fr. C. Aqua.viva, St. Thome
November 4th, 1606, Ap. C, No. XIII.
3. From Bro. B. Fontebona to Fr. J. Alva.rez. Vellore, November
11th, 1607, Ap. C, No. XX.
•. Cf. Cb. XX III , No.6.
 FAMILY AFFAIRS. DEATH OF VENKATA II sot
this occasion the fortress of Canaripatan 1. In 161 I , a letter of
·Fr. Laerzio sheds more light on the power of this Queen at
court: .. The King ", says he, " has handed over the government
to one of his wives and a brother of hers. These two 'are by
no means friendly towards the Fathers, and even less friendly
to the Portuguese" z. This shows that the favour of this Queen
was shared by her brot her. The influence of this man, indeed,
makes itself felt at the court of Venkata at the same time as
that of his sister. Fr. Coutinho, in the letter quoted above of
November, 1606, relates that when the Archbishop-Governor
of Goa, Fr. Alexio de Menezes, sent a horse to Venkata, the
Queen's brother had obtained it from the Killg- even before it
had reached the capital 3. Philip nr, writing to Dom ]eronymo
d'Azevedo, on January 31st, 1614, recommends to him" to be
on good terms with the brother-in-law of t he King of Bisna-
ga (Vijayanagara)" 4. Another lettn of Fr. Coutinho, of
1608, shows that several other rdati\ tS of this Queen were
devated to power by her ; when sl1caking of her favou r at
the court, he says that ' everybody IS complaining of her
relatives' ft.
The Jesuits never mentioned the name of this wnrnan ; but
fortunately two other European sources give us a clue to
it. FOl in August, J611, the English Captain, Anth ony HippOll,
wri.ting to the East India Company on the res ult of his
expedition to Pulicat 0, simply said: Pellacata (Pulicat) do
belong unto thc Queen and is giv~n unto her for a d,)wry by the
King, and 50 she at her own pleasllre sets a govcrnor or

1. From Fr. B. Ooutinho t o Fr. O. Aqul\v ivu , Vcllorc. October,

11th, 1608, Ap. 0, No. XXIII. Of. Oh. XVII1, No. 11.
2. From Fr. Laerzio to Fr. AquavivlI, Cochin, November 25th,
1611, Ap. C, No. XXXII.
3. From Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. C. A(jllllviva, St . Thome,
November 4th. 1606, Ap. 0, No. XIV .
4. From Philip III to th e Viueroy Dom J eronYlllo d'Azevedo,
Lishon, January 31st, 16l4, Bulhao Pato, DQCIl/ll ~I/IQs. HI. p. 31
5. From Fr. B. Ooutinho to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Vcllorc, October
lltb,1608, Ap. 0, No. XXII.
6. Cf. Oh. XXI, No. 16.
S02 THE AU V'mu 1)YNAS1'Y OF VIJAY ANAG~A

governess as she pleascth" 1. The Queen referred ,to by

Captain Hippon seems no doubt the same as that spoken of by
the Jt!suits. in their letters: she is called • the Queen' who 'at
her own pleasure' manages the Government affairs. 'But the
Dutch traveller Floris, the other European authority, gives us
the name of this Queen to whom Pulicat belonged. He says
that the Queen of Pulicat was Obiama 2. She must then be
the same as the person called Obamma by the Ramarajiyamu and
Pedobamamba in Venkata's grants. Consequently the daughter
of Jillella Ranga Raja obtained supreme power in the govern-
ment of Vijayanagara after the death of Raghavamba, Oba
Raya's daughter.
5. None of these six wives gave a successor to Venkata.
Naturally the first wife, Venkatamba, was the most assiduous in
trying to secure the succession. Hence when she ~w that there
were no hopes of a legitimate heir, she managed to deceive the
King by passing off on him a son, who was neither hers nor
his . . The story of this event is narrated in detail py Barradas:
.. I). Brahman woman of the household of the. Queen's father",
says he, .. knowing how strong was the Queen's desire to have a
son, and seeing that God had not granted her one, told her that
she herself was pregnant for a month; and she advised her to tell
the King, and to publish it abroad, that she (the Queen) had
been pregnant for a month, and to feign to be in that state, and
said that after she (the Brahman woman) had been delivered she
would secretly send the child to the palace by some confidant,
upon which the Queen could announce that this boy was her
own son. The advice seemed good to the Queen, and she
pretended that she was pregnant; and no sooner was the
Brahman woman delivered of a son than she sent it to the
palace, and the news was spread abroad that Queen Bayama
(Venkatamba) had brought forth a son. The King, knowing

1. From Captain Anthony Hippon to the E. I. C., August,

1611, Leiters Received by the E.l. C, I, p. 134. ' As a matter of fact
when Hippon was at Pulicat the governorship was in the hands of a
woman.
2. Purchas, His Pilgrimes, IiI, p. 336. Floria gives ~wo different
spellings: Objama and Obyamll.
 FAMll.V AFFAIRS. DEATH OF VENKATA II 503

all this, yet for the love he bore the Queen, an4 so that the
lDatter should not come -to light, dissembled and made feasts,
giving the name' Chica Raya' to the boy, which is the name
always given to the heir to the throne" 1.
Barradas does not give the date of this boy's birth. Accor-
ding to Queyroz it took place in 1611, during the siege of
St. Thome by Venkata 2; but this date is not consistent .with
the fact that the boy was married at fourteen years of age,
during Venkata's life-time, as Barradas narrates B. This should
take us back to 1600 at the least, when we remember that
Venkata died in 1614. But we have reason to believe that his
birth actually took place some years earlier than 1600, since
the Jesuit letters (excepting this one of Barradas,
written during the civil war after Venkata's death), never
mentioned such a boy. This silence may mean that the memory
of this boy's birth was not fresh when the Jesuits reached
Venkata's court in 1599. Consequently, we have sufficient
reason to locate this event in the first years of Venkata's
reign, most likely when the capital was still at Penukonda.
Venkata's conduct towards this putative son of his waS
most strange. Though he bes.towed upon him after his birth
the title of Chikka Raya, "yet", says Barradas, "he (Venkata)
never treated him as a son, but on the contrary kept him
always shut up in the palace of Chandigri (Chandragiri); nor
ever allowed him to go out of it without his especial permis-
sion, which indeed he never granted except when in company of
the Queen. Withal", continues Barradas, " the boy arriving at
the age of fourteen years, he married him to a niece of his,
doing him much honour so as to satisfy Obo Raya, his brother-
in-law" ' .
This suspicious conduct of Venkata towards this boy
naturally roused, no doubt, many suspicions among the nobles
and the royal relatives. This e~plains Fr. Coutinho's
information that Venkata had 'many nephews who claimed the

L. Sewell, p. 223 .
2. Queyroz, Conquista de Ceylao, p. 309.
3. Sewell, I. c.
4. Ibid.
504 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA

right of succession' I. And King Philip III of Spain was

informed before 1610 that there were three candidates to the
l
crown of Venkata 2. Hence even the supposed mother
of the boy, Queen Venkatamba. "realized that her son would
not be acknowledged as a king (by the nobles)", to quote Fr.
Queyrol, "anltpersuaded him (Venkata) to resign the king-
dom in favour of his nephew Chica Raj. son of Rama
Raju" 8.
6. We know of the existence of three nephews of Venkata.
One was called Ramana. He was the son of one of the
sisters of the King, and was living at coUrt, at least in 1604-
1606 t. The other two were the sons of Rama. the Viceroy
of Seringapatam, of whom we have often spoken before. Queen
Venkatamba ceased to champion the caus~ of the boy,
apparently in 1599. In this year, according to Anquetil du
Perron, "Venkata's nephew, Chima Ragjon (Ranga.) was the
heir."pparent to the crown", in spite of the more grounded
rights of his elder brother Tirumala 5. Ranga therefore was
the Prince who, in the same year, was sitting on the same mat
as Venkata, when the Jesuit Fathers were received at his court o•
And du Jarric relates that after this audjence with the King,
the Jesuits received several visits of the grandees; and among
these visitors one was "a nephew of the king, called Chimaragu
(Ranga), who is the first after th; King and his heir" 7. "He
was a very handsome and prudent man". says Queyroz 8. __
Nevertheless at this time Ranga was n')t yet appointed
Chikka Raya or crown prince. Anquetil du Perron tells us

1. From Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. J. Alvarez, Vellore, November

11th, 1607, Ap. C, No. XVIII.
2. From Philip III to the Viceroy Ruy Lourenco de Tavora,
Lisbon, February 21st, 1610, Bulbao Pato, Docflmentos, I, p. 359.
S. Queyroz, 0.0., p. 309.
4. Litteraf AnnUM of the Province of Malt.bar, 1604.1606, Ap.
C, No XXII.
5. Anquetil du Perron, I. 0., p. 167.
6. Du Jarrio, I, p. 688. cr. Oh. XXIJ, No.2.
7. Ibid., p. 689.
8. Queyroz,1. c.
 FAMILY AFFAIRS. DEATH OF VENKATA II 50S
that the trouble about the s.uccession began in 1600, and was
caused by the two brothers Tirumala and Ranga 1. Most likely
both,. had partisans at court. But the chief cause of thi-s trouble
was the King hi~self. Fr. Coutinho, in his letter of the 17th
July of same year, 1600, says: "Although the King prefers the
younger brother (Ranga) who is being brought up in his very
palace, nevertheless people say the elder one · (Tirumala) will
be the King, because he is liked by more numerous and power-
ful chiefs" '. Ranga then had only the King's predilec-
tion in his favour j waile the right of birth and the esteem of
the subjects were on the side of Tirumala.
As a mater of fact, Fr. Countinho in the same
letter calls Tirumala • the heir of this kingdom' . 3.
Again Tirumala . is called • the crown prince' by Fr.
Guerreiro in -1604 4 j and Fr. Coutinho once more calls
him • the Prince " in a letter of 1608 5, although in the same
letter he states that Venkata 'does not want either to name or to
hear anybody talk of Tirumala '6. Such was the hatred of the
sovereign for the elder of his two nephews. Thereupon prince
Tirumala retired from Seringapatam, as already narrated,
according to the wishes of Venkata himself.
TirU'mala, being thus disgraced in the eyes of the nobles on
account of his shameful retreat from Seringapatam, was no
longer supported by the nobility against the designs of Ven-
kata. It was most probably then that Ranga was publicly
adopted by his uncle, and became consequeqtly the heir-appa-
rent, according to the Ramarajiyamu 7.

1. Anquetil du Perron, I. c., p. 170.

2. From Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. N. Pimenta, Chandragiri, July
17th, 1600, Ap. C, No. V.
3. Ibid.
4. Guerrero (sic), Relacion Anual ... en los qnos de 000 y 601, p. 137
5. From Fr. B. Coutinbo to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Vellore, October
11th, 1608, Ap. C, No. XXIII:
6. Ibid.
7. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 213-4. It .is very
strange that Rice, Mysore and Coorg, p. 122, calls Rama Deva the
.grandsol1 of Venkata, naturally supposing that Raoga II was hi, soo.
~
S06 THt AllAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA

7. In the meantime Venkata II was g1!tting too old to rule

over turbulent feudatory chiefs such as the Nayak of Vellore;
especially when family intrigues were contributing to the :w:ork
of subverting'the kingdom. In a letter of 1607 Fr. Coutinho tells
us that • the King is very old a~d is-apparently at the end of
his life' 1. Laerzio in 1608 also says that Venkata is very old 2,
and again makes the same statement in 1611.. Another
Jesuit letter of 16II states tha~ " the King is too old and dotes
at times; hence those who govern the kingdom do always what
they like" 4. In 1610 .Philip III of Spain wrote to Ruy
Lourenco de Tavora: "I have been informed that the King of
Bisnaga (Vijayanagara) is very old" G. -:rhree years later,
the same Viceroy, Ruy Lourenco de Tavora, wrote to Philip
III that Venkata .. is so old that every body expects his death
at any moment, and haturally dissensions WIll en'~ue 41: It

His death however did not occur till the end of the follow·
ing year. Venkata, when his end drew near, renewed the ap-
pointment of prince Ranga as his successor. This scene is
marvellously described by Fr. Barradas. as follows:-
.. Three days before his death. the King, putting aside, as

Perhap. this pedigree is founded on the adoption of RBnga by his

uncle. We think however that this mistake of Rice is based on a
grant of Venkata Ill. 1639. aocording to whioh RamI!. Deva is the
grandson of Venkata II. Cf. Ep. Carli., III, Nj, 198. Mr. S. V. Visva-
natlia . alae seems to belien that Tirumala and Ranga, the sons of
Ra~a of Seringapatll.m, were sons of Venkata IL Viswanatha, The
ltimbukesvarom Grallt, Ep. I"d., XVI, p. 91.
1. From Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. J. Alvarez, Vellore, November
llth,1607, Ap. C, No. XVIII. '
2. From Fr. A. Laerzio to Fr. ·C. Aquaviva, Coohin, Deoember
3Otb,1608, Ap. C, No. XXV.
S. From the same to the 8ame, Cochin, November 25th, 1611, Ap.
C, No. XXXII.
4. Litttroc A ,mfUle of Province of Malabar, 1611, Ap. C, No.
XXXV.
5. From Philip III to the Vioeroy Ruy Lourenoo de Tavora,
Lisbon, February 21st, 1610:BnIhao Pato, DOCI4111elltos, I, p. 359.
6. From Philip III to the Viceroy Dom Jeronymo d' Azevedo,
Li.bon, March 7ih,1613, Ap. B, No. XIII.
 PAMlty AFFAIRS. DEATH OF VENKATA 11 S07

I say, this putative son, called for· his nephew Chica Raya
(Ranga), in presence of several of the nobles of the kingdom,
and extended towards him his right hand on which was the ring
of state, and put it close to him, so that be should take it and
should become his successor in the kingdom. With this the
nephew, bursting into tears, begged the King to give it to whom
he would, and that for himself he did not desire to be king, and
he bent low, weeping at the feet of the old man. The King made
a sign to those around him that they should raise the vrince up,
and they did &0; and they then placed him on the King's right
hand, and the King exteDded his own hand so that he might
take the ring. But the prince lifted his han<ls above his head,
as if he already had divined how much ill fortune the ring
would bring him, and begged the King to pardon him if he
wished not to take it. The old man then took the ring and .held
it on the point of his finger, offering it the second time to Chica
Raya, who by the advice of the captains present took it, and
placed it on his head and then on his finger, shedding m~IlY
tears. Then the King sent for his robe, valued at 200,000
cruzados, the great diamond which was in his ear, and was
worth more than 600,000 cruzados, his earrings, valued at
more than 200,000, and his great pearls, which are of the highest
price. All these royal insignia ' he gave to his nephew Chica
Raya as being his successor, and as such he was at once
proclaimed" '.
8. Barradas says that Venkat<\ died six days after the pro- .
clamation of Ranga. But there is nothing in his narrative to
show the exact date of his death. We may however. aproxi-
mately calculate it with the aid of other sources referring to
this event.
The Viceroy of Goa, Dom ]eronymo d' Azevedo, first an-
nounced the death of Venkata II to his sovereign on December
31st, 1614 2; but the' traveller Floris heard of it whilst at

1. Sewell, p . .223-4.
2. From the Vioeroy Dom Jeronymo d' Azevedo to Philip III,
llbas, December 31st, 1614, Ap. B, No. XVII. A8a.in 01;1 January 2let
1615, the Bame neW8 is oommunioated to tbe Kin, by Dom ,Jeronymo
Cf. Ap. B, No. XIII.
50S rHt ARAVlbU DYNAsTY OF VljAvANAGAttA

Masulipatam 00 October 25th, 1614; "00 the five and twentieth

(of October)," says he, "came newes of the (le-ath of Wencata-
drapa" t. An'quetil du Pe rron says that news of VeOkata's end
was received on October 28th, but he does not say where such io-
formatioo was received 2. Consequently we may safely affirm
that Venkata II died about the middle of October, 1614. He
died most likely in his palace of Vellore, where he resided.
John Goutney, a servant of the East India Company, in a letter
of July 18th, 1614, calls him 'the King of Vellour' 3. Floris also,
while speaking of his death, refers to him as 'King of Velur' 4.
According to Barradas he was then sixty-seven years old 6.
"His body", continues Barradas, .. was burned in his
own garden with sweet-scented woods, sandal, aloes, and
such like; and immediately afterwards tl1ree Queens burned
themselves, one or' whom was of the same age as the
King, and the other two aged thirty-five years. They
showed gt'eat courage. They went forth richly dressed with
many jewels and gold ornaments and precious stones, and
arriving at the funeral pyre they divided these, giving some to
their relatives, some to the Brahmans to offer prayers for
them, and throwing ~ome to be scrambltd for by the people.
Then they took leave of all, mounted on to a lofty pla( e, and
threw themselves into tht middle of tbe fire, which w~s very
great. Thus they passed into eternity" 6. Floris confirms the
wh9le of this account, and adds that one of the three wives burned
with Venkata's corpse was 'Obyama, (Pedobamamba), Queene
of Paleacatte (Pulicat)' 7.
9, Venkata II's character was exceedingly attractive, if
we are to believe his contemporaries. Du Janic says that he

1. Purchas, His Pilgrimes, III, p. 338.

2. .Anquetil du Perron, 1. C., p. 168.
3. From John (}ourney to tbe E. 1. C., Patania, July 28th, 1614,
Letters Received by thl! E.l. C., II, p. 83.
4. Purcbas, 1. o.
fl. Sewell p. 224.
6. Ibid.
7. Purohas, 1.0.
 !fAMiLY AFFAIRS, DEATH OF VENKAtA tI S~

was a 'tffiost affectionate King' 1, Coutinho testifies that

'his character was sweet and meek ' " Laerzio mentions
, his natural goodness and great qualities ' a; Fontebona states
that he was' a lord of great authority, prudence aod under-
standing, as much as any European' 4, Finally his
Mangalampad grant records that he was 'indifferent to other
men's wives' 5,
These great personal qualities made him an exceptionally
great monarch. ' All the Hindu sources of his time or posterior
to his death unanimously praise him as one of the greatest
sovereigns of the V~ayn8gara ,Empire, • a great and pious
sovereign ', as recorded in the Prapannamrtam 6, According
to the Kuniyur plates of Venkata III 'the wise glorious
Venkatapatidevaraya ruled the earth, illumining the ten regions
by (his) fame' 7. The Utsur grant of Ranga III calls him
'brilliant in polity' 8. Another grant of Venkata UI styles
Venkata a King 'of brilliant policy, his fame illumining the ten
cardinal points: D. A grant of Krishnappa Nayaka of Madura
records that Venkata ruled 'i n wisdom' '0, 'and the Vellangudi
plates of Venkata him elf state that' he ruled the earth with
justice', and that, 'as Rama governed the world, he ruled the
earth' II. The Dalavay Agraharam plates. fof the same Ven-
kat a) describe him as a good ruler both in peace and in war :
"He was a wishing tree to the poor", they say, "he was like the

1. Du Jarric, I, p. 665,
2, From Fr. B. Ooutillho to Fr. N. Pi menta, Chandragiri, July
17 Lj,'l600, Ap. C. No. V.
3. From Fr. A. Laerzio to Fr. O. Aquaviva, Oochin. December
30th, 1608, Ap. 0, No. XXV
4. From Br. B. Fontebona to Fr. J. Alvarez, Vellore, November
11th, 1607, Ap, 0, No. XIX,
5. Butterworth, I, p. 33, v. 37.
6. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 251.
7. Ep.lnd., III, p. -252, v. 20..
8, Butterworth, I, p. 46, v. 23.
9. Ep, Carn., X. Mb, 60.
10. Ibid., VI, Om, 79.
11. Ep. Illd.• XVI. p. 319. vv. 31-35.
SIO THE ARAV!OU DYNASTY OF VI1AYANAGARA

central gem of the necklace (which is) the city .of Aravidu ... ; he
was the best of (the) kings. the foremost of the kings of the race
of Atri.... a munificent giveniike Kubera. ...w~ broad-armed like
Kubera, .. a Ramabhadra in battle to '. Th~ Mangalampad
grant describes the liberality of this monarch even more poeti-
cally. It runs: .. Behaving like a grand-father to friends and
foes, intent on giving refuge to enemies who bowed to bim, his
splendour was eulogized by all men II '. Venkata's generosity
was one of his outstaading features; as Fr. Coutinho remar~s,
I he was very liberal's.

As regards the territory ruled over by Venkata exaggerations

too obviously poetic to be misleaiiing are lound in these and
similar sources. According to tbe Vellangudi plates be I

ruled the· earth trom the Himalayas to Setu' f; or he defeated

I

his enemies from the bridge (Rameswaram) te the Himalayas "

according to the Mangalampad grant 6. If we are to believe
the Vilapaka grant, the whole of India was under him e; and
consequently, he boasts of having had as vassals the Rattas,
the Magadas, the Kambojas, the Bhojas, the Kalingas; and the
Kings of these countries • were hi. doorke'epars' end
• used to praise him '. Such are the e.xtr~vagant expreslilOns
of the contemporary grants ?; tilese boastful phrases are
copied from the old grants of Venkata's predecessors. "Fruth
is stated once in the Vilapaka grant, where Venkata is said to
have •ruled over the co~ntry of "ltarnata ' 8.
10. Impartial history however must admit that Venkata-
pati Raya II was by far the most illustrious, and beyond doubt

1. Ibid., XII, p. 186-7., vv. %~-39.

2. Butterwonb, I, .p. 32, v. 27.
S. From Fr. B. Coutinho \0 Fr. C. Aqutl-viva, ., ellore,Opk>ber
llt.h, 1608, Ap. C. No. XXII .
•• EI. [1111., XVI, p. 300.
5, Butterwortb, I, p. S's. '0.
6. lrul. Alit., II, p. 371.
7. Vilapaka grant, Ep. 11111" IV, p. 270; Vellanludi plate., ~id.,
XVI. p. S19, v.31; Maqalampad Ir&nt, ButSerWQ~b. I. p. 34, .. ~9 ;
XODc17ak l1'al1t of Venkda III, 1M. A"I., XUI, p. Jz:i,
8. Ep.IIII1., IV. p. 270. .
 FAl4ILY AFFAIRS. Dum OF VItNKATA ' n SII
the most,powerful King of the Aravidu dynasty. He checked
with an iron hand the adventurous expeditions of the Golkonda
Sultan, and reoovered ex~ensive territories; which had been lost
ill tbe reigns of both his father and his brother Ranga. Bijapur,
agitated with internal dissensions, and the Portuguese Viceroy,
~tr-usting the friendship with Akbar. formed an alliance with
Veftkata against the imperialistic plans of that Mughal so-
verP.ign. Bo~h events imply great success in foreign policy.
As to the .internal welfare of the country. the twenty-nine
years of Venkata's reign 1 were years of prosperity and com-
parative peace. Certailliy he had to subdue many chiefs, not only
in the beginning of his reign but even in his last years, but it
was necessfU'y to proceed in this matter without hesitation: had
he done otnerwise, the Empire would have come to an end fifty
years earlier. Venkata's action in these sad affairs was
always crowned with the greatest success~ The country imme-
diately subject to him is described by the Jesuits passing .
through or living. at his court, as prosperous' and well adminis-
tered, except during the last years of his reign, when he took very
little direct part in the government. His broadmindedness is evi-
dent both in his admlssion of the Jesuits to his court, and 'in his
friendly diplomatic relations with foreign nations. The privileges
enjoyed by the citizens of St. Thome and Negapatam and the
concession made to the Dutch of the port of Pulicat were the
best measures for fostering industry and commerce in the
C01:lDtty. They may be considered 3S the preliminary steps
towards the concession of '3. spot near the city of Madarasa to
th~ English traders by one of his successors; Ranga III.
Moreover Venkata was a great patron of literature, as we
shall see.in the following chapler. Fine arts were likewise
fostered by him, a fact which gives an aesthetic side-light on
his interestinl oharacter.
Three flaws however stand out conspicuously in the long
a~d gloriou.s life of Ve,kata. Th~ first is the part he took in
the extinctiOD of the Tuluva dynasty. There . is now little
doubt, that the murder of Sadasiva was committed by him. The
1. The Pandyan ·Chronicle erroneoully asaipi 89 yean tc> tbe
rei,u of '~el)k.k II. See Taylor, O. H. MSS., I, p. U.

•
 512 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA

Imprisonment of this unfortunate sovereign by Rama Raya

might be in some way justified, but his assassination cannot be
vindicated by either private rivalry or public policy.
The second blot in his public character is his retirement
from iovernment during the last years of his life. The rule of
his favourite . wife and her relatives was. fatal to the Empire, if
" we are to believe the Jesuit letters. The discontent of the nobles
sprang from this uxorious help1essness, as is recorded by these
same witnesses; it most likely prepared the ground for the out-
break of the civil war that followed the death of the sovereign.
But the greatest defect of Venkata as ruler of the Empire
of Vijayanagara was his predilection for his second nephew
Ranga. The love which actuated the Emperor when he appoint-
ed Ranga his successor in spite of the latter's protestations, was
. no doubt the immediate cause of the subsequent civil war. Its
purpose was indeed to place the putative son of Venkata on the
throne; but most likely Jaga Raya would not then h'ave found
supporters among the nobles for his enterprise in favour of
bis so-called grandson. Venkata alienated the good will of many
grandees and feudatory chiefs of the Empire by the repudiation
of Tirumala. This prince was loved tJy more and stronger
chieftains, as stated in the Jesuit letters; and when they saw
Tirumala displaced by his younger brother, they naturally
showed their disgust of the appointment made by Venkata by
joininJ' the rival party. Barradas himself, after recounting
Venkata's death-bed appointment of Ranga, adds: .. While
some rejoiced, others were displeased" l~ That was the first
cry of rebellion against the newly appointed Emperor, Ranga II.
lt is for this reason that Floris says that, after receiving the
news of the death of Venkata, II great troubles are feared; the
Hollanders are afraid of their Castle now built in Palecatte" 2.
The subsequent civil war was evidently a foregone conclusion.
Venkata II ought 00 doubt to be credited with the temporary
restoration of the old glory of Vija.yanagara; but as the uncon-
scious cause of the civil war that followed his demise, he must
be said to have weakened the imperial authority and hastened
the ruin of the Empire.
1 Sewell, p. 21(.
~. Acoording to Sewell, II, p. 251.
 CHAPTER XXV
LITERARY ACTIVITY UNDER THE FIRST ARAVIDU
SOVEREIGNS
SUMMARY.-l. General remarks on Southern Indian Literature dur-
ing this pcriod'. -2. Sadasi:va and Rama Raya, as patrons of
literature.-3. Ramsrajabushsna Bhattu Mu~ti and his works.-
"- Learned people that gathered round Tirumala and Ranga l.-
S. Venkata II the greatest patron of literature of the Aravidu
Dynasty.-6. Philosophers patronized by Venkata II.-7. Poets
and grammarians favoured by the same monarch.-8. Learned
people at the court of Tanjore.-9. Other contemporary writers
throughout the Empire.-lO. The 'grant' poets of the Aravidu
family.-ll. Tne University of Madura.-12. Course ofPhiloBophy
at the Madura University: a criticism.-13. Minor schools
founded by the Jesuits.-H. Progress of the Jesuits in the study
of Southern Indian languageiJ.-15. First printed works in
Tami1.- 16. Extinction of the Nandinagari alphabet.
CONTi:MPORARY SOURCE8.-1. Hindu inscriptions and grants.-2.
Raghave"dra'lJijaya, Lakshmivilasam, Chamcho"drodayalll, Cha"dra-
Ma"u Chari/ram.-S. Jesuit lettcrs.- 4. Du Jarrie.

IT is not our purpose here to write the history of the

Literature in Southern' India during the period covered by this
volume. Our aim is merely to give an outline of the literary
activity under the first monarchs of the Aravidu Dyna!'ty,
showing especially their relations with the poets, philosoph ~ rs
and other writers that flourished round the royal throne as well
as under several of the feudatory chiefs of the Empire. Learn-
ing was liberally encouraged under the regime of the Aravidu
Dynasty, and consequently was highly developed under the kind-
ly shade of royal patronage. According to Prof. Julien Venson,
this period is marked out from the others by the publication of
the prolific Vaishnava literature. As Mr. M. Srinivasa Aiyangar
calls the time extending from 1450 to 1850 the Modern
Period of Literature, the different authors and works we
propose to enumerate fall under this denomination . During
this Modern Period. " the works produced were not confined to
65
51'" THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA

anyone subject or department of literature," says Mr. Srinivasa

Aiyangar. "They embraced Hindu theology, philosophy, ethics,
tradition,s and grammar. Islamism and Christianity also added
their contributions to the Tamil literature of this pe~iod" 1. The
majOJ'ity of the works however were written in Telugu ; another
proof of the dominating power of the Telugu race and language.
2. Literary patronage did not belong exclusively to the
Aravidu Dynasty. Several of the preceding sovereigns of
Yijayanagara were declared patrons of the literary activity
of thei.r: subject:;; and Sadasiva, the last representative of the
Tuluva family, fav9ured several learned people during the first
stage of his Regent's rule. In 1545 the yOUDg Emperor granted
two villages, one to Srimat Talapaka Tirumalayagaru, called
• t'he establisher of the two schools of the Vedanta' 2; and
another to Tiruvengalanatha, styled • the establisher of the
path of the Vedas ' 3. Again in 1549-50 Sadasiva granted
the village of Mamidipundi to Acharayya, a learned Brahman,
who is said to be • a lion to , the elephants, which are his
controversialists' 4.
Sadasiva's Regent, the powerful Rama Raya,' was also a
patron of learned men , more especially of poets, and was, per-
phaps, even a poet himself. The British · Museum plates of
Sadasiva state that Rama Raya is' a King Bhoja in exercising
imperial sway over the sentiments of poetry' '. One of ,the
prot~g6; of Rama Raya was the great sage Ramanuja, to
whom the grant recorded in the British Museum plates was
made-by Sadasiva at the request of Rama Raya e., His guru,
Taf~harya, who lived with them for some time at Chandragiri 0,
wrote a work entitled Panchamalabhanjanam 8. The Madhva

1. 14. Srinivala Aiyangar, Ta",i/ Studies, p. 224.

2. Rangaobarya, II, p . 783, 337.
:J. Ibid. p. 784, 343.
4. Butterworth. I. p. 100, vv. i:i-49.
5. Ep. [nd., IV, p. 4.
6. Ibid., p. 2.
7. Cf. Ch. III, No. 9.
6. Gopinatba Rao, The Arl'IJilimangalam Plates, Ep. Irl4., XII,
p. 347.
 U'rEltAltY ACTIV)'tY

. tucht:f Vijayindra, the successor of Surendra, was also p...

t~ized 'by Sada~:va's Reient; he was well versed in several
arts and wrote works ·oo various religious.subjects. Rama Raya
honomed him with • jewel baths' and pr(!Sented him with
several villages 1. Shashta Parankusa of the" Ahobala matlra,
was' also prominent among Rama Raya's attendants; be
wrote a number of works, sueh as the SiddlralllarnatJidipalfC.
Pancltakaladipika. Prapauiprayoga, and Nrisimhas/ava 2, This
Vaishnava teacher was for a time the ag."!nt of Rama Raya o.
But the highest literary authority of the court of Rama Raya
'was tbe poet Bhattu Murti, who received the title of Rama-
'l'ajabushana, • the ornament of the court of Rama Raya.'
3. There has been much controversy about the identity-of
this person. Some maintain that he is not actually one person,
but that the name discloses two difterect poets, one called
Bhattu Murti and the other Ramarajabushana. The V 4SII-
clraritra",u is mentioned as thl'; work of the former, and the
NarasIlbhupaliyamua5signed to t~elatteT. There can ho.wever be
no doullt about their identity; the commentators of the T'asu-
c1earitramtl, who flourished shortly after him, say that he wrote
the N{lrasabllupali),amu to illustrate the figures of speech used
in his former work, tbe Vasucharitramu. He appears to have
been born at Battupalli during the reign of Krishna Deva
Raya, though he did not'begin to write before 1560. He acquired
such fame in the six years that Rama Raya's life was stiJI to
last, that in sO short a period he earned the most flattering title
of 'the ornament of his court'. . His great works however were
written after his patron's death, He c:mtinued to be the CoUrl-
poet during the reign of Tirumala, to whom his great work,
the V_asucharitramu, is dedi~ated. This poem reproduces the
story of Vasu, King of Pratishtana, who fell in love with
Girikanyaka, supposed to be the daughter of the . mountain
Kol,ahala. She ' had been found by Vasu in the forest while
hunting. The work is full of poetical exaggerations: but it was

1. Raghawtldravijaya, S. Krishnaswami AiY8lliar, s""tres,

p. 252.
2. Rallgacbarya, II, p. 971.
3. 65 of 1915.
S16 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTV OF VIJAYANAGARA

neverthdess much admired by its contemporaries, and even

became a model for later poets. As a matter of fact, the descrip-
tions of nature are excellent and the diction of the poem undeni-
ably good.
His s~cond work, the Narasabhupa/~amu, is dedicated to
Narasaraya, a nephew of Rama Raya and Tirumala. This work
is a Telugu translation of the Sanslp-it Prataparudriya. The ex-
amples and the portion dealing with the drama were omitted,
and substituted by other examples prepared by the poet himself.
Another work ot his, the Harischandru-Nalopakhyana, was com-
posed in his ripe old age, probably during the reign of
Venkata II 1.
4. We have already mentioned Tirumala as a patron of
Battu Murti. He was indeed a lover of learning. It would
seem he was a poet himself; this the title of Bhoja, given him
in the Krishnapuram plates, would imply 2. He enjoyed the
company of poets; once Tirurnala asked those who were
assembled at his court to compose verses describing him,
• charging them at the same time to be true to nature and not
to exaggerate '. It was then that Battu Murti compared the
one-eyed King with Vishnu 3. He flattered Tirumala, though
at the same time he was true to nature •.
Tirumala has been supposed to be the author of the com'
mentary entitled Snltiranja7li on the Gita GO'IJinda; but one of
the copies posse:;sed hy the Maharaja SarfoH's Saraswati Mahal
Library, Tanjore, professes to have been composed by
Lakshmanasuri, a worshipper of Dakshinamurti and a younger
brother of Kondubhatta of Cherukuru. Dr. Hultzsch seems to
believe that this was the actual author of the commentary, and
Tirumaia his patron 3. Lakshma,nasuri, called also Rama-
nandasrama and Lakshmidhara, was a smznyasi pupil of

1. Wilson, TM Mockensie Col/ection, p. 295; S. Krishna8wami

Aiyangar. Sources. p. 221; Subramiah Pantulu. Discursive Remarks.
I"d. A,:t.• XXVII. p. 332-5.
2. Ep. Ind., IX. p. 338. v. 92.
3. 8. Krishnaswami Aiyangar. Sources, 'P. 221.
4. Of. Oh. XI, No.1.
S. Hultzsoh. Reports 011 Sanskrit MSS .. III. P. VIIT
 lITERARY ACTIVITY 517
Krishnasrama, whose family came from Cherukuru on the
Krishna river. He is the author of the Anarghal'aglla'IJa and the
Prakrit grammar Shadbashachandrika, based on the grammars
of Trivikrama, Hemachandra and Bhamaja 1.
Together with his two eldest brothers, Venkatadri is said
in the Kallakursi grant to have been patron of poets like King
Bhoja 2. He patronized Tallapaka Tir\lvengalanatha, the
authOr 6f the Pal'amayogivilasamu. The Svaramelakalanidhi
of Ramamatya was written by Rama Raya's order at the
instance of Venkatadri 3.
Ranga I also was a patron of poets. His court poet was
Rayasam Venkatapati, an officer of his court, who wrote the
Telugu poem Lakshmivilasam 4. Another of his ministers,
named Rayasa Ahobala , wrote a Sanskrit drama entitled
Kuvalaya Vilasa 5; while Bhattakalanka wrote the Sara-traya
at the re est of the same King 6.
S· But the great patron of literature among the first mo-
narchs of the Ar.avidu family was Ven kata II. He himself was
considered one of the wisest men of his kingdom. We read in
the Dalavay Agraharam plates that • he was comparable to the
ocean in the profundity of his learning' 7; and in the Man-
galamoad grant he is said to be ' a very moon to 'the lotuses,
WhlCh are scholars' 8. Accordingly Fr. Ricio tells us in one
of his letters that "the King has disputations on God, Philo-
sophy, and Mathemetics with the teachtrs or philosophers
almost every day". Sanskrit was the medium in these disputa-
tions. Hence Ricio says that though they were present several

t . Ibid., p. VIII-IX.
2. Ind. Ant., xtu, p. 157.
3. H. Krishna Sastri, TIle Third Vijayanagara DYllasty, I. of,
p. 179.
4. S. Krishnaswami A_iyangar, Sourr:es, p. 230.
5. Ibid., note.
6. R. Narasimachar, The Kamataka COllntr)" Q.f. M. S., X,
p. 256.
7. ·Ep. Ind., XII. p. 186, vv. 27-39.
8. Butterworth, I, p. 36, v. 59.
 SI8 THE 'A)tAvmU DYNASTY OF VUAYANAGARA

times they could not join in the debate, ~ince they understood
nothing I.
Again the Mangalampad grant says that · Venkata was
• devoted to the protection of the learned' =. An iDscription
of 1612 at Kommaddi, Cuddapah, records a grant ofVenkata
Ifto the learned people of ViJputur s. In 1602-3 the same
King granted the village of Mangalampad to Sri Rangataja, Son
of ]agganatharaya, • the foremost of the students of the Yajus
Sakha', a descendant of the cook of the great Ramaoujacharya. '
This ~k had himself been famous for his learning in an the
scriptures 4. The Vilapaka grant was also made to a learned
man of Urputur, named Tiruvengalanatharaya ; he is said to be'
• conversant with the eighteen Puranas ' ~.
· 6. Naturally a great number of scholars always crowded
the outer halls of the imperial palace, first at Chandragri, and
then jlt Vellore. One of the philosophers favoured by Venkata
was the Madhava teacher Sudhindra. He had travelled overthe
cou,ntey"refuting the teachings of the other religious sects. He
defeated' all his opponents at the ~urt of Venkata, and.as
presented by the sovereign with the conch and other emblems
of victory. He lived at the town of Kumbhakonam, and was
also honoured by Raghunatha of Tanjore with the ceremony of'
bathing in gold 6.
A contemporary of Venkata elso was the great guru
Ananda Namasivaya Pandaram, a disciple of the great Chi·
dambaram guru, Guhainamasivaya. He was the author of
Paramarahasyamalai, Chidambara venba, Annamalai venba and
other works 1. An inscription of 1592 at Viriojipuram,
Ndrth Arcot, states that Periya Errama Naik of Punnarrur

'-. 1. From Fr. F. RiciQ to Fr. Aquaviva, Chandragiri, Septem.

ber l~h, 1603, Ap. C, No. VII.
!. Butterworth, I, p. 31, v. 23.
3. Rangacharya. l, p. 612, 448.
4. Buttterwonh, I. p. 34-6.
5. Ep. lrul., IV, p. 270, . •. 47-8.
6. RQ8haverulratJijaya, S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sourres,
p.ut.
7. Ralllacharya, I, p. 105.
 LITERARY ACTIVITY 519
gra~ted a house for the establishment of a matha to this Ananda
Namasivava Pandaram I. His work seems to have been to
supervise the offerings to be distributed among the Saiva men-
dicants in the Nataraja temple at Chidambaram '.
But the great.philospher of Venkata's court was his own
guru Tatacharya, called, as previously . noted, • the ornament
of the wise' 8. The philosophical work he wrote was entitled
Sattvikabrahmavidyavilasa. He composed also a legendary
account of a shrine of Vishnu as Panduranga, who is supposed
to have sanctified by his presence in this form the town of
Pandharpur, on the left bank of the Bh ima ; this 'work is named
Pandura1lf!amahatmya 4. We have previously spoken of ' this
man and shall return to him in the following chapter, When re-
viewing the progress of Vaishnavism during the reign of
Venkata II. ' -
7. Among the poets of his court we must mention Chen-
namaraju. who was patronized by the genaral Pemmasani
Timma. Once the poet c,!rried from the Emperor to his patron
the various insiltl!ia of his position. Out of these Pemmasani
Timma presented the poet with the white turban, the while
chauks. the palankin, and Talichankattu ~.
Another poet of fame was Tenali Ramalinga. He was
first introduced t6 the court of Krishna Deva Raya. and was
still one of the court poets during the reign of Venkata II. In
order to please this sovereign he became a Vaishnava in his old
days, and then changed his name to Tenali Ramakrishna. His
Lingapurana was written in the early years of his life. He was
born, it seems. in the village of Tenali in the Krishna district;
and he studied Telugu so earnestly from his boyhood that he

1. 61 of 1887.
2. M9 of 1in3.
3. Dalavay Agraharam platea of Venkata II, Ep. Ind.• XII, p.
186, v. .27--39.
,. Subramiah Pantulu, Discursi'lJl! Rt'1IIark~. Ind. AnI., XXVII, p:
317.
5. Claarvcwdrodayam. S. :Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sollrc~S,
p.W.
 520 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA

became a porfect master of this language. His wit and humour

are praised even today by students of Telugl' literature 1.
1. Subramiab Pantulu, o. c., p. 324-6. This author relates the
the following humorous anecdote of the life of this poet: .. He was of
a humorous character and loved to play practical jokes. The gu~
Tataoharya was a very orthodox man, and was in the habit of visit-
ing a oow-stall every morning as soon as he rose from bed, ' beine
taken to the place blind-folded in order to view the cow's excrement
as the first object seen during the day, thinking it to be a very meri.
torious act. His habit was to keep his eyes shut and laying bold of a
oow's tail to wait till sbe evacuated when he opened bis eyes to be.
hold the exorement. One morning Ramakrishna got up early, and
removing tbe oow from the stall, stood in its place stark naked. Tbe
guru oame as usual, and instead of the cow's tail be found a man.
His rage knew no bounds, and running up to tbe King, he laid a com-
plaint acainst RamakrishRa. The King became exceedingly angry
and ordered the poet to be forthwith executed. The executioners
oarried him to a plain and buried bim in the eartb as far as the neck
leavjll4l only his head above ground, agreeable to the sentence pa88ed
Oil h{m. They left him thus, intending to return with a certain num.
ber of elephants to trample him to dea tho It so ohanclld that a hump.
backed wasberman was passing by, and asked tbe poet how he oame
to be in sucb a predioament. 'My good friend', said be, 'I was born
a hump·back like yourself, and baving long suffered tbe soorn cif ill-
mannered individuals, I applied to a sage who had' great knowledge
of the O'ccult sciences, and begged of bim to relieve me from my
misfortune. He informed me tbat i1 I should oonsent to be buried
up to my neck in tbis id!1ntical spot, I should be entirely oured of
my deformity. In pursuant'c of his directions, r_ got some of my
friends to bury me here, ang as I really believe that I am cured al-
ready, r shall be very thankful to you if you will verify my statement'.
The washerman did as the poet requested and to his utter amazement
fo~nd him a well.made man; Ifnd as he was a credulous fellow, he
believed in all that the poet had said. 'AB one good deed deserves
another', said the washerman to tbe poet, 'I DOW ask you to bury
me in tbis plaoe that I may bEt oured of my bodily defor!Dity
as you bave been'. Ramakrishna with a grave countenance buried
the poor washerman up to the neck, and after the lapse of an bour
went to the Kiltg to inform him tbat by the personal interposition of
a god, he had been restored to life. The u.c:eoutioners in the in\erim
.had executed the washerman, and were 'making their report to the
King that they bad killed tbe poet aocording to tbe royal commands.
The whole court were oonsequently astonished to see Ramakrishna,
and as the King really believed that the poet bad been killed alld
restored to life b)' Ilome god, he ,*omised to forgive him the firet
hundred crimea that he should commit in future "
 LITimARy AC'l'MTY 521

The famous general of Venkata Matla Ananta, was another

of his favourite poets. The Sidhout inscription records that he
is the'aut}1or of the well-known Telugu poem Kakusthavijayam.
He also composed ' several other works, which were highly
praised by scholars I.
Tarigoppula Dat~ Mantri, another of Venkata's officers,
was a patron of poets. Iiis brother Tarigoppula Mallana was
one of the court-poets; he gives this information about Datta
Mantri in the Cha1ldrabha'lu Charilram 2
Ayalu Bhaseara was likewise another of his court poets.
Once he was asked by the King to produce some poem. This
request he complied with by translating from the Rala Ka,nada
language into Telugu, the work of a man named Retta. This
work, entitled Retta Matam, is a most heterogeneous medley of
different topics, as much related to one author as the rain is to
the science of divination, the devils to the sun, moon and planets
and the rainbow to the familiar spirits 8.
We must not omit the names of two grammarians who
lived at Yenkata's court. One of them was Erramadhavarya, who
wrote a grammatical work called Tripadadyotini and was one of
the pandits of this sovereign 4. The other was Battalanka,
the author of a work entitled Sabdanusasana 6.
8. The example of the Emperors ofVijayanagara in pro-
tecting learned people was followed by many of their feudatory
chiefs. From Sevvappa Nayaka, th@ founder of the dynasty, all
the Nayaks of Tanjore were most prominent as patrons of
philosophers and poets. Sevvappa's greatest prot~ge seems to
have been the famous Madh va acharya Vijayaindra Tirtha.
He was the disciple, first ofVyasaraya Tirtha of the Vyasaraya
math/l, and then of Surendra Tirtha of the Sumatindra matha,
from whom he receivE!d the robes of salillyasi. and whom he
succeeded as the thirteenth guru and sw{Jmi of the matha. He

1. B. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources. p. 248; M.A.D.1915·1916,

M. E. R., 1916, p. 148.
p. 42, No. 19. Cf.
2. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, SourCLs, p. 247
3. Taylor, Calalogue Raisonnle, III.. p. 169.70.
4. Hultz8ch, Reports on Sanskrit MSS., I, p. VIII.
5. Narasimaohar, The Kantalaka Country, Q. J. M. S., X, p. 256.
66
 522 THE ARAVlDU DY1tAS'IY OF VIJAYANAGARA

Spent the last daY' of hi. life at ltU'blbhaironam. He earnestly

defended the Madbva philosophy against the accusations of
Apaiya Dibhita. He also-wrote many commentaries on aU the
itnpbrtant Madhva works. His main books are the followmt:
The Chakra-Mimansa, the C/t(lndrikodahrita-Nyaya· V ~a,
N~ta-Vyl1khya, and the Appayyakapo1a-chep~1i1ta 1. In
Is76 Sevvapa Nayaka of Tanjore requested and obtain~ 6-om
Rang. I the village of Arivilimanga1:Jm as a granfto Vijayindra
Tirtha. In the grant Vijayindra is said to b~ 'like a pe.~k
roaming about the garden called the school of Madhvacharya" ;
be is said moreover to be • a bee delighting in the &Cent, the
inner meaning, of the flowers called theSastras ".
Vadira;a Tirtha was the co-student of Vijayindra Tirtha
under Vyasaraya Tirtha. Vadiraja was also a great controver-
sialist and commentator of the M adhva works. The account of his
many pilgrimages is embodied in his Tirlha1Jrabandha. '.
Sevvappa's son and successor, Achyutappa Nayaka, was
likewi.e a patron of learning. In 1595 he made a gift of money
for the merit of Appaiya Dikshita '. Tbis was a good schOlar
of hls court. But the most famous philosopher of his time was
hi. minister Govioda Dikshita. He composed a Imig epic poem
caUed Hari'Uamsasaracharitram, in three cantos. There exists a
.commentary on it written by Appaiya .Dikshita.. Govinda
Diksbita also wrote a musical work entitled Sangithasutlumilhi.
BY. order of Achyutappa Nayaka, at the instance of his minis-
ter, the Til'U'Uai'yarru Purmlam was translated from Sanskrit
into Tamil~.
9. Surappa Nayaka gf Jinji was the patron ofthe famous
poet Srinivasa Dikshita, on whom was bestowed the title of
Ratnakheta Dikshita, on account of his excellent poetry. He
wrote 18 dramas, the most famous among them being the
B/ultJIMaplIrushottama. Besides he composed 60 epics, such as

1. Gopinatha Rao, The AriviliHlllqalal" PtattS, Ep 'Itu1., XII. p•

• 344-6.
I. Ep. 1tu1., XII, p. 357, vv.27-44.
3. Gopinatha.Rao, o. c., p. 346.
.. '1'10 of 1904.
5. Euppuawami s...'ri, .A SIwrl HUtory, p. 7 and lO,
 t.rrn.uY ACTIVITY

the S4t1uJkmulafJijayau, several works On rhetoric, and m~y

commentaries I.
We have ~ready mentioned Appaiya Dikshita as a pf0t6ge
of Sevvappa Nayaka Tanjore. He was a Tamil Brahman, who
has left more than a hundred works, 2. He was also patronized
by the Emperor Venkata II at whose instance he wrote a work
QD Alankata, called KU'lJalylllUl7Uia s. But this. famous Saiva~
Advaita philosopher . enjoyed the special favour of Chinna
BomllUl Nayaka of Vellore. in the colophon of his Sivadityama--
nidipika he mentions Chinna' Bommji as his patron'. This
chief performed the ceremony of bathing in gold to honour the
scholarship of Appaiya Dikshita. lie is said to have with his
own hands poured the .gold coins out of the vessel 5. An ins.
cription of Chinna Bomma, of 1582, in North Areot, records that
this scholar constructed the Kalakantheswara temple at Adaipa·
lam I.
In the petty state of Gandikota we find another poet
named Pingali Surana. He was one of the poets of Nandyala
Krisbnaraja, to whom the work Kalapurnodayamu is dedicated.
Kri.hnaraja's successor, Nandyala Timmaya, who as an inscrip.
tion of 1544 ' shows 7. was likewise a patron of learned men,
also patronized this poet, the author of the RaghavapandatJiya,
the Garu<iapurana and several other works. Mr. Subramiah
Pantulu thinks that Pingali Surana • is by far the best of
mediaeval poets' 8.
In the state of Ikeri we must me~ion Sankanna Nayaka.
who composed several literary works II; and Vadiraja, a man

1. . Ibid.. p. U-'.
:. Subramiah PantuJu. Discursive Remarks, l"d. Alit., XXVII,
p.3M.
3. S. ",iahna,wami AiyaDgar, 5tM~, p. 250. Cf. 81.1l1li., IV.
1'.171.
4. lJult,zms. Rtpt#1s (I" Sall$/ri MSS., II, p', xn·~U.
5. B. Xrislmalrw1lmi Aiyansar. o.c., p. 251.
6. 395 of 1911.
'I. RlUlAQ.barya, I, p. 580,60.
B. 8ubramiah Pan.u1u. Dlseunlw Rmnriu, b.l. Ald., XXVII,
p.3J8.U.
O. ~fQtllalat'a, 8. Xri.hnuwami AiyaDlllr. o. c .• p. ,.9.
$24 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VlJAYANAGARA

of great erudition and author of several works; one ot his

pupils is mentioned in (I grant of Venkatappa Nayaka of , Ikeri
in the year 1614 I.
The Viceroy Tirumala of Seringapatam was also a patron
of learning. From an inscription of 1610 we may deduce that
Rarilanujayya, called' the establisher of the path of the Vedas,
follower of both Vedanta', was one of his officers 2. In 1614
the same Tirumala made a grant of a village to Vengadeyya
Bhatta, styled also all • establisher of the path of th~ Vedas' 3.
'Prince ChinnaTimmayadeva, the brother of Rama Raya
Vitthala, must also be mention..:d among th_e patrons of litera·
ture during this period. In 1544 he granted twelve PllttiS of
lapd in the village of Tirurnalaj:)llram to it.s learned Brahmans 4,
In the iatUe year 'he gave the village of Annavaram to the
poet An'antaraja 6. He was also the patron of Dosuri Koneru·
kavi, the author of the Balabhagavttlamu ~.
10., Besides all the paets hitherto mentioned a$ livinj:!;
around the Emperors of Vijayanagara, ther ' was a family of
poets who always accompanied them, first from Vijayanagara
to Pellukonda, and later on from Punukonda to Chandragiri
and VeUore. We refer to the composers of the imperial grants;
which task seems to have been hereditary in a family. The
British Museum plates of Sadasiva were composed by one
~abhapati r, the salUe who had formerly' composed the
Unaqlanjeri grant of Achy uta Raya H. But anotl!er grant of
the same sovereign, of the year 1558, is written by Sabhapati's
son, Svayambhu 0. T~e P.'nuguluru grant 10 and the
Tumkur ' plates of Tirumjlla u , were also written hv

1. 110 of 1901.
2. Ep. Cam., IV, Gu, 40.
3. Ibid., 13:
4. Range.oharya, II, p. 915, 6'2'.
iI. Ibid., p. 1116,63.
6. Ibid., 1, p. 402; II, p. 91:;.
7. £p.lnd.,lV, p . 2.
8. Ibid., III, p. 151.
9. Ep. Canr., lX, Op, 186.
10. Ep.1114" XVI, p. 237, v. 17'7·17A,
n; Bp. eur... XlI TIll,1,
 LlTERAR Y ACTIVIT ~ 525
Svayambhu, who is said to be the son of Sabhapati. The same
Svayambhu was the composer of the Arivilimangalam plates 1
and the Naredapalli grant of Rangel I 2. This Svayambhu
had probably no sons, because almost all the grants of Venkata
II were composed by a certain Krishnakavi, who seems to be
a nephew of Svayambhu, for he professes to be the son of
K"makoti and grandson of Sabhapati. H e is the author of the
Dalavay Agraharam plates 3. of the Vellangudi plates .4, of
the Padmaneri grant 6, and of two grants of 1586 G and of
1589 '. The Vilapaka grant of the same monarch is written
by a brother of Krishnakavi, named Rama 6. w~ kuow of
only two grants of this sovereign composed by a person who
seems not to belong to th e family of Sabhabati; these are the
Mangalampad grant U and a grant of 1613 10. Thc author
of both is called Chidambarakavi, the nephew of Sivasurya.
kavi.
II. W e have not spoken of the literary activity in the city
of Madura, which was nevertheless a centre of learning in the
South of India. 1·he famous Sangams always attractt!d hun-
dreds of students to the old city of the Pandyas. Fr. de Nobili,
an impartial eye-witness, in a lcttcr of 1610, says that there were
then in Madura mure than ten thollsand students. There was
not, it seems, a body. professors, corn:sponding to the staff
of our Collegts and Universities; but the studt:uts selected the
teacher they liked, and under him tbey were trained to pass their
final examination before the Sangam. Fr. de Nobili only says
that those ten thousand students' go to ciifftlrent professors '.
The sarnP. missionary informs us that Venkata II and tbe

1. If,p. Ind., XII, p. 357, v. 65.

2. Ibid., XI, p. 329.
3. Ibid., XII p.IS7, ·v. ZOO.
•. Ibid., XV p. 329.
5. Ibid., p. 297, vv. 152-15:1.
6. Ep. Ind., XIII. p ..23S.
7. M. A. D., 19~I. p. 31.
. 8. Ep. Ind., IV, p. 272.
9. Butterworth, I, p. 36, v. 60.
10. Ep. bid., XIII, p.231.
~ THE AltAvtDu DtJt4sn at vtJAY.\NAGAlA
Nayak of Madura, probably Muttu KrllhDappa, bad ia order
to foster study "royalIv ,endowed several Colleges for the
maintainance of professors and students while they are study-
ing; they are there supplied with victuals, clothes ansi every
thing they are in needof".
The Madura teachers lectqred on Philosophy and Theolo-
gy. The philosophical lectures f~U into four groups, con·espon·
ding to'the four-fold division or'this science: ArgumeQtation,
Knowledge, Evidence and Faith, In their Theological lectures
the teachers e~plained the Vedanta, discussing the nature
and attributes of God, st~ing from hi,s. unity. Fr. de Nobili
gives the full progral;llme of the philosophical studies follQwed
in his days a~ Madura.
12. Part first is on evidence, and deals with invocation or
adoration, i. e. whether there be any God to be invoked -at the
J>eginning of the work. it contains these threc sections :-
lat. Certitude.
a. Perfect certitude (Karana).
b. Certitude of things which come into existence by
generation or production.
c. The formal aspect of certitude.
2nd. The various species of objective reality, Or objet:ts that
cause certitucie. '
a Local union or contiguity.
b. Various kinds of union :-substantial, accidental and
another which is not ~een ..as not existing phni-
cally.
c. Predicate and subject through negation (Vlpaksa).
d. The objec.t of sight.
3rd. The tinity and indivisibUity otbuman will, lI 'able to
co-ord.inate the various perceptions re<:ei~ &om
the senses.
a. The brightness of gold (as an instance).
b. Re8ective act through which man knows and UDder.
standi himseU:
" Part second il on knCJWled~, and deals with the tondwin)t
t~ Itdionl :-
1st. ~eans of acquiring knowledge (Pramanas).
a. Terms of syllogism. (Prolllms).
b. The conclusion (ParamarsQ).
<:. Induction.
d. Fallacies (HetTJabitasas: Wz. Asi4t1ha, YirllddJta. A"ai.
kantika. Prakaranasama and Kalatyayapadista).
e. Causes of fallacy.
f. Its refutation.
or
2nd. Process kriQ"Wledge.
a: Subject (Pa]lsa).
h. Discursive act.
c. Causative signs.
d. Every kind of sophism.
3rd. Relation (Vyapti).
a. On conjunctiol\ or relation ·subsisting between things
that are separable or not intimate (Samyoga).
b. On privation.
c. On the effect as proceeding from its cause.
d. Conjunction in general (Samyo.fJa and Salllavava).
c. Final certitude or consequence.
4th. Casuistry.
a. Cause. (Karana).
b. Proof by self-evidenca.
c. Certitude from similarities (Upama'la)
d. The mUltiplicity of causes (Samavoy. material or
constituent cause; Asa1Jlll'lJayi, not constituent
cause; Nimitla, efficient cause).
e. The ~atural power and strength of the cause.
f. The additional power of the cause by superaddition.
5th. Vicious states of mind (Aprama)
a. Error. (Bhrama)
h. Doubt (Samsayo)
c. The variation ofsupposition (Tarka).
d. False conclusion from true antecedents.
e. The god Ruden (Rut~ru) (as an instance).
Part third is on authority. and speaks of · the followin,
subjects:-
ist. Oral testimony.
a. Adequation of words to thoughts (Sakti).
b. Common or universal consent.
528 THE ARAvrou DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA

2nd. 'truth.
a. The union of affections in t:elatiOtl to truth.
J. Desire of truth.
c. Corruption of the sounds.
d. Corruption of the whole world, vie. can the whole
world be deceived as to a truth?
e. The excellency of the form ofverifyin~ truth.
/. Whether what is not actually, could be affirmed.
3rd. Falsehood.
o. Novelty of opinion.
b. Annihilation.
c. Personal imposture, viz. lie.
d. How must the sign be.
Such was the programme of philosophy followed in Madura
in the beginnin~ of the 17th century according to Fr. de Nobili. It
\vas according to him a profound philosophy, but very different
from scholastic philosophy 1. The course is properly a course
of Logic, a kind of Tarkabhasa or science of reasoning, thqugh
much confused with psychological and metaphysical notions.
This kind of Logic evidently belongs to the Syncretist school
consequent upon the attempts of Sivadity a to amalgamate the
earlier systems. The influence of the Tarkdbhnsa of Kesava
Misra is Quite evident, as well as that of the works of A.nnam
Bhatta, who was at this time probably living 2.
I3. There was moreover at Madura a small school
commenced by Fr. Fernandes. It was supposed to be a primary
school for Hindus. A Brahman, who finally became a Christian,
was tt.aching the boys how to read and to write. Fr. Pimenta,
when passing '.hrough Madura, distributed some prizes among
the best pupils of the school 3. Another similar school was
erected in St. Thome at the same time by tl1e same Fr. Pimenta.
"A Seminarie was erected at Meliapor (Mylapor)", he says, of OJ

the chiefe Children of the Badagades (Telugus), by the almes of

Devout men, and a Schoole of the Malabars adjoyn~d, in which

1. From Fr. R. de Nobili to Fr. A. Laerzio, Madura, ~ovembcl

2nd, 1610, Ap. C, No. XXXI. Cf. Ganganatha Jha, The TarlwMasa.
2. See Keith, ["dian Logic, p. 36-41.
3. Du Jarrio, I, Po 650.
 LITERAR Y ACTIVITY 529
is' taught the Tongue of Tamul (or vulgar) and thc Badagan
(Telugu) used by the Courbiers" I, In J567 Fr. H, Henriquez
began a school of Tamil at Punnei Kayal for the young Goans
who were sent there as catechists. Fr. Henriquez himself was
teacher and a convert Brahman, named Luiz, was his assistant 2.
At the very court of Chandl:.agiri the Jesuits started another
school of this tyt:;e. It was supposed to be a school for the sons
of the Telugu nobles who were living at the cOllrt. There was
in it a Hindu teacher under the direction of the missionaries,
who besides defrayed th e expenses of the institution:. This
school and that of Madura are mentioned again ill another
Jesuit letter of the following year r607 4; and we suppose
they continucd in the following years. The Chandragiri school
W:lS perhaps transferred to Vellore when the capital was
established there, and finally closed at the time of the final
departure of the Jesuits.
These were the first attempts of the Jesllits in the South of
India to found the institutions_of learning which wen; to have a
marvellous development centuries a.fter.
14. The Jesuits had, moreover, earnestly studied the lan-
guages of the country; and some of them, as we have already
seen ill the case of Fr. de Nobili at Madura~ mastered them to
the general admiration of scholars. Among those who were
working at the court of Venkata there were also some who be-
came very proficient in speaking the vernaculars. .. In this
count ry of (around) Sao Thome," wrote Fr. Ricio in 1901, "two
languages :lre spoken; one is the I::tnguage of the country, the
same that is spoken on the Fishery Coast and which was the
first I teamed; the other is the language of the Badaguas
(Telugu); and since they are alike, r made quick progress in it ;
so much $0 that I was soon ab1e to write a grammar of the same
language as well as a summary of the ChristIan doctrine together
1. From Fr. N. Pimenta to Fr. C. Aquavi,a, Purchns, X, p. 210.
Cf. D~ Jarrie, I, p. 638.
2, Besse, La Mission drl Mtldllrt', p. 393.
3. Litlcr,U: Al1nuQt' of the Province of MlIlab!lr, 1604.1606, Ap. C,
No. XXII.
4. Litternr Anlllloc of the Province of Malabar, 1606-1607, Ibid.,
No. XXVII.
67
 S30 THE ARA VIDl1 DYNASTY OF VIJA YANAGARA

with many mysteries of the life of Christ, all written in their

own language" 1. This summary of the Christian Faith was a
translation of the one used in Konkani for the neophytes of the
peninsula of Salsette, South of Goa, as Fr. Coutinho writes in a
letter of the previous year 2.
It seems, indeed, that Fr. Ricio spoke Telugu to perfection;
a Jesuit ~tter of the year 1606 says that he was a. good Telugu
scholar 8. Nevertheless he did not venture to learn Sanskrit
because of his age, as Fr. Laeriio wrote in 1604 4• In the same
letter we read that Fr. Coutinho had begun to learn Tf£lugu.
In another letter ' Fr. Ricio himself informs us that Coutinho
is making progress in the study of Telugu 5. He finaHy be-
came master of it, as is evident from his protractedly sojourn at
the court where he had to transact business for the King.
IS. A special feature introduced by the Jesuit milisionaries
of the Empire of Vijayanagara in the Literary activity of India,
was the casting of Tamilian characters i and consequently the
printing of the first books in Tamil. According to Fra Paolinp
de San Bartolomeo, the first to cast Tamilian characters was th~
Jesuit Lay Brother Giovanni (Joao) Gonsalves. The same travel-
ler affirms that the first book was printed;n the year 1577. It
was a summary of the Christian doctrine '. Fra Paolino does'
not name the author of this book; but it seems quite probable
to us that Fr. Henrique Henriqu~z , a zealous Jesuit on tht'!
Fishery Coast, and a contemporary of St. Francis Xavier, was
1. , From Fr. F . Rioio to Fr. O. Aquaviva, Chandragiri, October
20th,1601, Ap. O,No. I.
2. From Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. O. Aquaviva, Ohandragiri, July
17t.h.1600. Ibid .• No. V.
3. Litteral Anrruae of the Province of Malabar, 1604-1606, Ibid .•
No. XXII.
4. From Fr. A. Laerzio to Fr. J. Alvarez. Oochin. January 18th.
16()'(. Ibid .• No. X.
5. From Fr. F. Ricio ~o Fr. O. Aquaviva, Ohandragiri, October
20th. 1601. Ibid .• No. 'L
6. Fra Paolino de San Bartolomeo, Viagrio, p. 44. Cf. O. E. X.
Not,s 011 Early.Printed Tamil Booles. I"d. Alit., II. p. 180. Of. Hou-
pert. TM Madura Mission Manual, p. 171. Bro. GorslIlve_ wal a
!~nlard, Of. SoUZA, Oriente Conguislado, II. p. 67,
 LITERARY ACTIVITY 531
at least its translator. Fr. du larric states that Henriquez wrote
many books in the 'language of Malabar, in lingua Malabarica,
1Ji~. in Tamil1. Now we know for ce(tain that one of these
books.was a translation of a Christian Doctrine written in Portu-
guese by Fr. Marcos Jorge. Sart<:>rius, while in Tranquebar,
saw a copy of this book printed in 1679 ~ . This must be a later
edition, for Fr. Henriquez had died by that time. Both editiors
of this little book were printed at Cochin in the Jesuit College
at the Madre de Deus 3. Fra Paolino says, moreover. that a new
Tamil book appeared in 1578. It was entitled Flas Sane/arum,
from which title we may assume that it contained the lives of
,orne Saints 4. This work seems to have been printed at
Punnei Kayal with Tamil type cast by Fr. Joao de Faria 6.
Fr. De Souza, speaking of the~e early printings adds :-" Those
countries were marvelling at the new invention, and pagans as
well as Christians tried to obtain these printed books and
prized them highly" 6.
16. Finally we must mention that the old South Indian
Nandinagari alphabet disappeared during this period. Its latest
examples are dated 1600. It was the favourite alphabet Qf the
Madl,lVa sect from the 14th century onwards, especially for
writing on palm-leaves. The disciples of this sect were numer-
ous in the Tamil country: Kanchi varam, Kurnbhakonam, Tan-
jore and their surroundings. The characters had been former-
ly employed excillsivdy for writing on paper, but were latterly
also used for writing on palm-lea ves. Later on, after the
Maratha conquest of Tanjore, the modern N agari character
was also introduced in the South 7.
1. Du J arric;., I, p. 627.
t . Notices 01 Madras and Cudda/orc p . 106. The t itle of this
Christian Doctrine, a8 given by Sartoriua, runs as follow8: Doctrilla
Chlistam, a mandra de Dialogo leila (1/11 Portugal pello P. Marcos Jorge,
da Companllia de Jesll: Tresladada im h:ngll<l Malava." Oil Tafllul, 'pello
P. Anriqllt' Anriquee do ",esma C""'fanhia. Em Coeh,,,, liD Collegil> da
Madre, tie Deus, a os ([lIar/oBe de Nove,,/f1rIJ, de AnI/o de MDLXXIX.
3. Fra Paolino de San Bartolomeo, 1. o.
4. Ibid.
S. Cf. Gomez l_Wdelea-Cardou. Ea,ly Jesuit Prillli1l8 in [rulia,
" A. S. B., IX, p. 164.
6. Souza, O,icute Conquislado, II. p.67.
7. Burnell. EltmflllS 0/ S!Juth llIdian Palaeography, p.56.
 CHAPTER XXVI
THE STRUGGLE BETWEEN SRI VAISHNAVISM AND ornER SECTS

SUMMARY.-l. Brahmanism, Sai,:isru aud Vaisb navisru.-2. Early

life of Ramanuja. Persecutiou of the Chola King.-3. Ramanuja
in the Yadava. kingdom and at Soringapatam.-4. Schism of
Vaishnavism after the death of Ramanuja..-5. Bukkaraya I
settles the differences between Jainatl aod Vaishnavas. Jain in·
tJueuce at the court of Vijayanag Ira.-6. Converliion of Emperor
Virupaksua to VaishnavisUl. Roligious conduct of Kri~hna DEwit
Raya and Achyuta Raya.-7. R ~ lations of Sadasiva Raya with
Vaishnavism.-S. Devotion of Rama Ra ya aDd his ancestors to
Vishnu.-9. Tirumala and Ranga I patrons ·)[Vaillbnavisru.-l0.
Venkata II tbe greatest Vuishnava Emperor of Vijayanagara.-
11. Vaisbnaviam professed by feuda tory chiefo. Conversion of the
royal house of Mysore.-12. Several manifestion8 of Saivism.
-13. Influence of the Jains in Kanara.-14. Eclectic and
tolerant roligious character of Venkata and of 80me of his chiefs.
- 15. Religious controversios between Saivas and Vaisbnavils.
-16. Krisbnappa Nayuka of Jinji restores the temple of GoviDda
Raja at Chidambarm. Suicide of the Sa iva priests.
CONTEMPORARY SOURCES.-l. Hindu inscriptions and gr<lnts.-2. Jain
in~cript ion~ ill Mysore.-3. Bllashyakara CII~ril/'(/, V.:r.kalcS'lJara
lIf~klllllly(f, Kulotlllll{lI Cltolall VIa, TiI1l Narayana PI/Yalll, Praprznlla.
lIIria1l1, Varadtllllbika Parill(lYflllt.-4. Jesuit Lctters.-5. Du Jarric
- 6. Della Valle.
THE supreme god worshipped in India fur a time auring
the pre·Buddhist period seems to have been Brahma. Even the
Buddhistic ,.:criptures give Brahma preference ova the o'ther
deities of the Hindu Parnassus 1. But later on another god,
Siva, unexpectedly usurped his place of supremacy. The Saiva
system seems to have been introduced in the peninsula from

1. Cf. Bhandarkar, VaisnallislIl, Sai'IJism, p. 3. Hence the presid.

ing doity of tbo pre.Buddhistic Hindu temple is ·Brahma. Cf. Pra.
phullachandra Bat;u, Art in Hind" Trlllpl~, The liurkcrr College Magazine,
20,22.
 SRI VAISHNA VIS,'! AND OTHER SECTS 533
abroad. According to a legend, the first place in which it was
practised was Benares. This was due to the efforts of King
Divodasa '. Siva's cult was later 011 fostered through the preach-
ing of Sankaracharya. Nevertheless the superiorlty of !;iiva was
not to remain long undisputed. A new riv al arose in the per-
son of the god Vishnu . Vaishnavism was propagated early dur-
ing the Scythian and Gupta periods :l and finall y with unusual
vigour in the lith century. The struggle that naturally ensued
between the two deities and their respective adherents during
this first peroid of the Arav idu dynasty will be the subject of
this chapter. But we shall begin with a brief account of the
Vaishna\'a movement. in order to makt: clear the position and
the activity of the Aravidu Emperors in this religious conflict.
2. The foundt:r and propagator of Sri Vaishnavism in the
lakr period was Ramanujacharya". According to tradition,
he was born in Sri Perm attur, ncar Madras 4, in 1016 -7 &.
and studied at Kanchi\'aram. Thence he retired to Srirangam
where he perfected his system and wrote his religious work:; ~.

1. Taylor, Calalogtl(' R(/iso/l )/c~, II, p. I II-I V. This author main-

tains that this system had its origin in Eg~'p t; accord ing to him
~ivil 's bull is nothing but a replica of the bul) ApiN of tho ancient
Pharaohs. Tho worship of tho hull pa~~ (' d aftorwards from Egypt to
P"lestinc, in thll tim!' of the great national !;\~hism of Jeroboanl
(10UO B. C.); from Palestine it migratoo to MPsopotam iu and !inall~'
found its way to Bonares ill 700 or 800.
2. Rayach~ udburi, Malerials for Iltt' SI/(dy of Ihe Early IJislory of
Ihe VaislllltlVlI SecI, p. 98- 177.
3. Nevertheless in the works of Seven Pagodas (Maba l"iilipuram),
executed by Pallava Princes, there are" mil.:turos of emblems, weil-
vonti and figures br.loN'ing to both the Saiva and Vaishnava phasos
of Hindu Faith". Cf. Branfill, Dcsclipli';.'c Remarks (1/1 Ihe SC"l'Clt Pagodas.
Tlte Mildras]otmud of Litaaturc and Science, 1880, p. 126.
4. Perhaps, on aocount of this, tho Sri l'crlllattur temple j~
traditionltlly supposed to bo tho first Vilisbnava tl:'lllplo in Southern
India. Cf. Taylor, Catalogt(!! Raisomlu, J, p. LXV 1.
5. Cf. Bhandarkar, VaisnavislII, ~aivis!ll, p, 51.
6. According to the account of tb o aiYliugars, the fact that
ruarked the startin, point of tho religious oareer of tho now
teacher is narrated as follo'\'\'): .. One du,y, it is said, the
S34 THE ARA VIDU bVNASTY OF VIJA YANAGARA

His chief work is his commentary on the Bhagvat Gila, entitled

Gita Bllasyam 1. The Upa1lisluJ(fa Vacya Vivaram, by Sri Ranga
Ramanuja, if it is not written by the same teacher, is anexposi-
tion of t~e same system. .. The system of Ramandja is shown
to bt! cODsistent with the Vedas and their supplements. This
book OppOSt!S the advaita notion of the non-reality of the visible
world; it maintains that it is real" 2. On account of his subtle
doctrine and his holy life, Ramanuja was called later: on in a
decree of Bukka I of Vijayanagara, • the king of the kings of
ascetics' a. He is also termed Bhashyakara, from his' explana-
tions of the Vedas •.
During his stay at Srirangam ht! made maoy diSCiples.
One of the most prominent of them was Tiruvarangattamuda-
nar, the hereditary trustet! of the Ranganatha temple 6, But
Ramanuja could not live there long. The Chola ruler Kari-
kala, probably the younger brother of Rejendra and father of
'Kalottllnga. who was then Viceroy at Uraiyur 6, himself a
Sankaracbarya wanted to t.ake an oil bat.b. The pupils used
to serv~ 'heir master in turn, and that day it was Ramanuja',.
He was rubbing tbe oil over the bald head of tbe Sankara-
charya. and another student was taking lessons by his sido.
A stanza. was read in which the faco of Vishnu was re-
presented to be as red as the lotus. Tho Sankaracbarya at once elt.
claimed that it was a-lllptopallla, or defect ive comparison, as there
wero objectl:! surpal:!sing the lotuti in their rednoss, wh1ch might have
been used for the simile. As an example, he indicated the buttocks
of tbe monkey. Ramanuja, who was n firm boliever in Vishnu. cried
out. Tears from his eyes dropped on the thighs of the Sanltaracha-
TYa. and pierced them like molten lead. At onoe he ordered RII-ma-
nuja.charya to leave the mallia, and he accordingly went. And now
being a hater of Siva and a speoial worshipper of Vishnu he started
the now religion". Natesa Sastri. The Origin oflfle Srivaisltnl11Jas, Ind.
Ani., XVI. p. 252. The author explodes this legend.
1. Taylor, Calologlle Ra!sollnee, II, p. 45.
2. Ibid., p. 211>.
3. Ep. Can, .• II, No. 344.
4. Blrasl,yakara Cherilra. Wilson. TIw M(Jckencic Coliection, p. 2U.
5. S~e Gopinatha. Rao, SrirangIJIII Pfales, Ep. Ind.• XIV, p. 85.
6. Cf. S. Krillhnaswami Aiyangar, Ancient India. p. 332-3.
 SRI V AISHNAVISM AND OTHER SECTS 53S
staunch Saiva, could not tolerate any longer the spreading of
the new sect. According to the Sri Vaishnava .chronicles, it II

vJas pointed out to' this King th:tt .cotlverting the common
people by force was not in itself capable of augmenting
the numbers to the Saiva faith; and if such a great le'ader
as Ramanuja were to be made to subscribe to the Saiva faith,
his followers would join that sect in a body. Ramanuja was
summonded before the King; Kurattalvan (Ramanuja's first
disciple), apprehending danger to his master, assumed the
garb of a sannyasi, proceeded to the royal court and repre-
sented himself as the famous Vaishnava Acharya, The King
then compelled him to sign a d~c1aration that no god was supe-
rior to Siva. Kurattalvan boldly contradicted him by telling
him that 'larger than Siva was Drona (words which also mean
two different measures, of which the latter was the bigger) thus
playing upon the double meaning of the words Siva and Drona.
The King, enraged at the behaviour of Kurattalvan, ordered
both .his eyes to be put out immediately, and the order was
forthwith carried out. So throughout the remaining part of his
life he lived a blind man" 1.
3. Ramanuja himself had to fly from the Chola kingdom.
and took !>helter in Chandragiri, the stronghold of the Yadava
Kings, whose capital was at Narayanvaram, Toya Yadava was
then the ruling sovereign. He charitably entertained the
exiled guru and declared himself the patron of his disciples
and his doctrine 2. Under his patronage Ramanuja visited
different holy places, and took from the Saivas several temples
and shrines which he dedicated to the worship of different forms
of Vishnu. He also founded the temple of T erunarayaria at
T erunarayanapur. One of the tem pl ~s that he took from the
Saivas was the famous one at Tirupati J, The Ve11katewara
Mahalmya qarrates th.t, to effect this, Ramanuja agreed with
1. Ep. Ind:, XIV. p . 85.
2. Taylor, 0, H . MSS., II, p. 85.
3. Bhasllyakara CMrit,a. Wilson, TII~ Macke1lsie Collectioll
p.214-5. Naturally the Vaishnava literature c.laims that all tbe8~
holy places had formerly been Vaiahnava temples. Hence they as)'
~hllt ~manuja recovered them from the Saiv8s,
536 'fHE AltAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJ AYANAGARA

the Saiva priests of the temple to leave in the temple at night

a conch and a discus, which were the insignia of Vishnu, . and
beside them a trident and It small drum , which were the insignia
of Siva. The temple was subsequently closed (or the night; arid on
being re-opened next morning ·it was found that the image had
assumed the conch and the disclls. Since then Tirupati has been
one of the most famous Vaishnava temples in the whole of
India t.
From there Ramanuja proceeded to l'vlysore. It seems that
the prevailing religious faith in the old Karoataka country was
Jainism. According to an inscription on the summit of Illdra-
giri at Sravana-Belgola, the Jains came to Mysore in sn
immigration from Ujjayini (Ujjain), under the leader Bhadra
Bahu, in order to escape a dreaful famine 2. The colossal
monolithic statue of the Jain Saint Bhujabalin, that crowns
the rocky hill, is a dumb witness to the preaching of Rama-
nu}a.; for it was erected between 971 and 984 A. D. by Cha-
mundaraja, the minister of the two Ganga Kings, Narasimha
II and Rachamalla II 3. Many conversions were- also effected
1. Wilson, o. c., p. 254. Cf. Oh. XV, No.9. The conversion of
Tirllpati from a Saiva to a Vaiahnava temple by Ramanuja has lately
aro.used mllch controversy. Cf. 8. Krillhna!JWami Aiyangar, Ancient [ndia,
p.215-8. The Vaislmavll chronicles are not impartial authorities.
We really believe that the fact tod} placo, through a fraud most
probably, though form~rly only Siva had been worshipped .there.
Naturally Ramanuja declared that he had re-started the p~evio1l8
oult given there to Vishnu, in order to give solid ground to hie
. desire of establishing the Vaishnava religion there. An enormous
amount of literature bas been written on Tirupati. Soe, for instance,
Wilson, The Mackenzie Collection, p. 254-5, 349; Taylor, Catalogue
Raisonne", I, p. 587,588,589, etc.
2. Ind Ant., III, p. 153-4 The insoription may also be seell in
Q.f. M.S., III, p. 21-8. Jain tradition avers that the Maurya Emperor
Chandragupta, after resigning hiB orown, was one of those who ac-
companied Bhadra Bahu to the South. Cf. Smith, Early History of
[/Ulia, p. 154; Tabard, SraVtllla-Belgola, Q.]. JII. S., III, p. 12; F. Deaville
Walker, Allcielltjain Shrines, Wonders of the Past, 111, p. 1034.
3. Hultz!tch, Inscriptions on the Tlty£,c ja'ina Colossi, Ep. Inti., VII,
p. 108. Tabard, o. c. p. 12".81. The statue is 5i feet high. Chamunda-
raja was ndt the launder of the present Jain reliiJiou!I settlement, as
Rice, M_vsore, I, p. 461, says.
 SRI VAISHNAVISM AND OTHER SECTS 537
by his exhortations and disputes in the Karnataka country.
One of the converts seems to have been King Vitthala Deva
(II04-II4I) 1. The Sri Rangha ..Maltatmya, that seems ·to
refer to this period, states that Ramanuja .. with-~is disciples
visited the 108 Tripetis (Tirupatis or tem.ples to Tirumal), and
disputed with opponents. He taugTlt the Vaishnav:l creed
with great success, visited m:lny places. and Ilt length ret-urned
to Seringap:ltam "
Ramanuja returned from l\1ysore on the' death of
Kulottllnga I, which seems to have occurred in IIl8 a. The
Kulotlmgn Cllolatl Ula relates that, during Ramanuja's second
stay in the Chola conntry, Kulottllnga II (1I23-II46), 'a hater
of the god Vishnu', removed the Govinda Raja temple at
Chidambaram from the premises of the great Siva temple, and
ordered the statue of Vishnu to be thrown into the ocean, ' his
original shrine '. Then Ramanuja and his disciples either
brought back the same idol or made a new one, and enshrined
it in a new temple at Tirupati , with a formal and solemn con-
secration ceremony'.
4. After the death of the reformer, his disciples continued
his work. Besides the above mentioned Kurattalvan, the one who
worked most for this cause was perhaps the famous Sri Vedanta
Desika~ . The Tim Narayatla Puram mentions a Vaishnava
Aluvar, named Yempramanar, who ·also made many com'er-
sions to his sect in the kingdom of TYfysore 0.
Things however were not going too well. Soon after the
death of Ramanuja, there arose a schism in his sect. Were the
Sanskirit or the vernacular works to be the chief object of study
for the Sri Vaishnavas? This question naturally gave origin to

1. Bhandarkar 0.1.' ., p. 52.

2. Taylor, Cataloglle RaisOllnee, J, p. 589.
3. S. Krishnaswami AiYllngar, Ancient [lidia, p. 219.
4. Of. Brahma Sri R. Raghava Aiyangar, Chelli Kulo/IIIJIIII
Anapayan, Sell Tamil VIII, p. 301.2: Wileon, Tlif Macknlzi, C"l/eclion.
p.299.
S. Of. Rangaohari, The Lif, mrti Titus 0/ Sri J't'da.nla Dl'sika,
B. B. R. A. S., XXIV, p. 277-312.
6. Taylor, Catalogue Raiso7l7lu, I, p. 510·1.
68
 SJ8 THJt ARA VlDU DYNASTY OF VITA YANAGARA

two different schools. For some time the Sanskrit school pre-
vailed, during which period Vaishnavism was almost restricted
to erudite people. Blit finally the vernacular school came out
victorious in 't he,contest. Those were the palmy days of , Sri
Vaishnavism, when its doctrines wtre easily spread among all
classes of people 1.
5. Naturally the propagation of the new creed was the
cause of diffetences betwet:n its adherents and the members of
other religious denominations. One of thr.se religious disputes,
apparently in Mysore, was appeased by Bukka Raya I of
Vijayanagara in 1368. "Dispute hav,ing arisen between the
Jainas and the Bhaktas (Vaishnavas) ", says the royal decree,
"the blessed people (the Jainas) having made petition to Bukka
Raya about the justice done by the Bhaktas, the King
taking the hand of the Jainas and placing It in the band of the
Sri Vaishnavas (here 48 representatives of the Sri Vaishnavas
are mentioned, who come from ciifferent places, even from
Tirupati, Kanchivaram and Srirangam), and declaring at the
same time that there was no difference between tbe Vaishn:lvas
and the Jainas, decreed as follows :-
'This Jaina darsana is, as before, entitled to the five great
musical instruments and tHe kalasa (or vase). If 1 05S v: ad-
vancement should be caused to the Jaina darsana through the
bhaktas, the Vishnavas will kindly deem it as loss of advance-
ment caused to their (own darSQlla). The Sri Vaishnav as wiLl
to.this effect kindly set up a sasQlJa in all the bas/is of the
kingdom. For as long as the sun and the mo{)n endure, the
Vaishnava creed will continue to protect the Jaina dm·salla.
The Vaishn avas and the ]a;nas are one: they must not be view-
ed as different. Tatayya of TirumuIa (Tirupati) by consent of
the blessed people:: (the Jainas) of the whole kingdom, will,out of
the money levied at the rate of one anna a year for every house
according to the door from the Jainas throughout the whole
kingdom for the bodyguard to be appointed by Vaishnavas at
the holy place Belugu)a (Sravana-Belgola), appoint twenty. ser-

1. Of. Rangachari. The Successo,s of Ramanllja, B. B . R . A. S.,

XXIV, p. 126-8.
 SRl V AlSHNAVISM AND OTHER SECTS >39

vants as bodyguard for the god, and wi~h the remainder of the
money nave the dilapidated Jinalayas (the Jaina temples) white-
washed. In this manner, for as long as the sun and moon last,
wilt they without failure pay every yt:ar and acquire fame and
merit.· He who transgresses this rule shall be a traitor to the
kings, a traitor to the sangha and the samudaya. If an ascetic or
chief of a village d'e stroys this charity, he shall incur the sin
of having slaughtered a tawny cow and a Brahman on the
banks of the Ganges" 1.
In this document preference secnlS to be given to the Jaillas,
although Bukka was not a Jain himself. It shows, however, how
the King was influenced by Jainism . We know indeed from
other lithic records that one of the ministers of Bukka was a
fen'ent J~in ; his name was Baichappa. H~ is mentioned in an
inscription · at Sravana-Belgola ' . According to an inscription
of 1385 in Vijayanagara itself the same Baichappa and his son
Irugappa, himself a Jain also, were ministers of Bukka's suc-
cessor, Harihara II 3. Another inscription of 1387-8, in a
Jain tempie near Kanchivaram, records some donations of this
Irugappa, mentioned as son of Vaichaya (Tamil form for Bai-
chappa), General of Vijayanagara and follower of the Jain
religion 4. Irugappa's two sons, naJ1lt!d Baichappa and
Irugappa, are also mentioned ill another inscription of 14Z2, at
Sravana-Belgola, as Jain Generals of Vijayanagara 5 during
the reign of Vir a Vijaya. His SUCCt:::lsor, D<:! va Raya II, was also
much inclined to JainisJIl, as is shown in an inscription of this
King, of the year 1426, in Vijayanagara itself 6. Probably
there was buill during this period the Jain Lemple, the ruins of
which, on the slopes of the rockey hill that protects the Pam~a­
pathi temple of Hampi . are one of the most interesting features
of the glorious capital.

1. Ep. Cam., IX, Ma, 18. Cf. Ibid., II, No. 344.
2. Ep. Cam., II, SD, 253. Gf. Luders, !:>ravana.Bclgola Inscriptio"
oj lrugapa, Ep. Ind., VIII, p. 17.
3. Hultzsoh, Soutll .lndian INscriptions, I, p. L61.
4. Ep./lld. , VII, p. 115.6.
5. Ibid., VIII, p. 22.
6. Hultzach, o. c., p. 162.
 540 TH·E AUVlDU DVNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA

6. lh apite of tbis Jain influence, the Vijayyoagara

sovereigns. remained faithful to the cult of Siva till they became
disciPles of Sri VaishnavisDi towards the close of the 15th
century. .
Their family goo was then Virupaksha, the narne under
which Siva was worshiped in the celebrated temple of their
capital. But at that time it happened that two brothers from
Ettur, named Nrsimhacharya and Srirangacharya arrived at
Vijayana~ara. They were learned Vaishnava gurus, and casily
persuaded Virupaksha, the then Emperor of the great Hindu
Empire, that there was no ~ther god higher than Vishnu '.
Accordingly the sovereign foreswore Saivism and became a
1. Th~ l'rapalfllalllrlalll, which affords this inform a tion, gives
the following legendary account of Viruliaksha's oonversion to Sri
Vaishnavism : .. N rsimhll ChB rya and his younger brotbor, as they cnter-
lid the city during night, mistook: this haunted palace for the King's
residonce and entered it, Ramayana in hand. At their approach the
ghosts remainod quiet; and they were admitted into the palace. Enter-
ing the palace thoy found the ghosts holding court with king, council
and attendants, On their allproaoh all the ghosts bowed to thew and
showcd them thc respect dllc to scholarship; and the gho!!t -ministl'r
inquired who thoy Wllr!', and for what purpose they had comEl ther("
Ther narrated their wlJOle ~ tor y , on whioh the king directed thrm to
come secrotly ~vcry nighl and read to thcm the Ramayana; for whirh
he promisrd to pay theill at tho rato of ono nisllka overy day. Thill
thoy did for some timl'. WIJ!!D tbey (Jamr to tho ond of the Rama -
yana, Nrsimhacharya and tho brother diroc tpd thom to make -dUll
preparation for the c('lebration of tho coronation of Rama, as is
usually tbn vradic8 even 110W . On tho day of the roading of the
coronation portiPn of tb~ Rautayana, the brothers wero present('d
with many tbollHands of gold coins a.nd precious stones. After tho
reading war; OVl'r, the Ghosts narrated to the brothers their story
as follow!;: 'We are a ll related to Virupak6ha, tho prt"lIont
sov('reigll of the country, and have ' boon foully Dltll'derod
lJy hlm in our ..sleep. Thi~ horrible dllath has forcod U8 to
hsunt the pillace. It was on our acoount that Virupaksha left thi s
lialace and built anothcr, secking to gE't rid of U8 by VOWIl and chari-
tics. But !til that was of no avail. You two holy people by ooming
here every night and roading to us the Ramayana have ridded U8 of
~ur I!ins, and we now go to t.he hen'VeD of Snnt.anilta', The)' took
 SRI VAlSHNAV1SM' AND OTHEJl SECTS ' 541

fervent Vaishnava. On this occasion the majority of his -sub·

jects also became followers of Vaishnavism 1.
Virupaksha's successors were also faithful devotees of
Vishnu, without however excluding the devotion to Siva, the
old protector god of the Empire. Krishna Deva Raya wor·
shipped Vishnu, Siva and also Vithoba (an incarnation of
Vishnu known only in Maharashtra) to whom he erected a
t,emplc in Vijayanagara 2. Achyuta Raya made in 1534
a gift of land with a house in the presence of Vitthalesvara
and 011 the banks of the Tungabhadra rivc.:r, to c:.ach of the
two Vaishnava Brahman!> who recited a purml'1f1t in the
same It.:mple J. Tht::n the same sovereign is said to have had
a son by the favour of the god of Tirupati; hence the child is
called Venkatadri t. Hut the greatest achievement of.Achyuta
so far as the propagation of Vaishnavism is' conct::rncd, was

leave of th~ two brothers thus, and went to heaven. The palace be-
came rid of the ghostfl and the whole nei~hbo\lrhood, to its great
relief, was rid of 'he nightly disturbance. They reported the matter
to Virupaksha, and Viru.p aksha, on learning, after inquiry whd had
illlten place, summoned th" two brothers before hint. lIe inquired
who they wt>re a nd why had gone to the haunted palace. They
told him that tbay balonged to the village Bttur, and Wf're the
desoendants of the famous Brisa ilapurnl\ whom the god Venkatesvara
call~d 'grand father', and who explained tbo Ratnayana in twenty.
four different ways to Ratnanujll . Tbey then gave 1:1 full aeoount
of their going to the baunted palaoe and of what had transpired
there. On bearing the wbole story, King ViT.Ilpakflha. felt great
reverence for th~ H<lDlayana, the god Ramil and the preceptor
Nrsimha. The. King wa.s 500n lidmittcd into the Vaitlhuava faitu by
him, for before that timll he was a. Vira Saiyllo". S. Krishnaswami
AiYllngar, 50111'1:('.1, p. 71·3.
1. l'rapa"nalllrlalll, I.e., p. 73. The poom says that all the lubje(:ts
of Virupaksha became V.ushnavu~ . Th is ie cvidontly it poetic3Il
e:ra.ggeration.
2. Cf. Krishnuillaeha rlu, The Rr.ligitJlI tJj Ihe VijtlYllnugara }/ousr,
I"d. Ant., XLIV, p. 222.
3. 240 of 1910.
4. Varadambika-P.."illaJClIII , S. Krishnl\!lwami ~iyan,ar, Sources,
p. 172. Cf. Ch. I, No.2.
S-42 TH& ARA VIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA

the foulld;ltion of the Nayaksbip of Madura. The Pandyas of

those days haa renuined faithful Saivas, as the .T enkasi inscrip-
tions of Arikesari Parakrama Pandya prove 1. The Telugu
chiefs sent from Vijayanagara to the South were alnl'QSt alw~ys
Vaishnavas. The final settlement ofVishvanatha and his sue.
cessors as rulers of the Pandya kingdom naturally marked the
commeucement of jl flourishing period of Vaishnavism in the
southern dominions. .
7. Sadasiva, the last represtntattve of the Tuluva family,
was also a fervent worshipper of Vishnu. In 15.56, he granted
31 villages to the great sage, Ramanuja, i. e., to.the sect founded
by him-as Dr. Kielhorn understands-to en<lble the devotees to
carryon. the regular worship of Vishnu with incense, lights,
oblations of food, flowers, dancing, singing, music, etc. '. In
1568. at the requsst of Krishnappa Nayaka of,Madura, he grant-
ed the villages ot Krishnapuram to the temple of Tiruvenkata-
natha, at the same place, to keep up the cult of the god Vishnn
.. who -shone in this place under the name of Tiruvenkatanatha,
by meanS of 'burning incense, by lights, and by the offering of
good food, cakes, etc., by means of offerings of several kinds of
flowers, by illumination with many lights, by means of dancing,
singing and music, with umbrellas, cllauris on days both ordi-
nary and special, for the car festival at the beginning of each
year for the floating ftstival during. the bot season and for the
yatrotsava". For Sadasiva, to die is • to attain the Vishnava
seat " as may be seen in a ' grant of his of the year 1558 4. In
bis inscriptions several Vaishnava teachers are mentioned
on different occasions: Vallabhacharya, whose eloquent pane-
gyrics as a Vaishnave gllru are described in an inscription of
1544 at Govada, Guntur 6 j the sannyasi Emherumanaru
Jiyyangaru, mentioned in another inscription ot 1559 at
Mar}c.apur, Karoul 6; and finally Parankusa Van-Sathagopa
1. T. A. S., I, p . 93 and 98.
t. British Museum plates of Sadasiva, Ep. 1Nl., IV, p. 5.10.
3. Ep. [ltd., IX, p. 341, vv. 67-69.
4. Ep. Cam., IX, Cp, 186.
5. RaDlacharya, l, p. 841, 825.
6. 158 ofl905.
 SRI VAISHNAVlSM AND OTHltR SBClS 543
Jiyyangaru. spoken of in three inscriptions of Lowel Ahobalam.
Karnul. of lSSS 1, IS60' and lS64 3. Another .inscription at
the same place. of the year 1567. montions a gift from a chief.
consisting of some offerings to be distributed among twelve
Sri Vaishnava mendicants •.
Nevertheless, Sadasiva was not so staunch a devotee .of
Vishnu as to despise the other gods or to force people to join
his own sect. He sotn(>times invokes Siva. Vishnu and Ganesa
in the beginning of his grants~. Krishnappa Nayaka of
Madura, his feudatory. built a temple to Siva in his new city
of Krishnapuram ij. The most characteristic feature of t·his
tolerance is the fact that the Yelahank.a Prabhu. Kempe Gowda
I. on r~turn jng to his dominions from his capti\'ity at Anegundi.
adopted the worship of Siva, instead of the cult of Bhire
Devar. his family god. He thought. in changing his devotion,
that it made no difference, as Bhire Devar W:J.S the son of
Siva; his offerings and prayers however remained in the same
family. His broad and tolerant spirit is moreover shown in
the fact that he built a temple to Vishnu at Bangalore 7.
8. Sadasiva's Regent, Rama Rayn. was a no less fervent
worshipper of Vishnu than his master. T,he Aravidu family
appears to have worshipped Vishnu from ancient times. The
names of the majority of its chiefs are names of Vishnu or of
his avalar,;s. Moreover several '<Of those chiefs are mentioned
as staunch Vaishnavas: such are Rajanarendra, called • a de-
vo.tee of Vishn'.l' ; Vir a HemmaLiraya,'stated to be • a devotee
of Murari (Vishnu)', and Rama,raja (the grand father of the
founders of the Aravidu dynasty) who' was poisoned by his

1. 61> of 1915.
2. 75 of 1915.
3. 73 oU91S.
•. 69 of 1915.
5. Bee for iIl,tance Briii,b ~ueeulll Plates of BadasiVll" Ep. Ind .•
lV, p.12.
6. Taylor. O. H. MSS., II, p. 2S. Cf. ChI XUI, No.2.
7 Puttaiya, The Kempe Gowda Chills, OJ. M. S., XlII, p. 728.
Cf. Rioe, Mysore. II, p. 21.
S« THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAY'ANAGARA

relatives, but by the grace of Vishnu, whose devotee he was,

suffered no harm" 1.
The most important act of Rama Raya in connection
with Sri Vaishnavism is the re$toration of the idol of Govinda-
raja to the temple of Chidambaram. The Prapalmamrlam.
relates that there was at that time 'a Vaishnava scholar named
Mahacharya who lived in the sacred to\l;'n of Ghatikachala
(Shotighur). He had defeated all the Saiva scholars of Chitra-
kuta (Chidambaram) among whom was the celebrated Appaya
Dikshita. After this victory he grew desirous of re-establishing
the worship of Govindaraja in the temple of Chidambacam ,
abolished since the time of the Chola King. Krimikanth3
(Kulottunga II) 2. Rama Raya seems to have been then at
Chandragiri with his teacher Tatacharya. Mahacharya IYent
there, and with the assistance of the Emperor and his gun"
succeeded in restoring Govindaraja's idol to its old place at
Chidambaram s.
It has been said by rilodern Saivas that the tremendous
defeat of Raksas-Tagdi was the punishment intlicted by
Virupabha on the house of '-:ijayanagara for going over
from his cult to the cult of Vishnu. We already finc! this
idea in an old work of the Mackenzie Collection entitled
jangamn Kalajllyalla in which the defeat and death of Rama
Raya are given in a prophetic strain by Sarvajna, a Jangama
priest, and his son Virupana, staullch devotees of Siva 4.
9. The immediate successors of Rama Raya, howevt:r, did
not abjure the cult of Vishnu. On the other hand, it seems their
devotion even increased. Tirumala is called in his PenuguJucu
grant • a repository of nectar-like devotion to Hari (Vishnu)' 6.
According to the colophon of his supposed commentary on the

1. Dalavay Agrahurarn plates of '\eni:ata II, Ep. llId., XII, p.

186, VV, 5.6 and 9-12.
2. Of. above No.3.
3. S. Krishnalwarni Aiyangar, 0 : C., p. 202. Cf. S. Kriahnalwauii
Aiyangar, Atteield [rulia, p. 320.
4. WillOU, TItt Mac. . .i, CDlltctiDII,p.272.
5. E/. Ind., XVI, p. US.
 SRI V AISHNA VISM ANO OTHER SECTS 545
Gila Govinda his favourite deity was Rama I, In 1568 he made
two grants to a Vais~nava teThple at Khairuwalla, Kamul 2, In
the same year he made another grant to another Vaishnava
temp"ht in the village of Gundala a, The so-call ed 'Ihru
Swami pagoda', introduced by Tirumala, displa~' s three figures,
the central one ~tanding. and the other two seatt d; thl'Y are
said to be either Lakshmana with Rama and Sita, or Venka-
tesvara with his two \Vivts .1. In either caSl' th is coin prove!;
Tirumala's Vaishna\' a devotion, With Tirnmala also a new
Vaishnava feature appears in th e rOS'a! grants . Till the battle
of Raksas-Tagdi the grants of the Empt:rbrs of Vijayanagara,
even after their converson to Sri Vaishnavism, were as a
general rule made in the presence of Virupaksha; but after the
establishment of Tirumala at Penukonda, his grants were madt-
in the presence of Ramachandra in the temple of its fort :i.
His dcvotion to Vishnu, nevertheless, was not that of a
fanatic who despises all oth er deities. His grants after tht
IIsual • prostration to the blessed Ganarlhipati' start with an
lavocation to Siva, Vishnu and Ganapati 6, Ooe ~'ritti of the·
Penuguluru grant was by his order given to the local shrines of
Vishnu and Hara (Siva) 7. Tirllmala moreover, in an inscrip-
tion of 1571, mentions the Saiva teacher, Anantasi\' acharya, his
pupil Ponnambala Dharmasivacharya. and the latter's pupil
Immadi Dharmasi\'acharya 8. Another Sai\'a teacher IS
mentioned in .another of Tlrumala's inscriptions dated 1577;
this guru is named Santabhiksha 'vI'illi Ayyavarll, and seems ,tq
have been a man of great influence in Karnul D.
During Tirumala's reign we hear of two Vaishnava kmpres
-,--- - - --_. -.-
1. Ibid.
2. Sewell. 1. p. 93.
3. Rangacbarya, III, p. 909, 10.
4. Brown, Thc Coills of Illdia, p. G(.
S. , See for instance tho PODugu!uru grant, Ep. Illd.. XVI, p, 256.
vv. 44-62.
6. See the lame grant, ibid .• p. ,254, V\'. 1-3.
1. Ibid., p, 245.
8, 497 of 1905.
9, .s of 1915.
6~
546 THE ARAVlDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYA~AGARA

which were imprQ¥ed through the munificence of the devotees.

One \vas the temple of Bhaktapala Venugopala Krishna at
Holalakere, which had passed through difl"crent vicisssitudes
referred to in the inscription. The idol had been set up by one
Janamejaya; but, owing perhaps to difficult circumstances,
the god was buried in the earth by a certain Vishnuvardha
Raya, till it was restored to its old shrine by Krishna Deva
Raya. Rama Raya, it seems, enl:lrged or beautified the temple,
which after the wars with the Ml.hzmmad3r.s "as diJa):idat(d
and ruined. Then in 1568 Kamageti Kasturi Medakeri
Nayaka set up the ruined god, and repaired the temple with the
aid of the Brahmans of the place 1. Some years later Sri Van
Sathagopa Swami established the idols of the Vaishnava
Alvars at the temple of Purushtamam (Jaganath) '.
Runga I followed the example of his father in his devotion
to Vishnu. He is said in the Maredapalli grant 'to have borne
in his heart Sarngadhara, i. c., his god V:hnu' 3; and iii the
Arivilimangalam plates he is called 'worshipper of Vishnu' ..
Nevertheless Ranga, as much of an eclectic as Tirumala, invok-
ed Siva, Vishnu and Ganesha at the beginning of his grants 6.
During his time the Bande chiefs of Auantapl.IT, who were
bigoted Saivites, co-operated with Ibrahim Shah of Golkonda in
the sack of the temple of Ahobalam '.
10. Ranga's successor, Venkata II, was the great
Vaishnava Emperor of the dynasty. His fervent devotion to
Vishnu was the cause of " great change in troduced in tbe
grants issued by him. During the third dynlM!ty, and even
during the reigns of Tirllmala and 'Ranga of the Aral1idu
family, the Emperors had commenced the practice of invoking
Vishnu together with Siva at the beginning of their grants,

1. Ep. Carn., IX, lit, 7.

2. Ahobaillm inscription, S. Krishnaswami AJyangar, SOfIrctS,
p.233,
3. Ep. Ind., XI, p. 328~ v. 35.
,. Ibid., XII, p. 357, v. 20.
5. See for instanoe the Maredapalli Krant, Ep. ItId., :Xl, p. 317,
TV. 1-3, and the Arivilimangalam plato8, Ibid., XII, p. 356, TV. 1-3.
6. S. Krishnaswami Aila~ar, Sources, p. 233-4.
 SRI VAISHN AVlSM AND OTHER SECTS 547
but still th~y uied to sign ,the same grants with the solitary
word • Sri Virupaksha', the name of the guardian god of the
old Empire. If The Vijayanagara throne", says Mr. Krishna-
macharlu in this connection, If was still believed to be under
the blessed guardianship of the wings of Virupaksha" 1.
According to the Prapannamrlam the Emperor Virupaksha
after his conversion If gave up the usc of the old seal with the
sign manual Virupaksha on it, and a(lopted a new one on
which was inscribed the name ' Sri Rama'" 2. But his
successors had .resumed the old seal of Viru;n ksha. Venkata II
broke this tradition for ever: Virupaksha was no loager the
protector of the Empire; Vishnu had taken his place.
Acc')rdingly· all the grants of Venkata bear the following
signature: 'Sri Venkatesa' a, one of the forms of Vishnu
worshipped at Tirupati. The very beginning cf his grants.
moreover, shows more signs of the Vaishnava faith than the
former grants. The Padmancri grant, for i'1 stance, starts with
an invocation to Venkatesa. the feet of Rama Vishvaksena
and th~ Moon 4. In the VeJlangudi plates the invocation is
addressed to Rama's feet, Visbvak$ena and Vishnu &. The
beginning of the Mangalampad grant is as follows: .. I seek
refuge in that pair of substances (Rama's feet), by virtue of
whose touch a stone became the gem of women and which is
deserving of worship by the gods" 6. Besides, almost aU his
grants arc made in the presence of Venkatesa at Tirupati.
We have still several other instances ofVenkata'!! devotion

1. Krishnamacharlu, Tiu Religion of the Vijayannga,.a House,IM.

4111., XLIV, p . 22l.
2. 8. Krishnaswami AiyangNioSouras, p. 73. We bave not aeen
liuygrant ofVirupaksha with the colophon ment:oning Sri Rama.
Rill ordinary signature was, it lie ems, Sri Harilut,.a. Cf. Li~
.A:lampulldi plate, Ep. Ind., III p.229, and Sornikavur pla\es, Ibid., VIII.
1'.30:;.
S, See for instanoe the Vellangudi plates, Ep.I"d., XVI, p. 329,
and the Pandmaneri grant, Ibid .• p. ~97. v. lSi.
4. Ep. [rid .• XVI, p. !9G.
S. Ibid., p. 318.
6. BuUer'tfortb. I, p. 26, v.I.
548 THE ARAVIl';>U DYNASTY OF VlJA YANAGARA

to Vishnu. In 1590 he made a grant to a Vaishnava shrine

under the management of one Krishna Das 1. In 1597. at the
request of Krishnappa;,Nayaka of Madura. he granted two
villages in the Madura district to several Vllishnav a Brahmans "
On another occasion the King made arrang~ments for
celebrating a festival in the temple of 'Alagiyarama Perumal 8,
Venkata's gold coin. called Vellkatapati pagoda. shows on th L:
obverse Vishnu standing under an arch. while the reverse bears
this Nagari legend: Sri Vmkalesvarayo Ramah, adoration to
th~ blessed Veokatcsvara 4. Another coin of Venkata shows
the figure of Haouman advancing to the right . wilh the saml:
legend on the reve'rse 5.
II. Vaishnavism was a1. ., upenly professed outside the
royal palace. Veokata's nephew Tirumala,:the Seringapatam
Viceroy, slarts one of his aecrees with the suggestive words :
'Obeisance to Ramanuja' G. The poel Malia Ananla in the
prologue of his works invokes the blessings of the god of
Tinlpali, and in the colophon to the same work calls himself
disciple of the Vaisbnava teacher Tirumala Tolappa Acharya
In 1609 a gift of seven gold-gilt pinnacles for the big
gopuya of the Vira Narasimha templp. 'at Diguva Tirupati, and
of two fiy-whisks and an umbrella of white silk with a gilt
kalasa over it, was made 'by some merchants,of Aravidu ~.
But thc mosf.in teresting event in connection with the
propagation of Vaishnavism, is thelconversion to this sect of
the royal house of Mysorc. We do not know for certain when
this conversion tG>ok place;:we are only aware that the early Rajas
,-, -------
1. Rangbacharya, III. p. 1497.457,
2. Ibid., II, p , 1002. 91,
3. as5.of 1905.
4. Hultzsch: Tilt Coills of fill! Kings of Vijayanagara. Ind. Ant .•
XX. p. 308. Of. Brqwn, The Coills of Illdia. p. (;4.
5, Rangachari, SOliII' Jnedi/e Coills of the Kings of VijnY,1I1f1gara,
IntI. An,-.-:.XXIll, p. 26.
6. Ep. Cant., IV, Gu. 40.
7. Cf. Krisbnamacharlu. Tile Penugr,luru Grant Ep. In4., XVI,
p.246.
8. 67 of 1915,
 SRI VAISHNAV[SM AND OTHER SECTS' 549

of Mysore were devotees of Siva, and.. that shortly after this

period they appear as worshippers of Vishnu 1, .. But many
circumstances afford room to ,conjecture ", says Wilks, " th3t it
was about this time (after Raja Wodeyar took pOf;session of
Seringapatam) that they adopted the insignia and ceremonie!>
of the sect of Vishnu" "
12. The whole Empire how\!ver was not Vaishnava .
Several feudatol'y chiefs still adhered -to their old family sect.
One instance j!,; that of the Nayaks of Vdlort:. who with
their families remained faithful to Siva. Lingama S:1yaka .
the last known mem\)er of this dynasty. is said in the Vilapaka
grant of Venkata II to 'b.: engagcd in establishing Jin.:as of
Siva': 'his prilc ", says the same grant, "was the works
relating to Siva' :'. Another family very faithful to Siva
was that of the N ayaks of Ikeri. Among their titles th t~r~ are
1wo that rder to their devotion: they are called . establishers of
the purr. Vaidika Ad\'aita doctrine' and 'devoted to I he faith in
Siva and the gllru", In their zeal th y seem to have
converted many of the Jains to the Saiva creed~. We know
likewisl! of a grant 0f 1592 for the services of a mallta, issued
by Kcladi Venkatappa N'Iyaka, son of Sadasiva Nayaka II and
grandsnn of Sad as iva Raya Nayaka; the grantor is called in, lh,'
grant . feudatory of Vcnkatapatiraya, devoted to Si"a .LnJ
gurus' 6. The chiefs of Ullal were likewise devotees of Si"a :
Pietro della Valll; says that the family god of the Queen he met
ouring his tra\'els Wl1l:i Putid Somnata ~,
There exist moreover several other grallts of pc:tty chiefs
announcing their liberality to the temples and to the mendi ,

1. Cf. Thompson, Rclig;'oll illlli~ Mysor.: Stale, Q. J. M. S., I, p. 135 .

. 2. Wilks, Hiflory of r.:ysore, I, 11. 43 ..cr, Krishna Row, A Britlf
Hlslory 0/ Mysorc, p, 10; Rice, Mysorr!. J, p. 364 ,
3, Ep. Ind., IV, p. 271.
-t. Rice, Mysorc alld Coorg, p. 157,
:i. Cf. Burnell, Ollille Colossal jain SttJlue at Kamala, Ind. Ani. ,"
II. p. 353; Willi on, The Mackenzie CollectiOlI, p, 62.
6. M.A.D., 1923, p.l06-7.
7. DeUa Valle, U, p. 3(1.
sso THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VJ]AYANAGARA

cants of Siva. In 1612 Nanja Raja Odeyar made some offerin8'

to Siva 1. In 1593 Immadi Rama Raja Nayaka, son of the
chief of Hadinand-sima, O;!vappa Gowda, made also a grant
to Siv'a, ' recorded in a stone charter he gave to Channa
Basavaraja Deva, disciple of Sivaratreya Deva 2. In 1588
Vaiyappa Krishnappa Nayaka 9rdered 30 rice offerings to. be
: distributed among Saiva mendicants '.
13. Furthermore the Jains were still powerful in the
Kanarese Viceroyalty. The gigantic statue of the Jain Saiot,
Bhujabaiin, set up at Enura lVeour) in 1603-4 is a clf'ar proof
of this. It was erected by the chief Timmaraya oLthe family
of Chamunda, the younger brother of Pandya, son of Queen
Pandyaka and nephew and son-in-law of Rayakuvara. He is
said to have made the im age at thl! request of the Jain priest
Charukirti, who was the pontiff of Belgula (Sravana·Belgola).
On the opposite sid;: of the colossus there is another inscription,
according to which Timmaraya belonged to the lunar race and
was ruling over the kingdom of Punjalike 4.
_Th~re are still otht::r instances of the widespread influence
of. the Jains in the Kanares~ countrY during the reign of
Venkata II. In 1591 a Kanarese Prince named Kinniga
'Bhupala made a grant for the purpose of maintaining a Jain
temple 6. In 1586 the Karkala chief Bhairava II built a Jain
temple oli the Chikkabetta hill at Karkala. set up the images
'ofthe three Tirthankaras, Ara, Malli,' and M unisuvrata on each
of the four fac::s of the temple, and consecrated at the same
,time th~ images of the 24 Tirthankaras and those of the Jain'
together with those of Brallma and Padmavati. This temple,
built at the advice of the Jaina teacher Lalitakirti, was called
the temple' of the three jew,;:ls' 6. Its chatllrmukhabasti
indeed shows dow~ to this day three nude statues of the
- - - - -- ---
1. Ibid" 30.
Z. Ep. Cal'1l" IV, Ch, 135.
3. 339 of 1913.
•. Hp. 11U1., VII, p.113-4. Of. bed, Alit., V, p. 37.
5. Sewell, II, p. 1•.
6. K&I:..ala inlloription of BhalCll"a H, JJ.p.llUl., VIII, p.1U-5.
 SRI VAISHNAVISM AND OTHER SECTS 55I
Tirthankaras strongly resembling each other, carved in black
!ton,e, and surrounded by many other idols also naked.
,, 14. This variety of sectll within the limits of the Empire
shows the eclectic characttr of the Emperors of Vijay al~ agara.
so inconsistent with the' exclusive spirit of orthodox Vaishna-
vism 1. The two most prominent representatives of this
ch.racteristic eclecticism of the Vijayan agara If ouse are
Krishna Deva Raya and Ven kata II. The latter was really a
fervent dovotee of Vishnu, but he also favoured the cult of
Siva when occasion arose. In 1588, for in!:tance, he gav~ 20
offerings to be distributed alllong the Saiva mtndicants in the
Bhisesvara temple at Chidambaram I. Similarly there is a plate
of his of the year 1596 proceeding from CuddaJore, beariilg a
large number of mythological figures of both the Saiva and
Vaishl}~va sects; such are for instance Ganesa. the lingaro.
Hanuman, Narasimha, etc. J.
The most striking specimen (Jf this eclecticism is giYen ill
an edict issued some years before the accession 'of Venkata in
1561, by Krishnappa Nayaka, the feudatory chief of the North
Kanara, when speaking of some differences between Saivas and
Vaishnavas. It runs as follows: .. Obeisance to Ganadhipati.
May it be fortunate. Praise of Sambhu. There being some who
say that besides Hari (Vishnu) there is no god in the world
and some who say that besides Rara (siva) there is no god in
the world; to remove those doubts of mankind, they assumed
with- affection in Kudalur the glorious double form of Harihara:
may he protect us .
.. Be it so. To the chief lord of all worlds, the chief god
and lupreme lord of the gods, d~stroyer of the contradictory
statements of Saivas, Vaishnavas and others, the bestower of a
booo 00 Markkandeya, the single incarnation of Hari and
Hara, tearer asunder of the pride of Guhasura, his two lotus
feet placed on the chest of Guhasura, worshipped by the three
worlds of heaven, earth and hell, best ower of their desires on
the faithful, granting the gift of being without fear to the..
1. Of. Raycbauduri, o. c., p. 116.
2. U9 of 1913.
3. Sewell, II, p. 9;; Rauaaoharya, I, p. 15"
 552 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VlJAYANAGARA

dwellers in the auspicious forest Guharanya, residing on the

eastc:rn bank of the Tungabhadra, boon-lord of Manigapura, the
god Harihara It I .
IS . In spite of this eclecticism and loleration, we cannnt
doubt but that the reign of Venkata II marked a period of
proselytism towards the sprllading of Vaishnavism. The
Prapannamrtam tells us that, "when Venkata became a disciple
of Tatacharya, a large number of the subjects became Vaishna-
vas" 2. Tatacharya indeed was an ardent Vaishnava
missionary, and under the patronage of Venkata contributed
largely to the progress of his creed.
This proselytism produced warm disputes at the COllrt itself
of this sovereign among the Saiva and Vaishnava teachers.
One of these controversies took place hetween Tatacharya
and the cou.rt poet Appaya Dikshita. This scholar was a very
fervent Saiva. He chanted four verses in honoLlr of Siva
wherever he went, and by his zeal and preaching reconverted
ma'6~' Vaishnavas to their former faith in Siva . . In the 'religi-
ous disputation with Tatacharya, Appaya Dikshita was
victorious. Hence the royal guru cherished a mortal hatred
against him and CI'en, they say, actually plotted to put an end
to his rival's life s.
A'ilother of theSt religious controversies took place in
Kumbhakonam between the Vaishnava philosopher Vijayindra
Tirtha and a famous. Vira Saiva gllru of that ma/lta. The
condition under which it was held was that if the Sail' a guru
succeeded Vijayindra Ti~tha would join his matlla; but . if the
latter triumphed, the Sah'a guru would make over his malha
with all its belongings to his opponents. The discussion lasted
eleven days, at the end of which term the Saiva gUnt declared
himself v:lllquished. Conseq uently Vijayindra Tirtha entered
into possession of the matha at Kumbhakonam 4.

1. Ep. Carll., XI, Dg, 18. The ediot evidently 8peaks of the
temple at Haribara' on the eastorn bdnk ofthe Tungabbadra'.
Z. S. Krilbnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 251.
3. Subramiab Pautulu. DiscursitJt Remarks, [;'d. Ani., XXVII .
p. 326.
4. Gopinatba Rao, Ari",'iMatlla'am Ptates, Ep. bId., XII, p. ~.
 SRI VAISHNAVrSM AND QTHER SECTS 553 '

Vijayindra Tirtha had also several discussions with

Appaya Dikshita. When the latter wrote some works con·
demning the Madhva philosophy, Vijayindra Tirtha wrote
several works against him refuting the Saiva arguments 1.
This ' antagonism between the two sects which existed in
some quarters of the Empire and specially in the Tamil
country, finds expression in a poem existing in the old library
of Fort St. George. This 'work deals with the marriage of a
Brahman's daughter witl] the god Ranganathaswami of Sri·
rangam, but incidentally refers to the sectarian disputes between
Saivas and Vaishnavas in the South of the Empire 2.
16. A notable instance of this struggle between the two
sects is the lamentable event that took place at oChidambatam
in the year 1597, while Krishnappa Nayaka of Jinji, himself a
staunch Vaishnava, was there superintending the improvements
-which he had ordered at the temple of Govinda Raja within
the great Saiva temple. Fr. N. Pimenta, who passed through
Chidambaram at tnis time, narrates in one of his letters that
on this occasion a great controversy arose as to "whether it
were lawful to place the Signe of Perimal in the Temple
at Cidambaran. Some refused, others by their Legats im-
portunatly urged, and the Naichus of Gingi Decreed to
erect it in the temple ". These last words of Pimenta indicate
that, after the restoration of the idol 'to the temple by Rama
Raya, it had agarn been ren10ved-, and its shrine probably
destroyed. In order to re-instal it with due honour, Krishnappa
Nayaka ordered the old shrine to be repaired, an.d "" -cn
perhaps enlarged.
This was the cause of the whole trouble. .•The Priests of
th~ Temple which were the Treasurers ", continues Pimenta,
.. (were) withstanding, and threatening if it were done, to cast
down themselves from' the top. The Brachmanes of the
Temple, sware to doe the like after they buried the former,
which yet after better advice they performed not ". But Krish-
nappa Nayaka was unmoved by any such threat; the recon- ~
- - . _- --- - - ---- -
~ -----
1, Ibid.
2. Taylor, Catalogue Raisolflft!t, 1, p. 6.6.
70
554 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VJJAYANAGARA

struction of the shrine was carried on without hesitation.

Whereupon the priests, climbing one of the high gopuraMS II){
the temple, ~tarted to cast themselves down while the N ayak was
inthe templ~. "About twentie had perished in that precipitation
On that day of our departure", says Pimenta ;" whereat the
Naichus angrie, caused his Gunners to shoot at the rest, which
killed two of them, the rest wandring in uncertaine places. A
Woman also wall so hote in this zealous quarrel that shee cut her
owne thrOat ". Naturally Krishnappa Nayaka ac('omplished his
purpose in spite of th is opposition 1.
This brings us to a point in the history of Vaishnavism
and Saivism, where we see the opposition between them at
fever-heat. But the struggle between the two sects was
practically over at the end of Venkata II'a reign. Although the
sect of Siva still counted many adherents. Vaishnavism had won
the victory.
~------------ .--- ------

1. From Fr. N. Pimenta to Fr. C. Aqua "ivll, Purohas. X, p.

108-9. Ct. Du J arrie. I . p. 637 ; Anquetil du P erron. I. c., p. 169.

Printed by S. Ganesan,
at tile Ourrent Thought Preis. Triplicane. Madras.
 APPENDIX A

THREE CANTOS OF A PERSIAN POEM IN PRAISE OF

HUSAIN NIZAM SHAH OF AHMADNAGAR

(p, p, p,)
~56 THE' ARAVlDU DYNASTY OF YIJAYANAGARA

T'

v ~!N}....§.'~'y-""..)/." , ."..!t!.ij'..iJT..(~-4

fiJf.NJ~~/ ,fo~{('-J/
'/'.v-,',-,~~"'I
J",,,,,~-!,.,:..!.fr.I:)l.:
I' ' ---:"Ii/-_;.J,JJ-J
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.1,;1..r..' ..¥-.!,..I I ,J,', '-"'~'f~...;-''.;::t'.
" ~/./ /. /'
II ,.!)J ./.' ~~..J.Uo..f/ . ' '-:::9r...;!.....a.aJ I..:.!) c:> I.......
..........

/ /" ././v. ' ~ . .;.;

~~~._;-J,J1o:) "".!.., " ' .:.r:'P"/.........!-~.
 APPENDIX A 557

HUSAIN SHAH ORGANISES AN ARMY WITH THE INTENTION

OF WAGING WAR AGAINST THE INFID E L, AND HIS
MARCH TOWARDS BIJANAGAR

1 & Z. Husain Shah, that brave king, before whom the

lion is like the fox, is the chief of the exalted and
mighty nien; because on him men and genii
bestow' Afareen's (i.e. Bravo!)
3. Lord of the sword, the throne, and the crown; as
resplendent as the sun; with honour and diginity .
.. & 5. With his pomp and grandeur and wisdom, with
his awfulness and strength and bravery, none
existed and never came into this world. WorJd-
possessor and victorious; with honour and respect.
6. He had such a sword and such a powerful arm,
that on account of him there was a tumult and
uproar in the world.
7 & 8. In heart he cherished no other desire, and his
inclinations were bent towards no other direction,
but to fight against the infidel Rao of Bijanagar
and subdue sedition and wickedness.
9. Because many Moslems had suffered oppression at
the hands of the wicked infidel.
10. He always asked of the kindness of God only to
make him successful in the battle.
11. In short, without delay, he 11larched towards the
kingdom of Bijanagar in order to fight.
12. He arrayed his army with the intention of
fighting, in a manner that none had mustered
army.
558 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA

,..

,-
,
,
 APPENDIX A

,." .
~v~VI'~.I'~~J?· .
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r·
..;:f;:sr:';i.(/;., ..;. (.l.)ytd" i; '.l

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"",'.J./. .:...;/.1 • ...J/ • • , :tuJl,!!, =-?.:-.Y.r.'"
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tr
560 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VI]AYANAGARA

II'

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1/

IV ';')';:~r~\:(~.};"" " ~'p'~I%,f,..?

,.... "'./. ....;.,;!)-'

1:.1." _.~"
... ~.;!b-,," " "'......:.~..,..v.--.
.........;)_,;
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~V?~vo)~"" "L._..!-~.ti
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r· ?..I' (JV'~.J~ "",, r-u)'P ~.;.
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fV 1(/".r.PT~~- " :'-(.Q~S,:!,;IJ"

(~
HUSAIN ,SHAH'S WAR AGAINST RAM RAJ. THE KING OF
BIJANAGAR. AND HIS VICTORY

1. Early morning when the bird stretched its wings,

the brain of the sphere (j. e. sky) became void of
pictures (i. e. stars).
2. Th e cock shouted to the black demon (i. e. the
night) ; the clamour of the drums began roaring.
3. When the infidel came to know that the army had
approached, the world appeared dark to the eyes
of the infidel.
4. He gathered an army (equipped) with arrow and
sword. Its burning fhsh reached the clouds.
5. On account of the tramplings of the steel. shod
animals, even the earth shook to its foundation.
6. On account 01 the excessive shouts that came
from the ambush, the sky dropped down to the
earth.
7. From the resurrection.like clamouring of noise,
the beasts of the desert took to flight.
8. When their musical instrument was tuned for
wa,r, (or when th eir weapons were ready £Or
battle) the devil ran away on account of their
shouts.
9. Two clouds from two sides began clamouring:
and two seas of fire came to ebullition.
10. From both the armies arose such a tumultuous
noise that the horror of it made the brain of the
devil mad.
11. When the ,armies stood facing each other, the
hero came forward from both the sides.
12. The black cloud began to roar (the reference is to
the army clad in iron). F rom the fish (in the ~ea)
the flash of the sword reached the sky.
13. On account of the galloping which pressed the
foot on <the ground, the bones of the limbs of the
562 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA

bullock got crushed. (The reference is to the belief

that the earth stands on the back of the bullock
that stands on the back of the fish which is in
the ~ea) .
14. The weapon-shattering arrow, coming and going
successively, pierced through the limbs of steel-
devouring lions (warriors).
15. The twangs of the arm-breaking bows made
unconscious many a man.
16. The rows of bulky elephants as dreadful as war,
entered the army like mountains.
17. E ye.lashes, liky spear, eyes cornelian.like;
from trunk to tail immersed in iron.
18. From the many rows of stout elephants, the earth
became indigo coloured on account of their tramp·
lings.
19. The clamour of the two armies passed through
the sphere in such a way that the angel became
deaf.
20. But the number of persons killed was greater on
the side of the infidels; and the heart of Infidelity
was more injured than Islam.
21 & 22. Husain Shah, that monarch of the world, whqm
the fierce lion feared, decorated the market of
battle, (and) stirred the flowing water.
23. As a sword. belt, an Indian sword like water ; in
Justre gr~ater than the fountain of the sun.
24. A helmet of Indian steel on his head, so lustrous
that (even) jewel was envying it.
25. Seated on horseback, like a mountain; happy
spiritual and cheerful.
26 When he caught hold of the sword of malice,
there came about defeat in the market of the
infidel.
27. The disgraceful infidel lost his heart as the heart
of wax from the furnace.
 APPENDIX A 563
28. Success became the gUide of Husain Shah. The
captives asked for refuge,
29. When the enemies were in volved in comtempt,
the brave infidels showed humility.
30. With the blow of the spear the head of the
infidel Ram Raj fell to the ground, and (also)
his ~rown.
31. On account of the falling of the infidel (struck)
with a sharp below ; you may say, appeared
resurrection.
32. With a single sign that the king made, his head
was cut and stuffed with straw.
33. From the slain over slain of valiant men, the road
was blocked to the wayfarer.
34. On account of (the excessive) booty which they
brought to the king ; the wealth could not be lod-
ged in the plain.
35. When the S_hah saw that precious and weighty
commodity, like tbe sea, (he saw) a desert full of
treasure.
36. Because of the success over the infidds and
the plunder of treasure, he became: joyful,
and remained at ease from travelling and dis-
tress.
37. For the sake of warning he glanced at those slain
Apparently he laughed, (but) wept in-wardly.
38 . . " Saying:-Why is it necessary to kill so many
creatures in this strife with sword and arrow?
39. " If I attribute the fault to them, it is unlawful.
If I regard the crime on my part, that also is a
mistake.
40. "It is in the nature of the sphere to C:1.st down
head; it is not possible to draw the head frorr.
destiny.
41. U Who knows with what blood of heart this heap

of dust is mixed. "

B
664 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA

42. "Oh cupbearer! intoxicate me with wine; (and)

when you have given me wine, place in my hand
sweets."
43. (Give me) "From that wine with which I may
gladden my heart; (and) in hell make it a tale
(preventive) against fire. "
 APPENDI X A 565

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7 • T r..l · ;._/~ .-

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It
#~,:_;.Y!.r. .' , -k'-0i' ~i.'tP.'
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, ~Yt;';"__c.)0/_'-;-lf.
566 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA

HUSAIN SHAH'S RETURN FROM THE WAR AGAINST THE

INFIDEL AND THE CONQUEST OF BI]ANAGAR TO
AHMADNAGAR. AND HIS DEPARTURE FROM THE:
ABODE OF DESTRUCTION TO THE ABODE OF
ETERNITY

1. The relater of the Pari (language) story so versified

the narration :-
2. "When fortune became the mate of the king, he
laughed like pomegranate. flower, and blossomed
like the rose."
3. II He opened the door of treasure to those desirous

of wealth. The soldiers became rich on account

of money and jewels."
4. II With treasure he rendered rich the brave and

valiant, (so much so) that the army was distressed '
by carrying wealth."
5. "He ordered tbe drums to be beaten, and they
marched to their native place."
6. II They (officers) played, Proceed I Proceed I
(March) one the golden flute, (and) fixed the pavil.
lion on the back of the Pleiades."
7. "The king struck the ~um and drove the army,
and caused the top of hiS banner to reach the sky."
.8. "Successful and victorious, he departed, having
cut the head of the Rao of Bijanagar."
9. II (He mar~hed) towards his own country and
place of rest which was the capital-Ahmad.
nagar."
10. "Husain Shah, that victorious Shah, elevated his
head to the higher sphere."
11. "He sat on hili special horse, galloping on his
dancing steed."
12. "The army from every quarter moved in caval.
cade, to an extent that no one knows its number...
 APPENDIX B

DOCUMENTS FROM THE GOVERNMENT ARCHIVES

OF PORTUGUESE INDIA

(Arquivo da Stcretaria Gerat do (;ovenoo, Pangim).

 ~68 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA

1
AN EXTRACT OF A LETTER OF KING PHILIP II TO THE
VICEROY MATIAS DE ALBUQUERQUE
(Lisbon, janutWy 12th, 1591).
E assi me escreUe (Manoel de Souza) que no Canara se
fez a maior parte da pimenta que ueo nestas naos, e que
entende que. ao diante se fara cada vez maes que sera de
muito effeito pera 0 auiamente da carga de cad a anno, e que
trabalhaua por ter contentes os Reis daquella costa por
respeito da pi menta que dao de que a maior parte he das
terras de Sao carnao botto 0 qual tratara auia poucos dias
com 0 IdalxB. pera Ihe elltreguar alguas fortalezas suas 0 que
nao queriao consent ir os Reis uezinhos, e qu e seria Isto de
muito dana asi pera a pimenta como pera as fortallezas que
tellho naquella costa e que por esse respeito 0 mandara
auisar per suas cartas que nao tratasse de se sOgeitar sen do
liure e que posto que Ihe nao respondera hia temporisando
com elle. E porque 0 comercio da pimenta daquella costa he
de tanta Importancia como sabeis, e teUa certa pera a cargua
das .n aos voila encomendo muy encarecidamente. E sobre a
materia de Sam Carollo botto que he de tanta consideraryao
como se deixa bem entender pello discurso della vos enco.
mendo tenhaes nella muita vigilan c;ia c que em nenhu modo
consintaes entreguarensse aquellas fortallezas ao Idalxn.
procurando de Iho estrouar por todas vias que puder ser
tendo nisso tal modo que com se fazer este etfe ito nao se
mouao nouos descontentamentos ,com oIdalxlL.
MOllryots do Reino, .No. 3, Ano dt 1585 ate 1598, /0.1.406.
II
N EXTRACT OF A LETTER OF KING PHILIP II TO THE
VICE ROY MATIAS DE ALBUQUERQUE

(Lisbon, jall11ary 12t1e, 1591)

Tambem me escreue 0 ditto gO, (Manoel de Souza) que
pella entregua que 0 Sao carnao botto faz ao Idalxa de suas
fortallezas fica a de Barcellor com maior sobror;o por estar
daneficada, e quasi de todo arruinada, pello qlle mandara
''Inuernar nella Joao de Valladares de Soutomayor com
quarenta soldados e atenha mandadado uer por officiaes pera
se repairar, posto que nao detreminaua fazer muita obra
nella por nao estar em sittio pera isso. E porque assi como
 -
APPENDIX B

nao conuem fazerensse nouas fortallezas nesse estado he

necessario acudirsse as que esH'lo feitas, pello credito e
reputac;ao delle, e se preuenir 0 que poderia a contecer nao
estando deffensaueis vos encomendo q. com esta de Barcellor
tenhaes a contta que conuem e pede a vezinhanza que hora
diz q. tern.
MolIC;ocs do Reillo, No.3, Ano de 1585 atl: 7598, fol. 408.
III
AN E.XTRACT OF A LETTER OF KING PHIL1P liTO THE
VICEROY MATiAS DEALBUUUERQUE
(Lisbol' , Jamll},t')' 18th, 1595.)
E tambem di z que El Rey de Canan(or) nao he poderoso
para impedir que nao sayao olandeses de seus portos posta
que entende que os co nsinte pella parte Clue tem das prezas
quefazem, e que por esta ca usa 'e por rlar pouca pimenta
Illes pos por cO lldi~ffo nos cartazes que Ih es con«;edeo q saindo
alguns cassairos de seus portas lhe nEla uulh eriaa e ficariflo
de prez:J. os nauios que os leuassem, e Clue dom fernando de
meneses Capitao daquella fortalle.:a trataua co Cunhi copra
mouro principal nag, 11elle Reina sobrc da l,aIgna pimenta 0
que tenho por de meu seruic;o como sempre 0 sera todo 0
born modo de se auer maes pirnenta.
Monr;oes do Rfillo, No.3, Ano de 1585 at~ 1598, jol. 408.
IV
AN EXTRACT OF A LETTER OF KING PHILIP 11 TO THE
VICEROY MATIAS DE ALBUQUER QCE
(Lisbon, Febt'uary 1Stlt, 1595.)
E tiue contentamimto de m.i dizerdes qui por achardis as
Lortallezas do canant f altas de ill un i~oes e fracas as Illandaris
prouer e fortificar. E Vos encomiudo qui assy 0 fa~ais
sempre com elas.
MOllfYoes do Reino, No.J, Allo de 1585 at~ 7598,jol. 532.
V
AN EXTRACT OF A LETTER OF KlNG PHILIP II TO THE
VICEROY MAT1AS DE ALBUQUERQUE
(Lisbon, Ftbt'leat'), 8tlt, 1596. )
Tambem me dis (Matias de Albuqutrque) que mandou
I) Idaldio algus capitaes seus sobre os Reis Esnores do
Canani. a jnsrancia da Rainha de Baticalla, e que tomarao
duas fort" no Gatty se 0 allevantaruento de hirmao do dito
510 THE ARA..VIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA

Idaciio 0 nao obrigara aos mandar chama!, no que 0 dito

Visorrey fez 0 q' lhe'parecreo q' Cumpria a meu seruic;:o, e
Vos encomendo que com a informac;:ao deste caso procedais
tambem nelle como conuem, e assy no q' toea a morte Del
Rey da Serra a que diz q' sueedeo hu jrmao.
Monc;:oes de R,;lIO, No.4, AlSo de 1595 Ie 7598, fol. 631.
VI
AN EXTRACT OF A LETTER OF KING PHILIP II TO THE
VICEROY MATIAS DE ALBUQUERQUE

(Lis60n, janua,y ZIId, 1596.)

Indo de algus allos a csta p" em muita deminuc;:ao a
rendados d'''· dos cauallos que uem de Ormuz mandei dar
lieenc;:a peraque se pudisem trazer ao Canara, Cochim e
outras p"', e que sea demandasem os direitos.
Monrroes do Re.no, No.4, AltO de 1595 te 1598, fol. 673.
VII
AN EXTRACT OF A LETTER OF KING PHILIP III TO
THE VICEROY AYRES DE -SALDANHA
(Val/adolid, Decembe,23,d, 1604).
Do fruto que tiuerem feito osque residem com e1 Rey de
Bisnagll. spero q'me auiseis e folge(y) d' auerem sido bern
agasalhades e respondidos de Vos os Embaixadores deste Rey
como m(e es)ereueis q' flzestes.
MOIIC;:o(s do Reino, No.9, Ano de 1604, jo/1.
VIII
AN EXTRACT OF A LETTER OF I<ING PHILIP III TO TH E
VICEROY MAllTIM AFONSO DE CASTRO
(Lisbon, Feb,ua,y 26th, 1605.)
Diz (Ayres de Saldanha) que os Christaos da costa da
pesearia teuer-am 0 an no passado alguas vexac;:oes do Naique
,de Madure com tributos nouos. E dos cortisias que fez a
bum religioso da companhia sobre que fieaua com algus
Requerimentos nesa cidade Manoel da Cunha Paj dos
Cbristas da costa da Pescaria, emeomendouos fauorec;:aes
• "direytos," in another copy of the same letter, Col. 720.
 APPENDIX B 571
a Cbristandade em tudo 0 que foi posiuel e procureis por todos
os me os que 0 dito Naique cesse di {azer semelhantes
extorcoes.
Monc;oes do Re;tlo, No.6 (2a pte) " Ano de 1605 te 1607,
fot. 19.
IX
A LETTER OF IGNG PHILIP III TO THE KING OF CANANOR
(Lisbon, Deaetnbe,23t'd, 1606.)
Copia da carta quay restas uias p el Rey de Cananor.
Muito nobre Rey de Cananor eu Dom felippe ettz Vos faco
saber que por carta do meuViso Rey fuy inforrnado que nessas
partes andauao Roubando algus leuantados dos estados
de fiandes que sam sogeitos a minh a coroa e indo ter
ao porto ~e uossas terras olferecemdouo:; sua amisade e peu.
rando uosso fauor e ajuda para poderem carregar suas. naos
nao soc as nao consentistes mas acodistes com gente a
socorrer a minhafortalesa q'tudo he conforme a uossa nobreza
e lealdade, nem fora comueny ente a ella dar entrada a
Piratas e a leuantados da obedien cia de seu Rey e soor
natural, e nesta boa comRespondencia espero pcedais sem·
pre de que terey disso comtentamento. e vos emcomendo
q'maodeis aduirtir em todos os portos de uossas terras os nao
consioHio nelles mem lhe dem carga para suas naos e delles
nao sejao par os a Roubar de manr' que por falta de aduirten.
cia nossa nao sUlteda 0 contr' P que Receberey disso muito
disprastf e ao meu Viso Rey escreuo ordene q minhas Armadas
se emcontrem com os ditos Rebeldes para Ibe darem 0 castigo
que merecem, eo mesmo the mando facra aos que nessas p"
lhe darem fauor e Recolherem em seus portos e ho auiso If en
tudo 0 que uos cumprir desse estado procure daruos satisfayao
comforme ha muita q'de uos tenho'J!luito Nobre Rey de Cana.
nor Nosso Snor uos alumie em sua gra.,a e Com ella uos aja.
semp" em sua guartla, escrita em Lx' a 23 de Dezb'" de
606.
MancroesdoReino, NIJ. 6 (lapte), Ano de1600fc 160J,fIJt.
116.
x
A LETTER OF KING PHrup III TO VENKATA II
(Madt'id, Jamult')! 27th, 1607.)
Copia da carta q' uay nestas uias p' el Rey de Bisnaga.
Muite Nobre Rey ae bisnaga..
c
 ~72 THE ARAVlDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA

Eu Dom Phelippe, etc'. Vos faco saber q eu tenho

entendido 0 bom acolhim'· q em uos achao os Religiosos da
Comp'. E 0 fauor e ajuda q'lhes dais nas cousas da Christan-
dade de q me Parelteo uos deuia dar (como fa<;o por esta minha
carta) as diuidas gra<;:as, e significaruos a 00. Vontade com
q por este Respeito folguatey de uos comprazer to do 0 Possiuel
em uosas couzas, E assy md • • ao meu Viso Rej desse estado
q 0 falta no q'nos delle Cumprir E espero de Vossa nobreza
q' continuareis este born procedim'·. com os ditos Rellgiosos
de Man~. carla vez me d(eu)ria Eu bauer por mais
obriguado delle muito nobre Rey de bisnaga nosso S°'. uos
alumie com Sua gralta e com ella aja uossa pessoa em sua
guarda.
Escrita em Madrid. a 27. de Jan" de 607.
Mon <;oes do Reino, (No.6 1a pte), Ano ,de 1600 te 1603,
/01. 124.
XI
A LETTER OF KING PHILIP 1II TO THE VICi,ROY
DOM JERONYMO D'AZEVEDO
(Lisbon, February, 20th, 1614.)
Dom Jeronimo dazeuedo Viso Rey da India amigo. Ell
El Rey Vos inuio muito saudar. 0 Bisp,o de MeJiapor me
escreueo representando os ser ui~os que me 'tem [eito no cerco
que se pos aquella cidade E e nfortifi~r e na tomada do forte
que os olandeses tinh i:i. em Paleacate, E em outras cousas, e
que por se nao pagar 0 q' tenho aplicado a fabrica daqueJa
sei na vi(o) ordeoiidos (o)s Sacrerdotes e minislros que nella
serue e se destruire as terras que,o Rey de bisnagd. daua para
sua suslentat;ao paga ......
Per ser informado q a cazada my,t da mesma cidade de
'1\1eliapor e a muitos annos q' anda mal gouernada apJican-
can dose 0 dr". dos depozitos a os uzos pas pessoas que nella
sirue ......
Escrita em Lis' a xx de. f'" de 1614 0 bispo Dom
Pedro.
Mont;oes do Reino, No. 12, Ano de 1614,/01. 143.
XII
AN EXTRACT OF A LETTER OF THE VICEROY DOM
JERONYMO D'AZEVEDO TO KING PHILIP III
(1613)
Resposta da Carta que tratta dos P". da Comp·. que
residem no Reino de Bisnaga.
 APPENDJX.B 578
Primeyo. Estes Relligiosos que estauao em Bisnaga, e
residiao em Chandegri, onde 0 Rey assiste ; tanto que seus
Supperiores souberao de q' V. Mag'. sobre elles escreueo os
fizerao logo recolher para a sua Prouincia, que foi perda pa.
muitas couzas do seruirro de V. Mag'. e disto em particular
resultou tere oje os Holandeses fortz". em Paleacate, e a
guerra q per ordem daq'·. Rey se fez a Melia por com m ••
dauuo daquella cidade, e cada dia, e cada dia succededio
outros incomuenientes, Pallo q ey q nao so he necess'", resi-
direm em Chandegri junto a pessoa do Rey, que faz delle ca-
bedal, mas tam bern em Paleacate tomandoseaq uella fortz', aos
Holandeses (como eu coutio em Deus, q hade ser breue m". co
a armada, q ally dettremino enuiar) e em outros portos da-
quella costa, porq' em todos ser,]. sempre a sua assistencia, e
bons officios, q co prudencia sabem fazer de muito effeito contra
quaes quer intentos destes Rebeldes, e porq' toda aquella.
gente deppende de interesse parerreme, q nao so' conuem, q' se
Ihes proueja a estos ~elligiosos 0 necess"', p' sua susten.
tarrao, mas algua cousa maes, q' possa dar, e q CQ isto se con-
sequirao p seu meyo muitas q de outra man" obrigariao a
se fasere grandes gastos para as Remedear. E assy por isto,
como porq' quando eu estaua em Ceilao lhes fi l:aua Vesinho, e
sey q procediao exemplarm"' . Pollo q a informat;ao q. foi
dada a V. Mag'. deuia pror;eder de emularrfio (cousa muy
ordin n entre Ecc]e"lasticos) ou de outro algu particular
resp'''. E principalm". por entender, q ~ssa he aten rrao de
V. Mag. ando trattando co 0 seu Prouincial, que as torne a
enuiar ally. Aos de Madure se darH. a ordin" q V. Mag'
manda E eu Ihes dey de parte de V. Mag'. as grarras do bom
procedimento, q ' tem nas materias da Christandade, q elles
mererrem muy bern, porq se empregao neste ministerio co todo
cui dado e applicarrao.
Monrroes do Reino, No. 12, AnD de 161.4, fol. 26.
XIII
A LETTER OF KING PHILIP III TO THE VICEROY
DOM JERONYMO D'AZEVEDO AND THE
L~\TTER'S REPLY

(Lisbon, March 7th, 1613.)

Dom Jeronim9 dazeuedo Viso Rey da India amigo Eu
EI Rey uos enuio muito saudar. Por cartas de) Viso Rey RUlz
V·. detau" . e do Bispo de Meliapor entendi 0 apertado
rrerco que a gente ctEI Rey de Bisnaga poz aqla c;idade, e quao
necessario he fortificarse, assi e por se(r) de tanta importancia
574. . THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VJJAYANAGARA
para a nauega<;ao, e comercio dos m~', della, e principal.
mente por estar aly 0 corpo do bema(ue)nturado Sao
Thom~, pello que hey por bem que a a <;idade se fortefique, e
de con<;eder para sua fortifica<;ao hua via gem de Choromandel
diante de todos os prouidos, como uereis pella prouisao que
mandei pass(ar) e se uos enuiara com esta, e vos encomendo
que p(ara) 0 born eifeito, e cumprimento della deis todo 0
fauor e ajuda necess"', e para a obra da dita fortefica<;ao
se fazer co toda a breuidade, despendendose n( ell)a odr 0 ,
procedido da dita viagem para se acabar a obra da dita
fortefica<;ao uos deuia ordenar (q 0) Bispo procurasseis por
persuadir aos Marado(r)es (della) que pozessem sobresy
para ella odrt·. dehum p ( ) em suas fz~ . como hi nas
mais cidades em q. de(uem) uir facilmente por ser para sua
defensao. nao 0 ( ) por bem de que por ahora se tratasse
de a carregar com este nouo dereito por respeito das perdas
que padecer(em) no !ferco, e co esta considera<rao uos hey
por encarre(gado) tratar deste nego<;io quando enterderdes
q (sea) paraisso milhor occassiao, e hauendo algu alu( )
com que possais ajudar a dita obra, 0 fa<;ais, com tamto que
nao seiao viagems, ne cousa com que sc prejudique aos
prouidos, ne de minha fz', pello estado em que ella ella para
isso esta como sabeis,
o mesmo Viso Rey me escreueo tambe como os Mora.
dores da ditta 9idade de sao Thome de Meliapor Ihe pediao
ajudas e fauor, nao so para se forteficar, mas para se incor.
porar na jurisdicyao desse estado, e se por alfanrlega, e
arrecador para minha fz·, os quatro por gento gue se
pagao de dr'·.. na praya a EI Rey Cie Bisnagi, 0 qual
hi tao uelho q' se espera par horas sua marte, e que aja co
ella discen<;oes, e occ-asiao, de se podere senhorear aquellas
terras, 0 q' se me representou ser de muita considera9ao
pello trabalhaso estado em q esse Esta em muitas cousas a
que ha que acudir e estar rrerto 0 mal q 0 tamara aquelle
Rey, ou os q the suceder, com que DaO som"" sera mui
ilifficultoso conseguir a q. se propoe (ainda q& se meta mUlto
cabedaI) mas se arrisc:ara a q co essa occasiao dem os portos
q. te naquella costa aos Olandeses q os deseiao muito, e que
tendo os elies seajintem hus e outros, e deitem dally meus
vassal os, pello q me pareceo deueruos remeter esta materia,
e encomendaruo! (como faco) liue sopostas todas estas di£li.
Cultades pondo tudo em conselho facais nella 0 q. se assen·
tar, e uirdes que mais conuem ao serui<ro de Deos e meu, e
seguranta daquella cridade auisandome particularm" do q.
se asentado e fizerdes.
 APPENDIX B

E porque eu tenho muita satisfaerao da pessoa e seruieros

do dito Bispo, e do bem que proeredeo no dito ererco, E eUe se
me queixa que se the nao pagao seus ordenados Vos
encomendo que co muita Preuidade lhe faerais pagar todo 0
que delles the fer deuido, e que os que for uensendo se lhe
pagem com pontualidade, e que encarregueis a algus criados
seus q elle ....••
E porque tambem fui auizado do bern q 0 Naique de
Tanjaor se ouue em meu seruico na occasiao do dito ererco
[he mando agradecer por minha carta que se uos enuiarl~
:om esta pa-ra Ihe enuiardes como uereis da copia della.
Escrita e Lis' a sete de Marero de 1613 Rey.
* (Cap. 1 0 ). Tanto i:J.ue Recebi esta carta de V. Mag'"
vendo a merce que por ella fa z a <,:idade de Meliapor para sua
fortefica<rao de hua viagem de Choromandel p' Malaca passei
logo patente della para a fazer a pessoa q' 0 Bispo e cridade
Il'Omeasse, e assi Ihe passei prouisao pra co 0 procedido della
se correr na forma q V. Mat' por este cap" manda .. .
(Cap. 2°.) Este Rey de Bisnaga he falecido, e .:omo
naquella cidade de Meliapor nao ha presidio ne forcra para
ven<rer os contrastes q recresere queremdose tratar de q neste
capitu se apporta me parer;eo q nao era tempo de de fer nesto
nouidade.
(Cap. 3 0 .) ( ) am'" mil x' q V. Mag'" faz 0 Bispo lhe
passei prouisao e procurarei q com effeito se. lhe pague ...
(Cap. 4 0 .) A carta de Vossa Mag'I' para 0 Naique de
Tanjaor se mandao ao Bispo para elle the enuiar. Guarde
Deus a Cat·. pessoa de V. Mg" como a Christandade h:i
mister deste galeao todos os Santos a 21 de Jan'· de 1615.
Moncroes do Reino, No. 12, Ano de 7614, fol~. 143.144.
~XIV

AN EXTRACT OF A LETTE R OF THE VICEROY DOM

JERONYMO D'AZEVEDO TO KING PHILIP III
(Goa, December 24th, 1613.)
E os de Meliapor e part.icul~ q. sao todos muy liures,
e nao bern acostumados, e a expenencla te mostrado q' nao
se milhorarao nenhua cousa por hauer alij Bispo, ne hera
nece~s ," ,

Mo"rroes do Rei"o, No. 12, Ana 'de 1614, fol. 51 •

.----.--. -------------
* This is the draught of the Viceroy' answer written in
the margin of the same folio.
576 THE AR AVIDU DYNASTY OF YJJAYANAGARA

xv
AN EXTRACT OF A LETTER OF THE VICEROY DOM
J ERONYMO D'AZEVEDO TO THE K1NG PHILIP III
(G oa, Decembe, 26th, 1613.)
A cidade de Meliapor desejei muito prouer de hu pre.
sidio, e dar Ihe p cabeca hu fidalgo de authoridade porque de
faltar aly semelhante pessoa a q se tenba ·raspeito, hey q
resultao as desordens, q nella se commet!! e estar eo a diuisao
e discordia dos moradores maes arriseada, e em particular
para acudir dally a impedir 0 q os Olandeses intentare de
nouo naquella Costa e trattar de lan<,:ar os q estao em
Palleaeate; eommuniqlleya matteria e conselho, e parec;eo q
era hua. das mOles Importantes, q depresente auja para bem
do estado, trattouse taobem da pessoa, e poll os mais Vottos
sahio q fosse dom Bernardo de Noronha, e assy the man dey
declarar e q Ihe daria tudo 0 q se pudesse tirar do estado co
o mesmo ordenado q' tern 0 eapitao de Ormuz, e os poderes
naquella cidade e em toda aC)uella eosta q' se eomc;edem aos
Capitaos mores das armadas, E por maes officios, q com ele
se fezerao da minha parte, pello An;ebispo e por Dom Luis
dagama E ultimam". pello Seerer". do estado como Ministro de
V. Mage. dizendolhe q' como as maos chegassem Ihe enuiaria
gente co q e podesse dar em Paleaeate, E em sua eompanhia
levaria logo to do 0 q pudesse tirasse daqui, resolueose co
tudo em 0 nao fazer, e posto que entendi q era este caso
digno de se fazer hua. grande demonstracao sobre, deixey
tcidavia de 0 fazer p nao acabar de se desacreditar 0 seruicro.
... V. · Mag' 0 mandara fazer e tudo como 0 uuer q'
Ie maes seu seruico ......
... Goa a 26 de Dez'· de 1613.
Monrroes do Reino, No. 12, Ano de 1614, fol. 51.
XVl
AN EXTRACT OF A LETTER OF THE VICEROY DOM
JERONYMO D' AZEVEDO TO KING PHILIP III
(1613.)
Reposta a la Carta, q tratta dos Reis Vesinhos
Ao Samori e Rey de Cananor se derao as gra<,:as COmo
V. Mag' manda do born procedimento q tiuerao na oecasiao
dos olandeses q vierao a esta costa, e assy se faz sempr.e nas
semelha ntes, q se offerece.
MO" ftoes do Reino, No. 12, Ano de 1614, {oZ. 21.
 APPENOIX B &77
XVII
AN EXTRACT OF A LETTER OF THE VICEROY OOM
JERONYMO O'AZEVEOO TO KING PHILIP III
(1613.)
A cidade de Meliapor he pouoac).a de e-ente, q estaua
custumada a Viuer co toda liberdade, onde a J ustic;:a nao tern
mais Iugar de fz'" sen offo.q 0 que os mesmos moradores Ihe
quere dar, e em particular os q ' sao poderosos, porq como
aquella 'terra he do Rey de Bisnaga, e nao ha aJy presidio, ne
poder de q' se temao cada dia succede estas, e outras muitas
desordens sem se podere remediar, e posto q 0 principal
respeito, porq desejo por naq uelJa cidade hu fidalgo de
authoridade p' seruir de capitao della e ter hua guarnic;:ao
competente p'. as cousas da guerra, q' se offeret;ere e fortales:1
de Palleacatte, q aly tern, todavia considero tarnbem a neces ·
sidade que ha aly de Semelhantes pessoas, co poder p', enfrear
aquelles moradoses, e os faser Viuer em temor, sobediencia
das Justic;:as e em quanta isto nao ha nenhua cousa montao
deuassas, e eu fico aduertide da q V. Mag'. manda, q' se tire
de Ant·. Pereyra de Sousa cujo procedimento he tao
conhecido, q< seD eu podera haner as maio' poucas prouas
mais se the ouuerao de buscar.
Motfc;oes do R,;tfo, No. 12, Ano de 1614, jol. 30.
XVIII
AN EXTRACT OF A LETTER OF THE VICER0100M
JERONYMO D' AZEVEDO TO KING PHILIP III
(December 31st, 1614.)
For 0 Bispo de Meliapor me felzer' instancia todo este
jmuerno passado sobre se emuiar a quella cidade hu fidago
de qualidade a que se tiuesse respeito e algua gente de guerra
com CJ. obrigasse aos detr' a lho terem e para 0 <] cornprisge
para sua defensao e 0 mais q se cfferet;esse tocante a fortz'
q os olandeses tern feito em Paliacate e em particu lar para
compor e aquietar os band os q aly ha entre os moradores
daquella terra q' sao de qualidade q' se poda 01". temer g esta
seja a principal occaziao para seella perder ; Tinha ass:: ntado
de enviar aly dom Bernardo den" ,) qual se embargo de nao
bauer aseitado 0 anna passado faxcr esta jorn;tdil a aseitaria
agora, e somente E:speraua q as naos chegass(' p<1ra da jente
dellas Ihe dar ate cento e Slllcoenta homes, porem como V.
Mag"'. em hua das carlas q me escreue nao aproua que se
lS78 TH E ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA

enuie para residir aly semelhante pessoa dezisti do negocio,

ne elle padenl ja. ter effeito se nao em fer'·, q' Vern por ~
naos hauere tardado, quererll. Deus qe desta minha jornada
resulte ficar isto do Norte nos termos q conue porq'com isso
me disporei logo a trattar das cousas daquellas partes, e por
Vetttura C} passe em possoa a ellas.
o Rey de Bisnagli. he morto e se mouedio co isso gran des
dis<;encoes sobre a suc<;essao daquelle Reino, e hu q elle
deixou nomeado nao se satis fizerao os grandes, e 0 matarao.
e estao (I. S co us as nesta confuzao, e tempo era este q'se
estiuer(a) aly hua pcssoa de confic,n<;a co algua gente for a
fa<;ellan<;ar mao de algua cousa naquelles contornos.
Desta parajen dos Ilheos queimados ao ultimo de Dez·· .
de 1614,
D Iedojmo dazeuedo.
Monr;lIts do Reillo, No ..72, ,-Ino de 7614, Jols. 165-166.
XIX
AN EXTRACT OF A LETTER OF THE VICEROY DOM
JERONYMO D'AZEVEDO TO KING PHILIP III
Uanuory 4th, 1616).
V Mg o,. tem conr;edido a esta cidade de Meliapor duas
viagens de Choromadel para se forteftcar as quas ante pus as q
V. Mg·'. ttl conr;edido para 0 estado, com 0 procedido dellas
se podenl dar principio a obra e faser parte della e con forme
ao q isto lu zir mandara V. Mg O". emtaa trattar da mais merr;e
q for justa q para a dita fortefica <;aa mande faser.
Mon<;oes do Rlino, No. 12, A.JJo de 1614, Jol. 218.
XX
AN EXTRACT OF A LETTER OF KING PHILIP III TO
THE VICEROY AYRES de SALDANHA
(Lisboll, janlla,y 22nd, 1601.)
E assy dizem que pela fortaleza de Manar estar muito
uesbaratada, os Religiosses da Companhia que Ressidem
naquelas partes persuadirao aos Christaos da pescaria,
dessem algua ayuda a sua custa para 0 Repairo. E comcerto
da dita fortaleza. E que Vierao em dar a meta de do custo
que se fezesse para 0 que logo depossitarao dous mil pardaos,
e que ate gora (se) nao tinha ordenado nhua coussa nella,
emcomendouos, deis ordem, como se farra esta ohra. E que
 APPB.ND1X R 679
seya de maneira que fique aquela fortaleza defensauel, para
os a. Adentes que Ihe sebre V ieram pois estes Christaos da
pescaria querem contribujr com a metade da dep. a dests.
obra.
MOlflfoes de ReiNo, No.8, Allo de 1601 t,' 1602, jol. 79.
XXI
AN EXTRACT OF A LETTER OF THE VICEROY DOM
JERONYMO D'AZEVEDO TO K1NG PlIILIP III
(1613).
Os auizes q V. Mag" me escreve que teve de DaDs
olandezas e Ingresas q seaprestauao para passar 0. estas
partes, e depodere ser ja partidas a,lguas, me nao fez nenhua
nouidade, perq isto mesmo espero q sejacada anno em qt. se
nao cortare as raizes que ca. tern laoyado esta gente.
De'neohua destas naos olandezas ha nouas ategora e 0
Bispo de Mel iapor me escreuee q uao auia aportadC" por Ill.
nenhua embarcalfao sua, sen do assi q os olandeses q esidem
en Paleacate estauao co muito cui dado aguardan oas; e
posto quo uendo eu q nenhua das ndOS do Reino che,_:>u ca ...
MOlf<yoes de Reine, No. 12, AlSo de 1612, jol. 31.
 APPENDIX C
DOCUMENTS FROM THE PRIVATE ARCHIVES OF THE

SOCIETY OF JESU S
 582 THE ARAVIDU DYloiASTY OF VIJAYANO\GARA

I
AN EXTRACT OF A LETTER OF Fr, FRANCESCO RICIO
TO Fr. CLAUDIO A QUAVJYA,

(C ha"d,agi,.i, Octob" 20th, 1601,)

Nesta terra de Sao Thome ha duas man'" de lingoas, da
terra hua como da pescaria q eu tinha prendido, a outra dos
badaguas i p isso comensei a prender a lingoa dos badaguas,
e p ter semelhanl1a hua co oulra facilm" entrei nella, e luogo
fez hua arte da mesma lingoa tudo isso parece q foi providen-
cia de dispor q yeo a Slio Thome 0 p. Visitador Nicolas
Pimenta p', visitar os p." encomendou fIl··
q se buscasse
modo de ter entrada nesta COJte de bisnaga p' . poder nestes
reynos mani(estar a ley de Christo Nosso Snor, & sendo
.reitor 0 p'. Simao de Saa p meu de hu criado sobro del Rey
q se chama oburaja entraml)s nesta corte p. q. hoburaja es·
creveos duas ollas aos p" q (fosse) co elle q lhe faria m.···
bonras E assi ho p. Simao de Saa e eu por seu companheiro
viemos a esta cidade de Chandrigirim a (ter) co elle 0 qual
nos fes m bODras enos levou a el rey 0 qual tab!! nos fes ho
la
'

mesmo enos deu lisenl1a q nos podessemos fazer igregia e

cazas nesta sua cidade despois d'isto fomos a Sao Thome e
escrevemos a Goa aO' p'. Visitador 0 q passamos co el Rey,
o qual ma1'ldou logo 0 p' Manoel da Veigua ordenando ql!e
fos~e eu em sua cop.' e viessemos neste Chandrigrim a fazer
igregia E assi vimmos prater~o oburajo 0 qual depois de n09
ter feito mu." honra nos apresentou a el Rey 0 qual folguo co
nossa vinda 0 burajo p vontade del rej DOS deu hu logar m."
bo e grande p.' fazer Jgregia peq uena e cazas e sereamonos -
ao Redor, na Igregia possemos duas images bua do Salvador
outra do nossa snora na qual Igregia ve continuam. to muito
concurso de gentilidade fazendo m,'O reverencia deitando se p
terra diantes das images, pedindolhe merces teporaes e muitos
de lIes vierao a dar gral1as P os favores q alcanyarao demos os
mis~erios de nossa fee convencedooos q vao errados e p. q. a8
cousas q elle ere sao mentiros manifestos e pecados nenhu
dellee sabe q hao de responder se nao ficar confusos e honrar
as cousas de nossa ley taobe ao mesmo rey p meio das das
images q Ihe most ram os co as quais eUe muito fol.
guO declaramos m ...• vezes as cousas da Dossa ley 0 qual
p{ser de m" endimiento tao~ faz 0 mesmo, mas co tudo
isso ne elle ne nenbu destes gentes te agora se baptizou
tira(n)do Ihu menino. esperemos em Ds q hos luminara no
entendimento e danl forya na vontade p. deixar os seus erros
 APPENDIX C

e abrasar a verdade q Ihe temos declarada p' ayudar esta

gente taoh!! eu trabalhei e tirei hua doutrina crista e mIG .. mis.
terios da vida de Christo na mesma lingoa delles 0 q (servira)
muito quando 0 nosSo snor lhe~ abrira os olhos agora temos
grandes esperanrras de suas conversoes, pq. el rey queer) ter
m" amizatle co os portugueses 0 qua) manda. seus embaxa·
dores ao Visorej co dvus p" nossos s. 0 p Simao de Saa e 0
p' Belchior Cout.· mandan do dous aneis q custarao sinco mil
paguodes e levao recado q quer ser irmao em armas do Rej
de Portugal. Nesta residencia de Chandrigrim est amos tres
companheiros, s. 0 p. belchior Coutinho ii he de m" vertude
& de grande ingenho :e vaj m" p diante na lingoa badagua,
outro 0 Irmao Alexander frey de nayao I ngrez po ser pintar
e muito aceito al rey, 0 terceiro sou eu minimo de todos isso
he 0 que me oferece escrever a V. P. de mi desta gente E p.
q'. el rej e esta gente sao m'· afeiyoados as images Roguo a
V. P. nos farra caridade de mandar p' esta Igregia hua
imagem do Salvador tranfigurado q olha p todoas as partes q
he seu orago co as figuras q estiverao na tranfigura<;ao e sj
V. R. nos ouuver de fazer esta caridade seja de la manho de
hu home e rogo V. P. que mande en seu norne algua pintura
boa e fermosa a el rej a qual daremos en nome de V. P. peco
taobe a V. P. que mande p' mim 0 liuro das images do
P. Nadal asi p' minha consolac;:ao espiritual como taobe p.
mostrar,a est a. gente a qual folgua muito de ver images resta
somente deitarme aos pees de V. P. a sua s· ben<;ao como
taobe faU os dous companbeir03 de Chandrigrim 20' de
t)utubro de 1601.
FRANCISCO RICIO.

fI

AN EXTRACT 010' THE 'LITTERAE ANNUAE' OF THE

PROVINCE OF GOA, 1600

(7601) .

Na missao de Bisnaga residem 3. P. e hu Irmao ........... .

El Rey he ppiCio aos P. e Ihes foil merces e m'" mais fizel'a
e'de Dlais dura !Ie dos seus fora obedeeido. Dos Embaixa~
dores do Gram Mogor 0 m'· cazo que seu Rey fazia 50S nossos
p .. o'll aiudou nlio poueo p' autorizar naquella Corte nossas
couzas.
584 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA

UI
A)l EXTRACT OF A LETTER OF Fr. MANOEL DE VEIGA,
PROVINCIAL OF MALABAR, TO Fr. JOAO ALVAREZ
(CocM", D,;embe, 10th, 1601).
S. Thome tera 500 cruzados de renda, a maior parte lhe
deu 0 rei gentio' da terra, e tem alguas casas q lhe rendem.

IV
AN EXTRACT OF THE 'LITTERAE ANNUAE' OF THE
PROVINCli, OF GOA, 1601
(Goa, December 215t, 1601).
At Cioromandelis oram, a: Negapatano, vsq ad Bisnago.
ram, obiuit P. Emmanuel Veig..l qui iam Residentiam incho.
auit Chandegrini quae urbs nunc Bisnagorani regni sedes est.
Goae ad XII Calend.janu:uij ... 1602
V. P. filius in Dno
NICOLAUS PIMBNTA.

v
AN EXTRACT OF THE' LITTERAE ANNUAE 'OF THE
PROVINCE OF GOA, 1602

(Goa, Decemb" 21st, 1602).

Bisnagoranam Missionem magnopere promouerunt P
Emmanuel de Veiga, Melchior Coutinius, Franciscus Ricius,
et Frater Alexander natione Anglus. Regem habent ualde
beneuolum, id quod ex J:itteris, quas ad me scripsit, V. Pat.
cognoseet, has, ut ex lingua Canarana traduete sunt, hie
a~eribam .

Rex Regum, Dominus magnus, Eques Equitum, Ven.

catipati; post Deum Rex, Patri Visitatol'i, qui Goae est,
Nieolao Pimelltae hane epistolam mittit.-istis litter is, quas
V. R. ad me scripsit, eolloquente mecum P. Ernmanuele de
Veiga Superiore patrum qui in his partibus commorantur,
vehementer laetatus sum ac facult·.. dedi Eeelesiam, et
domum extruendi in urbe mea Chandegrino. Pagum etiam
que uoeant Elamur prope ab oppido S. Thomae contuli in
Patrum expensas, atq tum istos, tum etiam alios qui eis
 APPENDIX C 585
successerint, honoribus amplissimis et praemiis deoorabo.
Concessi praeterea amplam facultaten legem Dei praedicandi
vt uolens qUisq Christianus fiat, neq propterea de honore
pristino quicquam detrabatur. Meus in lusitanos arnor
a~tiquus jam satis Goae innotuit. De bonore quem Patribus
detuli ip~i scribent. Annulum et alia quaedam munera Pro.
regi mittere decreui, quae Condoqor Interpreti mea perfe.
renda tradam. Id V. P. Proregi significabit, vt antiqua inter
DOS renouetur amicitia. Quid erit praeterea noui, id referet
P. Emmanuel de Veiga, mihi quod scribam aliud nihil
occurrit. Huc usq Rex.. Reliqua intelliget V. R. ex litteris
P. Melchioris Coutinii, datis ad 16 Calend. Augusti anna
1600, in qUibus scribit quae sequuntur-
Postquam P. Emmanuel de Veiga ad oppidum Sancti
Tbomae pr_ofectus uisitationem accepit tres tantum in prae.
sentia hic sumus. P. franciscus Ricius et ego linguae
addiscendae ope ram damus. Doctrinam Christianam 'quae
propter Neophytos Salsetanos composita fuit, nos hic et alia
nonnulla in linguam Badeganam uertimus. frat er Alexander
tabelam a se pictam regi monstrauit, ubi inerat pictura haec
Saluatorem recens natum, quo pacto tre Magi iacentem in
praesepio adorarunt. Aliam tabellam obtulit ubi inerat
B. Virginis effigies puerum in ulnis tenentis hanc Rex uene.
rabundus in p:llatio loco celebri collocauit. Aliam frater
pingere incepit de descensu Christi ad inferos, quam inchoa.
tam Regi ostendit, is serio e Koptat dum perficiatur, monstratis
autem nonnullis imaginibus impressis, Rex ha nc et illam de
tribus Magis pingi uoluit. Fal(.it Deus ut harum rerum cum
aspectus, tum doctrina, ei ueri notitiam aperiat aliquando.
Cum fratre familiariter agit, ac forte cum pingenti adesset se
dicentem audiret pigmenta deesse, q uibus colorem picturis
induceret, illico cubiculum ingrediens ipse sua manu, ei centu
aureos protulit, quibus, quae opus e!ssent coement ...
His erroribus Brachmanes multa adiiciunt nefariac
superstition is plena, maxirne ea quae de Peri male passim
feruntur. Don ita multo ante Tripitini, quae ciuitas ab hac
urbe per tria millia passum distat anlliuersarii nuptiarum
Perimalis dies festi agebantur. huc tanta perigrinorum
turba confiuxit, ut delita donaria ducentis aureoru r: J millibus
censeretur. Crines tonsi, eorum qui hos pacto Se omnium
peccatorum ueniam consequi arbitrantur, multu afferunt
emolumenti iis, qui continentis elephantes funes faciunt, quo~
aiunt his capillis factos esse fortissimos. illuc Rex cum
Reginis et ciuit' uniuersa se contulit uno relicto Dalattaio at
palatii et urbis custodiat1l. Omnis illa solemnitas in hoc
686 THE ARAVlDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA

uno consistit. Simulacru ingenti curru sublime. uehitur.

Currum decem bominu millia trahunt, ipse Rege cum prim-is
adnitente. Caeptu est opus primo noctis crepusculo: media
Docte pluuia Regem abegit, reliquis in labore perseuerantibus,
donee uehiculum, ad mille et quingentos passus abductum,
ad lucum unde fuerat delatum, restitueretur.
In nouilunio, quod proxime rraecessit, Eestum quddam
fuit vaccarum. Perimalem qUippe de uacca ortum perhi.
bent,. Videre eriit in urbe', et in regia omnia uaccis pleI:'a,
quas passim obuias habebamus, ut mirum uideret, in homl.
nes ration is compotes, tam turpes errores cadere potuisse i
)jceat cert~ aliquid dare educationi, et consuetudini, unu
illud ualde ineptum atq absurdum, Regi non li.cere quemquam
mane alloqui, nisi prius duorum Bracbmanu uuItu cons·
pexerit. Quod si Deus ilJum et reliquos in colas sua lace
illustrauerit haud dubic eos, in bonos Christianos euasuros
crediderirn. ac eadem constantia diuinis praeceptis obtempe.
raturos, qua nunc Daemones et inania simulacra uenerantur.
Viseret me Regis, magistris falsis, ita per omnia more geren.
tis, ut stata ieiunia, quae bis recurrunt in mense, tam accu·
rate obseruet, ut ne unu guide praetermittat.
Singulari beneuolentia, et am ore nos complectitur. Ac
nuper natis inter Lusitanos et Dalauaium discordiis in ciui.
tate S. Thomae, cui Dalauaius praeest .q uaecumq ab eo
postulauim', libenter concessit. Itaq opera et industria P.
Emmanuelis de Veiga et P. Rectoris S. TbQmae conciliata
inter omnes pax, et discordiae sublatae. Quin at Dalauaius
suam domu petentes benigne, et b,umaniter nos accepit,
comiter introduxit, et donationem annum trece torun aureo.
rum a suo Antecessore . factam, I ratam, ' ac firmam
habuit.. Aedes possidet Dalauaius, quae pulchritudine, et
hortorum cuhu, et ornatu fontium, et aquarum scatentiu
artificiis, alias huius urbis facile superant. Rex per hos dies
haec loca pertransiens, quaesiuit a suis, ubi esset nostra
domus. Nos audito Regem uenisse, pro portis aenerabundi
obuiam incessimus. qui Regem comitabantur acclamabant
Paroco parangolu, id est uideat uestra celsitudo Patres Lusi.
tanos, ille de nobis festinum et affabilem exhibuit. Deus
Optimus Max. eius animum ac populi Ulliuersi, ad ueri Dei
cultum i uitae prauitate conuertat.
. Ad eum Rex M.ogolorum AcJlebar legatum cum qu~uor
'equis et aliis muneribus misit, quae cum sui Regis nomine
obtulisset, is rursus omnia l~gato donauit i et alia insuper
munera cum pecuniis, quas item dad iussit in expensas.
Aedes nondum habet qua propter is qui, qui id muneris habet,
 APPENDIX C

ut legatos suscipiat, tit in regis conspectu sistat, n06 rogauit

ut domi nostrae non amplius biduo homine admitteremus.
Locum dedimus idoneuni, in quo mense iam comoratur,
homo est prudens, et experiens. Ex eo cognouimus, quid
agerent Patres nostri, qui apud Achebarem sunt. In colloquio
quod cum Rege habebat honorifice multa de Dobis praedicauit
nostrosq apud dominu suurn praecipuo in honore, ac pretio
haberi affirmauit. Res~ndit Rex se eodem prorsus annno
erga nos affici, quin et Ecclesiam, aedes, et alia omnia
daturu. Regi dicunt eo consilio munera Achebaris legato
donasee, eumq non ante uigessimum diem ad colloquium
admisisisse, quod a ducibus monebatur, ne Acheba!1i fideret.
5i enim tres illos Reges Mahometanos, Abdeneganu, siue
Meliquum, Dialcanu, et Mussalepatanu sub iug!lm mitterit,
dicebant facile fore ut Regnum Bisnaganum ,in potestate
redigat. Ad haec Regem dixlsse aiut regnum in manu Dei
est, me (inquit) si uolet priu<Jre imperio, qui,S eum proqibebit?
Ego uero Mahometani pedes no osculabor. 5i uenerit certum
est praelio decettare. Alii alias causas afferunt.
Coeterum ille delectum habet fortissimorum ducum, per
causam Cangiuanini recuperandi, quae ciuitas cum omni
ditione adiacente Astapanaico T-angiorano Dynastae parebat.
is nuper satis concessit, corpus demortui in rogo ex sandali
ligno extructo, una trecentae et septuagintae uxores uiuae
concrematae sunt. Huius filius natu minor, aiaiorem, quem
pater antea custodiae tradiderat, interfecit. Ac iam constat
Regem nihil de hac expeditione cogitare. Neq uero de alia,
ad ,quam, eum proceres magnopere hortabantur Gingiam
urbem vt capiat. Christapanaicu5 enim, is qui V. R. illuc
it~r habente tam humaniter accepit, ueneno infectus insanit,
quamqua sunt patuisse iam . dolos, atq Dynastam vt fucum
faceret quatuor regpj sui magnatibus, quos postea o!=cidit, se
mente captum finxisse. Hanc urbem suaserunt Regi, ut
armis impeteret, ille quamqua jure fortasse posse, tamen ut
~t leni et miti mgenio, respondit, '!fi'eratae crudelitatis esse.
stipendiarium suum insania laborantem armis insectare.
Quare probabiliore coniectUla ducor, vt credam, bunc ducum
et P(oceru conuentum eo te11tiere, ut de Acbebare repellendo,
deq urbibus praesidia occupandis consulint. Equidem
non incredibile existimauerim haec omnia Dei Datu ad
optabiliorem finem cont'igisse, ut himirum hac occasione
5anctae fidei notitia ad plures perueniat, atq non solum in
hac \,1rbe, uerum etiam l,biq gentium catholicae ueritatis
prae'conibus locus pateat, quoniam uti antea ad V. R. scfipsi
TornDgoda. Olalae Praefectus de integro nos inuitat. Et
Trima~us Regis Bisnagorani fratris filius, natu maximus,
 588 THE ARAVIDU DYN,A STY OF VI]AYANAGARA

hujus regni haeres, multis precibus Ii nobis contend it vt ad se

ueniamus. Scit er. ·m V. R. cum huiu's Principis pater !!
uita excederet, ad hunc, qui nunc regnant, defuncti fratrem,
omnium otdinu consensu imperium esse delatum, praeteritis
demortui filiis, qui tunc temporis, per aetatem non poterant
regni gubernacula adire. Et, quanquam Rex fratris filium
natu minore quem in palatio educat, maiore studio prosequi.
tur, uulgo tamen affirmant maior!! natu regnaturum, qui
plures et potentiores Dynastas fautores habeat. hic in ciuitate
sua Cirangapatano commoratur, qui abhinc quadraginta, aut
quinquaginta leucas, ac tantud!! a nostro Mangalore distat,
inde ad nos litteras misit, quaru hoc est exemplum.
Tl'imanus, Mahamanda Lispara, Ramarragius Trimarra.
gius, Dominlls Magnus Princeps, hanc epistolam ad Patres
mittit. Vehementer gaudebo ubi uos adhanc meam ciuitatem
uenire intelligam. Venientibus aream dabo, aedibus, et
Ecclesiae in hac ,u rbe condendis accom.odatam, insuper quin.
gentos tagodios aureos in annuos redditus. Singulari etiatn
honore et monificentia uos complectar. Ita iuro per Dominum
Zanganatam, et per pedes patris mei Ramaragii. Coatera ex
legato mea cognosce tis, statim uenite et nolite moram trahere.
Domuncula nostra aream habet latam, ac uento salubri
peruiam, ad Ecclesiam et aedes construendas accomodatam,
et turbis popularibus minime obnoxiam,
Interea loci Ecclesiam paruam extruximus satis pro
tempore accomodatam, quoad amplioris aedificandae facultas
suppetat. Haec P. Melchior Coutinius.
Jucundior etiam uniuersis, et maiore laetitia et applausu
referta Bisnagensis' Regis legatio fuit, cui causa dedit nos.
'{rorum Patrum ad Chandegrinum profectio, et in urbe regia
domicilium erectum. Ea sane legatio, quam uel Regis uicini
potentia, uel ipsa uicinitas, uel antiqua cum lusitanis amicitia,
uel (quod caput est) fac;ultas recens data euangelii promul.
gandi egregie commendaba!, multis nominibus uniuersae
ciuitati grata fuit. Scripserat ei Prorex, et per literas de suo
in Indiam appulsu certiorem faciens, gratias agerat quod
nostrae Societatis homines tam singulari humanit· fuisset
complexus. Qua de cause Rex hQnorificam legationem
;.iecreuit, ac duos legatos uiros primarios ad Proregem misit,
quibus duos e nostris Patribus Simonem Sii et Melchiorem
Coutinium comites adiungi uoluit, reliquis duobus secum in
Ecclesia Chiandegrinensi retentis. Possem multa scribere
de huius legationis principio, progressu et fine, ac de precibus
assiduis, quibus Princeps, per cuius terras iter habebant,
 APBPNDIX C 589
uehementer contendebat ut e duobus Patribus alter in reditu
cum ipso maneret. Verum hoc consulto praetero ut unu
illud, quod singularem omnibus nobis Jaetitiam, et 'admira.
tion~ attulit, attingam. Legati enim, et ipsi ethnici, tanti
nostras Ecclesias, tanti Christianorum sacra aestimarunt, ut
eorum altaribus uenerabundi procumberet, ingenue fatentes
ueru Deum a Christianis coli; haec opinio de nostri s rebu s,
et omnium fere est, et quotidie cresc it. Nec minori fu it
admiratlOni Christianorum pietas, tum in supplicationibus,
quas ad Templum S. Pauli sex tis feri is q uadrages imalibus
quotannis fieri animaduertebant, tum uel maxi me in ilIa
frequenti baptizando~um pompa, cum catechumenos pro
ualuis ejusdem nostri t'empli stantes, ac solemni supplicatione
ad sacrum fontem deductos cernerent. Haec enim omnia ut
commode uiderunt, data est opera ut iuxta nostrum Collegium
oportuno loco diuersarentur. Illi igitur a d patriam reuersi,
mira quaedam de Christianis institutis, ac mor ibus coram
Rege ac populo praedicanl ; atq hoc pacto paulat i:p nominis
Christiani bonus odor, eorum sensus peruadit, et d~ ueri D ei
cultu melius in dies sentiunt. Vtinam maneat haec opinio et
existimatio, et eam, quam de falsis superstitionibus mente
comprehenderunt, penitus comuellat, et labefactet.
Goae ad xii Caled. Januarii, hos ect ut in superiore
epistola, die sacro S. Thomae Apostolo. Indiae Patrono.
an no a partu Virginis 1602.
V. P. filius in Dao.
NICOLAUS PIMENTA.
VI
AN EXTRACT OF THE 'LITTERAE ANNUAE' OF
EASTERN INDIA. 1601.
(1602.)
EI Rey de Bisnaga uay mostrando cada dia os fauores,
amisade e beneuolencia q tern aos nossos fasendo]he muitas
honrras. E como quer q a renda q pera sua. sustentacam os
annos passados opontou has aldeas nao teue efeito, por se
atrauesar no negocio 0 Regidor Mayor, e a]gums dos grandes
da quella Cort q nellas pertendiam seus intereces, nos
quebrou El Rey mil pagodes ete renda cad a aona nas parias
q hum dos Naiques seus sogeitos Ihe paga, atte q se offere~a
algua boa ocasiam de terras escusas em g a comedia dos nos·
sos sem encontro as possa permanecer : pera de colorar esta
reoda deu suas olas com as quaes indo hum nosso a Canger
uaram ter com 0 Polle por cuja mam esta paga ha de corre·
590 THE ARAVWU DYNASTY OF VlJAYANAGARA

foy delle ·Tecebido com muitas honrtas, e mostras de

amor, e como se fora hu dos Principes Europenses,
amigos de Comp·. Sabendo q uinha 0 po the mandaua cada
dia ao caminho hua ola de comprimentos, q seruiam como
eUe disia de Bombardadas hua apos outra pera festeiar 0 p ..
pormeteo q em tudo as compreria, e q no Janeiro seguinte,
faria logo a primeira Caooaia q he 0 q quartel da paga,
como na realidade fes q montou quinbentos pardaos.

VII
, A LETTER OF Fr. FRANCESCO RIClO TO Fr. CLAUDIO
AQUAVIVA

(C hand,agj,i, Septe.be, 1at", 1603.)

Anno 1602 quatuor litteras plenas charitatis and amoris
in Christo a Paternitate tua accepi: qilibus non solum uehe-
menter gauisus sum, sed etiam in hac amplissima nJissione
omnes uitae meae annos consumere et finire (nisi aliud mihi
impositum fuerit) constitui. Est enim missio haec tam ampla
ut uix litteris explicari possit; sunt eniD,1 in hoc Regno tot
regiones, et insignes ciuitates, ut si Deus (ut speramus) eos
ad fidem uocauerit innumeri operari ad ex colen dam uineam
necesse fuerint. Dixi spem esse Magnam, quia Rex hujus
Regni, eo nos prosequitur amore ut singuli.s ann is mille
auereorum numorum dare jusserit Cum loquimur cum ilIo,
et ostendit erga nos signa grandis amoris et libenter nostram
doctrinam audit, presertim cum loquimur de ]esv, saluatore,
et de Beata Virgine. Auditaque aliis singnillcaus, approbat.
Sic etiam cum plures hujus Regni, et sanguine et doctrina
prec1ari, cum audiut res nostras gaudio replentur, et appro-
bant unam esse legem anum Deum, ut nos omnibus explica-
mus, et licet in omni doctrina, quam docemus magnam acci-
pi ant laetitiam, presertim cum decem praecepta legis diuinae
explicamus, est tam magna laetitia eorum, ut uix litteris
explicari possit: cognoscut n. legem hanc esse diuinam, ac
optimam, et suam plena erroribus, ac de causa saepissime
ueniunt ad nos, et ad nostram Ecclesiam, et audiunt lefanter
praecepta diilina et omnia quae ad anilnarllm salutem perti.
uent, maxima pietate, ac deuotione; ueniut ad Ecclesiam
nostram non solum ii qui morantr. in hac Regia Ciuitate, sed
etiam ex multis partibus hujus Regni, et prostratis
in terra maxima animi sumissione suis in necessita
tibus a Deo auxilia poscut, deusque optimus maxirrtus
 APPENDIX C

eorum fidem intues' saepe miracula faciens iis auxiliari

dignatus est. Mire-r.ula et alia cum in litteris annuis
scribantur ad paternitatem tuam breuitatis causa scri·
bere omitto. Cum haec uinea sit ampiissima et maximi
fructus nostri labor is sperentur, ad hanc uineam exco·
l~ndam proprios operarios, ut mittat Paternitatem tuam
ueheme!e r rogamus, et quia sunt plures linguae ad discendae
operari debent esse magni ingenii et adolescentes / quia aliter
consequi minime possunt est enim quaed am lingua in qua
doctrina eorum est scripta et legis fundnmenta ; et fere
singulis diebus Rex et ejus magistri seu Philosophi intense
disputant de Deo, PhHosophia et et mathematica et alii
astantes fere nihil intelligunt, quia licet siatur lingua hujus
Regni est alia lingua tanquam mater Indiae linguarum quae
uocatr sanscratam ubi sunt quinque libri in quibus tractatur
de eorum diis et de historiis et fabulis in quibus modis apa·
ruerunt, ut aiunt dii hominibus. Sut atiam q uatuor leges, et
sex sciencise, et hunc librum at linguam paucissimi sciunt,
Ego licet didiceri, Duas linguas s. Badaguesem, ct Tamulesem,
quia sexaginta annos natus, hanc consequi minime possum
hac de causa cum uidemus Regem disputare de Deo, Phi.
losophia et Mathematica nihil po~sumus loqui, quia nihil
';ntelligimus, sed si Paternitas tua inter alios operarios quos
huc erut missurii Antonium Rubinum fratrem nostrum qui
Goa moratur huc nenire juserit, quia iste, ut dicut, est magni
'ingenii et ualde Doctus, in mathematica, magna erit spes, ut
Rex et alii cognoscant, suos errores, et conuertantur, et ne
ab alii;; qui Goa moditr., operari huc uenientes, impediatr.,
ad ViceProuincialem si eos misseric, erit maxime expediens,
sic etiam, ut solbantur multae difficultates haec V. Prouincia
si Prouincia fuerit constituta, erit (nt mihi uidetur) maxime
expediens: dieo hoc quia VProuinciaiem uiueo esse magni
amimi ad missiones faciendas Prou~ncialem uero tam difficile
ad dondos operarios ut ex sexaginta operariis quos Pater
Albertus adduxit sex tantum illi sunt dati, et eins VProuin·
cia est tam ampla ut uix litteris possit Est (haec) ' missio
walde magna opel'arii uero pauci Et sut multi qui petut
Patres et quia caremus istis dari non possut, ut mittat ergo
rogamus Paternitatem tuam non solum ad ViceProuinciam
multps Patres sed etiam ad hanc V. Prouinciam destinatos
et jubeat ne ab ali is ne huc ueniat impediatr. Haec sunt quae
hoc an no mihi uisa sut Paternitati tuae scribenda de lingua
uero in litteris annuis scribentur uale iterum uale meque
indignum seruum Paternitatis tuae flexum Paterna tua
benedictioDe benedicat, uehementer rogo datum anno 1603:
die decimo septembris.
592 THE ARAVlbu 'DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGAitA

VIn
AN EXTRACT OF THE 'LITTERAE ANNUAE' OF THE
PROVINCE m~ MALABAR, 1602.
(1603.)
Emtre os Proueitos q desta missao se segturao nao fo i
pequeno a{ei~oar tanto hu Rei tao poderozo aos Portuguezes
que p renouar a amizada q seus ante passados antiguam" fiz-
erao, mas ja estaua quazi de todo esq uectida, mandase ao
Vizo Rei seus embaixadores com os nosos p" com hua mui
onrroza Embaixada como ja cuido q a anna passado se
escreueo. despedidos os Embaixadores de goa com {auores, e
honrr':ls do '-:izo Rei forao p terra a Chandeg_ri, aonde diante
do Rei, e mals snors de sua corta apregoarao as gra:ndezas
das nosas couzas, e os fauores q do Vizo Rei e p em goa
tinhao Recebido, 0 qoal seu Rei mW estimou, e mostrouse da
hi p' diante m'· mais afei~oados a nosas couzas, Em Res-
posta desta Embaixada the mandou outra ao Vizo Rey, 0
embaixador foi Recebido do Bisnaga com m'" omrras 8
aparato p q chegando a chandegri 0 saio receber hu dos
principaes do comselho real com EUefantes, camellos, caualloo;,
ataballes, e mais sinaes de allegria e festa, e apozentou nos
melhores passos, e cazas daqla Sidade. Estaua neste tempo
o Rei em Trepetti duas legoas de chaudegri he esta Sidade de
Tripetti mui grd e formoza e como outra Roma p' esta gen-
tilidade' p cauza de hu pagode mlii venerado ii nell.. esta
dedicado ao seu Pirmal q parece responder a Satanas, aqui
comcorre de todo este oriente gente Innumerauel q vem com
gran des deuacoes e ofertas a vizitar este Pagode. nesta
cidade quis 0 Rey Receber 0 noso Embaixador mandandoo
busquar com mOO aparato, e magestade p 10 seu Intimo pri-
uado, e estaua 0 Rei no Enterior de hu pateo granissimo, nao
co Ricos vestidos, 0 q os nao costumao: mas cheio de pedra-
ria manilhas, e Ramaes de perorolas do pe ate a caveza, em
q emtrauao duas Joias de notauel fermuzura, h ua esmeralda
sirquada de gran des perollas, e finos diamantes, outra hu
Rubi, de m'· presso, e notauel grandeza, cbegou 0 Embaixa-
dor por 0 Joelho no chao, 0 Rei 0 fes alleuantar e asentar
Recebeo a carta eo presente do Vizo Rei com mostras de
m" allegria, e tratou da amizade e comunicac;::io q com os
Portuguezes desejaua ter, e outras couzas pertem~entes ao be
do Estado, e depois depedio 0 Embaixador cheo de onrras,
e merc;es, e aos p" mostrou mt" melhor agazalhado 'e affeicao
gro' 0 Snor p estes meios dispor agula segua gentillidade
1'" Receber o' lum~ da fee.
 APPE NDIX C 593
IX
AN EXTRACT OF A LETTER OF Fr. ALBERTO
LAERZIO TO Fr, CTAUDIO AQUAVIVA
(Cockin, january, 15th, 1602).
Quanto as ResideDcias de Bengala, e Pegu mandarey
tambe Visitar p algu Pre como V. P. ordena; Posto que eu
este anno passado tinha determinado de as Visitarem pessoa,
e chegar atte Malaca, mas porque depois viedio novas, q por
aquelle mar auia muitas naos de Olandezes, e lngrezes,
nossos imigos, e tinhaa tamadas algtJas Naas dos DOSSOS Par.
tuguezes da India, e nao parecia estaua este ana a passaje
segura, fuy for9ado deixar a Visita, e de sao Trame depois
de Visitar a Residencia de Bisnagli., tarnar a este Collegia,
como fiz no mes de N ouebro passado, auendo ja seis mezes,
que partira delle, que tanto tempo he neces· pera Visitar as
Costas de Trauancor, da Pescaria, Manar, Negapatao, 0
Collegio de sao Thome, e a Residencia de Bisnaga, em Chan.
degry, a qual de sao Thome nao dista mais que dous dias, e
meo de caminbo p terra, e m sigm'o.
t
•

de. Cochim. 15. de Jan. de 1604.

+
ALBERTO LAERTIO.

x
AN EX TRACT OF A LETTER OF Fr. ALBERTO LAERZIO
TO Fr. lOAO ALVAREZ
(Cochin, january, 18th, 1604.)
A Residencla de Chandegry no Reino de Bisnaga he
empresa de grade importancia, promete de si muito, e se po de
esperar grande conversao ; nao esta 0 neg· em mais que em
comen9ar algum sor de aquelles a se bautizar que logo 0
seguirao os outros. Sao aqueJles senhores muy gran des e
ricos, bus tem quinh~ntos mil cruzados de renda, outros seis
centos mil, outros qU'ttro centos mil, e destes a muitos, e
todos sao muito amigos dos Pres., muito corteses, affaveis e
de muito bom entendimento ; e muitos de lies nos pedem que
fazem igreias e casas em suas cidades, offrecendo a renda
pera sustentac;ao dos Pres, mas ategara nao aceitamos, nem
se fez ainda conversao porque nao ouue ate gora Pres que se
applicassem de proposito, a aprender suas lingoas, que sao
duas, bua a cornua que se falla e vulgar, a outra como latim
em q esttio escritas as seitas e fabulas dos sellS deoses, e scrn
 594 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA

haver qu~ saiba estas lingoas pouco se pode esperar, poi nao
he Ds de lazar milagros, mas 0 po francisco Ricio aprende
a vulgar was a velho e nao se atreve aprender a segunda, 0
Pe Bekhior Coutinbo tinha comenyado aprender a primeira
lingoa ... Tambem importa 0 Irmao Bertbolameu Pintor pera
esta Viceprovincia ia 0 anno passado 0 escrevey a V. R.
Cochim 18 de Janeiro de 1604 +
ALBERTO LARRZIO.
XI
AN EXTRACT OF A LETTER OF Fr. ALBERTO LAERZIO TO
Fr. CLADIO AQUAVIVA
(Cachi", Janua"y 12th, 1605).
Tenbo este anna Visitado outra uez toda esta V. Pro.
uincia att: sao Thome com m" consolayao minha, polIo born
procedimento, e augmento que achey nos nossos todos e nas
Cbristandades que temos a nossa conta, seja 0 Sor muito
louuado, e se 0 p. Manoel da Veiga Prouincial de Goa, nao
fora tao contrario a esta V. Prouincia, por se ter feita esta
separa<rao contra 0 seu parecer, e tra<ra, e querer'tudo pi!ra a
sua Prouincia de Goa enos acudira C0m alguas ajudas, mais
de s'ogeites, aptos assy pera estes nossos estudos, como pera
estas impresas, particularmente p' as de Bisnaga. que hi! de
muy grande importan-cia, e esperan<ras; Nao duuido que
estivera est a V. Prouia em tudo muito mais adiante, e 0
negoyeo da Conuersao com muito mais augmento. A
necessid~ que temos do Irmao Bertolameu Pintor pera estas
xptandades h~ muy grande, mas_o p. Proual 0 nao largara
de Goa, se V. P. Ihe nao mandar espressamente nolo dt:; sem
hauer lugar a replica,· nem a epiqueja, e afora que eu em
Roma pedy a V. P. este Irmao so pera se occupar nestas
Christandades, parece que se deue contentar a Prouincia de
Goa com hauer ja dous anos que Ill. estl!..
Cocbym. 12. de Jan". de 1605. +
ALBERTO LAERZIO.

XII
AN EXTRACT OF A LEiTER OF Fr. MANOEL ROIZ
TO Fr. JOAO ALVARES.
(St. Tho",l, No",mb,,,1st, 1606.)
Quando vim para esta terra, q {oi aos 3 de Setembro de
1606. a achei de brigas emtre os Portugueses, q ha dous, ou
3. annos q durao; tam bern ha poucos mezes q brigarao os
 APPENDIX C 595
mesmos Portugueses, a aq ui morae com os gemtios q esHio
fora da nossa cidade, .orq matando eUes ha a hum Portugues
aqui cazado, os Portugueses tomando disso grande paxiio
sayrao fora da cidade, e derao na pouoa~ao dos gentios, q
estaua perto, Roubando tudo, e tam bern em bua forataleza do
Rey gentio, q he 0 Rey de Bisnaga, a qual esta iunto da D.Q9Sa
cidade, e the poserao a fogo, com q 0 Rey, q est a daqui a 18.
ou 20. legoas, ficou m" senti do, e se mostrou arrufado ainda
com os nossOs padres, sen the querer mais falar ate agora:
mas esperamos q '0 tempo cure tudo, e q fa~amos horns
concertos com 0 Rey, com q fiquemos em paz. quanto as
missoes deste Reino de Bisnaga, digo q coforme a infor.
ma~a:o, q tenho tornado dos padres q la andarao ate agora, q
sao os padres Belchior Coutinho e Simao de Saa, ha mt• pou.
cas esperanyas de conversao, por estarem estes negros muito
obstinados naqueUe diabolico fundam' · q ia ha escreui a V. R.
porii_aindaq Reconhecem a nossa lei por boa, dizem q tambe
a Sua he boa, e q nella se poden saluar e q nella querem
Viuer, pois he coIlforme aos seus costumes, e de seus ante·
passados exct. em Chandregri ha 6 christaos. q os padres ali
fizedio, gente pobriss' <Ie q os mesmos padres se seruiao i
agora ao presente estao limitados pera continuar~ com est as
missoes os p. BeJcbior Coutinho, e Ant·. Rubino, e 0 irmao
Bertolameu fontebona, q he pintor, por~ todos estao ainda
neste Collegio, e vierao de la os dous p". por accasiao do p'.
Prouiucial Alberto Laercio, q uisitou este Collegio neste mez
de Setembro, mas nao foi visit.a.r as missoes, ne el Rey de
Bisnagtl., por estar 0 mesmo Rey eX2l.sperado polio q aseima
disse; e nem os padres irao atee se nao fezerem os concertos,
posto q tambem ba outro impedim'·. a hirao, q he nao auer
que gastar, porq el Rey de Bisnaga. ha 3. annos q nao Ihes
paga a ordinaria, q costumaua darlhe os annos passados, e
tern ja os padres das missoes mt". diuidaSl .......................... .
Deste Collegio da pouoadi:o de S. Thome oie prim·. de
Nouembro de 1606.
Seruo em X. +
MANDEL ROll.
XIII
AN EXTRACT OF A LETTER OF Fr. BELCHIOR COUTINHO
TO Fr. CLAUDIO AQUA VIVA
(St. Thome, November, 4th 1066,)
o p • Ant., Rubino q esteue huns dias en Velur e yeo
p' qua doente. 0 Ir. Bertolameo fonte buone q esta aqui
p
 696 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA

pintando"e experando coniunyao p' q' se 0 Rei tornar a com.

unieayio q dantes co nos co tinba va t, mbem la assistir po is
peste fim nosso p nos coneedeo 0 P." Ant rubino e 0 Ir.
Bertolameo marauillosos soieitos, esta mais 0 p' J oao fe' q
tern cuidado da Igreia da Madredepi eo p. P. mexia que
eorre co a fabrica da Igreia noua da Sera, e ha procurador
do Collego• Vinba taobem pa ir uisitar ao Rei mas nao
podeser pollo q logo cortarei, leuoa taobem 0 p. co sigo 0
p. simao de Saa q a todos nos deixou saudosos p q= fors aqui
R·· ... e principiara a amizade co este Rei, est a missao de Bis·
naga. Estaua 0 pO. ao presente no porto de Ba1eacate sete
legoas daqui p' a parte de norte, e alIi co grM.. encontros de
inimigos gentios e mouros traladado 'principio aqlla residen.
cia, ateq finalm" aebou 0 p'. pr". q couinha tirar the 0 p", p
nao se fazer alIi 0 frutu esperado, e pollas m.... iniurias feitas
aos xpaos, e ao p', q ultimam retiuerao bum dia com preja e
t
•

aos xpaos, e nunca Ihe derao sustentacao mais q_ ao principio

e assim determino 0 p', pu·'. nao lhe dar po. nenbum ate satis-
fazerem as iniurias e comprirem as condicoes prometidas : e
pode ser q Hiobem se lhes procure algun castigo, pq sao tao
inimigos q ia por duas ueses indo pests. a nao Olandeza alli
a queriao receber e os cometiao p', desembarcarem e os meter·
~m cO 0 Rei; mas. aretiaraose q daqui lbo impedissem, e
taobem en Velur co 0 Rei negoceam'Js ollas p q p nenbum
caso lbe consentissem 0 sairem en terra. fi se entao a nao a
Mueule patao e alli deixou seus feitores e se partio p' as
partes de malaqua, na moncao en q daqui forao em Setembro
os nauios p' pegu e malaqua, queira Ds q lbe nao fosse algum
cair nas nos.
Agora fuimos aqui p' cedo uoltar para terra adentro, P ,.
An . rubino p'. Chamdregui, q be bu p', de m ••, ser exyellente
mathematico e theologo m", bo pregador m uirtuozo ... eu he
t
. ,

dir p', Velur, onde este anno 0 Rei tornou a por sua Corte, e
(eu) fui tambe Iii por orde q p. isto tinha, e ( ) q 0
Rei nos deu dentro da 1'. ryerca de fortaleza hu casa e Igreja e
aruorei a Sa + Sobre a porta, he is to nu(a formo)sa rua que
uai de norte a SuI entestar co as paredes do payo. onde a
Igreja be uisitada de m··' . parentes do Rei amigos e uezinhos
nossos q {olgao de ouuir as cousas de Deus. Temos alIi
sinco xpaos ( ) dos onze q auia em Chandregui. co eUes
me consolo no meo dos desgostos e offenryas qual foi este anna
. a guerra q 0 Rei teue co os portuguezes moradores desta
terra: e a occasiao foi q e iunbo passado soryedeo matax:! aqui
os (gentios) de noite a hu portuguez honrado a qual s! ordo
foi a buscar hua moya q lhe tinha leuado de casa hu soldad!
do adigar ou gorvernador gentio resistio 0 soldado, ac oderao
 APPENDIX C 597
de sua fortaleza Ololtros n ,t", ,e seu fauor, alan~earao ao portu.
gueze ma.'tarao. e .ferirao hu seu cainhado. E isto ue a nona a
cid· amutinaose os homes. tratao de logo de noite dar na fort.
aleza, dis eos 0 capitao ate amanhe~er en amanhec;endo aiun.
taose a do capitao, insiste q saiao sobre elles, repugnao
os velhos da Cld'. daolhe os P". conselho q sobrestejao ate
auizar ao Rei q Ihes ode dar satisfa~ao, nao estao de acorde
a is to, pualece os manyebos, sail! co 0 capitiio q mande ( ),
poese todos em armas, sail! fora da cid·. queimao a pouoar;ao
e fortaleza dos gentios, sen do ia 0 seu adigar de noite acol.
hido torn'aose a recolher aCid'. Vao as queix.as do adigar a
Rainha faz elle mil lastimas aO Rei, elle saie fora poe se e
sua corte ( )
De. S. Thome 4. de nouembro de 606.
BaLcH. or COUTINHO.

XIV
AN EXTRACT OF A LETTER OF Fr, BELCHIOR COUTINHO TO
Fr, CLAUDIOAQUAVIVA

(St. Thome, November 4th, 7606.)

o Rei ,ai (ir) pera Velur co sua corte nos deu m". born
Sitio dentro na pro, cerca da fortaleza onde por nao atiar
comn 0 anno atras mendigando por casas imprestadas fis
casas, e Igreia e aruorey a S. + sobre a Porta na frontaira
dua formosa Rua quay dinante a Sui p' enestar co as pareJes
do Pac;o easy a Igreia he uisitada de m..•• do Rei, amigos, e
uisinhos nossos e t~mos ali sinco dliqles onsexpaos q tin.
hamos em Chandregui co os ,q' me eonsolei no meio da
perturbadio q digo q 0 Diabo aleuatou a occasiao {oi de hua
brega que ell. os Portuguezes ti uerlio co os Gentios originada
da morte de bu Portugues ao q de noite alancearao os Gen.
tios, aqui fora da Cidade per to de sua fortaleza, e ueio a
noua a Cidade amotinarao se os h0mes queriao ir de noite
dar na fortalesa detuue os 0 eapitao ate 0 dia seguinte en
amaDtheeido puseraose een armas foraose a porta do Ca.pitao
e preualecerao mais os conselhos d0s macebos q dos P", e
ancioes de Cid mandou 0 Capitao tocar 0 sino sairao.
todos queimarao a pouoaeao e fortaleza alos Gentios mandou
logo 0 dtto lugar 0 seu gouernador suas olas ou Cartas ao
Rei mui falsas e a Rainba a qual por noss~ peccados t~
agora 0 Soohorio desta tr • ella sobre isto fes millastiOlas ao
698 THB ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA

Rei i 0. qual sllio fora pos se e sua Cf'rte lerao Be estas cartas,
nao quiso 0 Rei ouuir a do P' RO'. q .\ia e defesa da Cidade
ficou tao embrauecido q de cordeiro q era na condidia ficou
feito bu leaD dizendo mil rancas q auia asolar e destruir esta
tr.. nomeou capitaes p', este effeita disse q naa queria mais
amisade co. P", ne Portugueses, ne ter p C'. em seu reino e q
auia de cbamar as Olandezes etti, De modo q disserao as
seus q nuca 0 uiraa tao agastado e toda sua uida como oeste
caso, e assi ne quis falar co nosca ne ler nassas cartas, ne
deste Poua, ne auuir nenhuas resoes da p.a rte das Portu,
gueses posta q par nassa respeita ate agora desistia de madar
exercito sebre esta tr a, ja se trata de cancerto querera Ds, q
seia camo far pa, seu diuina seruiya, Co. a uinda do. P.
Prau", nas aiutamas aqui co a accasiao de uer aa po, como
p', co. nassa ausesa p' . \llgu tpa significaremas aa Rei q'ose
sentia a q fes aa padre Nicalao Leuato Reitor q entao era
em nao querer auuila por espa'ra de daus meses ii ali esteue
ne tamar a presente q leuana e nome desta tr' " se fara polIo.
Rei ia isto estiuera asabado mas he tao soge ito a negra
Rainba, a qle tudo gouerna, q por the nao dar disgosto
quebrara co todo a mudo, e ella quis q nao teuessemos
entrada ao Rei como . Hites ate c:l. de S, Thame Ihe naa dare
as intereses de dr o, e presentes q ella espera em satisfacao do
q fizerao, 0 P ', Prauincial escreueo ( ) ao Rei
dandolhe disculpa de 0 naa ir este anno uisitar, e fis bern 0
p', Prauincial em nao hir q se ariscaua a naa the falar, tamM
a p', Nicolao Leuato lbe escreueo de cama esta aqui hu
Cauala q a Arcebpo, Gouernadar mada q leue 0 p', a S, A,
e coma quer q a Irmao desta Rainha ha te ia pedida ao Rei
este Caualo p", (si) fes co. elle q escreuesse ao p, Prou oJ , e a a
p, Leuata q fosse co 0 Caualo, e assi ill. escreueo duas
Cartas sabre isto deixou a P ', Prou oJ • ardi! q fosee a P .. como
ca a trd, se cancertasse co 0 Rei . Querera Ds, q seia luago, e
etretato temos, pessoas de rec~do em velur e Chandrigui,
p'. ande ha de Ir 0 P', Ant". Rubino emp'. velur, e se a Rei
tarnar a' camunicacao q date tinha co naseo ira. tamM a
Irmao Berthalameu fuente buena pague N. Sr. a charidade
de mandar p'. ca a taes sageitos 0 P', Rubino tao. excellente
mathematica e thealogo, e a Irmao tao excellente Pintor
ambas cheos de m... · uertudes e perfeicoes, as mais causas,
deixa & q da Carta annua tera. V. P. noticia de tada!:, e assy
acabo pedindo a ben'rao de V, P. naqual e nas s '. Sacrifi'rios
&e V. P. pe'ra ser encomendado. De S. Thame 4. de nauem,
bra de 606.
aBLe"·', COUTNHO.
 APPENDIX C 699
XV
AN EXTRACT OF A LnTTER OF Fr. BELCHIOR COUTINHO TO
Fr. CLAUDIO AQUAVIVA

(VeIlOfe, Novembet' 5tll, 1607.)

Passandas as festas de Natal e JESVS, nos tornamos p'.
1 missao, 0 p •. An'·. Rubino pera a de Chandegri ; e 0 lrmao
Berthalemeo fonte bona e eu para esta de Velur onde agora
este Rei ta Sua Corte ...... (Fr. Coutinho relates here the
different signs of the royal friendship as they are already
related in the preceding letters.) Agora faz 2. annos escreueo
El Rei a V. P. nestas naos_esperamos a reposta p'. lhe apse.n.
ar, pode ser q a traga 0 P', Prouincial q detremina passar en
, fevereiro ........ .
De Velur 5. de nouembro de 607.
Minimo e xto. de V. P. BELCH·'. COUTINHO,

XVI
A LETTER OF Bro. BARTOLOMEO FONTEBONA TO
Fr. CLAUDIO AQUA VIVA

(Vellol'~, NIJVtHlbet', 7t" 1607.)

Pax xpi
Nao quis deixar pe dar nouas de minha saude a V. P. e
.como estamCls oesta Corte cern m·. minha consolac,;ao vendo
este Rei q nos mostra tanto amor q,'. se pode desejar. Nao
mando a V. P. llouas desta Residencia pq 0 p' Belc·'. Cout-.
com 0 qual estou juntamente scube q tinha escrito na Carta
anoa tudo meudam" como V. P, vera, eu me ccupo cada cha
pintando algua couza diante do mesmo Rei 0 qual gosta
tanto de uet que nao pode ser mais, e tenho the fe". alguas .
images hu painel dua nossa Senra donde sobre a mesma .
Image passaraosse m '" praticas Como 0 p' Bele·'. Couto tera
escrito, e fasendo mlO oferecim'••. de dadiuas nao quisemos
nunca aceitar nada pq 0 p' proul nas proibio que nao torna.
ssem(!)s dr·. donde ficou tao espantado disendo pubricamente
diante de todos os grandes que hu oficia! tam grande que
nuca !he pedimos nada mas disse depois pubricamente que
me queria laser homrras, e dise que Mandou faser hu par
de manilhas douto Com pedrarias p" me dar, e cuido que
me dara no tim dua lamina q actualmente estou lasendo em
sua preseD~a, e tambi lhe tenbo flO alguaa laminas pequenas
eoo THE AHAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA

mW bam acabadasem particular hua OU Saluador, e outra

dua N. Snora 0 qU,al estimou moo e diserame q 0 tem Olio bem
guardada, e cada dia esta olhando por eliaS" m tempo.
aquelle mesmo Sor, e Snora the queil-a abrir os oIhos do
corayao p' que 10 adore, e 10 reuer1!cie Como 0 merece. dis-
eriome como este anne vinha hu Irmia pintor m" bom eu
folguei Olio porque veyo am" bom tempo p' acabar a casa
professa de goa q eu tinha comecada, e aeabada a qU8t"ta
parte e se se acabar sera hua das fermosas Igrejas que se pOya
ver. as cousas da india uaQ sempre pior em pior, e nao {altao
perseguieoes mOO grande Deos seja aquelle que ponha a mao
nas suas obras porque os homes do mundo parece que la
quere mais apaguar q manter. Encomendo mOo a V. P. 0 meu
Irmio e que Ihe facta faser algu born lauor porque sei q la de
faser tam bem quanta qualquer outr~ q estejio em Roma.
nio serei mais comprido' encomedado me mto a V. P. enos
seus sanetos sacrif" e deuotas oracoes Olio me encomedo Etc de
Velur oss sete de Novenbro 1607.
f' e seruo em xpo de V. P.
+
I BERTALOMBO PONTE BONA.

XVII
A LETTER OF Fr. ANTONIO RUBINO TO
Fr, CLAUDIO 'AQUAVIVA
(Ch"nd,ag.,i, Novemb", 8th, 1607.)
M", R" . in Chro Pre nro
Pax Chro.
L' ana passato scrissi a V. P., e Ii diedi noua di esta
missione dil regno di Bisnaga nella quale mi 'ritrouo p ordine
di V. P. com molta consolat", dell' anima mia, sperado nel
Signore di finire i miei pochi ani, che mi restano di uita in
q$tll missione, s' i miei molti peccati no me l' impedirano.
Doppo ehe ~to in qsto Chadregui, che sono gia. 10. mesi,
battelai quatro, it primo de quali ~ um figliuolo di J 2 ani, il
qual' ha prese.., tat' odio a quest' Idoli, ehe fa C ) e
confonde t.utti qsti letterati, e mi da moltiss' cosola· A detto
:;to catechizando. 8. p batteiarli questa natale col fiume
diuino, e eosi andaremo fac1!do a poco a pocoquello cbe po.
tremo, aiutati della diu ina gratia. e spero che doppo i pochi,
uerrano molti. ] ome ne sto solo in qsto Chiidregu II P. Belchor
Coutigno et il frllo Pittore Bartholomeo fontebona, &e ne
 APPENDIX C 601
stano in VeUur doue al oresente sta il Re, se. bene jia di
camino p qsto ~hiidregui. faciamo quello, che potiamo p
dilattue nra sata fede, sed janua clausa est, et ~ necess' , molta
gratia di Dio p poterl' aperire, il nosrro officio sara
beftere, e no cessare di battere insin' a todo iato
s' apr.a; tlU\ poco ualenl il nostro battere esteriore, se Dio
Benedetto no batte interiormete co Ie sue diuine inpsirati,
como speriamo nella sua diuina misericordia, che fani. J0
he fatto un mappa molto grade in lingua badaga co una
longua dichiarat'. nella s~essa loro lingua ditt'. Ie parti, proui-
cie, regnj, e citta pricipali di tto, il mudo e 10 diede al Re, il
quale resto stupito, ieci ache un breue tratato del numero,
monum~ti, distaze, e grossezze de cieli. e 10 diedi pur anche
all' istesso Re, il quale 10 uotse udir' a legere co molta
attet<. in pres~za di tti. i suoi letterati, i ql,lali restorono co la
bocca aperta uededo la grade differ~za cbe ·n' ~ tra la nra
dottrina, e la 10ro, e la nerita della nra, e Ja falsit~ de la loro,
e cosi pian piano andaremo fac~ do uarie cose co la gratia
diuina p alletarli piu in isto modo alle cose di nra sata fede,
Piaccia al Signore illuminarli gl'intelletti accio cbe si saluino,
tutti No m' occurre pa detto, se noldimadar hurnil", la sua
sata beneditt', Di Chadregui citta del regno di, Bisnalga alli 8.
di nou~bro 1607,
D. VP
Indigniss·. figlio in Ch~o
ANT· , RUBINO,

XVII'I
AN EXTRACT OF A LETT~R OF Fr. J'lELCHIOR
COUTINHO 1'0 Fr. lOAO ALVAREZ
(Vello", November 77th, 7607.)
Causarao 10", sentim", as nouas q 6 anno passado escre.
limos das dezauenyas q ouve antre este Rei e a cido de. sao
rhome, da paixao q tom~ra polla queima de sua fortaleza, e
polIo conseguinte de nossa estada na mesma tr', ate auer com·
odid. pera tornarmos esta. Mudouse esta tempestade em
bonaca, pq depois q soubemos estar aplacado segundo
nostra em ,mandar hu·nouo adjgar e gouernador a. Sao Thome,
tirando dali aquelle q com a morte do portugues fora causa
das inquietacoes passadas, viemos emtlio p ca em ] aneiro cf
Irmao Bertolameu fontebona e eu, entie as mais cousas que
demos de"presente al Rei, asertou de uir hua Bacia de bollo
de doce q tinha Ido ao Coleg· na Cesta de JESV, hera obrl,\
~02 THE ARAVIDU. DYNAST Y OF VIJAYANAGARA

engenbosa bu pilicano, e os f", en tao .I.he disse eu na lingoa

que ate antao os moradores de Sao 'Thome estauao como
mortos por nao tert; por SI a graya de S~A. Depois q Como
pai mostrara do peito ( ) q lbes, tomarao Como f·',
a uiuer a semelhanya dequella aue eti. festejou isto pel" sao
bomes de Comparacoes. Apresentei 0 Irmao disendolhe como
vieia de longe mandado por N. P. gerao p' pintar a uista de
S. A. estimou isto m", pedio logo ao Irmao q lhe mostrasse
algua Cousa de sua mao, nao tinha por emtao mais q os 2
retratos de nossos BB. pp, quando el Rei os uios, ficou pas-
mado, nao pode crer q 0 Irmao os fizera, a que lhe eu disse
ser testemunho : perguntou se a sua uista poderia faser 9u.
tros Como aquelles: respondeo que sim posse e efeito. nu
paine1 grande por sua orde os foi debu~ando gostaodo '0
Rei de uer a ligereza com que 0 Irmao 0 fasia quando
foi a pintura em obra de bora em', Repatou 0 Rosto do B. J>.
Ignacio, ficou pasmado e1 Rei e indose pa dentro lhe mandou
logo hu Rico pano dourado ao modo de suas honrras custu-
madas. foi cotinuado com a pintura, e com esta ocasiao lhe
fomos disendo as principais c~sas e maraiulhas, e uirtudes do
B. P. ignacio i do B. P. fr" os quais folgaua mOo. de ouuir e
ficara os sus conhecidos nesta Corte este clous S"'., queir~
ser intersessores p', sua conuersao fez tambe 0 seu retratee
com ser elle e si m'· graue todauia pera este efeito se mudou
do seu lugar e pos no q hera mais conforme p 0 irmao 0 ir
Retratando-Depois tambe a sua uista, e petidio fes hu
painel de Virg!! N, Senora com seu Diuino f'·. nos peitos e da
outra parte 0 s'·. menino Bap". I?' detraso s'·. Josept-comforme
a estampa q tinha uista, ficou 0 painel perfeitiss· e est a posto
nu alto de Cronte do lugar onde cada dia el Rei fala com os'
seus, ou Ie com os bramenes letrados, os quais the quisera
diser q ue p' que era estar ali aquelle painel fto, pollos xpaos.
eti. a 0 q Respondeo 0 Rei, esta alcatifa em q ue eu estou
asentado, e uos tambem, nao ueola das tr". delles pois porque
se estamos nela naO po de estar ali aqueJle painel ; esse veludo
de uos tendes na Cabeca essa Culaya q he a seu modo Gal.
teiras nao ueo tam be de sua tr·. 1 m"".outros passos ouue
semelhantes em que mostrou 0 amor q nos tern. Como foi
hu em que estando falando com 0 Se tatachare q emtre elles
he como Sumo Sacerdote diante- de quem 0 Rei estira PQr
tr. postoque que 11(. indigno Deste officio por seus vicios, foi
oRe, louuando os p". de sere Saniaces; teli-giosos e castos a
o que 0 tatachare' como ministro do Diabo Respondeo se os
p' • sao Religiosos porque resao com!! carne? ainda q com!
carae. disse 0 Rei, todauia sao castos, e nao tem molheres.
Resposta que se a elle q uisesem tomar por si, lhe quadraua
 APPENDIX C 608
t
m bern, porque tern m'" em cazaj e he daquelles que engoli.
.,

ao 0 camello em xotando os mosquitos-outro dia se oferesceo

larga pratica de cousas de Ds q el Rei foi ouuindo m to , de
uagar os 10, Mandam'·'. e a explicacao delles, disendo 0 noso
lin-goa tratando do p", Como so auia hu Ds verd". j e todos os
mais herao Diabos, calouse El Rei nada Disse, pore os bra.
menes the diziao p, que era ouuir isto? ao que Respondeo
que hera couza boa e era bemouuila-tambem se alegrou m' •.
de uer os liuros de Images q 0 Irmao Ihe mostrou specialm",o
de p' nadal uendo hua e hua todas as folhas perguntando
meudam", 0 q hera, e folguando de ouuir tao altos mist.',
e pque 0 seu mestre bramene quis embicar nos da
paixao sendo hu daquelles a q 5, Paulo dizia que
parecia stultitia 0 nosso lingoa 0 foi conuencendo com
hist", de seus falsos tao indignos de Diuinid'. e the de.
claramos como aquelo era extremo de amor 0 que Deus
humanado chegou por nas saluar, E iei ouuia
tudo e calauasse, nao se tornado de ouuir falar al de seos
idolhos e pagodes. Deus os alumle e todos p que e salue-a
o presente a sua peticrao Ihe uai 0 Irmao pintando em lami.
nas, E sao infinitos os louuores q tern deto do Irmao,,_
Deixo outras couzas e cazos particulares que aqui acontece.
rao, porque por extenso 0 puzemos nos apontamentos q aqui
forao p carta annua- Em Chandrigri esta 0 p' , Ant·, Rubino
fazendo m'·. seruico a Deos, 0 P', eo Irmao di Ambos m'·. uir.
tuosos continuam", me emfunde tem 0 p', Baptizado algus
e uay seguindo 0 selho e feruor do born p', Fr'·, Ricio ;j
Deos W Ca ueo 0 p' Antonio Rubino e uisitar a EI Rei
dandolhe de presente llU mapa escrito en letras Badegas e
ali hua descripcao por extenso dos Reinos principaes, e dos 4
elementos, e dos doze Ceos q folgou m'·. de ouvir ler, e pre.
guntou m"", couzas curiosas de mathematica 0 que 0 p. Res.
pondeo excelentem"" Estes dias teria 0 p', que fazer com 0
cometa ,q apareceo e outubro p aparte do ponente mouendose
ad motum primi mobilis, aja Deos misericordia de nos, e
deste Reino q esta perdendo da uida del Rei ja m" velh'o, e
con m'·' sobrinhos q pretende soceder .. ,

De Velur 11. de nouembro de 007, De, V, R, indigno em

Christo fiIho.

B,LCH-, COUTINHO,
 604 THE ARAVIDU DYMASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA

XIX
A LETTER OF Bro. BARTOLOMEO FONTEBONA TO
Fr . JOAO ALVARES.

(Velot'e, NflVlmber 11,1607).

Pax xpi.
Queria escreuer a V R alguas nouas deste Rey de bisnaga
mas como sube que 0 p' Belc·' Coue. tinha escrito a ' V R, e
dado rela'1ao de tudo nao tocarei 'nisto senao dando nouas
demim, e de minha saude A Deos louuores, estou ao presente
neste Velur jontamente com 0 p~ Belchior Cout·. ocupandome
em pintar alguas c.ousas cad a dia no pa'1o diante do Rei oqual
mostra tanto gosto em uer me pintar qt., q eu tenho desejo de
lhe dar gosto porque he ·hu Sor de grande respeito, prudencia,
intendimento Como qualquer eoropeo, E mostranos tanto
amor que he espanto. Muito curiosa de praticar de nossas
cousas, e i01partic:ular de Nossa sancta f6 Como V R sabera
nas carta anoas q 0 p' la mada Desta Residencia, eNos tern
tanto amor, e respeito, enos homrra que os seus vassalhos
espantao, Como foi em particular hu dia estando eu doente
soubi q 0 Rei auia de sair fora do pa'1O fui a uisitar antes q
saisse, e saido pera fora me opresentei diante dandolhe de.
minha _mao h u vidrianto Cheyo de Agoa Rosada parou, e
tomou 0 vidro na mao & comecou a praticar Comigo disendo
Como eu estaua 01". magro e amarilho e ou nas palauras
mostrando sentimento de, minha doen'1a. 0 dia segumte
indo correguandome mais a doen~a fuime nec·. ir p' Sao
Thome p' me curar aonde estiue quasi dous meses, e a doenca
hera do fasti(go) 01". gtande Sobindo 0 Rei que eu nao mi.
lhoraua nada mandoume hu regimento como me auia de curar,
e S'oubimos tambe q uiyo por uia da Rainha. Depois de
sanar tornei p' este Velur comecei a pintar hu pcrinei dua
N. Snora don de sobre a mesma Image pasaraose 01'" praticas
Como 0 p', Bh"' Cout·. tera escrito, e fasendome 01"'. ofere.
cim.... de dadiuas mas como 0 proul nos proibio q uao tomas-
semos dr·. nao quisemos aceitar, donde ficou tam espantado
que pubricam: disia parate os seu~ gr.a6". q nunca ll:e pedimos
nada e siotIo q esta gente he tam mchnado a pedlr q he cousa
pasmosa. tambem tenho feito ao Rei algl1as pinturas em
.laminas em particular -du Saluadr: eN. Snora ' que tinho
fto. p' mim p' dar algum padre leuamos lhe. a mostrar folgou
01". de uer ~ leuou p' dentro a mostrar a Ralnha, e nunca mas
toinou, soubemos depois q 0 tinha guardado num Caixao.
donde tem as suas joyas 01'· bern cubertas e cada dia 0 tiraua
 APPENDIX C

fora olhando m te tempo par elIas qu~ira aqueUe mesmo Snor

e Senora que tudo pode, abrirlhe os olhos do corarrao p' que
lho reuerencie e adore como 0 merec~. a 0 presente disem q
o Rei fas faser Duas manilbas doaro com pedrerias p' me dar
q ht; aos seas modos faser grande honrras dar manilhas,
joyas Calares 0 oatras coasas semelhantes. estoa agora
fasendolhe outra lamina cliante delle que me pidio q lhe
fisesse porque me queria uer pintar cousas pequenas, por isto
pes;o a V R q me mande algum pinceis daquelles pequeoinos
q lOsejao m·· bos. Diseraome q uinha hu irmao pint~r fra mego
m born com oqual folgue,i porque hira acabando a Igreja
Noua de Caza professa q eu tinha comecada que si se acabar
a de ser hua das bellas Igrejas q se porra uer mas duuido que
se acabara tam depressa por que a obra he tao grande q ue
nao podera acabar hu so em quinza anos. nao mos falHio
enfado m.... e perseseguicoes. Deos seja aqueJle que ponha a
mao na sua obra porq ue os homes do mudo parece que la
quere mais apagar q manter nao me estenderei mais Ni'sto
porque 0 sabera ' mais meudam". Encomedo mWa VR 0
mau Irmao, e 0 ajude fazerlbe dar algua obra boa pq sei q 0
sabera fazer perfeitamIA como qquer outros. nao se ofrece
mais Destas partes. Rogo m" a YR. que me encomende a 0
p' Toseph de fano, e a todos os p' e Irmaos e em particular a
o rrmao Juliano pasagnano ala su deuota oraciom., nos
sanctos sacrifo" e deuotas oracoes de De V R m' Ome encome.
do. de Velur aos onse de Nouebro de 1607.
Minimo Ser uo em xpo de V R
+
I BARTOLOMEO FONTB BONA.

xx
AN EXTRACT OF A LETTER OF Pro ALBERTO LAERZIO
TO Fr, CLAUDIO AQUAVIVIA.

(Cockin, Novembe, 20th, 1607).

Nas Residencias de Bisnaga. se uay contimuando co a
couersao, q 0 bo P. FrO.. Ricio tinba comes;ado, e 0 p.
Ab.tonio Rubino em Chandrigry te ja feito algus x paos de
nouo, como elle escreuera a V.P. E pera 0 p. Belch or Cou-
tinho fallar, e tratar as cousas de nossa ~ ' . f~ co el Rey, foy
grande mea 0 Ir. Pint or Fontebona, 11 he a el Rey e a todos
muy aceito, e uiue la co '1l la• edificas:ao e exemplo, e merece p
sua m". bondade tudo. A my pareciame poderia ajudar ~
 606 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA

qlles Reynos muito mais se fosse jutam". Sacerdote, elle

sabe latim Ii basta: verdade be Ii nuca elle me faUou nisto n~
directe n~ indirecte, n~ nhua outra pessoa pelle, ne exerguey
nelle q disto t~uesse imaginrrao nbua; mas eu sornt'. cuidey
nisto ba ja algus anos, p me parecer far a co isto m'·. rnais
servirro a Nosso Sor, e na Prouia cuido DaO auenl disto nhum
escaDdalo nos outros los coadjutores, p estar elle na qlles
terras ta separado dos outros, e co ta differente ministerio, e
DaO sebere por uentura em q estado seja recebido na Com '. Se
a V.P. parece b~ mandar esta licenrra, pera my tenho sera
pera gloria de Nosso Sor, e mayor M dq11as almas.
AI P. Roberto' N obili mandamos p'. a Residencia de
Madure agora faz ano e meo, pera se perfecoar na lingoa
dqllas partes, e prouarmos se se podia dar algu principio a
algua conuersao na qlles .Reynos ...
Cocbim. 20. de Nouebro de 607.
n.v.p.
Inutil filbo e S··. em Cbro
+
ALBERTO LAERCJO

XXI
AN EXTRACT OF A LETTER OF Fr. ANTONIO VlCO TO
Fr. PIETRO ANT. SPINELLI.
(Cochin, Dec~mbe, 9th, 1607)
II Re di Bisnaga ogRi giorno piu s'affectio na alle cose
di Dio, et da licenza a ari che si deuidoDo i altre .til del
suo Regno ... di Cocci Ii 9 di xmbro. 1607 .
. D. V. R. Serui idigni i Cho.
ANT. VICD.

XXII
'LlTTERAE ANNUAE' OF THF . PROVINCE OF MALABAR,
1604·1606.

(1607).
Ex his (Nayaks of Madura, Tanjore alld Jinji) Gingensis
qui proxime regiam ditionem attingit, regnum in alios
minores Naiches sub.diviserat. Horum unus cui Lingama.
naiche nomen est, paucarum urbium dominus, adeo divitiis
pollebat ac viribus, ut Gingensis ac Bisnagrensis impetum
 APPEND IX C 607
sustinere se posse ratus, fisus Volurensis arcis rounitionibus,
diu neutri par ere vol'!}erit.
Itaque Rex Bisnagrensis Adelaraio suo (is est dux ex·
ercitus ma.ximus) dederat in mandatis ut rediens in hyberna
Ciandegirinum, Volurum inopinatam aggrederetur. Ade·
larayus non~procul ab ea urbe cum exercitu iter habens,
prima nocte aberrase se ab itinire simulans, cum tatam
noctem maxima celentate praecurisset, non potuit tamen
ante lucem Velurum ita cum omni exercitu {)pprimere, ut
detectis portis exclusus et globorum ferreorum imbre e
tormentis exploso, moenibus"amotus non sit. Dous menses,
ruente imbribus coelo, sine ulla spe urbis potiundae, Velurum
obsedit. Cum ecce tibi quadam die duobus adelarai militum
praefectis qui Lingamanaiche amicitia, nescio etiam an
sanguine conjuncti erant, Velu rum ad colloql,lium ingress is.
in reditu Linguamanaiche urbanitatis ergo, amicos extra
portas deducens, ab adelarai militibus capitur, atque in castra
vinctus adducitur, ibiqul! amicis tustodiendus traditur. Qui
ubi evadendi spem sibi praereptam vidit, astu atque cuni.
culis rem aggreditur. Adelaraium oneratum promissis ut
liberet obsidione Velurum hortatur, viginti leches post
discessum se daturum pollicitur, quindecim auri, et quinque
gemmarum et margaritarum, (continet autem Lechis pagodes
centum millia. qui sunt nummi aurei nostrates centum
quinquaginta miUia). Adelaraius Lingamanaichis dolos
odoratus, litteras ad regem mitti quibus eum Velurum
evocabat, nunc esse tempus, aiens, at regium erarium adim.
plendi, et suae ditionis fines addi\a urbe munitissima por.
rigendi. His Iitteris Rex, qui antea ad exterrendo Naiches
Ciandagrino fuerat; regressus cum infinita prope militum,
aliorumque hominum multitudine, magnoque elephantorum
numero, Velurum versus castra movit, quinto idus Januarias
anni l604 January 9th. Eo ubi perveDlt, militum c'lucumque
accIamationibus ac militari plausu exceptus, Lingamanaichem
qui se ad pedes regis abjecerat, bene sperare jussit, tum
Lingamanaichis filiis qui tormentorum explosionibus Regem
ab ingressu arcis arcebant, ut arma ponerent, imperavit.
Tunc Rex cum Regina urbem ingressi in regia Laingamana.
ichis e marmore, auro, gemmisque distincta, opere Corinthio,
commorati sunt. Totus que in eo rex positus erat ut viginti
Leches, quos promiserat Lingamanaichis exprimere t, Sub
idem tempus, ineunte scilicet Februario; P. Franciscus
Ricius Regem ut inviseret ageretque cum eo qllaedam
negotia, ad Regem Veillrum se contulit, a quo perhonorifice
exceptus, atque per quatuor menses retentus est i diutius~ue
GOB T H E ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA

remansisset nisi quodam Regis simulato Chandagrinam

regressu .deceptus praecurrisset.
Non multo post tempore P. Belchior Coutinho, recuper.
andae valetuainis gratia, quam amiserat, S. Thoma 'Venit
ibique mansit usque ad mensem Augustum; quo tempore
P. Provincialis eo Regem Bisnagrensem Patresgue tam
S. Thomae quam Ciandragiri visurus appulerat. S. Thomae
P. Proyincialis paululum commoratu::;, quinto idus septem-
bris exornatus muneribus quae Regi daturus attulerat ,
videlicet, Elephantus quem dono a Rege J aifnapatano
acceperat, cone venatitio, aliisque munuscuhs, Patri-bus
Rectore, Belchiore Coutinho, et Emmanuele Fonseca
comitantibus Velurum iter aggreditur, atque ex itinere, Puley
veterem Patrum Collegii S. Thomae amicum ut viseret,
Canjiverano trl;l.nsire decreverat. Hic est qui Superioribus
annis P. Francisco Martino nostri Collegii Rectore, cum !l
Rege Tangiaorio oppido S. Thomae fuisset praefectus, captus
Nostrorum praesertim Rectoris consuetuaine, ejusque sancti.
tatem admiratus, ex Regiis vectigalibus que cives S. Thomae
Tangiaorio solvebant, quotannis trecenos nummos aureos
quibus nunc victitent Patres, in annos singulos Patribus
regio nomine donaverat.

Hic, P. Provincialis iter subodoratus, certis locis qua

Pater erat transiturus ut eurn omni apparatu exciperent, sibi
conjunctissirnos quosque disposuerat. Prima it~que die cum
Patres pervenissent Conducturum a Puley saroris filiis per.
honorifice excipiuntur. Altero die pervenerunt CanjiveranulD,
que arx est munitissima Tanjaorii, magnificentissimi fane
celebritate longe lateque maxime inclyta; quam arcem et
alios amplius centum pagos Puley supra 40 annos adminlstrat.
Qui P. Provinciali aliquot leucas e sua familia virum nobilis·
simum obviam miserat. offieii causa, et ut ad se spe eorum
adventus exhilaratus deduceret; tum ipse sub noete duobus
militum milibus circumseptum, totidem ad. arcis custodiam
relictis, egressus est extra portas in planitiem satis amplam
ibique duarum horarulD spatium substitit, missis identidem
exploratoribus qui scirent ac de Patrum itinere eum certiorem
facerent, 'ac funalibus (nox enim iter habentes oppreseram
Ubi pervenere, Pule senio facieque venerabilis, majoriqt).
dignus imperio e suorum agmine procedens, taedariue
funaliumque luminibus noctem superantibus, in P. Provum·
alis aliorumque complexus humanissimus ruit, iis benevncio
tiae argumentis quae quivis Europaeus a sui amantmsilo
cbristianae Reipublicae principe, posset optare.
 APPENDIX C 609
Post mutua salutationis officia, Patres domum suam
amplam atque magnificam deduxit, in ejusque parte accomo-
datiori~ quam aulaeis tapetibusque constriverat atque
orllaverat, collocavit. Ibi tres dies Patres subsistere coegit,
quibus ea suae erga Patre:; Societatis propensae voluntatis
argumenta dedit, ut plura aut majora ab alia Societatis
studiossissimo expectare non possis.
Canjiverano Patribus Vellurum contendentibus, Rex
qui de adventu fuerat certior factus, cujusdam pagi viri
nobilissimi domum qui in arce Vellurensi, juxta domos regias
habitabat jussit ornari, in quam deducti Patres, illico a Regia
familia visitantur, eorum saiutern ab eis nomine regio
sciscitatura. Tum Ramana sororis regiae filius, nostrorum
studiosissimus, per aulicus ac fami!i::tres suos Patres invisit,
eisque cibaria opipare de sua mensa, uti Patribus Nicolao
Levanti atque Francisco Ricio antea fecerat, missurum se
dicit. Cui cum respondisset P. Provincialis Patribus comiti-
busque suis domi velIe se cibos parare, tum ille verveces atque
gallinas in magna copia, necnon batyrum et orizam aliaque
cibaria, nondum parata, et paulo post aprum quem ejus
frater ex venatione attuierat, misit ad nostros; tum i:_.>se
venit, easque benevolentiae significationes exhibuit ut eorum
familiaritate diutissime usus videretur.
Altero die Rex suos P. Provinci ::liem misit viserent. ab
eoque sciscitarentur quando ad eum iog re~i vellet. Quibus
respondit Pater se elephantem qui Conjiverani, ut paulum
quiesceret substiterat, expectare, qui ubi pervenit Pater
significavit Regi, qui Optimatem qui illi est a secret is, Pa-
trum amicissimum, cum magno comitatu misit, accitum
quocum Patres ex hedris vecti venerunt ad valvas regiae.
Descendit Rex in atrium aclexcipiendum P. Provinciaiem,
atque una ut videret elephantem canemque venaticum et
alia quae attulerat. Tum secum de1uxit in aulam sedemque
in sella regia Patrem, sui Regni principibus stantibus in
peristromati, apud se sedere jussit, a quo P. Provincialis
petit ut alios etiam Patres sedere juberet, quod et fecit.
Accepit hic P. Provincialerr. humanissime, maximis verae
benevolentiae argumentis. Cumque Pater abeundi facul.
tatem, eo quod tempus Coccinum redeundi ad accipiendas
litteras ex Lusitani",- advenerat, peteret, nunquam sivit,
addens nec Rgem Bisnagrensem nec Societatis Provin.
cialem Praepositum decere, eum in primo statim congressu
demittere. Ad haec habere se dlcebat quiddam magni
momentii tractandum, quod in praesentia tractari non pote.
rat. Itaque ilIi perendiae condicit. Condita die adfuit Pater,
 610 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VJ]AYANAGARA

sed tanta iQ Regem moles negotiorum irruit audiendi, nam.

que fuere legati Mogorenses, Idalcani, Gingenses, Tanjaoren.
ses, ac Madurenses, aliaqlJe tot negot~ gravissima super.
venerunt, ut non nis: sub noctem intempestam potuer"it
Patres audire, quos ubi hilare excepit, remotis atbitris,
P. ProvinciaJi ad aurem per interpretem significavit se ad
novum Proregem Indiae, qui eo tempore sperabatur, mittere
vele legatos, renovandae firmandaeque cum Lusitanis
amicitiae causa, sed eos sine P. Reetore ab se nolle climit.
tere, itaq ue se etiam atque etiam rogare ut P. Rectori eundi
cum suis legatis facultatem in script is relinqueret. Cui P.
Provineialis respondit cum Proregis adventus certi nuntii
venissent, tum se ea de re concilium capturum. Subdidit Rex:
post istos nuntios, quis hie erit qui Rectori det facultatem
eundi? Nunc necessarium capiendi consilium tempus esse,
postea lleutri integrum fore. Tunc Pater RegiS postulata
concessit, quibus ille laetus Patti Rectori voce ut omnes
audirent: Goam, inquit, cum legatis eundi facultatem babes,
atq ue ita P. Provineialem officiis muneribusque cumulatum
dimisit.
Hinc profecti Patres, relicto apud Regem veluri,
P. Belchiore Coutinho, ven3runt Ciandegrinum, ubi
P. FrallCiscum Ri cium senio meritisque venerabilem, Bada.
garum linguae morum, ac religionum peritissimum, in ex·
colendis Neophytis, ethnieorum sectis evertendis, X,·, reli.
gione propaganda, occupatum invenerunt ................ ..
Illud etiam ad rem Xna:n plurimum facit, nobilium
pn eI orum schola Badagarum litteras sub ethnico praeceptore,
nostris stlmptibus nostrorumque moderamine discentium.
Decet praesertim varias caneiunculas, Jesu et Marine laudes
continentes, quibus teneri aetati sensim sine sensu X" pietas
instillatur ...
Nunc Vellurum eogor reverti atque in de Regem
P. Coutinho Chandcgrinum deducer. Fuit Pater Veluri,
Patrum Xnorumque caUS:iS agens, regemque omnibus
officiis delinitum ahabens, a mense septembri usque ad
Maium ; quo tempore Rex cum a Lingamanaichi magnum
gemmarum ac margnritarum numerum expressisset, eum
aree Velurensi spoliaium Ciandegrinum duxit in triumpho,
de quo ips ius P. Coutinho ad Patrem Provincialem libet
cttexere :
"Perrexi tandem (quod Dei benignitas fuit) in·
columis Chandegrinum, quamvis ut in maximis calori.
bus fessus via., sed itineris molestiam eomitum inti nita
 APPENDIX C 611
multitudo levabat; quorum aliqui, ut omittam pedites
innumerabiles, essedae, alii equis et bobus, alii ele.
phaotibus bini vel terni vehebantur. Me quamvis uno
dio Rex praecessisset, tum eum antequ.am urbem ingrederetur,
consecutus sum, nec enim ingredi voluerat, antequam Tripiti
ia celeberrimo fano, uti ante decessum voverat voti religiorie
se solveret. Sexto itaque Calendas Junias· quatuor post
ortum solis horis, hac pompa in urbem invectus est. Vi am
qua, per urbem mediam, erat transiturus, aulaeis ac Festa
{ronde visendam, arcus etiam in magno servii variis coloris
vestiti terni certo inter spatio dispositi plurimum ornabant
Regem, praeter instrumenta bellica, tam ex aen cavo, quam
tympana et classica. et praeter alia signa quamplurima,
regium vexillum in quo ex auro leo et piscis depicti significant
eum terra marique dominari Praeibant equites multi, ipsegue
Obraias, Regis socerus, alii lue regoi proceres auro
gemmisque pellucidi. Ipse Rex una cum Connanaicbi
elephante pulcherrimo, croco toto corpore et capite,
feoribusque or nato quem oloserico et culeita serica auro
intertesta in qua ipse sedebat, gemmis ac margarit is contectus
vehebatur. Non usus est corona regia quam habet maximi
ponderis et pretii. Quidam ideo eum non uti ea corona
dictitant, quod alii Reges statim ac capiti earn imposuerunt,
morte immatura sublati sunt ; alii ideo earn neg ue ad similes
trimphos adbiberi auturnant, quod nonnisi recuperatis regnis
quae Ii superioribus regibus Mauri detraxerunt earn in
triumpho Regem Bisnagrensem ferre mereatur. Cum ita in
triumpho veheretur. hilares oculos benevolentiae indices,
eircumquaque in sUbjectam conjiciens multitudinem, forte
nos vidit pompam spectJntes, nobisque arridens, tum ad
Cinnanaichem conversus, nosque ostendens, nescio qUid cum
eo est collocutus. Credo equidem Regem aspectu P. Fran·
eisei exhilaratum, quem jam:liu videre cupiebat. Nos
praetereumtem usque ad Regiam secuti, iterum eum ex
elephante descendemtem vidimus. Hic Rex in aura sella ab
Adelaraio urbis praefecto, ut mos est munus accepit. Tum
alii proceres Regem venerati discedebant. Nos etiam
accessimus et quidem P. Franeiscus Ricius ei eyathum e
vitro inauratam quem ad id servaverat, obtulit, atque ita
domum revertimus." Haec P. Belchior Coutinho.
Patres ad Bisnagrensem Principem uti superioribus
annis praescrlptum est, inopia mi ttendorum, nondum iverunt:
Instat tum quotidie importunis litteris nee .ullum finem facit
• May 27th.
B
 612 1'ME ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA

evocandi"et Provincialis, cum esset Ciandigirini ei Patres se

propediem missurum promisit, sed nondum stetit protnissis,
quia quos mittat cum maxime eupiat, non habet. Unas
ipsius Principis ad Patres Chandagirinenses litteras opponam,
et baoe residentiam absolvam.
" Anno Subaratutii, mense decima, decimo post plenilu.
nium die, Litterae Triroalaragi, Ramaragi filii, maximi
principiis, ragi inter ragios, datae ad Patres Ciandagrini.
Accepi vestras litteras quas mihi per vestrum Tagium
misistis, easque abscondi in praecordis. Accepi etiam munera
omnia; gavisus sum vos de mea istuc adventu apud regem
et principes regni studiose agisse. Vos cum hac Goam iter
habere tis, dixixtis vos huc ad commorandum propediem
ventur~s. Miror nondum venisse. Veniant, oro, ne morentur,
Cetera meus legatus are ad as loquetur."

XXIII
AN EXTRACT OF A LETTER OF Fr. BELCHIOR COUTINHO
TO Fr. CLAUDIO AQUAVIVA

(Vello,e, Octob" 11th, 1608.)

Pax Christi.
o anna passado escreui a V. p, as nQUas destaf! partes,
mas como quera q as naos fodio de Goa, e nehua de Cochin,
pode ser q as cartas ficariao em Cochim pera onde as enca·
minhe, e q este anno uao. Nestas darei nouas do mais q
este alino acaes~eo. e encaminhoas p'. Goa por terra, pera
q nao fo~a da ficare como as outras. Estamos de saude
Deus seia louuado, aqui en Velur 9 irmao Bertolamev fonte
boa e eu, e em Chandregri 0 PO. Ant". Rubino, onde faz
m". serui~o a Deus ( ) E posta q algus delles se des-
garrarao por uarios sernos dos mesmos gentios, todauia ao
menos fica sempre aqUe cazal de ( ) he nomeado
q sempre se mostrou alegre firme e perseverante ne fee, ( )
yen serue. Ca en Velur temos tambr: outra familia daqllas
em Chan(dregri) bautizadas, e pcuro 0 q. posso de os
mouer 0 q sabem ( )q( )rao e continuar
alegria, etc, De nouo este anno bautizei hu uelh(o) dia de
'N·. S.... da assnmcrao, he de 100. annas, e di~ q nao adorava
as idolos (mas) hu so Deus q lhe demos a conhecer COmo fez
S. Paulo aos areopagitas. E poCr quem) dantes ilospiraua
m'·, polio bautismo, ao dia q tinhamos con~ertado ( )
 APPENDIX C 618
e assim 0 bautizei, sendo padrinho hum mercader portuguez
q ueo aqui uender ef:nareldas a este R(ei) ..•
As mais nouas deste Reino sao q 0 Rei este anno
passado em ianeiro abalou daqui e foi a Ginga q esta daqui
2 dias de caminho e ( ) foi q tendo ido sellS capi.
taes diante a conquistar as terras do Naique de Ginga porq
tardaua na paga do tributo e :ndose acercando a fortaleza,
quis Deus castigar aqUe Naique q nella estaua como hu
epicuro e brutal nao tendo menos q mil molheres dentro no
paw; e sese deixara estar na f ortaleza, ningue podera co elle
porq he quasi inexpugnauel ; s:eguro a paixao sahio fora
contra os capitaes do Rei, e os seus co medo 0 desenpararao
e foi ( ) ficando 0 ditto Naique catiuo, a que dando
as orelheiras, a que as (joyas) do peito porq. 0 nao matasse.
foi a uictoria dia de IESV "como depois dissemos ao mesmo
Rei ;. e a meia noite veo ca a noua roan do, ( ) El Rei
e foi a Ginga,o N aiq ue cati uo se Ihe deitou aos pees, e por
mea da Rainha, e seus irmaos se concertou a the pagflr 60
( ) mil cruzados, e p.. a. Rainha largar a fortaleza de
Cauaripa(tao) aqui perto; e co isto se recolheo outra uez 0
Rei eli p'. Vel(ur) eo Naique de Ginga senti do da perda de
sua renta e de seus elephantes ( ) foise como da s:ere
perigrino a Ciranga hu seu pagode dizendo q nao queria
mais do mando etc. mas os 2 N aiqu( es) seus amigos 0 de
Madure e Tangior the dedo m .... dadtuas e fizerao q tornasse
pO. seu estado 0 qual possue.-Este (aano) ueo 0 P. Prou".
da costa 4a pescaria a tiisitar esta, e ( ) a S. Thome
onde 0 P·. a todos nos consolou ... T(arube) ueo a S. Thome 0
nouo Bispo mandado por S. S·'. e por S. (M....) E 0 P. R'o"
Ihe fez mOO. gazaihado lj nossa caza na qual (esteue), e da1li
por onde do po. Coi leuado a pee co m'".' (honrra) e festas de
dan~as, folias, disos, por arcos, etc.-Corre (sua) amizade co
nosco. Todas estas materias deixo p'. os Ph, q (naqUas)
partes reside. E torno a estas e q estamos. Poucos (dias
hal q os Naiques de Tangior e Madure mandarao ao Rei seu
tri(buto) de 500. mil cruzados em'. uarierl'. de psentes de
( ').p'. receber isto se poz de festa todo e si cheo
de (ouro) e pedraria. e no aroia q tinha no peito de q.
. ) uallOO m(il) cruzados, assistimos a este acto, por
priuilegio e licens:a do Rei; (0 qual) se'llpre se mostra amigo,
posto q ha m". q nao se nos paga a (renta) nos te ordenado,
p. a qual agora the pedimos os ( )tos en olas, queiri\o
( ) outra paga q os Naiques lhehaci de faze . quelia Deus
q decess( )pois 0 P'. Ro • (q se e DaO outro poderia
•January lat.
 6140 THE ARAV1DU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA

dazel.} estes annos ( ) sua industria e mt'. charid·.-

tamM 0 irmao esta (itsgostozo p(orque) 0 Rei nlio diffare a
pintura, e telhe pmetido m'"". cousas de ( ) e monii.
has, etc. e tudo sahio mintirozo como 0 he estados; esC )
assim q dantes era tao liberal quando menos p'. Chandregri
( ) posto a privazou a Rainha ase Ceito tao escacteo
ou este 0 fica co ( ) q todo mundo se queix:a deste
parentes seus, e soldados, etc.-n( ) chamar p'. ca ne
ouvir falar a Trimalarayu 0 Principe, 0 qual de(sde Ciran)-
gapatao onde esta, sempre nos escreue olas e nos chama e
mostra por escrito (a) mesma amizade q e presencta mostrou
quando nos agazalhou io(do) p . Goa co os embaix:adores
deste Rei. E a mesma nos mostrou co Seu sogro e ( )
q he a caza q ha de montar mW. no tpo de seu gouerno. Fize.
mos aste anno as festas do natal co hu lindo pc;epio ...
De Madure tera V. P. nouas daqIla missao, naqual nao
ha q notar mais q 0 grande fto co q 0 P. Ruberto e tanta
adificactlio se entrega alli ao servicu de Deus disfar<rado etc.
q no mais he como ca, e ne tanto ainda, pois he gente
peior .. ,
De Velur 11. de outubro de 608.
De V, p, Minimo f', em Christo
BELCH', COUT".

XXIV
AN EXTRACT OF A LETTER OF Fr, ALBERTO
LAERCIO TO Fr. }OAO ALVAREZ

(CocAilf, NctJembe, 20, 1608.)

Pax Chri.
Quatorze naos partirao na fim de Marzo passado de
Lisboa pera estas partes co 0 Visorei 0 Conde da Feria, co
mt." mil soldados, q se cbegarao todas estas naos e gente,
fora 0 remedio da India, e alevatara este estado cabecta, q
esta quasi lodo perdido co estes anos do gouerno do Arce.
blSPO Crade ; e co tantas naos OJandesas quatas estes anos
andilo passeando p estes mares do Oriente, se auer que lhe us.
do mao, co elias (azere q", quere em tudo; Mas parece q
Os. nae foi seruido disto, pq. hu g~lelio dos 14- appartlidose
do Visorei cbegou a Modimbique e Agosto, on de achando
huas treze naos olandez:J.s, q tinha posto de cerco a nossa
ortaJeza, depois de peJejar hQ dia {oi delJas ~oma.do; pollo
 -APPENDIX C 615
qual sabendo os olandezes q vinha 0 Visorei atras, leuatarao
o cerco;. (postq nelle Ihes foi mt ., mal, e murrerao m"', sl'!
faser nhum mal a Fottaleza p os nossos se defendere, e pele-
jar1'! ualerozam
t
e se uierao p, Goa, puse na barra ; onde
.,)

estando, ouue nouas q hua nau nossa p nome nao Oliueira da

Comp'. do Visorei tinha tab~ chegado, e estaua seis le/i.0as
p. 0 Norte a uista da terra, forao de Goa nauios, tirarao 0
dinh: e todo 0 fato de cima, e antes q os olandezes chegasse
a ella,os nossos lhe puserao 0 fogo, e ardeo toda, p,
os imigos se nao aproueitare della ; Das outras dose naos co 0
Visorei ate oje se nac sabe noua nhua, q he cousa q a todos
nos magoa, nr! parece podera jll uir se nao ~ Mayo, p tere jll.
comer;ado os Leuates q durao estes seis mezes; Nao parece
isto se nao castigo de Ds. Ii ainda se nao aeabou. pq na
verda de nesta vinda do Visorei co este socorro estaua 0
remedio de todo este estado ; seja 0 Sor p: sepre louallo".
Cochin 20, de Nouebro 608,
+
ALBERTO LAERCIO.

XXV
AN EXTRACT OF A LETTER OF Fr. ALBERTO
LAERCIO TO Fr. CLAUDIO AQUAVlVA

(Co~IIi", Decem be, 30th, 1608.)

As Residencias de Bisnaga., onde esbio os dous P.

Belchior Coutt. , e A~tonio Rubino E 0 irmao Bertolameu
fontebona muy aceitosa El Rey, e a toda aquella Cor~;
tem feito algus Christaos, mas nao tantos como desejaua.
mos, e ainda estes este ano co a perseguir;ao de hu Gouer.
nadar de Cbandrigry tiuerao bem de trabalhos, e e1 Rey como
he muito velho, postoq' tem muita bondade natural, e partes
grandes com tudo, nao acode ; as guerras e inquietacoes q'
este ana teue, tambem adjudarao a is to ...
Cochin. 30. de Dezembro de 608.
D.V.P.
Ynutil f.· em x.'
+
A~BERTO LAERCIO.
 616 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA

XXVI
'LITTERAE ANNUAE' OF THE PROVIJtCE OF MALABA R,
1606-1607.

(1608.)

He Madure cabe-;:a dos estados qo Naique; oqual posto.

que nao tenha tit'. de Rei, se nao de capitao que isso quer
dlser Naique seu poder he muito grande, item reis tribu.
tarios sendo 0 ele tambem ao emperador de Bisnagar cuio
capitao antes era, e seleuantou com os estados que
gouernaua ; quando 0 emperador em hua rota perdio 0 im.
perio, E tornando depois recuperar parte delle, este de
Madure, e os dous de 'Ianjaor e de Gioja lhe derao obedi.
encia, e pagiio parcas em sinal de Vassalagem: porem sao
absolutos, e mui poderosos, porque cada qual te tresentos
elepbantes de peleia, a fora a gente de cauallo a pee."
o nouembro passado de 606 passando po aquella resi.
dencia 0 P. provincial deixou nella 0 p'. Ruberto Nobilli
por companhro. do padre Goncalo frz assi pera aprender. a
lingoa da corte ~ais pollida, como porque a cansada veIltice,
e as doenyas do padre pediao Socessor ...
(.;ustumao os padres assi nesra residencia como em
Chandeguerim aser escola de ler e escreuer em Badaga com
mestre gentio posto por nossa mao pera que se uao affeiyo.
ando os animos tenros dos mininos aos padres e os cousas de
Deos ...
Pertencem ao Collegio de S. Tbome sete da Comp', .. ha
m t .., annos que esta Cidade anda reuolta CO!D bandas a modo
de guerra ciuil ; sem te Ibe poder dar remedio algum pot
estar em tr'" de Rei gentio e longe da corte, e a iustiya e
capitao nao ter poder d'armas pera prender, e castigar os
malfeitores ; com tudo muitos males se atalharao por meio
d6S nossos, hua sesta fr'. de quaresma tratou 0 p'. pJ;:e_gador
com tanto espirito, e zello sobre os odios, e hrigas que 0
principal de hum dos bandos que ouuio a prega~ao, e tinba
vindo com muita gente de armas, e espinguardas, se abrandou
de maneiraque logo determinou deixar 0 odio, e pretendeo
amisade com seo contrario como fes na Igreia Matris do
Apto. de S, Thome restituindo cada hum todas as perdas e
danos q tinba feito, e confessandose com mostras de arre·
pendimento, e emenda, ao presente nao ha odios, nem
brigas ...
 APPENDIX C 617
Estll. 1.1. cidado de S. Thome nas tr . del Rei de Bisnaga,
e posto q os Portu~eses tem capitao, e ouuidor que os
gouetnem, e adminlstrem a iustiya; em outra pouoayao
apartado e vecinha esta hum capitao do Rei que arecada os
direitos, e gouerna os gentios ; hum Portllgues bua noite foi
co armas a sua pouoayao p'. buscar hua moya que lhe tinha
fugido, e armandose la hua briga foi morto. Os part!tes pedi.
rao vingancra ao capitao, 0 qual aiuntando muita. gente
d'armas foi dar na fort', del Rei, e porque 0 Ad;gar se acolheo,
lhe pos 0 fogo, destruindo mh, parte da povoayao, e matando
algua gente mesquinha, chegoq a fama deste aleuantamt ., a
el rei; 0 qual sendo mllito a fronta que lhe fiserao em lhe
queimarem sua fort', allegan do se 0 Adigar tinha culpa Ihe
fisessem queixume que elle 0 castigaria, '05 moradores de S,
Thome areceaodo que 0 Rei mandase exercito p', lhe por
cerco; pediraolao p, Reitor Nicolao .'(:.euanto que fosse ter
com EI Rei p', com resoos, e presentes 0 aplacar; sabendo 0
Rei da sua vinda Jhe mandou diser q se queria traiar COUSRS
dos p", que leuaria muito gosto em Ihe falJar; porem tratar
dos negocios d~ Maleapor, nao era resao tendo Jhe feito tao
graude afronta ne menos auia de recebir seus presentes, com
tudo POUCD ' a pOlleo se foi abrandando, e como de sua
naturesa he manso, e benigno ; mandou depois chamar 0 P.,
e com mostras de muito amor 0 receheo e coneedea tudo 0
que pedia, tirando aqueUe Adigar ou capitab da fort' . e pondo
outro a uontade dos Portugueses."
Em Velur reside 0 padre Belchior Couto.. ,
Em Janr o, de 607 foi mandado 0 Irmao BertoJameu
Fonte Bona.
XXVII
A LETTER OF Fr, ANTONIO RUBINO TO Fr CLAUDIO
AQUAVIVA
(VellOt'e, September 30th, 7609.)
M'" Rd. in Chro Pre nro
Pax Chri
GI' ani passati ~ serissi a yP. iJ state di qsta mlSSlODe
del Regno di Bisnaga, doe ) mi ritrouo co grad iss' . mia
conso]at'. s.e bene l'essere In porta si chiusa al Euangello,
causa non plcolo dolore, Al presete io interne co iI frUo
Bartholomeo fontebuona, che molte uolte pinge auati il Re
~o cura d I ambe due qste residenze di Vellur, e Chandregui
° cosi sto un poco in un luogo, et un poco nell' altro: La
618 ' THE ARAVIDU DYNASty OF VJJAYANAGAltA
causa pche no tiamo dui Padri in qste due residenze, ~ p no
tiuere co cbe sostetar Ii, pche sono gia 6. ani, 0 piu, cb'il Re
no ei paga ne ei da un quatrino, Sd bine i giorne passati
diede il Re al frUo la ualuta di cento scudi d'oro p coprare
colori. Adetto dice, cbe Ii far a pagare mille scudi rna Dio
sa quello, cbe sera, pche di loro si po dire p(ro)ssirna.' cbe
medaces filii bnum, e qui no dice bugia fra loro no e huorno.
11 stato della Christianita in qsto Regno e l'istenso che degl '
ani passatti, p cbe DO battelai, se no un figliolhino d' eti di
~. ani, cbe racolhi in casa co ( ) de suoi pareti; e quelli
pochi Cbristiani, cb' abbiarno, cbe sono 15, dano si mal
odore di se, ch ' io mi risolhi, ,Ii no uolbere battellare ( )
s'il Sig". no Ii chiama co particulare uocat·., p che alehi.
defecerunt altri aUlHi mi si mostrano Christiani, in sua casa
UiUOD.O como Gentili. No si po crud ere quato chiusa sta la
porta in qsto Regno alia sata fede, e tutto cio nasse daB'
auuers. et odio grade che ei portano, p sap ere che 'siumo
sacerdoti delli portughesi, i qquali mangano carne di uacca '
beuono uinbo ( ) se bene noi in
qsto regno abstinemus ab iis, co tutto cio basta isto nro
uestito nero p che gli fughino et abhorrischino, come la peste,
e basta come diceno il sappere che sUome Sacerdoti dell
Portoghesi. Per far alche frutto he neesss·, p uestire
mangare e nelle cose politiche trattare como lore in quatu
fieri potest e qsto sempre dissi al P. Peou". il (,"1&le ha
animo di madarmi p isto Regno uestito al modo loro, a ·un
luogo oue no seja conesciuto, m'il no bauere ( ) ha
ipeditti qesto disegno 11 mutare uestiti in qeste residenze
( ) ~ supefluo p che ja siamo conesciuti e fora co 01'·
poco {rutto cosi e e necess·. andar in parte oue no siame
conosciuti, in qsto si gran regno 00 maca }l0. V P. ordene
quello, che Ii parera piu espediente, che stado del modo, che
stiamo, mais faremos cosa di mometo. 11 Re gia no ci
mostra 1' afetto che ci mostraua gli ani passati a pS4asione
di quest maladetti Bramani, che sono inimjej capitali della
nra sata fede, de qual il Re ~ piu che schiauo. Le cose
particulari di qsto Regno, e di qsta missione, scrissi al
po. Prou'o, credo che lui informara VP. p qsto io Ie scriuo
finisco co dimadarli bumil'c la sua sata benedittc. pregadole
che si faci raccomadare nelli ssti Sacrificii et orat; della
Compagnia. Nelli ssti Sacrificii di VP. m" mi raccomado
Di Vellur citta del Regno di Bisnaga Ii 30. di Settebre
del 1609.
D. v, P. Mi.imoFigliuolo nel Sign.
ANT·. RUBINO.
 APPENDIX C 619
XXVIII
AN EXTRACT OF A LETTER OF Fr. ALBE~TO LAERZIO TO
Fr. CLAUDIO AQUAVIVA

(Cock;", NOfJember 20th, 1609.)

Della Missione, et Residenza eli Madure.
Accio messo si possa intender quello, che Dio N. ~. si e
degnato di oprar per spatio di qsti tre anni in 4sta missioni
di Madure, dal mesi di Nouembre dell' anne di 606, nel quale il
P. Rub". Nobili t'u mandato a quella residenza, sino aqsto
presentt di 609., he uoluto far qsta informatione, et perche
sia piu chiara, repetivo prima in breue, queUo cbe gia si
scrisse a V. P. nelle due annue pass ate ; dipci andare
seguitado quel' che nell' anna psenti e succeduto.
La citta di MadllJe, che sta lontana da qsta di cochino
cinquantana leghe p&r la terra dentro, restando nel mezzo Ie
alte montagne, chi si chiamano il Gatte, e Metropoli deUi
stati, et terre del Naiche, il quaIl' e molto gran' signore di
molte terre, uassalli, et ricchezze, et e come uno de i gran'
Duchi de eurooa et ancor che non tenga titolo de Re, rna
solamente di capitano, che tanto ual qsta parola Naiche,
tutta uia tiene molti Re tributarii, com il di Trauancor, di
Manamadure, .J.. di Tengange et altri, essendo egli ancora
tributario del .t<.e di Bisnaga., del quale e capitano, et si
ribello con Ii stati che governaua nel tempo, che il Re di
Bisnaga in una rotta per~i I' imperio, et tornado dipoi a
ricuperar parte di queUo, questo Naiche di madure, et Ii due
eli Tangiaor, et di Gingia gli resero obedienza, com pagargli
tributo in segno di va,ssaUaggio; ma tuttauia restarono sig-
nori assoluti, molto potenti, et di gran' forze, perche ciascun'
di loro mette in campo 300. elefanti eli guerra fuera della
molta gent' a pie, et a cauallo.
Per causa de neg'otii de i Paraua. com questo N aiche,
che e signor della costa di Pescaria, son gia 17 anni che si
fondo qsta residenza com casa, et chiesa assai buona, per dar'
ancora con questo pretesto la prima luce dell' euangelio ai
Badaga, i quali ben che restarono marauigliati della santita
del Padre, et particularm", della sua castita, non dimeno
fuorono sempre aisprezzando la legge che predicaua, come
legge bassa, et uile, tenendo essi in questo concetto i Paraua
et nostri Padri che la stan no per esser' Potughesi, li quali
sono da loro stimati per la piu uile et bassa genti del mondo.
Ver~ e c.be si marauigliano, et stupescono del soa animo, et
I
~20 THE ARAVIDU :DYMi\S';l'Y OP VIJAYANAGARA

ualore, et dell' atti beroicbl. et gloriosi cbe banno latto, et

fanno in guerra, i quali si come fanno per fama, cossi
esperimentassero nelle sue terre, il cbe per star molto dentro
la terra non puo essere, formerano altro concetto de Portu-
gbesi. Si marauigliano ancora delle sua richezze, liberaliti,
apparato, etgentilezza nel uestite. La onde intendo che la
causa eli formar aglino tal opinioni di Portughesi, flL i1
uederli beuer uino, et mangiar uacca, et lasciarsi toccare, et
. portare in lettica da i Paria che ~ tra di loro, genti abietta, et
uilissima, la qual superstitione ~ in qsta gente inuiolabil',
che una gente nobile non tocchi, ne tratti con altra men
nobili; di manera che un Brameni si lasciara piu tosto
morir di fame, che mangiar cosa fatta, 0 datagli per mane di
alcuno, che non sia Brameni. Et per esser Ii gentili di
MRdur~ venuti in questo concerto si basso del Padre che Ii
dimoraua, in 14. anni di tempo non gli fu possibile far ne
un solo xpiano in una citta si grade, et populosa come ~
Madure, che diceuano che facendosi xpiani perdevano la casta,
et nobilta, et che si faceuano fmnghi, che cosi chiamano
Ii Portughesi, et resteuano per sempre disonorati, et infami .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . , •••••••• e •••••• , . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ... .......... . . . . .

( )trattar, con quei gentili, et nuoui xpiani, et d£l lore

feruor, et molta capacita, che non mi parece ragione impedir
i1 frutto, che chiaram'·. mostraua ~o Spirito 5'·. uoler oprar' in
qlla gentilita, et cosi gJi concessi piena licenza si Sdare alla
scoperta, et di dar il battes o ; a tutti qUi, che fussero chiamati
da Dio, senza timore di qUo che potrebbe auenire sperado
nen' aiuto, et fauor Diu':, gia che Dio N. S. I' haveua scielto
por qUa impsa. Et pcbe penso, che riceveranno piacere di
saper il modo del suo uestlre, magiare, et trattar co quel
gentili, 10 discriuero qui breuemente.
II uestito del P. Rub". ~ una ueste longa sino aUe piedi,
qnal cbiamano Cabaia. di color bianco ue 0 il giallo : sopra
di qsta un' come roscetto di tela piu fina del] medesmo colo',
et sopra il roscetto un' panno, 0 eClst.o, edell' istesso color
della cabaia ; qual gle ua gettato per Ie spalle: in testa tiene
un' panno di tela fina bianco a modo di berretta rotonda: a
trauerso al collo un' cordone di cinque fili, tre di oro. et
due di fil bianco, con una croce, chi .gli viene a dar nel petto.
Et cio fe.ce il Padre per qsta causa, perche si come i Brameni,
i quai sono i loro maestri 10 qsb\ guisa porta no un cordone
eli tre fili, il qual' ancore che sia princi _l)alm": segno della
sua stirpe, ~ ancora in alcuna parte segno della legge che
insegnano, cosi ancora uole il padre porta.r segno della sua
legge spirituale, la qual fa professione di insciDar come
 APPItNDtX C

publico maestro conforme al costuome delJ~ terra; perche Ii

tre fili d' oro in un' cordont!"significano tre Persone diuine,
et un sol' Dio, gl' alrri dui fili bianchi, il corpo, et I' anima
santiss·. di xpo. N. S., et la croce ~ chiaro segnu, di passione,
et morte dell' iste{so.) Di maniera cbe in qsto cordone pro.
fessa Ii misterii della dell" santiss': Trinita, Incarn ae:, et
Redentione Quanto al uitto il suo magiare, che ~ una sol
uolta il gior'no aIle 22. 0 23. hore, ~ rlso, legumi, herbe, latti,
et per nessun caso ha da magiar carne, oui, ne pesce, perche i
Gurus Saniassi, che professano castita, guardano qsta
legge nel suo magiar inuiolabilm"., ne per nesuna necessita, 0
infirmita per grave che sia desp~sano in carne, che qsti
gentili si burlano di quei che dicono, ehe si puo consomar la
castita mangiado carne. L' habitatione del Padre, ~ in una
strada doue habitano la gente nobile; et per acgitar' maggior
credito, non escI fuora di casa, ne pmette che altri 10 ueggia,
ne che gli parli qualsi uoglia psona, ne in qualsi uoglia tempo,
ma dipoi, di ir la 2 0 tre uolte et pre gar il suo interprete, ehe.
10 lasci parlar con I' Aier, che ~ l' istesso che Signore, et
finalm"; dipoi di s{ uendere molto caro, conforme all' uzaza
del paesi, et per maggior riputatione, essendo eglino introdutti
a parlar col Padre 10 trouano che sta sedendo in un' loco
alquanto 6min~te, coperto con un panno rosso, e del color
del vestito, auanti del quale sta distesso in terra un' altro
pan no rosso, et piu au anti una stoia di paglia fina. Tutti
qUi che entrano, etiandio Ii piu nobili, et principali della
corte, gli fanno rivereza alsado Ie mani giunte sopra la testa,
et dipoi abassadole con una profonda inclinatione, et q uei
che uogliono esser suoi discepoli fono l' istessa ceremonia tre
uolte, et dipoi si postrano in terra, et si tornano a star' in
piedi. Impero il Padre la lingua Tamul piu polita et cosi
ben la pronutia che gli piu perih Brameni nella lingua non
gli leuano uantaggio. Sa legere, et scriuere nell' istessa
lingua, et gia ha letto molti libri ' delle sue historie, et
mandato a memoria Ie case principali della sua legge, et
molti uersi de i lore piu famosi, et rominati poeti, de . quali
essi fanno bran' canto. Impero ancora molte cansonette, Ie
qQali canta con tanta ( ) et gratia, che causa a cias.
chedun' cbe l' ascolta, ugual admiratione, et piacere. Va
adesso studiado il guesedano, cbe ~ il latino de Brameni, et
gia legge, et parla ragion.euolm":. Piglia comunem"; occasione
delle lora historie, p Ii C'onfodere, et prouar che no possono
esser molti Dei, ma un' solo, il quale ~ 'spirito, et non tien'"
cor po, gli ragiona a cosa della breuita della uita, della
certezza della morte, delle pene dell' inferno, come fece
particularm"; a QIlO de +.• S-0uernatori del Naiche, il qual
622 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA

succesce nello stato al suo fti!Uo magi or, cbe pochi di auan
ti era morto, etfu ' quel che dono al Padre il piano per fabri.
car la nuoua casa, doue adesso dimora.. Fa. qsto signor
gentile a uisitaa:; il Padre p l' arnicitia cbe co lui teneua, et fu
mezano, accio il suo frello gli desce quel piano. 11 Padre
comincio il ragionam", con gli domadar ehe era fatto del
suo frello tanto nobili, et ricco, ,et da tutti stimato, et
honorato, il quale per non hauer eonoseiuto la legge, et uia
della salute, staua gia penado nell' inferno, et gli parlo di
questa materia, con tanto feruor, et sp(iritu,} ehe il
giouan·. non potendo r g mesce il sentimento, et uolendo
ritener Ie lagrime, prompe in un' singulto, e(oo) tanta eopia
di lagrime, ebe tutta la sua gente resto stu pita, et marauig.
liata, et maggiorm"; il P. Rub ' . ueggendo (la) compuntione,
et sentimento in un' petto gentilesco ; et la fede, et eredito
ehe daua aBe eose, ehe gli dieeua. Si parti il gioua(ne)
desideroso di udir' altre molte Ie prediehe del Padre, et
pigliare il sentiero della salute, et promissi di farli dipoi di
eoncludere aleuni negotii de irnportanza, per'ehe va eerdido
settanta mila seuti per dar al N aiehe per )' inuestitura dell
statoldel suo frello, al quale il Naiehe aeerebbe altre terre, et
ua essedo ogni giorno piu fauorito del Naicbe, p esser gia
uani di belle parti, et aneo di tante forze, ehe alza con Ii
mani ( ) molto grande, et a fin di non Ie perdere tione
una sola moglera, il ebe Ii fara il negotio della sua eonuer·
sione molto piu ageuole.
Procuro aneora il Padre, ehe arriuase la notitia del'
euang": alle signori di altre terre, et a qsto dfetto mando il
suo interprete, per nome Giorgio, a un' signore di Bara.
posano, ehe ~ una Prouineia lontana do Madure ( ) per
la te(rra) dentro, al quale serissi una lettera in ehe gli
dieeua, ehe quei solam": saluar'si possono, iquali eognoseono
il VI!ro Dio V(iuo) et esseruano la sua santa legge, et come
egli staua apparegliarro per gli mostr at la uia ehe guida a la
salute eterna. La res posta del gentile. La risposta del
gentile migle si entendera per la copia della medesima sua
lettera. ehe eosi dice. Fissado gl' ocebi per qUa parte
doue stanno Ii piedi de V. S. il suo sehiauo Ciaruavioual~m
faeMo riu~renza sriue, Ja tutto qUo ehe V. (S.) eomanda sto
pronto per seruirla sempre. He reeeuuto una' S\la con grade
piaeere, et festa, in che me scriueua ebe des(i)deraua venir
rfelle rnie terre, per m' insegnare il diuino seereto, et qsto fu
il principal negotio ehe V. S. mi serisse -; rna per si ritrouar
al presenti qsta terra con molte guerre, non puol' essere ; rna
come si aequitQ subito mandare (a) nuoua alli santi piedi 4,
 APPENDIX C 62.8
V. S., ei all' hora sia. ella seruita di· venire. Signor non
riceua la sua uolunta aJcun disgusto, pe·r gli dir, che tardi un
poco in uenire, per star la terra in guerre, et morte. Jo non
so per qnal ( ) sorte sia accaduto, uoler V. S. venir
qua: di tutto il successo gli mandaro de poi ragguglo con
lettera.
Nella stessa forma mando una ill P. Rub'o. al Re di Nana
madura per inuitarlo, et ueder si uolesse udir Ie cose
perteoecenti a sua salu(atione) come haueua auanti mo~.
trato. L' interprcte fu dal Re molto ben riceuuto, et tratto
con lui delle cose di Dio, mostrand(o) gran' des ide rio de
ueder, et udir il Padre. In ris},?sta della Ira disse, cbe
haueua da uenir a Madl1r~ per ulsitare il N aiche, et all' hora
commodam": trattarebbe col Padre i et cosi 10 fece, perche
Ilenne il primo di Agosto, et tratto can i(1) Padre per
mezano, et 10 man do a uisitare per un sue Bramene con
molti compimenti, et segni di amicitia mostrad(o) ogni di
Maggior desiderio di egli stesso ir' a parlar col Padre sopra·
il negotio di sua salute; ma per causa di una infirm ita che
gli sopravenne si no a hora non l'ha potute fare. Era qsto
Re anticam": molto potete, rna hora il Naiche gli preso molto
terre. E di buon ingegno, et molto desidera de si saluare. il
che da grade speraze della sua conversione.
Pra gli xpiani che il Padre fece, uni si chiama Alessio
Hatehe, come habbiamo gia ditto. Soleua la madre di qsto
giouan(e) et suoi pareti en certo tempo far' alcune offerte
all' Idoli ; et essedo gia uenuto il tpo vennroe i Brameni a
dima(n)darle, rna come In mdre gla staua piu aifettionata
alle cose di Dio, che del DemO : gJi mando in buona 0 mal'
h(ora) et non gli diede cosa lacuna, del che non solam : i
Brameni si lamentarono, ma ancora aminaciarono, che
n( } piglie ubbero buona uendetta, et non passarono
molti giorni, che senti la donna darli un gran' colpo nell coll(o}
~enza ueder aIeuna persona, et subito si ammalo si grauem":
che la tenniano per morta, et gia non parlaua, ne(n) faceua
aIeun' mouim" : 11 figiolo magi ore. che an cora era gentile,
corsi con molta fretta a chie derai medio al Padre, il qual gli
mando il suo reliqulario per Alessio xpiano, et ponendolo
sopra il petto dell' infirma subit(o} torno en si, et lomado,che
cosa era quella, che I' haueu,a touata ; et finalm" ; ricebe per.
fetta sanita ' dando gratie al Signore, cbe la libero dalla
potesta del Demo: , et percbe ancora I' aninia restasse libera,'"
determino di far(si} xpiana, et a desso va imparado il cathe.
chismo, Ne fu minore it mouim": che fece qsto miracolo
Del fi~lio mag~iore, perche sQhito comiucio a impara la dot·
 624 THE ARAVIDU DYMASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA

trina, et il giorno dell' AssutiQne della B. Vergine, si bath Ceo,

et) ua auanti con molto feruore, udindo messa ogni
giorno, et recitando due a tre rosarii, il the so potra uedere
dal ca~o seguenti, au anti d~ 1 qual' .contero un altro, che prima
occorsl. Andal&a questa glOuane In mala converstione con
una donna, dalla qual decideraua la madre di staccarlo; et
non potedn per nesun' modo, fece uoto alla Vergina Maria,
della qual gia haueua alcuna no\.itia, che gl' infioreria la sua
cappella con rose, si il figho lasciasse q Ila mala occasione.
Fatto il uoto di tal maniera si mota il cuore del giouane, che
gia mai non puose udir nomin3.r qUa donna, il che rigognos,
cendo la madre per beneficio della Madonna, mando Ie rose
alla chiesa, et gli fu qsto grande motiue per si conuertire. 11
caso doque del giouanne, che poco fa diceua, fu qsto.
Aile 23 : di SeWlbre, giorne consecrate a un' I dolo, per
nome Anada, cosumaua Casturu Naiche. ~ qsti un Signor
principal, in corte del qual staua il giouane del qual parliamo.
et si chiama Visuada, digiunar, et pigliar un cordone di seta
da i Brameni, iJ qual tutto I' anno portaua·. legato al braccio,
sin' che gli desseri un' altro. Fu Visuada alPalazzo confor.
me aU' oblige che teneua, et gli dom1idarono.gli Brameni si
digiunaua, al che rispose che no, ma essi gli feceuano foru
dice do, gia che Casturu digiuna, et ~ deuoto de Visnu, uoi
ancora 10 douete essere ; ancorche cento di uoi altri mi pre
dichino, non mi faranno gia mai far cosa contra i1 douersi: al
N alcbe nelle cose che toccapo at cor po gli seruiro io di molto
buona uoglia, rna nelle COSt;o' che apartengone aU' anima, non e
egli mio signore; ei si mi comada cose alcuna contra qUa
DOn I' hG da far ber niun' caso. Dissero all' hora i Brameni
al Naiche; che non era ragjone, che Visuada stesse in sua
casa, ne uedesse mai la sua faccia, perche r jnegaua gli Dei
dic1:l00 di piu ( ), che era molto graue peccato i mirar
neHa faccia di Visuada, al che eghi rispose, anzi a mi parce
::he ~ grande peccato i mirar nella uostra, che di certo hauete
d' andar' a cas a del Dem· : ; ignorano che non sapete niante.
Occorsero molte altre particolarita, nelle q uali si prouo la
constanza di qsto giouane, et principalmente coi nom uoler
riceuere in neuna maniera il nuouo cordon di Visnu, che
Casturu gii liaua; anzi dicedogli il Naiche che era di qllo
dell' anno passato, rispose che I' haueua fatto in pezzi. et git.
tato per terra.
n mese di Giuglio di 608. sHido Del principio della notte
un' Mahomettano con altra gente, tra quali era il xpiano
chiamato Alberto, apparece al ditto mahomattano il Dem' : in
Pillra humana, et il timor, con cbe resto ispantadCiJ beG'
 APPENDIX C

lll06tro qual qual fusse la uisione, et dicendole al christiano

che iui staua, egli Ii fece nella fronte il segno della
S'" ,: croce, it che f:1tto il Demo: con molta colera gli
disse, con esta arma che ti diede quell' huomo ti ua bie, d'
.alra maniera io pigliaua hora vendetta di se domandogli
il Mahomettano, di chi era quell' arma j al che rispose. iJ
Demo: che era arma di Dio onnipotente, dal qual era stato
creato, et il Mahomatt" : et egli medesimo, et cio ditto dis-
parece.
Nell' istesse tempo entro il Demo: in un gentile in ps:::za
di motti, et arriuado la Alberto, in cui tutti rico nosceuano
poter contra il Demo: 10 pregauano che gli fece sse alcune in-
terrogationi. La prima cosa che gli domando fu si qllo che
il P. Rub·: insegnaua era uerita, et si era uero maestro. Ri5 .
pose il Demo: che il Padre era huomo di grande autorita et
che qUo che insegnaua tutto era uverita. Demado di piu il
xpiano si qllo che il Padre haui \ cominciato anfaria uaoti al
che rispose, che nel principio farebbe poco rna che dipoi di
tre anni farebbe molto, et che l' im psa che haueua comincia-
(to) anderebbe in grande aumento del cbe tutti retarono
marauigliati, et bem puol' essere, chc il padre de la mcntiyra
dicesse il uero del progresso di qsta missione, come p
forza 10 disse della uerita, e t bonta della dottrina del Padre.
In Agosto de 61)8. uenne un' gentile per si catechizare di
bel giuditio, et tal si mostro subilO nelle cose della nra santa
Fede dandogli tanto credito, che noo, che non uolse mai piu
por ceoice nella froote, ne conxentir che tre figlioli suoi se
la ponessero, face do grand' instanza al Padre che 10 batti-
zasse subito. Ma il Padre per far proua della sua costanza
gli prolan go il tempo. Continuo il gentile con Ie prediche del
Padre, della q uali si seruiua poi per dispt1tar con Ii gentili.
Cadde qsto huomo infermo, et con i figli insieme, et ume
a 'c uni dicono entr~ il Dem" : nel maggior di 10ro jet uenedo
i Brameni con cenice per far Ie sue superstitioni, Ii butto il
buon catecumeno fU0ra di casa et mando achiedere aleun'
reim.edio al Padre, dic:'! dogli che qsto era llluentione del '
DemO: rna che egli staua de(ter)minato, di piu tosto morir,
che far cosa che fusse ( ) alia legge del uero Dio. Il
Padre mando la Aless(o) con l' acq aa benedetta, ei con I'
euago: di S. Jiou' : scritto, con la qual medic ina se gli fu la
febre, et restaron(o) tutti sani, et certificati della uerita
della ora S". Fede.
In una Ira, che il p, Rub o. mi acrisse. alli 25. d' Ottobre di
608. diceua. Un Raggiu molto nobile, il q uale mostra essere
di <\0. anni, uenn. molte notte-alla porta della mia caia con
626 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
grande s.nt,imento, et parI ado con il patron di quel piano,
gli disse, che gia era I:lechio, et chs la sua morte era uicina;
p cio 10 pgaua con grande instanza ch~ 10 uolesse far parlar
con il mio interprete, accio l' introduce~se a parlar me® per
poter ~sser mio discepo(lo) e sedo che molti gli diceuano in
qsta citta, che io lDsegnaua la legge dell' eteJ;"na salute.
Finalm": io 10 fe-entrar et egli gittandosse alli miei piedi con
molta deuotione mi scoperse Ii ~uoi desiderii, iqual i erano di
essere incamin(ato) per it uero sentero della salute. Parlai
con questo uechio molto tempo parendome di buon' ingegno,
et pruden(za) et la conclusione fu, che udisse il Cathechismo,
et promisse, de cosi 10 farebbe, et iusieme procurerebbe che
molti (al)tri Rgiu, che stauno sotto di lui fussero suoi
discepoli.
Un altro BaIala maestro con extraordinario feruor mi
venne a pregare che 10 insegnasse. Credo che senza dubbio
neon) hauerebbe V. R. potuto ritener Ie lagrime, ueggendo
con quanta deuotione qsto gentile Ie spargeua, quando stado
prostrate aali mei piedi caldam": mi pregauache 10 s4luasse.
At psete ua ,udindo il catechismo, et forma buon conce(tto)
delle eose di Dio N. S.
Hora daro conto di qual che soccesse a Badamurti signor
di qsto piano, nel qual io habito, il qual' gia era earecume·
nCo). AlIi 23. d'Ottobre di 6011. doppo pranso pesse in tutto la
parola Fui io a sua casa, et 10 ritrouai che staua in agon(ia)
de morte. Subito 10 battizai, et di Ii a poco tempo si leuo in
piedi, et abraciando Ii miei piedi con molte de(uo)tione disse,
che a Dio, et a me devea la uita. Et aggiunse che stauano
iui alcuIti huomini, ~he seriau(o) Demonii, de quali uno 10
uoleua stragolare, et non gli lasciaua formar parola, un' altro
gli rompeua Ie g::tmb(e) un' altro gli dioeua che la finisse
presto per 10 poter leuar' uia. Staua il pouerello in qsto traua-
glo, et contras(te) quando io giunse ; ma con la uirtu del
S LOlegno, cbe gli posi al coHo, et dell' acqua benedetta, sub.
ito Ii Demon(iij fuggirono. Resto egli molto deboIe, et
Qacco, cpn la gola tanto indebolita, che non poteua dir parola,
et faced(o) mi di cio cen ll o gli feci il segno della s .. croce
sopra la gola, et 9ubit ocomincio parlar, et io gli dissi (che)
gia }' haueua battizato, al cbe ripose, chemolto 'ben 10 sapeua,
et che qlla -era la sua uolotJta. Torno hier' I' altr(i) di nuouo
a star male, fui a dir messa p lui, et quado la cominciaua mi
dissero, che staua spirado, et finindo io la messa mi diedero
nuoua, che gia staua bene, come hora sta senza febre, et hoggi
venne a udir messa. Ha posta nelle mie mani tutta la sua
famiglia, accio li dia il st. battesimo, nella Qual stanno piu di
 APEPNDIX C 627
uen(te) persone. Egli ~ huomo di tanto eredito, et stima,
ehe speriamo p suo l1Jezo si eonuertino molti a Dio N. 5.,
Sino aq la del P. Rub" Dipoi della quale mi scrisse dell'
aitrel dandomi raggnaglio di qllo che Dlo N. S. fci oprando,
et pette p Ie sue ist( ) si int~dera piu chiara, et dis.
tJntam'·: il tntto, Ii porro q disteram': nella maniera ehe
stanno.
Copia di una Lettera del P. Ruberto Nobili al P. Prou":
del Malauare de 24. di Dee~bre 1608.
Sono obligato a dar sempre conto a V. R. di qllo ehe
Dio N. S. uao prado in qsta nuoua missione. Gia serissi,
come dipoi (Ia) partita di V. ~. di qsta eitta nel fin di set.
tembre haueua battizato q uatro persol'le; eio ~ Badamurti
che ~ il signor di qsto piano, doue sta la mia casa, al quali
trio diede la sanita miraeolosam": Christinada, che ~ un.
maestro statuario. ehe faeeua Idoli, et altri lauori,
molto eccelle(nte) nella sua arte. et dal Naiche, et
da tutti i signori di Madu(rei) molto stimato. II 3·: fu
il nro giouane Golor frello del portinaio maggior del Naiehe.
Il 4· : fu un huomo nobile che V. R. non 10 eonosee, per non
I' hauer uisto nel tempo, che quiui stette. Adesso nel giorno
dell' Apto S. Tomaso battizai noue; eioe Ii tre frelli di
Badamurti, et due suoi figlioli. II Calistu ehe uenne a udir
una pdiea del Catechismo, quado qui staua V. R., il quale
mostraua molto feruore, et con lui battezai' il padre, et due
suoi figlioli, un' piceiole di cinque, 0 6. anni; et un' altro
maggiore. II Cali stu, et suo padre, ess~ do aneora gentili erano
molto deuoti dell' ldoli, et sue ceremonie, I::t tanto ehe
dieendo Calistu, a suo padre, che haueua parlato un esso
meco, et ehe io insegnaua una legge spiritual. la qual gli
pareeia la uera; dissegli il ueeehio. ehe non sapeua cos.
alcuna, et ehe egli parlerebbe con esso meeo, et mi conuin.
eerebbe, et mi farebb ~ ( ). .venne il buon ueehio
aeeompagnato dal suo figliolo, et aneorehe nel proncipio
noise argumetare, et disputare, resto non ( ) eosi
appagato delle ragioni, ehe io gli diedi della legge d. Dio,
ehe mi apporto grandissima consolatione il ueder qnto con.
eorre Dio N. S. con qsta gente. et cosi fu eontinuado egli
con il suo figliolo in udir Ie prediehe con tanto feruor. et
formarino si buon coocetto delle eose di Dio, ehe mi obli.
garono a non gli differir il 5'· : battesimo. Il ueeebia ess~ do
g~ tile tenena una casa salam": palbergar' Jj pellegrini, nelh
qual teneua un Padara, aeeio Iesse aeu ua a tutti Ii pa.Sd,g.
gieri ...
&2~ THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OP VIJAYANAGARA

XXIX
AN EXTRACT OF A LETTER OF Fr. A~BERTO LAERZIO
TO Fr. C.LAUDJO AQUAVIVA

(Cochi", Decembef 16th, 1610.)

No Collegio de S. Thome em Meliapor foy estes anos
Reitor 0 P. Nicolao Leuato co satisfayao, e era may accepto
a qUe Prelado, q 5e mostra nosSO amigo ; e a el rey de Bis-
nags. e a toda aqUa corte; e teue sempre muy bom cui dado
de conseruar aqUas Residecias de VeUur, e Chandrigri; Agora
o P. VisitO' • fez Reitor da qUe Collegio ao P. Simao de Sa,
o qual nhum talento te p' isso, e bem 0 (te demos)tado.
Entendo ha de padecer m'·. a qlle Collegio e tudo, e na dis-
ciplina re.ligiosa, e ainda na amizade co a Bpo, por nao
gostar do modo do Pre, q nao he p'. isso, e por este
respeito DO ana passado Ihe tiramos 0 cuidado da casa de
Negapatao ...
Cochim. 6. de Decebro de 610.
D.V.P.
Minimo fO c Chro
+
ABLRRTo LARRCIO

XXX
AN EXTRACT OF THE 'LITTERAE ANNUAE' OF THE
PROVINCE OF MALABAR, 1609
(1610)
Quod aq D. Thomae Collegium spectat scimus Reve-
rendissimum Meliaporen~em ducemque et Senatum Civitatis a
Patre Collegii Rectore, ql:lem apud Regem Bisnagarum gratio-
sum esse sciunt, multis precibus contendisse,ut eundemRegem
adiret, et ab eo impetraret litteras ad Ginianum Dynastam,
quibus ageretur de Oladensibus ex sua dictione rejiciendis:
illos enim amice exceperat, et portum quo appellerent, locum-
que in quo arcem aedificarent, ill is concesserat: qui qui-
dem minime segnes arcem extruere jam incipiebant. Quae
res si processisset, grade certo malum Lusitanis et Xnis.
omnibus pervenire potuisset. Non potuit Pater nee debuit
tam officiosum laborem recusare, Regem adit, litteras im-
petrat, eas ad ipsummet Dynastam' defert; benigne atque
 APPENDIX C 62~

honoriiic"e ab eo eJ{c~pitur ; 'de postulatis serio cum ipso aglt •

res difficilis videbatut:, propter non modicum lucrum quod ex:
novorum hospitum commercio iIle se percepturum sperabat,
prohinde Patrern bene sperare jubendo, responsionem diffe-
rebat. Interim Rex cum videret Patrern diutius in ea quasi
legatione irnmorari, causarn morae suspicatus, suopte ingenio
impulsus alias litteras, non sine increpatione ingeminat.
Dynastae imperat ut Patris postulata faciat, et ornnino
Lusitanorum hostem a se repellat ; si portum quem illis
dederat freq uentari vellet, eum traderet Lusitanis, quos
utiliores arnicos quam Olandenses esset habiturus, His ille
accept is litteris, Patrern accersit, velle se dicit Regis volun-
tati satisfacere, quaeque postulabantur concede(,e. IUico ad
Episcopum, ducern et Senaturn D. Thomae dat Jitte~as; ad
quos etiam cum patre legatos mittit, ut cum illis de adeunda
Portus illius possessione ac frequentatione agant: condi-
tionem ~'pponit ut Pater Rector cum Lusitan is ad ejus
portus "traditionem revertatur. Ita fit. Designatur qui
{uturus sit dux inceptae ab Olandesibus areis, ill is alio
amandatis. Qui ducem comitarentur milites conscripti sunt ;
dona que ad Dynastam deferrentur praeparata. Denique res
solernmiter acta est. Jacta erant arcis fundamenta, at parietes
ad aliquatularu undequaque altitudinem excreverant. ~rat
ingens calc is, laterumque copia ; nam ex lateribus arcern
extruf;bant. U xhts illis sacerdos ex N ostris reman sit, quae
una est ex Residentiis quibus in principio diximus auctam hoc
anne fuisse Proviciam. Locus Tavanapatnam appellat~r.
unde copiousum Deo volente fructum speramus.

XXXI
SOME EXTRACTS OF A LETTER OF Fr, ALBERTO
LAERZro TO Fr. CLAUDIO AQUAVIVA

(Cochi", •... .. 8th, 1611. )

(A quotation fl'Otn a Letter of Fl'. Robel'to de
Nobill, dated Madul-a, Decembel', 12th, 1610.)

Iddio p sua misericordia UI~ ogni giorno agiuntando

noue pecorelle al suo ovile, distrugendo il culto del Demonio
como diceua un Pandara d'autorita ad un xpano, cbe " la
uenuta del Re di BisllagA. a Madure era distruttione del
Naicbe, et il star m,io in questa t~rra era destruttione de
r"'''darj ...... ,....... ;1••••••• , •• ~~
830 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF 'lIJAYANAGAR A

(A fJuotatio N/,om a"other lette, of F,. de Nobili

dated Modl/,o, NOIJembel' 2211~. 1610.)
In questa Citta di Madure ha Molti Studj ne quali uanno
piu di dieci mile studentj Bramanj, diuisi p uarij maestrj
a chi ducenti, et a chi trecenti, et p megliore studiare, et
darse in tutto aUe scientia, II Re di Bisnaga, et II Naiche
della Citta hanno fonrJatj uarij collegij con molte buone
rendite, p sustentam(eto) dei Maestrj et studentj mentre
studiano ; ne (solo) del uitto mf~ anco ue uestire pse, et lora
case se cho rnentre studiano; no anna hanno altre pensiero che
Ie su e biuo, rna in tutto il necessario son prouedutj dalle
rendite di Collegij. Quel che legone et Insegnano sono case
malta u:lrie, p che hanno molte uottrine. Prirnieram". fan no
alcunne questionj proemialj, como de Argurnetatione, de
Scientia, de Euid". et fide, et co pia queste quatro case se
stende la lore filosofia, percio chl: in quaesto mede .
simo trattamo piu diffusamete dividndo la filisofia che esti
chlumano, chinta manj, che uol dire agiuntamete, 0 coc
( ) de pensieri et arg,j intra Capi, nel po. e de Euidentia
et qui riducono questa questionj., De Inuocatione seu Adora.
tiooe Vtrum "sit initio operis aliquis Deus inuocandus,. De
Certitudine, 'De bonH. sev pfecta certitudine , De Certitudinc
qoa babernus p generationc productione de nouo De
forrnalitate <;ertitudin:s. De speciebus Objector, De
Vnione locali, seu p contiguitat~"et De. Vnionibus diu~rsis,
Id est forrnaIi, accidentali, et aW'i quadS qua no percipio,
quia no est ex subst·. et natura. D~ Praedicato et
Subjecto p negatione; De objecto uisibtij seu visus.
De indiuisibiJitate uolutatis. De SplendorI:' Auri. De'
Actus refiexione quo quisq se cognoscit, et intelligit.
Qlleste sana Ie questionj che nel po. Capo de EUid". trat,
tano, hll. alcune altre rna p la strettella del t0po no Ie posso p
Re( )an"'. uedero. Ne12° Capo che e de Scientia trattano Ie
sequenti questioni. De Signis lllationis. De Sequella tatu,
De Inductione. De fall entia. De Semine fallentiae seu de
modo impugr..andi fall entia. De subiecto, De discursu. De
SIgna causatiuo. De ornnimoda fallentia. De Coniunctione
secudu quid. De Priuatione. De effectu 0 caus:t. De omni.
moda coniunctione. De Viti". Certitltfiine seu consequentia.
De causa, De euidectj probatione. De certitudine a Simili.
De errore. De dubitatione. De Variatione suppositionis. Ex
uero Antecedente de falsa conclusione. De Deo Ruden. De
Multiplictate causar. De Naturali 'Ii, et virtute, de sup
adclita de nouo Virtute Nel 3°. capo che e de Auctoritate seu
auditu, trattano queste questioni cio e De Correspondentia
Verbor De Con\.tenit::tia in Communj. De Vnione affectionis.
 APPENDIX C 68J

De Desiderio. Ue Corruphone Sonj. De Corruptione totius

mudi. De Merito Le$is. Quod no est utru possit affirmarj.
De Nouit'lte. De Annibilatione. De Propria impositione;-et"
Deniq, quo modo d ~ bea t esse signu. Queste sono Ie questionj
du una dottrina sola che loro insegnano, la qle finiscono in
4. e 5. anni . Di piu hanno altre cinque molto piu diffuse altre
la Scienta che I..biamano Vedadam oue trattano de Deo, et
eius Vnitate ...
(Anothe, quotatioltof a lette, oj Fr. Antonio VieD companion
of Fr. de Nob;li, nlating tire fmit of the latter's lIfe and p,each.
inc. Fr. Vieo's Itt fe, is dated Madura, DtCember 24th, 1610.
It ",ns as follows:)
Haura gill. due mesi che uenne qui un R egolo tributarlo
del Naiche grande p Nome Vttapa Naiche di buonissima
natura et desideroso di saluarse ; Questo in arriuando all
aposento dell' Aier si prostro con la faccia in terra ne se leuo
dali insincbe .due, e tre uolte il Padre no gJi 10 dicesse.
Ragiono de poi col Padre dalle miserie di Questa uita, et
certeza della morte, et nel fine pre go con molta in stanza il
Padre uolese venire aile sue terre, p che in ogni modo
uoleua riceuere la sua dottrina: ..

XXXII
I\N EXTRACT OF A LETTER OF Fr. ALBERTO LAERZIO
TO Fr. CLAUDIO AQU .\ VIVA

(Coclljll, Novtlllbe'Y 25t", 1611.)

A missao de Bisnagll. tern a sua coata 0 P. Ant ° • Rubino

depois da morte do born P'. Belchior Coutinho, e agora lhe
dey por comp·. 0 P. Ant·. Diaz. Espcramo; utlnha ca. Q P.
Visltad'''. pa.lhe aplicaremos outros dous P" . e buscaremos
todos os modos pn. se colher desta misslo 0 fruito q' se de.
seja, 0 qual este anno foy m'·. menos, por el Rey for ja muitQ
velbo, e doente, e ter intregue 0 gouerno Ii h u:r das molberes,
e a seu Irmao della, os quaes nuca se mostradio amigos dos
Pres. e m'·. menos dos Portugueses, a mas agora fizerao
guerra a Cidade de Meliapor tendoa de cerco all( us meses, de
modo q' foy necess'O. recolherese os nossos P". e mo,<os ao
CoW. de S. Thome ate se faserem os concertos e as amizades.
Quando foy uisitar Ceilao em Junho passauo achey 0 P. Ant"
Rubino em Columbo, onde pgara as sestas feiras de Coresma
co mla. satisfa~ao da quella Cidade, onde tinha ydo 4 requeri.
men to do seu Rey de Bisnagfl. (que Ih e nao pudedio negar)
co seUi embaixadores, q elle mandou ao Gouernor. D. ]ero-
682 THB ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA

nimo pll. Ibe uender algus elefantes, como 0 P. Leuanto in.

formara II. V. P., mas como nada -se affeituou, 0 P. nao tinha
ja aJy que fazer, e torney leuar comis-o ate S. Thome, onde 0
deixey no mez de Agosto, pera q tato q e1 Rey conc1uisse as
concertoc: e amizades co a Cidade, q se esperaua seria cedo,
se tornasse a VeUltr co 0 P. Anto. Diaz continuar a sua
missao ...
Cochy. 25. de Nouembro 1611.
D. V. P.
Ind·. f" em X·.
+
ALBERTO LABRZIO.

XXXIII
AN EXTRACT OF A LETTER OF Fr. ALBERTO LAERZro
TO Fr. CLAUDIO AQUA VIVA

rr.ochin, November 25th, 1611.)

A, cerca do q escreuerao da compra dos Elefates def Rey

de Bisnaga mostrey ° capitolo da carta de V. P. ao P.
Leuaoto, q estli. agora aql1i desdicando neste Collegio ; e ella
respondera., e enformara de tudo 0 q nisso 0 ue ; Pore
nhua causa ovue nisso menos decente, mas antes tudo se fez
cq muita edificac;ao, e sao meos muy neces·'. e q a Compo
custao pouco, pera estes Reys gentios se afieic;oare a Dossas
couzas, e permitire co facilidade, q em suas terras se pr~gue
a ley de Ds ...
Cochim. 25. de Nouembro, de 611
D. V. P.
Ind. f. em x.
+
ALBltRTO LABRZIO.

XXXIV
AN EXTRACT OF A LETTER OF Fr. ALBERTO LAERZIQ
TO Fr. CLAUDIO AQUAVlVA

(Cocllin, November 25th. 1611.)

Questo anno andando a uisitare la Prouincia el mese di

Maggio,arrivando sino a Meliapor che he long~ daquesta Citta
d"ceQte Ie,he, e raccogliendomj en a~uesto Colleg~o a 22,
 APPENDIX C

d.e 7br~ non potei passar per Madurej, e consolarme con aquel.
li Pdrij e cristianj, come haueua determinato, impedito
dalla guerra che h<tueua frli. il Naiche di Madure, et il di
N agapatano •..
di Cocino a 25 di 9bre 1611.
D. V.P.
Indo. fo. in XO
+
ALBERTO LAERZIO.

xxxv
A N' EXTRACT OF THE LITTERAE ANNUAE OF THE
PROVINCE OF MALABAR, 1611

(7672.)

Velluranae et Chandragmnensis Resideptiae vacant in

praesentiarum. Quo enirn tempore Patres in Collegio con-
venerant ut spiritum renovarent, et rnutuis colloquis se ad
divinum ser\Titium magis accenderent, Badagae bellum Lusi.
tanis intulerunt, et D. Thornae urbern obsidione premere
coeperunt, Causa fuit cupiditas pecuniarurn. Dum enim
Rex jam nimium senex stupet, qui regnum administrant
:}uidquid libet licere sibi arbitrantur . . Regis nomine ingen.
tem pecuniarum s.u mmam a D. Thomae civibus postulavere;
rec.usarunt illi tam insolitam exactionem; recusantes armis
aggrediuntur. Illi contra armis se defendunt, in armis sunt
utrique, illi urbem oppugnant ut earn depraedentur, isti
propugnant ut suas res tueantur, .J:i0stiurn jam per-
multi, ex Lusitanis etiam nonnulli sunt occisi. P. Rubinus
Ri. Episcopi et Magi~tratum rogatu cum duobus civibus ad
tyrannum missus est ut de pace ageret: Sed quia postulatas
pecunias secum non .deportarunt, 'comprehensi sunt et in
vincuiis tenentur. Quem finem res b'abitura sit ignoramus.
XXXVI
AN EXTRACT.. OF A LETTER OF Fr. ANTONIO RUBINO
TO Fr. JOAO ALVARES

(St. Thome, November 29th, 161.7.)

Ouue por be a Sata obed.. depo'is de 4. anos ce tirarme b

carrega q tinha deete CoW. do q diu particulares gra~as ao
S'.hor. As g uerras deste Reino de Bisaaga uaotomado hom
 884. THll: AhAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA

ter~o, porq 0 menino legitimo successor da coroa uai cada

dia mais alca~ado maiores uictorias, e os messes passados
cortou a cabeca a Jagaraiu seu cotrario. aleuatouse e seu
lug~r hu Ir. seu por nome Etiraiu, mas no pode resistir ao
poder de menino por onde se cr~, q ~ breu!! ~ra coroado e a
DOSsa missao se torDara a renouar •.• '
De S . Thome os 29. de 9bro de 1617.
D. V. R.
MinImo Seruo e 0 Senbor.
ANT'. RUbINO.

XXXVII.
MEMORIAL AGAINST THE JESUITS OF VIJAYANAGARA,
AND SPECIALLY AGAINST THOSE OF CHANDRAGIRI

Que em Cbandegri Corte D'Elrey de Bisnaga reside

bum religioso da Compo e dous em Velur, que be outro lugar
onde este Rey custuma estar mO, pte. do tempo, que nestas
duas p.... nao ha conuersao, nem Christaos, mais que tres ou
qu~tro moyos, que seruem a estes religiosos, e que 0 lim
principal que tern nq.... duas terras he acquirir rendas pera sy
como ya tem em Melial ·or mais de cinco mil pardaos cada
anno. sendo os religiosos que aly residem tres sacerdotes, e
dous yrmaos; que servem mais estes religiosos na Corte
daquella Rey de atrauessarem tudo quanta ha ate as pelles
pera as botas, e canas de palanquins, que ate nestas meude.
zas poem estanque. Que seruem em lugar de pregayao
euangelica de and:.r falando a Vontade dos Bran t oes, e
Jogues, que sam os Sacerdotes, e penitentes entre aquell es
gentios. E de por seu mea aCl)_uirirem 0 que pretendem,
porque todos os religiosos da compo. que andao por aq'o. costa,
aprendem a lengoa nao pera pregare a ley EuangeJica (que 0
DaO fazem) se nao pera por este meo, com mllis segredo se
comunicarem com aqueUes gentios, e aC'lll.rirem rendas para
sy, e nao pera pregare a fe, E contterterem almas porque 0
nao fazem e se ~ Magestade tern outra informa<;ao he er iada,
que tem 'Chegado a tanto dasaforo da ley Christam, que em
VeluT, onde ocaua, El Rey de Bisnaga, tern bum Irmao
Italiano que se chama Fuente buena, 0 qual he pintor de
profissam e se ocupa em pintar aO Rey gentio suas molheres
nuas abra<;adas com elle em tanq ues de agoa, e em actos
deshonestos, pintalle mais os seus idolos fazendo retratos
desta calidade somente por enganare ao Rey, eWe ganbar! a
vontade com estas pinturas pera que Ihes de rendas como
 APPENDIX C

faz sem resp'o, algum a Christandade, e a saluayao clas

almas, mais que a SelJS interesses particulares, Qu~ isto he 0
q fazem na Corte, e terras doEI Rey de Bisnaga, nas q"',
residem ha onze annos, e que at~ 0 prezente nam tern conuer.
tido a fe hua alma, ne pregarao a ley Euangelica em suas
ter{as, mas acquirirao m". renda pera sy, a. fora 0 que inter.
essao em seus tratos, e mercancias.
Que em Meliapor tem feito poucos xpaus Os que ha 56
conuertem por mea cia comunica"ao, e familiaridade do
serui90 dos portugueses, e que naQ he necessario pregarlhes
pera que se conuertao, porque com facilidade 0 fazem, e as
mais dos que ally h!l. conuertidos por pregayao os conuerte.
rao os Frades de S. Francisco que ha· m..... annos residem
naqueJla cidade.
Hua das igreias d.e xpaos da terra, que nos arrebaldes da
dita cidade ests!. encorn'endada aos Religiosos cia Camp', he a
cia Madre de Deos na qual com auer Bispo, e F .J.Stor, e elles
seus Vigairos nao querem q Esteia debayxo de iurisdiyao do
dito Bispo mais que pera pagar ordenados, e por ella de tudo
e no mais, quere que os xpaos seyao izentos do dito Bispo e
do seu Vigairo geral, e que nao visite, mas que chrisme. E
assy ha. de dar conta a Deos destas ouelhas, e os religiosos ao
de seruerse delas e trosq ueallas, e pera isto nao ha de ser
Prelado, de sorte que pOl' nao se entendeie seus intentos que
todos uao ordenados a interesse nao querem que ninguem
entenda com causa, que est~ ye a sua conta. E esta foi a
causa principal de 0 Bispo de Cochim os tanyar fora de Costa
de Pescaria.
Em mt.. partes desta Costa auiao .xpaos que estauao a
CUllta destes religiosos~ desimparadio os mais de lies por os
senhores da terra Ihe nao darem m". reoda fl os nao deyxarem
foi 0 de Tauanapatao, e outro 0 de porto nouo, que sam os
que de nouo pedem os Hollandeses ao Naique de Giga E
com isto ham dado estes Religiosos grandes occasioes de escan·
dalos, e de hauerem qeyxado a fe catbolica muytos rezem
baptizados por Ihe faltiuem os mynistros da conuersao, e que
Ihes disse 0 pasto spiitaJ das almas neste estado S8 achou
aquelle B'pado. E foi necessario ao Bispo Valerse dos seus
Clerigos, e com eUes proue.r logo os postos que os Religiosos
da Compo, desempararao.
Estes Religioso!:! tratam somente de seu interesse fugindo
as occasioes de trabalhos, e'Martyrio, fundaose em acquirir
tudo quanto podem, e entao enganao a S. Mag"*. escreuendo
que tern conuersiio na Corte d' El Rey de Bisnaga e Nar.
686 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA

singa, e fazem que sua Mag..... he escreua cartas de agra·

decim'·. por dar boa colheita a estes .. Religiosos em suas
terras, e fauorecelhos no ministerio da contiersao, . e enta~
tresladao a carta de S, Malt'. em suas oUas, e lingoa da terra
;:omo querem acrecentando lhe e diminuindo 0 que faz a seu
proposito e dao a EI Rey a olla em sua lingoa e a carta de S,
Mag". e ados Visoreys ncalhes no escritorio, e assy metem
ao Rey nQ cabeya mil torres de Vento; e da mesma maneyra
escreuen a S. Mag"". 0 que conuem a seu propos ito e firmao a
carta com a chapa do Rey porque por bum real que dem ao
seu criado que tern a chapa, e firma d' EI Rey lha deyxara
abrir trinta uezes quanto mais assynar cartas em tudo 0 que
se diz se fala a uerdade a S. Ma~. porque he obrigayao de 0
desenganar, e:a seus minyst!"6"s, das mentiras, e embusda
yndia .pedindo se lhe com toda_ a ynstanc~a mande acodir a
estes religiosos com reformayao muy estrelta, e mande que
se recolhao as cidades, e lugares pouoados de Portugueses,
porque affrontao com seu modo de negoyear 0 nome
xpao.
Do que passa na Costa da Pescaria se podera saber por
Via do Bispo de Cochin, q anda conquistando estes Religio.
50S ha dous annos, e 0 que fa zem na China polla do Bispo
de Macao e 0 mais se diz dos outros. 0 Bispo de Mellapor
sofre 9.'. pode porque nao aya dar entender a estes xpos rezem
baptisados, e a os infieis, que hi\. diuisao na ig". de Deos por
estes Religiosos buscao com suas conservatorias occasioes
cada dia de noua schysma e tem posto todo aquelle estado
ate a China em grande balaoyo.
Deue S. Mag'. sU{lplicar ao s'". P. mande reuogar todos
os Breues, e Bullas, que as Religioes mendicantes, e os da
Comp'. tern pera tomarem Conseruadores, e que elles e suas
causas fiquem sogeitas aos ordinarios nos termos do d'·. com·
mum, porque se assy se nao nzer se hfl. de perder a Christan.
dade da yindia, e hao de crecer muy depress a mais schysmas,
que em Hollanda, e em Inglaterra_s....M~? porque he deue
mandar acodir a reformar estes Religiosos, e prouer neste seu
modo de proceder se nao ser the ha necessario m'·. cedo
mandar a yndia cabedal pera conquistar os Religiosos cia
Camp'. e nao se sabe se bastara porq tem mais d'·, qu-e-5.
Mag", e nele estribao.
Tambem se lembra a S. Mag"'. que conuem mO. a seu
seruiyo e tanto como nao auer olandeses na yndia mandar
que de Cochim ate Maluco em toda a Costa, e terra finne
pao ala Religiosos de, Camp'. estrangeiros e os q.ue Ol\Jler
 APPENDIX C

seyam Portugueses, Castelbanos, e Gallegos, e nenhua outra

nac;:ao pq ue nao COn!}e ao servic;:o de Deos, e de S. Mag".
auer esta gente por aquellas p'" . e terras, se M seruido que
se nao p{erez)ca aq", Christandade e 0 estado da yndia.
Dos mais Religiosos nao ha queixa de 'que se auize as.
Mag'. mais &de serem todos m'·. pobres e que fazem 0 que
deue som". se descuidao em aprender a lingoa da terra, pore
56 ouuer de ser p' . se aproueitarem della como os da Compo
mBbor sera. que a nao saibao.
Antonio Viles decima.
 APPENDIXD
DOCUMENTS FROl'd THE ARCHIVES OF THE
R. C. DIOCESE OF MYLAPORE (MADRAS)
 6J.o THE AR~VIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA

I
NOTICIA DESTE BISPADO DE ~AILAPUR .

Nao podendo 0 Sor Bispo de Cochim D. Fr. Andres &:

visitar por si todo 0 seu Bispado por ser muito extenso re-
quareo a seu soberano sobre este ponto. Este era entao 0
Snr D. Filipe 3. Rey de Hespanha·.e de Portugal postulou ao
Papa Paulo 5. erecrrao do Bispado de Mailapur desmembrando-
o do de Cochim. 0 Papa conhecendo a justirra da postula-
~ao no dia 9 de J anr de 1606 erigio a I greja de S. Thome de
O

Mailapur em Cathedral em ms· . dia creou para Bispo da

ms a D. Fr. SebasWio de S. Pedro da Ordem dos Eremitas
C
•

de S. Ago. porque 0 do-Snr. Rey assim lho pedia. Tudo is to

e mais consta da Acta Congregationis Consistorialis habitae
die 9 Januarii anr160 5 coram Paulo 5. cuja copia authentica
se conserva nesta Camara Ecclesiastica.
Paceficamtc • 0 Snr D. Fr. Sebastiao de .S. Pedro depois
desta dismembracao tomou posse e governou este Bispado
(en tpo bem critico para os dominios de Portugal por estarem
de baixo do captiveiro de Hespanha ; neste tropelle se mos-
trou Portuguez, pois conquistando os Hollandezes, que se '
rebelarao contra Hespanha, muitos dominios Portuguezes
na India por serem entao sugeitos a Hespanha, nao conqui-
starao Sadras, e S. Thome, porque 0 d. S. Bispo a sua custa
fez tropas, e as defendeo dos liollandezes. Dei xo 0 mais que
posso dizer deste Snr. Bispo q pela Religiao e pelo seu Rey
obrou.

Roll bearing the following heading : "Cot',espondmcias

e t'tqtlet'i1lltnlos dos CapueJtinllos a Mati"ast l~ elJuestao sobre 0 futldo
da Egreja Etc : desde 0 anno de 1794 ate 1821 e rest.miJos no
Cathalogo geral felos segtlites N "' ...... N o. 5109.

II
COPIA DO MAIS ESENCIAL DA BULLA DA ERECCAO DO
BISPO DE S. THOME

Determinacao da Audiencia do SSm·. po. Papa Paulo

S.; e seos Emminentissimos Cardeaes no dia 9 de Janr·.
1606 : pela qual separa da Diocese de Cochim, toda a Costa
de"'Coromandel, (Nota :-nesta se inclue Madras) Reynos de
Bengalla, Oriza, e Pegu erigindosse em Cathedral a Igreja
de S. Thome de Maylapur a Instancia do Rey de Portugal.
 APPENDIX f" 641
Hoje 0 Sm·, em Christo p'., e ,Snr nosso Paulo por
Divina Providencia Papa 5. na Sua Audiencia Secreta, como
he costume, attendendo a representa<;ao, do Eminentissimo
Eduardo Cardeal Fernesse por parte do Serenissimo Rey
Catholico de Portugal, e dos Algarves Philipe 2. conheceo
ser ma,. interessate inshtuir huma Igreja Cathegral, e Pio-
cese na Costa Maritima de Coromandel na India Oriental,
,Reynos de Bengalla, Orisa, e Pegu & 0 mesmo Sm·. P·.
com pio affecto. e concelho dos Eminentissimos Cardeaes de
Apostolica authoridade annuindo benignamente a humilde
supplica do supraditto Rey de Portugal, e p'. gloria do
Omnipotente Deos, e da GJoriosissima Sempre Virgem
Maria, e do Benaventurado Apostolo S. Thome, a pa a
Gloria de toda a Igreja Triunfante, e exaltac;ao de F~, na
lembranca de q 0 Corpo do Apostolo S. Thome se depositou
na Cidade de MayJapur, instituio com a invoca<;ao do Apos-
to10 S. Thome em Cathedral a Igreja da mesma Cidade de
Maylapur ... S. Santidade perpetuamente concedeo, e asi-
nou, como tam bern ao sobred' . Rey concedeo 0 Direito de
Padroadn de ditta Diocese, e aos seos futuros succes-
sores, como Administradores da Ordem de Christo no espiri-
tual, e temporal com poder de apresentar a Sua Santidade, e
aos Romanos Pontifices Seos Successores pessoas idoneas
pam a Dignidade Episcopal, e Governo da Diocese de S.
Thome de Maylapur •..
Dada em Roma nas Casas da Costumada Residencia do
Sma. P '. Paulo 5. do Anno do Senhor 1606 aos 9 dias do
mes de Janeiro do pr". anno do Seo PO,ntificado.
Roll bearing the following heading; " Ca.rtas e correspon.
dmcias officiaes do 51' Arcebispo D' Amorim Pessoa com 0 Vigario
Geral de Mrliapor P. B . F. Amarallte sobre a adtnillist,acao
dessa Idiotrsa e algumas correspondencias dos P'", capllcinhos da
Mad,asta, sobre j Ul'isdiccao etc; de 1813. a 18G6e r(Sltlllidose1ll
Cathalogo geral do N-3738.a 3799 F. D .. ; N o, 8719.
 INDEX
Aba.g-devi-Ciantru, 189. Agastyesvara of Chadipirala•. 323.
Abbeville (Sr. Sanson D'l, 313. Agra, 322.
Abdenegan. See Ahmadnagar. Aban.rama, 114 n. 7.
Abdullab. Prince of Bljapur, 73, 92 Abmadnagar, XVIII, XIX, 73. 7.5,
n" 92 n. 3, 93, 94, 9.5 n. 76,77,79. 80,81,84. 85,86,87.
Abdul Wahab, 337 n. 1. 88,88 n. I, 89. 90, 90 n. I, 91,
Abdur Razzak, 2. 91 n. 1,92 n . 1, 92 n. 3, 93, 94,
Abhirama Ativiraraml Pandya, 95. 194, 195 n. I, 196, 197, 214,
347. 2H D. 3,217,231, 232,236, 257.
AbiraIIli, 107. 322. 336, 337. 338,416; army of.
Abu Turab, 88. 206 n. 2. 212; Queen Motber of.
Abyssinian. 82. 160. 257; Muhammadans of. 214, 211
Acbarayya, 514. n , 3; Sultans of, XVIII, 33, 203 D.,
Achcbarapakkam, 106, 208, 209. 209 n, 1. 212, 213, 257,
Acbeba.r. See Akbar. 418.
Achyuta Deva Raya, XIV, 1, 1 n. Abobala Narasimba. 42.
1, 1 n. 2, 2, 2 n. 3, 3 n. 1, 3 n. Ahobala Rayasa, '17.
6, 4, 4 n., 4 n, 3, 4 n. 6, 7 n. 5, Ahobaladri. 261.
13,14,15, 25,26,30,40, 51 n ,. Abobalam. 273, 546.
16,55,99.108. 113,115. 116.117. Ahoba.lam (Lower), 498, 543.
118, 124 n. 3, 125, 125 n., 126, Ahobalam temple, 246 n 1. 272,
127,127 n., 128,130, 131, 131 326. 515.
n , 1,132,168,169,117,173. 177, Ahobalesvara, 498,
183, 191,219, 224, 226, 311, 524, Ahobilam, 47.234 264. 277, 279.
5~2, 541. Ainana Malukka, See AiD-ul· Mulk.
Achyutappa Nayaka of TaDjore, Aln-ul-Mulk. ·34, 87.90. 9.5,212.
280, 286, 287, 288, 289, 327, 391, Aiyakarai Vaiyappa. 117. 118.
39~, 400, 40t, 416, 52Z. 527. Aiyangars, 533 n :
Achyutappa Nayakar Aiyan, 398 . Aiyer , See NobilL
Aohyutarayabhyudagam, 3, IS. Ajda Kban. 329,
117. Akalankajayya. 412.
Adaipalam, 289. 321, 523, Akbar, XX. 197 n, 5, 326. 337,338.
Adavani. See Adoni. 338 n., 339, 340, 433, 434, 445,
Adelraya, 317, 320. 471. 511.
Adicario, 429. Akbar, by Mr. V. A. Smith. XX.
Adil Khan . See Adil Sbah. Akim Hasan Beg, 213 n. 7.
Adit Khan Bungy, 334. Alage.uvara Pillaiyar, 172.
Adil Shab, 25,59 n, 4, 62,63, 73, Alagiyarama Peru mal . .548.
76, 70 n. 2, 85, 188 n ,197, 198, Alagiyasingar, 323,498.
'2/)7, 207 n. 5, 209, 213 n.7, 297, Alai -ud-din. 101.
322, 334, 338, 417, 419. Alamakbanundu. 331.
Adisbesba, 302, 308. Alamelamma. 420.
Adivarsba Perumal temple, 289. A!ameluma.nga. 421.
Adoni, 9, 33. 74, 75, 240. 241; Alam Khan Patban. 331. J

fortress of, 243. Alampundi plate of Virupaksha,

Mz:ul Kban, 329. 107,547 n , 2.
Agaresva Udaiyar, 324. Alankata. 523,
Agastyappa Nayaka ot Vellore, Ala-ud-din l{hilji, 100,
289. Alt.-ud-din Sikanclar Shah, 105,
 M4. THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA

Albert, de Nobill's disciple, 363 Anantarasa Odeiyaru, 237.

381, 390. Ananghar.gava, 517.
Albuquerque (Alfonso De), 53, 57, Anantasayanam, 142, 271.
58. 59. 186 ; CommentarioiJ dc, Anantassivachar:ra. 545.
58. Ancola. See Ankola.
Albuquerque (Mathias de), 419. Andrade (Freire del, 63, 64.
Aldworth (Mr. Tho.I, 239. Anegundi. 22. 184, 224, 226, 236,
Alexandria, 71. 242 n. 2, 543 ; Raja of, 22 n. 2
Alexis Nayaka, 381,384,390. 301 n.
Ali Adit Sbah I of Bijapur; 87, 87 Anga, 55, 122.
n . 2. 88 . 90, 91. 94 . 96, 194,195, Angamale, 393·
197, 199. 205. 210. 215, 215 n. 5, Anglican, 146 D.
225, 231.232,236. 240, 257. 2~8, Anjaneya, 261.
268, 269, 270, 271, 275, 295. Anjatba·perumal, 108.
Ali Barid, 77, 79, ~~., 96, 198, Anjediva Island, 186.
205. Ankola, 61, 63, 190.
Ali ibn Aziz. 85,88 n . I, 119, 195. Annamalai Venba. 518.
209, 211, 213, 21 4, 215, 217, 226. Annam Bhatta, 528 ,
229. Annavaram. 524 .
Ali Khan Lur, 275. Anriquez. See Henriquez.
Aliya Ramarajaygan. See Rama Apa Kondaja, 458, 459.
Raya. Apocondaia. See Apa Kondaja.
Almeida (Viceroy Dom Francisco Appaiya Dikshita, 289. 316, 321,
d'l, 57. 186. 522, 523 • .532. 544, 553.
Almeida (Dom Luiz de) , 169. Appalamba, 21, 22. 23.
Aloysius of Gonzaga (St.). 365 Appaya,44.
Alvarez (~r . J ), 313,442. AppayakapoJa Chepetika, 522.
Alur, 182. Aprama, 527.
Amarinayani Vengala-)I a y ani n' Aquaviva (Fr. «Iaudio), 165, 371,
garu, 36, 42·43 . 474,489.
Ambar Khan, 82. Ara, Jain Tirtbankara, 550.
Ambasamudram, 139, 143 n., 359. Arab borses, 62, 72, 200 n. 1.
Ambrose (St.), 370. Arabia, 2, 59, 72.
Aminabad inscription, 274. 280, Arabian sea, 185, 255.
331, 322 jl. 1. Araga, 56.
Amin Maika. See Amin·ul·Mulk. Arafata-vemula Agrabaram, 43 ,
Amin·uJ· Mulk, 274, 326, 331, 332, Arambarithi, ].92.
332 n . I, 333,333 n. 1. Aramboly. See Aruvaymoli,
Amir Barid Shah of Bidar, 75. Aranganasa. See Ranganatha,
Amritanidhan, 208 n. 4. Aravidu Dynasty, VI, VII, XIII,
Amir Jumla. See Amin-ul·Mulk. XIV, XV, 13, 17, 18.24 n. 1, 21,
Amir Shah Mir, 274. 32, 35, 99, 114, 219, 221, 223,
Anai Kantika 527. 242, 246, 248, 251, 263, 290, 324,
Anaikbondi, 103. 325 n., 510, 511, .513,514,517,
Anajl Jagalur, 426. 533, 543, 546, 548.
Anakula, 317. Araviti Bukka. 19.
Ananda Namasivaya Pandaram, Araviti-pura, 19, 253,
321, 518, 519. Arcot, 111 ; North, 112 D. I, 139,
Ananta Kon, 175. 191,288,289 n. 1,317, 398,518,
Ananta Raja, 317. 523; Soutb, 126,325.
ltnantacharya, 38. Ardinga. 332.
Anantapur District, 26, 4a, 237. Arikesari Parakrama Pandya, 108·
265,546. 109, 542.
Anantapuram, 277. Arivilimangalam plates of Ranga
Anantaraja, 309, 324. 524, I, 253, 266, 267, 278, 525.
Anantarangakalva, 48. Arivilimangalam village, 287, 522,
 INDEX 645
Ariya Nayab Mudaliar, 139. Bagiratha, 37, 220.
Ariyanatba Mndaliyar. ,,],29, ' 131, Bagnagar. See Vijayanagara.
136, 139, 167, 169, 199, 199 n. I, Bagrakot. 199.
341,344,345,346, 357. Bagur, 52, 185.
Ariya Peru mal, 352, 353. Bah .. lasvacha,.it"am, 310, 318.
Arjnna, 40, 207,321. 322. .
Armesine, 72. Baicbappa, 539.
Arrakerra, 415. Baippa Nayaka, 184.
Arsappa Nayaka, 275, 417,418. Bairayaganda, 44.
ArnnasiJa, 115. Eakapur. S ee BankapuL
Arnppnkkottai, 284. Balabhagavatamu, 524.
Aruvaymoli Pass, 142. Balam family, 29B.
Asad Khan , B, 9 n. 1,74, 75, 78, 79, Balambika. 19.
92, 92 n. 3, 93. Balbi (Gasparo). 428, 429, 430.
Asamavayi,527, Balil Khan, -275, 416,417.
Asia, 57 n. 1. Ballalal11 (Vira), 99,102,103 n . ".
Asiddha, 527. Ballahraya , 317 .
Asirgarh, V, 337, 339. Ballapura, 182.
Astapanaicbus. See Acbyutappa Balla Row, 331.
Nayaka. Ballerayandu, 331.
Atayde (D on Luiz de), 190, 240, Bahmani capital, 85.
290, 294, 296, 298, 388. Banda,63.
Ativirarama Pandya, 138, 392. Bangalore, XXI, 1.'72, 183, 543.
Ativiraramapura, 348 .. Bangalore Museum, 132.
Atmakur, 301. Bangher, 298. 425,426; Kiog of,
Atougia (Fr. Pedro da). 66 n. 2. 290, 298, 414.
Atri, IB, 510. Baogue!. See Bangber.
Attmacban, 239. 3ankapur, 179.252,258.259, D. I,
Aubalaraja, 44. 276,417, 418.
Aubalarajayya, 43. Baokapura. See Bankapur.
Aura.ngam, 170. Bannum, 30, 'lIS, 423.
AuraDgzeb, 218, 340. Baptist (Saint John the), 430.
Avahaluraya, 253,267, 308, Baraee, 190,
AvanaDgiri, 19. Baratha, 37, 220.
Avati.182. Barakura-Rajia. See Barkur.
Avubhaladeva Maharaja of Nan· Baramahal, 27'" ~11rlr .. Chief of,
dyala, 16. 271.
Ayalu Bbase,ua, 521. Barampur. See Burbllompur.
Ayyakarappa, 347. Bareetor. See Basrur.
Ayyavaru, 545. Bardez, 61, 61 n . 2, 93.
Aya!ur-Nainar, (Palaiyamsof).l33. Barid Shah, 10 n
Azevedo (Dom ]eronyomod'). 396, Barkur, 35, 113, 178, 179.
425,437,439.447,449, 'ISO, 'lSI, Barma . See Brahma.
453,463,470,472,481,482, SOl, Baronius, 366.
507. Barradas (Fr. Manoel de), 3, I.
122,347,495,496,498,502 , 503,
506, 507 , 508, 512.
Bacanor, 11.>. Barretto (Dam Francisco), 94.
Bacbiballi-Pamappa Nayaka. 41 Z. Bartacella. See Bbptkal.
Badagas (Telugus), 25, 143, 146 D. , Barthema. (Luigi), 57 0.1,428,452
148. 150. 152, 153, 156, 157, 158. Bartoli (Fr. N,J, I'll.
158 n. 2, 364, 381,382,528,529. BartolOJleo (Fra Paolino Cle- Sao),
Dadaguas. See Badagas. 530.
Badami, 35, 48 , 49, 185. Basatin-u.-Salatin, 20, 194, 198.
Badavi. See Badami. 210, 22Jl, 233 n. 1.
Badme Maluka-Odeya, 32. Basava or Basavappa, 177,
646 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA

Basavabhupala, 56. Beterpumal. ie. Vitthala (Rama

Basavana Nayaka, 154. Ra,a)
Basavaraja, 199, 286. Betimunal. See Vitthala (Rama
Basrur, 59, 62, 190, 268, 290, 296, Raya) .
297,416; Rani of, 268. Bettad Wodeyar, 292.
Bassein, 145 n. Bevinahalli grant of Sadasiva, 1 n.
Basvapatna cheif, 427. 1, 15. 28. 32. 36. 46.212. 422,
Batecala. See Bhatkal. 423. 430.
Bancala . See Bhatkal. Bezeneger. See Vijayanagara.
Battalanka. 521. Bhadra, 111.
Battepadu, SO, 234. Bbadra Bahu, 536.
Baltikala. See Bhatkal. Bbadracbalam, 321.
Battupalli. 515. Bhadrappa Naya~. 180.
Bayamma (Queen) . See Venkat- Bhadri. 49.
amba. Bhag'IJat Gita, 534.
Bayapur. 203 n. I. Bhagvati temple, 354.
Bayyambika. See Venkatamba. Bhaira Devi. of Gersoppa. 129.
Bayyappa Nayaka, 289. 293.
Beadala. See Vedalai. Bbairava Nayaka, 111.
Be.l\kul. 179. B bairava II. 550.
Bedandakola, 322. Bhairava temple. 14
Bednall (John). 239. Bhairavesvara temple. 16.
Bedues. 223 . Bhaktapala Venugopala Kdshna
Belgaum, 78, 92, +18 . temple, 146.
Belgola. See Sravana-Belgola. Bhaktas (Vaishnavas). ~38.
Belgula. S ee Sravana·Belgola. Bhamaja, 517.
Bellamkonda, 273. 274. Bhar Devi, 268.
Bellary District, 98. Bharata Itibasa Sanshodhaka
Bellarmino (Cardinal Roberto), Mandala. Pooll1l, XVIII, XIX,
365, 366. 373, 374. 197 n. 5.
Bellur. 98,172.237,298, 411, 426; Bharroja. 49. 50.
family of. 52, 237, 290. Bbaskaracharya. 325 n. 2.
Belugula. See Sravano·Belgola. Bbasbyakara. 534.
Bembar; See Pedambur. Bbasyakata. 358,
Benares, 121. 214 n. 3, !l33, 533 n. • Bhatkal. 14. 113. 172, 186. 301 .
• Queen of, VII. 186.181,419.423:
1. Bbattakalanka, 517.
Bengal, 2, 68, 70. 389, !l91, 134.
439 ; gulf of, 307. Bhattu Murti. 12, 250, 513, 5U.
Ben gala. See Bengal. .516.
Bengapor. 113. Bha'IJQtJapurus/tottama. 288, 522,
Bengalura. See Bangalore. Bhaybalandar. 333.
Berghen (Warner Van), 460. Bbayirarasa Vadeya, 'H9. -
Berar, 54 n. 4, 90. 198, 257, Bhima, 18, 163, 519.
Bergles, 331. Bbire, 32, 41 .
Bertrand (Fr.). XX. Bbire Deva pagoda3, 183.
Besse (Fr.), 384. Bhire Devan. 543.
Betebumar. See Vitthala (Rama Bhisesvara. !l51 .
Raya). Bhogapur, 203 n. 1.
Betebumao. S ee Vitthala (Rama Bhogavati, 291.
Raya). Bbog Mul Naig, 200.
Beterbemal. See Vitthala (Rama Bhoj Tirmal Ray, 4 D. +. SIC
Raya). Salakam Timma Raju.
Betermeal. See Vitthala (Rama Bhoja Raja 54, 54 n. 4. 262, 278.
Raya) . 514.516.517.
Betermemal. See Vitthala (Rama ." Bhoja (Mibira) of Kanauj, 51 n ....
Raya). Bhoja P"rlmaraof Malw&,'" n. +,
 INDEX M7
Bboja tribe in Herar, '!!4 D. 4. BODdalakunta, 51, 193.
Bhoja II oC Kanauj, 5'\ D. 4. BODcompagno (Marquese D . Gre-
Bhojanapullah. 193. gorio),367.
Bbojas, 279, 510. Boncompagno (Prince), ~ 74 .
Bbojes\'ara, 42. Borromeo 1St. Charles)' 3GG.
Hbol Tirmal Ray, 11. See Salakam Botelho (Antonio), 297.
Timma Raju. Botelho tSimao l , 71 II . 1.
Bbujabalin, 536, 550, Bracelor. Sec Ba~rur.
Bhupali IVlral, 233. Braga (Prima te of), 370.
Bhutala Sri Vira Udaya Marthanda Braganca (Dom ConstaDtino de)
Varma, 114 \65 . '
Bhutala Vira, 149. Brahathesavaraswami temple, 287.
Bhutala Vira Rl\Illa Varma, 116. Brahma, 388, 426 , 527, 532, 532
Bhutanatba Brahma-jyoyisalu, 16. n. I, 550.
Bibi Konzah Humayun . See Brahmans, 27, 30, 36, 40, 44, 45,
Konzah Humayun. 46, 47 ,49, 67,8 2, 128 . 1311 ,142,
Bidar, 73, 75, 76, 79, 81, 8S, 90, 14 B, 212, 261, 27 4, 301, 315,
194,198, 208, 322; Sultans of, 3 .~2, 323, 3 ~8, 349,3 57, 359, 364 ,
::07. 370,317,378,380,384,386,387,
Bijanagar. See Vijayanagara. 388, 389, 392, 394, 400, 423, 430,
Bijapur. 6,8,8 n . 'I, 9 D. I, 10 D.. 479, 4~ O , 491, ~53, 546.
51, 59, 60 D., 61 D. 2, 62, Brahman chronicles , 143 .
64, 73, 74, 75, 76 n. 2, 77, Brahmanism, 532.
78,79.81,84,85,86, 87, iJ7 D. 2, B rahmanapalli , 48 .
88, 92,93, 94, 95, 95 D., 194, Briggs, 330 D. 2.
197,199,200,211,212,228,231, Bripadamba temple, 139.
232, 233 n. 1 , 236, 238 . 257, Bristol , 432.
264, 269, 270, 272 , 275, 276, 279, British Museum, 101 n . 2.
291,326,336,340,417,418,5 ; 1; British Museum plates of Sadasiva,
MuseuDl of , 214 n. 3 ; Sult.. ns oC, 1 n. I, 15,35,74 ,514,526.
30, 33,57,58, 59, 59 D. 4, 60 Britis b ships, 434 .
D,63, 186, 206 n.l , 20711.5, British traders, 432, 433, 458.
:t07 n . 8, 208, 212, '2'15, 215 n . Brilto (BI. John de), 370, 371 n. 1.
5, 240. 269, 270, 310, 336, 337 Brokedon (Thomas), 460.
D. 1. 416,418. BrowD (Mr. Robert). 45!!, 437.
Bhjjalendra, 18. Brula, 94.
Bijly Khan, 33. Bu ccfjrio (Fr , M .) 384.
Bijwara, 95. Buddha, 18, 37. .
Bilichodu' sima, 18!!. Buddhist (Pre-) temple), 532 n 1.
Bir, 81. Buddhist kingdoms, 54 n . 3.
Birar, 231. Budihal, 27B, 299 .
Birlas Khan, 332, 333, 333 n. 1. Budihala copper-plates, 249.
Bisalaja Naick, 204 n . 2. Bukka or Bukkaraya I of Vijaya -
Bisnaga. S ee Vijayanagara. nayara , 105,) 72, 237, 532, 534,
Bisnagar . See Vijayanagara. 538,539.
Bisnega. See Vijayanagara, Bukka, Prince of Vijayanagara,
Bitter (Captain Jacob de), 410 103 , 103 n 4.
n.3 . Bukkadevi Chautar of UUal, 172,
Black Town, 429-4 30, 189, 190, 298,424.
Bollavaram, 21, 45. Bukkapatoam, 270 .
Bolla\'aram · petta. 46. Bukkasagaram, 277 .
Bomma of Vellore, 317. Bukka5amudram, 270.
80mma Reddi, 112. Bunkpur, 243.
Bommavaram, 51. Burgess (Mr . James), 243 D. , .
80mmi Reddi, 321, Bllrhad 1m ad Shah of B.rar, 198 .
648 THE ARAVIDU DY~ASTY OF VIJAYANAG AR A

Bllrbampur, XIX, 239, Chakravartins, 354, 392,

Burhan ·;'-Ma'asir, 38, 194, 195 Cbalabi Rll'lIli Khan, 205, 211, 213,
n . J, 197, 199, 209, 210,220. Chale, (AntoDio Fernandes de),
Burban Im~d Shah of Berar. 90. 295.
Burhan Nizam Shah of Ahmad- Cbalikya, 18.
nagar, 75, 76, 77, 78, 79, 80,80 Cbalukya kingdom, 55 n. 1.
n. 1, 84, 93, 94, 336. Chalukyas, 18, 252,
Burnell (Mr. A. C. ), 388. Chaluvaraya, 422.
Buswunt Raj, 22. Cbama R"ja Wodeyar o{ Mysore,
Buswunt Row, 200. 181, 290, 42'2.
Butterworth (Mr. A.), 334 n. 3, Cbamalur, 46.
313 n. I, 335 n . 4. Cbamuoda, 550.
Cbamundaraja, 536.
CbaDagiri, 49.
Cabecate, 153. Cbanda, 177, 178 n. 1.
Cabral (Fr 10aol. 493. Chand Bibi, 197, 275, 337.
Cacella \Fr. Stefano), 493. Chandegri. See. CbaDdragiri.
Cacbe~lacota, 273 , Cbaodergberri. See. Cbandragiri.
Caima ll"aickenPatty, 120, 144 n. 1. Cbandeswari temple, 22.
Calaod (ProL), 389. Chandigri. See CbaDdragiri.
Calastri, 112. Chamlrabha"u Charit,.am, 3Of.
CaJculam. See Kalkulam. 521.
Calec:are, 160, 161. Cbaodragiri, XXI, 7 n. 5, 39, US,
Calecu. S ee Calicut. 142, 176, 179, 216,.223, 228,
Caleture. 69. 233, 242, 246, 256, 258, 263,
Calicoet . S ee Calicnt. 265, 266, 269, 271, 280, 285,
Calicut, 58. 113, 119, 159, 187, 300, 303, 304, 307,311, 313,
337 n . 3 ; King of, 189; Muham- 314,315,316,319,320, 336, 336
madans 0(, 131. n 1, 338, 340, 414, 420, 434,
Calistri 11 " 384 435, 438, 465, 467, 468, 470,
Callnette, 389. 471, ' 472, 473, 475, 476, 479,
C'lmara, (Ruy Goncalvesdal. 297. 480, 482, 41'13, 484, 486, 487,
Cambay, 64 n. I . n. 488,490,493,496, 498, 499, 500,
Cambaya. See Cambay. .503, 514, 518, 529, 535, 544.
Cambol.m. See Gangolly. Cbandragupta Maurya, 18, 536
Cammum. See Cumbum, D.2.
Cananor, 93, 240. Cbandragutti, 56, 178, 268 .
Canara, 39, 56. Chandra Kula, 135.
Canaripatan, 501. Chanda Sekbar.aPandya of Madura,
Canniambaddi,415. 99, 108, 124, 125, 128, 129, 130,
Capuchins, 430 132: 135 D. , 173.
Carugalli, 181 : Chief of, 293. Cbendra Sekbara Vodeyar, 334.
Carvalho, (Gil Fernandez de), 160. Cbandrikodabri ta-N yaya-Viva ran.,
Carvalho, (Fr. F.l, XXI. 522.
Carur, (Ray o[), 275. Cbandrasala, 201 n. 4 .
Casmira. See Kashmir. Chanoca (Gaspa.r), 59.
Castets, (Fr.] .), XX, 371 n.1, 387. Channa Basavaraja Dew, 550.
Castro (Dom Joao de), 61, 63,64 . Channadevi or Channamadevi,
Catuir, 110 n I, 112. 249.
Ceylon. 35, 54.56.57,570. 1:57 CbanDa Venkatapadi, 19.
n . 4,65,107,114,154, 156,169, Cbanparaya, 104.
170,198,278,281,354,400,480. Charamaodel. See . COTomandel.
Chadaluvada, 46. Cbarnataca. See Karnataka.
Chadipirala, 323. CllaruohamlrodR1am, 267, 306,
Chakr{l-MimanllfJ, 522. 309.
 INDEX

Cbarukirti, 5.50. Chin!:leput District, 142.305, 310

Chaurasi·durga, 267, 388. n. 3, 320. 320 n . 6, 452, 198.
Chavarcovardin. Sec Chakravar- Chinna Aubalaraja, 43 .
tins Chinna Avubalesvara deva Maha-
Cbavudesvari, 277. raju. 16. 44.
Cbenna, 318 n_ 1. 320. Chinna Bomma Nayaka of Vel:
Chennakesava, 46, 193, 26.5, 323, lore. 40, 139, 192, 234, 280,288,
324 . 2!jO, 316, 321, 523.
Chennakesava pagoda, 43. Chinna De'·i . wife of Krishna
Chennakesava Perumal. 43. Deva Raya. 5. 24 .
Chennakesava temple, 44, 45 . Chinna Dorai. 344.
Chennakesavaraya, 277, 335. Chinna Kesava, 45.
Chennakesavasvamin temple, 7,34, Chinna Kesava Nayaka . 170.
Chennamaraju, 519_ Chinna Kooeti Tiruveogalanathav-
Chenna Nayaka, 318; '320, yagam.47.
Chennapa Nayadu. 236.260. Chinna Mudiam. 51, 193.
Chennapatna. 272. 277. Chin napa Naidu, 96.
Chennasagat"am, 404. Chinnapanayangaru. 235 .
Chenour. 309. Chinna Siogaraja, 51 n . 3.
Chengi. See Jinji. Chinna Singarnsu Choda Maha-
Chera. 11 2 raju See Chinna Singaraja,
Cbera Maha Devi, 114. Chinnas uoga. Se. Chinna SiDga-
Chera Udaya Marthanda Varma raja .
of Travancore. 114. Chinna Timmarajayadeva Maha-
Chern uri sima. 42. raja, 44, 46, 114, HI, 142 n. 2,
Cherukuru, 516, 517. 524.
Chevva. See Siva Chinna Timmaraja Kondayadeva
Chhokkanatha. 350, 381. Maharaja, 46.
Chica Raj. See Cl.Jikka Raya . Chinoa Tlmmanayadu, 43.
Chicbanada. See Chhokkanatba. Chinna Venkata, 23.
Chidamnarakavi, 525 . Cbinna Ve'nkatadri. 3. See Venka-
Chidambaram. 121, 323 , 400, ta 1.
404. 518.519, 532, 537, 544, Chinna Virappa Nayaka, 192.
551, 553. Chintakomrn.. diDe, 192.
Chidambara fJcnba. 518 . Cbintalapalli, 343.
Chidambat"esvara. 323 Chltaldroog District, 50, 52, 122,
Chikadevaraya. 194 185 .411 . 426. 427 .
Chikkabeta, 550, I Chitaldroog Nayak, 185
Chikkadeva Raya. 271, 29~ Chitra Kuta ICbidambaram), 544.
CMkkadevaraya Vamsavali, 27. Chittoor, 11 2, 11 2 n.
215, 221,223.235.23&.254,277. Chivvakkaluri Bayacha Rajayya.
291, 291 D,. 342. 411, 41\1. 30.
Chikka SaDkanna Na}aka, 180, Cho1a (country. kings , kingd om
etc.). XVIII. 30.107.108, 109,
291. 423. lI 2, 113 . 11 5. 124, 125 . 125 0 .,
Chikkaiya. 324. 125 n . I , 1 ~8, 130, 144 n. I,
Chikkaraya. 3 155, 172, 252, 256, 286 , 30~ , 354,
Chikka Raya (Ranga II) , 503,504. 532.544 .
507. Ch olgana, S ec Solaga.
Chikka Udaiyar, 3. ChristatJatanna. See Krishnapatan .
Cbiknayakanhalli, 271. Christianity. 119 n. I, 364, 394.
Chi lao. See Ceylon 396, 514 .
Chima Ragion (Ranga). 504. Cb rl,Stian doctrine, 386, 529, 531,
China, 57 n. 4. 65 D., 72, 397 D. I, 531 o. 2.
439; silks of, 63. Christian faitb, 119, 363, 530.
650 TR. ~ltAVIDtf BYN ASTY e J' VIJAYANAGARj,

Christianl, 67, 94, 09, 119, 120, Cotamaluc. Se. Qutb Shah.
120 n., 120 D. 1, 143, 148, ISO Cotubixa . .see Qntb Shah.
D . 1, 1.51, 152, 348,351,364,369, Coulas, 239.
378, 383. 384, 390. CousenslMr. H .-), 228 •
( hristiao Sannyasi. 39'3. 39.5 COlltinbo (Fr 'Belchior), 30.5, 306,
316, 319, 320, 337, 338. 358, 378,
Chritinada, 383. 398,399, 4QQ, 401 , 402, 4OS , 409.
Chundraguti (Raja 00 , 243.
Clandagrini. See Cbandragiri. 412,413,414,421,435, 440,441.
Cidoca. See Sa~asiva Raya. 452, 467, 470, 471, 472, 474.
476,477,478,479,484, 489,490,
Cintacora river. 63.
Cipriano IFr.). 66 n. 2. 491,500,501. 1i03, 505, 509, 510.
Clrangan. See Srirangam. 530.
Cirangapatao See Seringapatan. Coutinbo (Captain Manoel Rodri-
Cobban, 102. 102 n. 2. gues), 159, 160, 161, 164: 165,
Coachin. See Cocbin. Couto (Diogo), 4 n. 6, 11, 13, 14.
Cocbim, See Cochlo. 20,25, 29.31, 68,69 n. 1. 117.
Cochin, 71 n. 1, 119. 14.5 noo 151, 122 , 123. 125, 140 . 159, 194, 195,
1.56, 158 n. 2. 160. 240, 313 n. 197,198,200, 213.216,242, 370
7.347,'361.366. 374, 387, 390, Cresus, 71.
393. 394. 434 n. 3, 439, 439 n. Criminali (Fr. Antonio), 131, 157,
1,442,472.493 • .531. 531 n. 2. 158 n . 2.
Coelho (Francisco). 147. Crisnarao.See Krisbna Deva Raya.
Coelho (Lourencol, 160. 161. Cru z (Joao da). 119.
Coimbatore. 132, 154, 244. Cuddalore .410, 531 n. 2, 551.
Cudpapab Distril.;t, 21, 22, 24, 43,
Colerun. 112, 407. 44, 46, 50,98, 140. 192, 234.23.5,
Colombo, 480.
Comorin (Cape), 60 n . 3. 132, 142. 265,580.
143 n., 148. 151, 152, 158 n. 2, Cumberland, 433.
159,163.307,352.354.385. Cumbum Lake. 273, 334.
::omory. Se8. Comorin. Cunha (Dom Nuno da). 60 D.•
Company of Jesus. See Society of 120, 188.
CUDha (Manoel de), 354.
Jesus. Cuttack, 309, 322
Compagnie (De Algemene Ge.:c!ro
yerde Oes!-Indische). '4 H. Cypriani (Fr. Alphonso), 154i D. 3.
Companbia do Comercio. 431.
Companbia Portllgueza da, Indias
Orientaes, 431.
Conda Ma, 456, 45 7. Dabris. 213 n. 7.
Condapilli, 89. 95. Dabnl, 198 D. 3.
Condogor, 437, 472. Dadamurti, 383.
Condoqllor. See Condo gor. DahmliD (Fr .l, 365 , 369 .
Concan. See Konkan. Dakshinamurti, 516.
Congu D eN RajakaJ Ky/cyut, Dalavay, 139. J17, 318, 320, 497,
420 n. 4. 499.
Connanaiche, 320. Dalavay Agraharam Plates Qf
Coromandel Coast, 64 n. 3. 70, Venkata II, 55, 254, 260, 302,
110, 131 , 142. 145 n., 149, 153 , 3OS , 315, 328, 335, 341, 494, 509,
154, 155. 156. U9, 160, 162, 165, 517,528.
307,363, 439,456. Dalavay Setupati Katladeva, 356,
Correa (Gaspar), 4. 4 n . 4, 4 n. 6, Dalpat Ray 213.
7.7 n. 5, 8, 10, 11, 14,25, 30,61, Damagatla, 30.
156. 223, 247 Danayak, 225, 227.
Correa (Joao F ernandes). 156. Dandoy (Fr. G.). 318.
Danish traders. V. XUI .
Conali. 187. t. Daniyal (Prince). 337.
eo.ta (Fr . J'*' da). 467,
 INDEX 651
DantiXa.nti Lingappana, 290, Durga pagoda, 42.
Danvers, 482 n. Durga Puja, 316.
Daraporan. See I>hara~uram. Duria Imadul Mulk, 91.
Dasandoddi.32. Dutch East India Company, 452,
Dasappa Nayadu. 48, 456.
Dasyunayakas. 56. Dutch traders, V, VII, XIII. 6.5 D.
Daulatabad, 88 n. 1. 4,397,410, 410 n, 3, 428, 432.
Daulatabadi paper, XVII. 433,434,440,442,446,447,450,
Davalu Papa, 322 . 452, 453, 455, 459, 461, 462,463,
David (King), 373. 482,511.
DeCCAn, V, XVIII. 60 n., 97,224;
Kings of, 203 n, 1 ; kingdoms, of
339. East India Company, 239,45.5,4.59,
Deccani' Muhammadans, VII,XlII. SOl, 502 u. 1,508.
73, 81, 97, 185. 276 . . East Indies, 431, 433,
Deccani Sultans, 209, 219, 346. Edessa, 65 n. 4.
Dekanese, 229. Egypt, 553 n.
Deleuai. See Dalavay. Ekambara Mudaliar, 139,
Delevay. Sce Dalavay, Elamanchi,270.
Delhi, 100. 195 n. 1, 322. Elamur, 471,
Desantari Narasingadeva, 'I!. Elizabeth (Queen), 433.
Devachintamani Trivegal, 2111 n. 4, Ellappa Nayaka, 192.
Devalpupa Nayadu, 309, 310. Ellis (Mr.), 389.
Devanaballi. 182, Ellore, 96.
Devanapatn<rm, 397, 410, 428, 432. Elvanasur, 278.
'143, 444,451. Embana Udeiyar, 106.
Devappa Gowda, 530. Enaku Tamburan, 141 n. 2.
Devaraya II of Vijayanagara, 107, El)aIIldala, 16.
172,539, England, 433.
Devarayadurga, 37, English (merchants, traders, ves-
Devatbas, 426. sels). V, VII, XIII, :1139. 428,
Devikapuram, 139, 289. 429, 433, 434, 455, 45~, 511,
Dewurconda, 22, 95, Enura. See Venur.
Dew Naig, 200. Era Krishnappa Nayaka, 52, 96,
Dharwar, 243, 258. 184, 185, 42'7.
Dharapuram, 392. Erode, 132, 342.
Dialcan. See Adil Shah, Erramadhayarya, 521.
Diaz (Fr. Antonio), 479. Essington (Thomas), 456.
Diguva Tlrupadi, 324, 498, 548. Estevao (fr. Gaspar), 467.
Dikshitar Aiyam, 398. Etgir, 78, 199,
Dilaw&.~ Khan, 275, 276. Etibar Khan, : 331,
Dindigul Taluq, 134. Ettayapuram, 284 n. 2
Divan Barid, 213. Ettur, 540,541 n.
Divakara NaYllka, 177. Ettur Tataiya, 304.
Divodaaa (King), 533. Emberumanaru, 542,
Dodda Chama Raja Wode)'ar of Europe, XX, 67.
Mysore, 292. EUropeans, V, 369, 433, SOl, .50?
Dodda Sankanua Nayaka, 180. 509.
D'Orsey (Rev), 389. European Club, Cuddalore, 410.
Dosuri Koueru-kavi, 524. European power . V,
Drinkwater (Captain), 460. Euticio (Fr. Petro), 467,
Drana, 535. Ezur·Veda, 389 D.
Dudeia Prabnu, 413.
Dudley (Sir Robert),;432.
Dupatisima, 324, Fak-!·Khan.270.
Dllrga, :130, 167. Falah Bibi Hadya Su!taaa, 197,
Z
652 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA

Faria (Fr, Joao de), 531. Froes (Fr.). 66 n. 2,

Faria y Sousa (Manuel de),39, 56, Gadigarelu .. 42.
59 n. 4, 60, 60 n. 3. 64.65. 69 n. Gadwal,IO.
1,113 n. 4. 197. 200, 210. 222. Gaga Raja, 181.
225, 242, 294. Gajapatis, 279.
Farnese (Cardinal Eduardo). 439. Gama (Dom Francisco da), 444.
Feira (Conde dal. 44 2. 443. Gama (Vasco de), 187.
Ferishta, 4 n ., 6, 7. 9. 10. 10 n .• Ganadbipati . 545, 557.
11. 17. 19.20. 38. 56. 59 n. 4, Ganapati, 545 .
74, 75, 76, 77, 78,79, 80, 80 n. 1, Ganaripatao, 409.
83,84.87,88 n.2, 90 n. I, 91, Gandala. 545.
91 n, 92 n . 2, 100, 183, 194. Gandiko ta, 9, 16. 96, 324, 329, 313.
195, 197. 198 n. J, 199, 200, 210, Gaodlkota·durga. 43, 193.
211,213,215,216,217,219,220, Gandikota'pagoda, 37.
224, 226, 228, 231, 236, 239,242, Gandikota·sima, 193.
243, 252, 258, 268. 275.303, 331 Ganesa, 37, 224, 226, 227,543,546,
n. I, 332 n. 1,333 n. 1,33" n. 551.
1, 336, 416, "17, 418. Gangadeva Ramesvara. 276,
Fernandjlz (Gil), 161. Ganga Devi, 104.
Fernandez (Fr. Goncalo), 363, 364, Gangadhara Cbolamaharaya, 323,
365, 367, 368, 371, 378, 389, 521j Gan gaikonda·sima, 323.
Figueredo (Christovao de), 59. Ganga Nayak, 417,418.
Figueroa, 377, 383, 387. G'lnga Kings, 536.
Finch (William), 66. Gangaperuru, 44.
Firenze, 70. Gangappa Nayaka, 324:
Fishery Coast, XIV, 99, 118, 119, Ganga Varapatti, 341 • .
120n., 131,1 48 n . 2, 150.152,157, Gangayya Raja, 44.
157 D., 158, 159, 162, 163, 164, Ganges, 356, 539.
354, 363, "72. 529, 530, Gangolly, 190. 296, 297.
Flemish States, 431. Ganpura , 95. 96,
Florence, 58. Garcia (Dam I. 92,
Floris (Peter Williamson), 239, "54 Garuda, 7, 208.
D., 455, 456 n. 2, 458, 459, 460, Garutlapurana, 523 .
495, 502, 502 n. 2, 507. 508. 512. Gasopa. S ee Gersoppa.
Flo6 Sanct01'um, 531. Gatty, 419.
Fontebona (Bro. Bartolomeo' , 476, Gavipur, 183.
477, 478, 479, 480,1488,489, 490, Geldria (Castle), 462.
491, 492, 493, 500, 509. Gene Nayadu, 191.
France, 247. George, 433.
Francis, 141 n . 2. Gersoppa, 113; Queen of, 190 290
Francis of Assissi (St.), 175. 293, 297. ' •
Francis (Church of Saint), 430. Ghandikota, 44.
Franciscans, 66 n. 2,67,441 n.l. Ghandikota- sima, 50, 51.
Franko, 369. Ghanagiri (Peoll kooda), 422.
Frederick (Caesar). 14,31.32,37, Gbati Kschala (Sholighur), 54A .
52,66,69,71,163, 168, 175, 186, Ghats. 63.
190, 194. 198, 21], 216, 222, 22", Ghiath-ud'din, 101, 102.
225, 228, '229. 230. 233. 235, 236. Gbuzunpur Beg, 333.
237, 238, 245 , 246, 2.52. Gidangil, 277, 289.
freire (Fernando Martins), 94. Giugi . Se~ Jio ji.
J:"rench traders, V, XU I. GiDgier. See jioji.
Frey (Bro. Alexander), 470, 472. GirikaDyaka, 515.
487, 488, Girola. See Iioji.
Frias:(Manoel de), 443. Gila Bhall1a",. 534.
Frien of St. Paul (Churcbes of Gita GOfJ;nda. 516, 545.
·the), 163, Giuliano d' Medici, 187.
 INDEX

Globelo, 457. Guarim, 152.

Goa. 54, 56. 57. 58, 59. 59 n. <t. 61, Gudur; 34. 49.
61.D. 2, 62. 63. 64, 6t:. n . 2. 68, Guerrero, See Goerreiro.
70. 71. 72.92. 93. 94, 120. 190, Guerreiro, (Fr. Ferdinando), 339
230,238.240.297, 316 n. 3, 337 n, 2. 364, 372, ·377, 378,428,469,
n. 3, 339, 366,414,421,432, 434 . 505.
435 n. I, 4]p, 437.439 n. 1. 439 Gubaranya, 552.
D. 4, 46'1. -472. 489. 530; Arch· Gubasura. 551.
bishop of, 430; Governor of. Gujarat. 92.
XIX. 188 ; Kingdom of. 307; Pro- Gulang Setti, 329.
vince of. 316 n. 3 ; Viceroy 0(. Gulbarga. 2, 78. 84, 85, 8S.
XIX,. 413, 427, "145. 446. GuJlvapa Nayaka. 234.
Goans, 93. Gulrang Setti, 327,
Gobburi Obarajayyadeva Maharaja. Gundlaunta, SO.
307.496.497,498. Gundlupet Taluk. 421.
Gobburi Zimmalal Nayakkar. 281. Gundur District, 191.
Goes (Bro. Bento de). 338 n. 1. Gundurti Papayya. 44.
Gobraj Timma, 327. Gundurti Tirumalarajayya, See
Golkonda, 14. 19. 22, 22 n. 6, 24 Tirumala Raya, o(Vijayanagara.
n 4,25,27,33,34.55.56.73.76, Guntur, 276, 542,
77,77 n. 4, 78,81, 82, 82 D. 2. Gupta. 533.
83 n 2,84, 85. 86, B.7 n., 88 n . Guram, 273.
1, 89, 90, 91 D., 92 11. 3. GUTuvaraja, 51.
94,95, 96, 97, 194, 197 n. I, 198. Gurzala, 251.
199,200,218.219.229. 231.232. Gusmao (Antonio Franco de), 160.
'259 n. J, 264, 269, 270, 274, 275. Gutti, 5, 9, 13, 15. 19, 34.
277, 279, 280, 303. 326. 327, 328. Guzman (Fr. Luis de), 145 n.
329, 330 n. I, 331, 331 11. I,
332, 334, 336, 340, 416. 546 ;
Sultans of, 207. 208, 212 D. 1,
233 n. I, 240, 269, 270, 272, 273, Hagen (Steven van der). 431,
327,329. 331,334,334 D. 3, 511. Hakery river, 202 n. 4,
Golor, 383 . Haidar-ul-mulk, 273, 274,
Gonsalves (Giovanni), 530. Haidar Khan, 81.
Gopal Darwaza. 337 n . 1. Haidar Ali, XIII. XXI, 31 n, 2,
Gopalakrishna Deva. 41,43. 218.
Gopala haja, 337 D. 1. Haider Ali Kban . See Haidar Ali.
Gopanaraya, lOS, lOS n. 2. Haidaraba.d. 251. 331. 332.
Gopinatha. 276. Hale Kanada. 299 54l.
Gopinatha Rao, (T. A.), 117 D . 5, Ha~d Kban, 82, 83.
126 n. 3, 244 D. 3. Hampi, 22. 29, 227. 2'1, 312,
Gopinatha temple, 46. Hampi Hastinavali. See Hampi and
Goripalaiyam. 283. Vijayanagara.
Gottakunte,44. Hande, 273. 543.
Gourney (John), 459. 508 Hande Anantapuram (Am.al, 0/),
GouVea IFrey Antonio de), 348 n. 3. 5, 10, 10 D., 11, 20, 270.
Gouvea (Thomas de), 1-45 D, Hande Hanumappa Nayudo. 10,
Govada, 542. 76.77, 270.
Govinda Dikshita, 40, 288, 399, 400, Handiatum Naik, 337.
522. . Hanoman, 548, 557.
GovindaraJ, 33. See Venkatadri. Hara, 54,5, 551, S57. See Siva.
Govinda Raja, 532, 537, 544,553. Har Devi. 268,
Govinda Raja Perumal. 324. HaTi, 260, 261, 544, 551. Set
Govinda Vamapuram, 46. Vishnu,
Greek,365. Haribara (God), 185, 5.5.1, M7 Ii. 2,
Guarcopa. See GerlOPpa. 55.2. .
'86' THB ARAVlDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA

Harilw;a II of Vijayanagara, 99, Hukumi, 322.

106,107, .539. Hultzsch (Dr.), 516.
Hariscbandra Malopakhyana, .516. Hull (Fr. :&>.). 3119 n.
HISN'CJtlm,,"araoharitram. 522. Humayun Shah. See J:.onzah
Harwati. 309. Humayun.
Hassan. 13, 18.5. Hunmaliraja (Vira). 543.
Hassan. See Hussain Nizam Shah. Hussain Nizam Shah of Ahmad -
Hattiyangudi, 299. nagar. XVIII. XIX, 84. 85. 86.
Hawkins (Captain). 433. ' ~7, 88, 88 n. 1, 90. 91, 194. 195
Hebrahe. See Burhad Imad Shlloh. n . 1, 196, 197. 198,203, 205, 206
Hemachandra, 517. B. 2, 207,208, 209, 210 n. 1, 211.
Hemingway. (Mr.). 103 n. 4. 213,213 ·n. 5, 214, 214 11, 5, 215,
Henjera. 324 . 216. 227, 231.
Henriquez (Fr. Henrique), 262. Huvinakere, 424 .
.529, 531.
Henry VIII of England. 432.
Heri Chamraj. 2n.
Himadri, 54. Ibbaram. See Ibrahim Qutb Shah.
Himalayas, 180, 510. Ibrahim Adil Shah I of Bijapur.
Hindu army, 206, 207, 208, 209. 6,8,9.9 n. 1.9 n. 5.61 n. 2.73.
213. 215. 74.75.77. 78. 79. 80, 81. 84, 86,
Hindu camp, 212, 212 n. I. 87,92,94.95, 194 D. I , 199, 212,
Hindu chronicles. 220. Ibrabim Adil 'Shab II of Bijapur.
Hindu cult, 27, 41. 275,326.336, 340,416,417.418.
Hindu Empire, 57. 219. Ibrahim Quth Shah of GolkoDda.
Hindu government. 240. 33, 73.77 D, 4. 82,82 D. 1, 83,83
Hinduism, V. VI, 383. 386, 394. n. 4, 84.8.5.86, 86 n. 1. 88, 89.90,
Hindu King, 59, 208. 2LO, 219, 340, 93,96,97,197,205, 207, 210,211,
Hindu Parnassus, 532. 218. 219, 232, 241, 269, 272. 273,
Hindus. 38.67,73, 7+, 76, 79,80, 274, 275, 328, 329. 336, 546 .
80 n. 1. 81, 83, 83 n. 4. 87 n. 2. Ibrahim Rauza, 228.
91.94. 97. 101. 105.146 n., 152, . Ibn Batuta, 101. 102.
190. 203. 210, 211, 216. 236, 273.i Idalc:loo. See Adil Shah.
274. 322, 327. 323, 357, 364, 369. ldalxa. See Adil Shabo
379.380. 381. 389. 419.437, 438. Idamadaka. 46.
440. 497, 509, 514, 528, 529, 532 I goatius (St.), 120,158 n . 2.
n. J. lkeri, 80, 177, 180. 4:!3.523. 524,
Hindupur Taluk. 42. 549 ; Nayaks of, VI, VII. 35,
Hindu Sects. VIII. 181,290, 291 , 410,411,423,424.
Hindurltan, 17. Ikhlas Khao, 204 n . 4,209,
Hippon (Captain Anthony), 455, lIuppur, 133.
457, 458, 501, 502. Imans, 205.
Hirekerur, 49. Immadi Basavanayadu, 43.
Hoialkere, 221, 234, 426, 546. Immadi Dharmasivachary, 545.
Holland, 457. 459, 460. Immadi Kempe Gowda II of Yela-
Hollanders. Seoj Dutch. banka,426.
Holinabala Linganna. 412. Immadi Narasimha, 237.
Hommoja. 49. 50. Immadi Rama Raja Nayaka. 5.50.
Honavat, 62. 63. 172. 185, 186, Immadi Rangappa Nayaka, 309.
186 n .• 190.290, 294.297.307 ; Immadi Sadasi"a Nayaka. 180.
King of. 185. 186. Inanconda, 273.
donnavalli, 271. India, V, VII, XIII, 25, .54 n. 3, .55
Honore. See Honavaf. n. 4, 57,60 n. 3, 62, 63, 66, 66 n.
Ho.kote, 182. 7. 99, 116, 119, 218. 240,321.
Hoyaalu. 102. 103, 103 n. 5. 218. 340, 350,366,433. 434, 435, "'2,
Hugll,493. 525, .530,532, 570; Central, IV,
 INDEX. 656
213; South of, V, XIII, 218, 935; JaDoma Devi, 237.
State of, 210. jangama, 180. 544.
Indian, 100. Janganca Kala,n,ana, 215, 541.
Indian Antiquary, Y. Jangama prie~t, 215.
Indian Empire. V. Jangamayya, 29, 43.
Indian History (South), VI. japan, 157.
Indian Maps VI. jal'P (Dr. Alex H .J. 389 n.
Indian rule;:1, 119 n. 1. Jarric (Fr. du), 144 n. 2, 148 n . 2.
Indian scholarS: XX. 153, 302, 303, 307, 308, 512, 313.
Indies, 66. 314 n. I, 322, 336, 336 n.· 2, 339
Indra, 7. 260. n. 2, 349, 364, 398, 399, 400, 406,
IndracQDda. 22, 90. 428, 466, 482, 486, 487, 496, 497
Indragiri, 536. n. 1, 498, 499, 504, 508 n .. 531.
Indranatba temple, 51. Jaya Gowda, 182 n.
Ingaligi, 203 n. 1. Jerreh, 417.;, Rajas of, 243.
Inquisition of Goa. 370. jesuits, VI, VII. VIII, XXI, 66 n,
Iragi archers, 209, 2. 67,92, 145 n. 2,147,150 n. I,
Irapali (-Ali), J 59, 160, 164. 151 n., 158, 162, 319.322, 338 II.,
'Irugappa, 539. 340, 352, 353, 358, 360, 361, 370,
Ishtakamesvara. 191. 378, 389,393, 414, 436, 438, 440,
Islam. 206 n. 2, 211, 258, 275 441 n. 1,447,.449.452,453,464,
278.514. 465, 467,469,470,471,472,473,
Islamism. Sell Islam. 474. 475, 476, 477. 478, 479, 480,
Ismail Adil Shah of Bijapur, 57. 481,482,483,484.485,486,487,
Isvara Narasimha Raya, H. 16. 488, 489, 490, 492, 493, 196, 497,
Italians, 70, 71 n. I, 187, 216, 374 498, seo, SOl, 502, 503,506, 511,
~ 513, 529, 530, 531 .
Italy, 365. Jesuit letters, XX. XXI, 315, 367,
Izamalnco. See Nizam Shah. 410,411,413,428,512.
Jusuits influence, V, 414.
Jesuit mission, 414.
Jesuit province of Malabar, 313.
jagadeva, 272 n. 1. Jesus Christ, 65 n. 4, 145 n., 162,
jagadeve. Raya, 90, 95, 96, 184, 309, 364, 370, 381, 386, 530 ;
264, 271, 272, 277, 327. 336 n. I, Gospel 0(, XIV.
415. Jeswunt Row, 200.
Jaga Raya, 458,459, 4\)6,512. Jillala., 46.
Jagdeo Rao. See Jagadeva Raya. Jillella iaQlily, 21.
Jagdew Row. See Jagadeva Raya. Jillella Krishna Raju, 495.
Jagganatharaya, lil8. J iIlelaIllJlduku. 262.
Jabangir Khan, 91. Jillella ·Rangapatirajayyadeva
Jains, 532. 538, 539, 540, 549, 550. Maharaja, 35.43.

I
Jainism. XIV, 536, .539, Jillella Ranga Raja, 495, 5.6.
jakanachary, 426. Jlnalayas, 539.
Jakkanaganada, 43. Jinji, V, 105, Ill, 112, 172, 280,
Jalal-ud-din Hasan Shab, 101. 288,317,397, 403,108,409 410,
Jalibalu, 179. 410 n. 3, 432.446,500, 522,532,
Jambai, 177 n. 533. 553; Nayaks of, VI, VII.
Jambulamandaka. See Jammalama· 177,317,403,404,107,409,432.
dugu. . Jiyyangaru.542.
Jammalamadugu Taluk, 42, 309. John III of Portugal, 64. 145 n. ~
jammana Odeyar, 106. John, 239.
jamshid Qutb Shah of Golkonda, John (Church of St.), 130.
77,78, 81,83. Jonnavaram, 51.
JaDakamma, 23. Jorge (Fr. Marcos), 531.
Janamojaya • .5~6. Jotumraj, 22,95.
 ~6 THE ,l\ltAVIDU nYNASTY OF VIJAYANAI1AltA

Julios Ill, 365. KampaDuduaver, See Komara Kam

Junar. 88. pana Odeyar.
Jovencio (Fr.),363, 371,371 D" 381, Kanaji,82 ...
39.5. Kanaksbaba, 261.
Jvarakandesvara; 192, 234. Kanalla, 30.
Jvarkandesvara sbrine, 288. }{anara, 113 n . 2, 177 n.3 ., 186,264,
26S 269, 275, 290, 292, 293, 298,
411, 415, 419, 423, "i26, 427, 532;
(North), 117 . 551; (Soutb),.J. 79,
Kadalmallai, 281. 299.
Kadaladi plates of Acbyuta Raya, Kanarese books, 'IS, 115.
1 D. 1. Kanarese country, XlII. 21, 336,
Kadaiyam-Krisbnaporau, 282. 'Ill, 412, 414; Rajas of tbe, 416.
Kadaji, 185. Kanarese inscription. 299. Sec
Kadirinaga PerumaJ, 343. Hale Kannada .
Kadur District. 268, 269. Kanarese Rajas, 41S.
Kagallu, 42. Kanarese soldiers, 60 n.
Kakm, 78. Kanarese Viceroy, 'Ill.
Kakusthao;ja)lam, 521. Kanarese Viceroyalty. VII, 24S,
Kalacburis. 18. :<:90, 411-427, 550,
Kalabasti, llS, 318,401,403. Kanauj, 54 n. 'I.
Kalahasti),appa Mudaliar, 138. Kancbi, 115. 261. See Kal:chivaram.
KalaiyarcoviJ. 284. . Ka.ncbi Paparaju, 289.
Kalakadu. 154. Kanchivaram, 2 n .,3 103 n 6, 104,
Kalakantbeswara temple, 2S9, 523. 107, 116. 117, 121 n .• 3, 182, 279,
Kalamalla, 30, 4.5, 51,193. 306, 307, 399 . 429, 465, 469, 474,
Kalamba, 322. 531.533,538,539.
Kalapu1'nodayamu. 523. Kandagada Curuvayya, 3ZZ.
Kalasa-Karkala. See KarkaJa. Kandahar, 75.
Kalgur . See Karnu!. Kandakuru, 234.
Kati,107. Kandanavolu . See Karoul.
Kalinga, 5.5. 122, 278. Kandanol. See Karoul.
KaiJngas, 510. Kandbir, 95, 273. 274,326,329.331 ,
Kaliyani, 26,73,76 79,80. SI, 84, I 333, 334; Raja of, 95.
88,90,91,95. 178. J\andi. 169, 281 ; .{ings of, 131,
Kaliyar· Somanar, 108 . 281.
Kalkulam, 17 n . 1, 14 5, 162.
Kallakursi grant of Rauga III, ZI, Kandikere, 271.
ZOO, 278, 517. Kandir, 329.
Kallar tribes, 268. Kandi Timana, 273.
Kalyan Mabal, 176. Kandoavol. See Karoul,
Kalyandrug, 26. Kandukur, 335.
Kama, 6 Kaojivaram District, 139.
Kamagetti Kasturi Medakeri NaY.' Kankadutta Vinayak temple, 598,
ka, 334. 546. .Kaonanur Koppam, 102 n. 2.
Kamal -ad-din Hussain, 200 . Kanthirava, 181.
Kamakoti, 525. Kanuma grant of Sadasivs Raya,
Kambaduru, 45. 28,46.
Klimbaia (Cbief of), 293. Kapury Timraj, 274.
Kamban Cadalur Rajas, 134. Karahata, .55, 278.
J{amboja, 54, 27S. Karikala Chola of Tanjore, 534,
'kambojas, 510. Karkala, 243, 412. 550 .
Kamestri, 135 n. 1. Karnams of Nindujuvvi, 51.
Kameswari ; 361 . Karnata, 12, 28. 36, 104, 107, Z60.
Kampana Odeyar. See Komara 278, 288, 310, 336, 510; ElIDper'
KampaIUI Odeyar, or of, 336, 401.
 INDEX 657

Karnataka country, SO, Ill, 112, Keralas, 142.

158,172,177, 177n.,l77n. 3, 185, Kesara, 41".
188, 355, 536, 537. KesaYa Misra, 528,
KaNJataka Lora5 (Ducrip#on 01 Kesayappa Nayaka,129.
the). 128. Kesavaswami, 277.
Karnataka GO'I)lIr"ors (His tor, Ketchila Ettapa Nayackef AiyaD,
o/), 122, 123, 127, 127 n, 133, 284 n. 2.
167, 238. 345. 351. Khairuvale, 234, 545.
Karnataka Prinoes (Ro'al Line Kbana (Kban), 259,
01 the), 139. Kbandesh, 339.
Karnalic or Karnatik, 17, 54, 56, Kbanakhaoa. See Khan Kbanan.
100 HI, 112 n. 1, 185, 258. Khan Kbanan . 331,337.
Karnul District. 9, 10, 19, 20. 22. Kburasani arcbers, 204.
30.34,234. 277,279,291,300 n .. Khurasani army, 204 n. 4.
32'+, 337 n. I, 542, 54.5. Kielhorn (Prof. F.), 21, 542.
Karpa, 329. King (Captain Sam,uel), 460.
Karlarllal, 355. Kinniga Bhupala, 550.
Kartik Virappa Naik, 204 D. 2. Kiranur, 138 .
KarugaUi, 415. Ki sbwar Kban Lary. 88, 195. 211,
Karupuram, 348. 229. 23 1. 236.
Karur, 268; Raja of, 2i3. Kobilingam. 175.
Kasappudaya, 19. Kocbcbarlakota'sima. 34.
Kasargod,178. Kodanda. 224.
Kasbmir, 122. Kodanda Rama. 22 n. 2.
Kasimkota, 832, 333; Raja of, 326, Kodanda Rama. S_ee Rama Raya,
3.32. Kodaodaramaswaml temple, 42.
Kasi Ray, 95,96, Kodur,44, 193.
Kasturi Raoga, 273. Koduru. 42,
Kasturi Rangappa Nayaka of Koiladi. 153.
Madura, 341, 344, 345, 351, ~84, Kolagala, 256.
426. Kolahala. 515.
Kasyapll4 gotra, 121 D. 2, 281, 498, Kolavu Bari, 315.
Kattalur, 133. Koli Row, 200.
Kayalkudaru, 398. Komara Timma Nayaningaru
Kayeri river, 109, 110, Il2, 116, (Queen 01), 191.
129, 244, 255. 28S, 359, Komara Veokatadri. See Veokata
Kayal, 140 n. 1. I.
Kayattaitur, 126. Komarunipalli, 235.
Kayatattur. 136. Komaddi, 518.
Keladi, 56, )42, 177, 179, 180. Kona, 20.
Kelaa; Ara5u VamJIa'IJali, 177, Kooamamba, 24.
178 n., 291. Kona Vallabharaya, 322.
Keladi Cbandappa Nayaka, 178. Konda, 22, 23.
Keladi-Ikeri, 172, 168. See Ikeri. Kondadeva Maharaja, 335,
Kellidy family, 56, 291. Kondakai, 166.
Kelalli Ra'Ja Paditti, 177. Koodambika, 49.5, 49(j, 500.
Keladi Veokatappa Nayaka, 549. Koodama Nayaka, 323.
Kembala, "lIS, Kondamma, 21, 22, 184,
Kempambudbi, 18;'. Koodapalli, 9.5.
Kempanacbeya Gowda, 182, 183. Koodaraja, 35,44,46,165.
Kempaya Gowda, 183. Koodaraju Tirumalaraju, 273.
Kempe Gowda I of Yelabanka, Koodaraju Venkatadri, 309.
172, 182, 183, 185,543. Koodaraju Venkataraju, 273.
Kempe Gowda II. of Yele.hanlla Kondarinji Karanur,138 .
4ll,426. ' Kondavidu, 31, 40, 255, 27 ••
Kempe Gow~ chief., 1'4,426. Kondoja, 4S, 49, SO,
 658 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA

Kondubbatta, 516. Krishnapapati, 244, See Krish'

Konduru-Chennapalli, 261. nappa Nayaka 1 of Madura,
Kondyata grantoE Venkata III,21, Krilhnapp~ Nayaka, 323.
206. 265, 335. Krishnappa Nayaka, 325.
Koneru Raya, 272. Krishnappa Nayaka of Bellul', 2911,
Koneti Kondarajadeva, See Kon- 555.
daraja . ]{rishnappa Nayaka of ]inji, 288,
Konetiraja, 109. 397, 403, 406, 408, 409, 410, 443,
Kongu, 268. 444,500,532, 55j, 554.
Kongudesa, 154. Krishnappa Nayaka 1 of Madura,
Konkan, 92, 198. 56, 131, 139, 154, 165 , 166, 168,
Konkani, 530. 169, 198, 244, 280, 281, 282, 283,
Konzah Humayun (Bibi) , XVIII, 285, 50~ 54 2, 543, 548,
XIX, 232, 236, 257. KrishDappa Nayaka II pi Madura,
Koppam, 102 n. 2. 341, 343 D . 1. 3H, 344 D . 3, 345,
Koppulu 193. 346, 348, 349, 3.50,351, 364.
Koramangala, 183. Krishnapatam, 397, 406,
Kosanepalle, 42. Krishnapura, 52, 185, 282.
Kotanaballi, 29. Krishnapuram, 282, 285, 542, 543.
Kotate. See Kottar. Krishnpuram temples, 42.
Kote Kolabala, 179. Krisbnapuram plates of Sadasiva
Kotitirtba, 357. Raya, 6, 101, 109,117,121, 13 2,
Kott~palli, 289.
141,216, 2 18,220, 221 , 233, 234,
Kottar. 144. 144 n, I, 145. 242, 243 , 244, 28 1, 516.
Kottiare Metropolis, 144 n. 1. Krishnarajapet Taluk, 38, 47,
Kotyam Nagama Nayadu, 167. Krishnaraya, 21.
Koviladi, ) 5.5. Krishna Sastri (Mr. H.), 2 n., 235
Kowlananda, 329 . 331. n. 7, 243 n, 5, 245.267.336 n. 1.
KOYi1mbulur, 134. Krisbnasarma, 517.
Krimikantha (Kulottunga II). 5.44 Krishnaswami Aiyangar (Dr. 5.),77
Krishna (Sri), 224, 226. 282, 361. n. 4, 100 n. 6, 102, 102 n. 2, 103
Krishna District, 251. n. 5, 105, 109 n. 1, 140 n. I , 154
Krishna river, 57, 59 n. 4, 194, 198, 316, 322,343, '120, 423 n. 2, 496'
202, 202 n. 3. 202 n. 4, 203, 208, Kriyasakti Wodeyar, 237.
232, 273. 274 ;- 327, 329, 332. 334, Kshatri yas, 26.
517. Kuber, 282, 510.
KrishDacota 241. Kudal Alagar, 154.
Krishna Das, 342, 548. Kudalur, 551.
Krisbna Deva Raya, 1, 1 n. 1, 2 n. Kulam. See Kalkulam.
3, 3 n. 6, 4 n. 5, 5 n. 3, 11, 13, Kulashekharadeva, 13'=
14, 16, 19, 20, 20 n. 6, 21, 22 n. Kulattur, 135,
2, 24, 25, 26, 38, 40, 'II, 54, 55, Kulbarga. See Gulbarga,
58, 59, 60, 60 D. I, 98, 99, 110, I{uli Qutb Shab o See Qutb Shah.
111, 112, 112 n . 1, 113, 115, 122, Kullur tank, 324 .
124 D, 3, 125 D., 176, 178, 181, Kulluru, 324.
185, 191. 215, 216, 219, 224, 236, KulottWlga Chola I of Tanjore,
241, 26t 30t 311, 51~ 519,532. 534, 537.
541,546,551. Kulottunga Cbola II of Tanjore,
Krisbnakavi, 525. 538,
KrishDama of NaDdyal, 309, Kulottunga'Cholan uta. 537,
I{rishnama, wife of Venkatadri, 24. Kulngumalai, 284 n. 2.
KrishD,amacbarlu (Mr. C. R.), 547, Kumara Ettappa Nay.cJect. 284 n .2.
Krishnamatha. 424. KumaraKampana Odeyar. 99, 103.
Krishnamba. 265,494, <495 .
Krishnapa, 21, ::3,
103 D, 4. 104.
172,
"to'.
IOQ, 107, 123,
 INDEX 650
Kumara Krishnappa Nayaka. See Levi (Fr. Alexander). 406.
Krishnappa Nayaka J and II of Light (our Lady of), '430.
Madura. Lingala, 51. 193.
Kumara Krishnappa Nayaka of Lingama Nayaka of Vellore, 300,
VeUore, 192. 31f, 317 n. I, 318. 319, 320, 407,
Kumara Muttu Naicber of Madura, 549. .
3!9, Lingappa Nayaker, 192.
Kumara Timma Nayadu, 321, 324 . Lingapura, 191.
Kumbbakonam, 288, 300. 342, 518, Lingapurana. 519.
522, 531,552 . Linscboten (John Huigheo Vao),
Kuna P¥Jdya. 283. 431.
Kundapur, 190, Lisbon, 9'1. 240.
Kuniyur plates of Venkata III, 55, Literature (Southern Indian), 513.
12l, 123, 220, 248, 254, 250, 264, Livy. 144 O . 2.
278, 282, 29~ 421, 509, Lucas (Antheunis). 456.
Kunrattur, 281. Luiz, 529.
Kunlala, 38. Luiz (Frey), 58.
Kuran.92. LUnar race, 18.
Kurattalvan, 535,537. Lux (Nossa Seobora da), 66 n. 2.
Kutapusabi. See Qutb Shah.
Kutupusahi, See Qutb Sbah.
Kutupusabu. See Qutb Shab. Milo' abar, See Malabar.
KU'lJalaya Vilasa, 517. Macha Nayaka of VeJlore, 321.
lLu'lJaljlana,!da, 523. Macherla. 191 :
Kuvam Tyagasamudranallur, 498. Mackenzie MSS . 135, I'll n.2,
Kwajajahan, 77, 146 n, 195 n. 1, 167, 420 n.1.
Mackenzie Collection, 45, 185, 242
n. 2, 253. 260. 291,544 .
Laerzio (Fr. Alberto), 313, 313 n . Macleod (Col. William), 111..
7, 354. 361, 367, 370, 371. 374, Madagaoi Basavareddi Kumarudu,
:182, 387, 391, 393. 39",434, 434 323.
n. 3. 142, 143,448,473,474. 475, Madana, 107. 108.
,.76. 479, 483. 484 . 485, 488. 489, Madanagopal. 358.
491,493, SOl, 506, 509, 530, Madanagopalaswamin, 251.
Lakkana. 99,107, 108, Madarasa, 179,429, 430,511. See
Lakkamamoo, 25. Madras.
Lakkambika. 19. Madavaswami, 246.
Lakkanayadu, 23', Madraju Nagappadeva Maharaju,
Lakshmana, 545. 36.
Lakshamamma, 22, 23, 166. Madras, 43, - 304, 315 D. 'I, 324,
Lakshmana, 24,206, 440, 475, 531 n, 2.
Lakshmanasuri. 516, Madhva, 514, 518, 521, 522, 531.
Laksh midbara, 516. 577,
Lak,hm;vilasam . 267, 273. 517. Madhvacharya, 522.
Lakshmikumara Tatacharya. See Madhva Guru, 287.
Tatacharya. Madre de Deus. 531, 531 n. 2.
Lakshmyambika, 166. Madura, VI, XIII, 56, 99, 100,
Lalitakirti, 550. 101, 102, 103, 103 n. 5, 106, 108,
Lancaster (Captain), 433. 109, 110, 116, 118, 121, 123,
Lock (Thomas), 239. 125, 125 n ., 127, 128, 129, 130,
London, 432.433. 131,132,133.134,135 n. 3,136,
Latin, 365. 497 n 1. 137, 138.139, ~41, 142,142 D. 8,
Le Gobien (Fr.), li4 D. 1. 1460.,150n.l, 151 n.,152, 153.
Letao (Fr. Manoel), 363, 394. 154, ISS, 159, 163,165, 166, 167,
Levanto (Fr. Nicolas), 3G4, 441, 170,198,244, 251, 280.281, 283.
443,444,416,474. 284, 285,28.5 D, 6. 286. 309. 343,
3
~o THE ARAVIDO DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA

3.43 D. 1. 345.3"6. 347. 348.3.50. Malayalam coulltry 17 D. I, 101,

353, 3· ... 3.5.5. 3.56. 3.58 . 359. 360. 133, 142, 159.
~1, 365. 367. 368, 378,383. 389, Malayalams. 162.
392.393.39", 395, 396. 410. "11. Malayapa. 315.
415. 509. 525, 526,528.542.543. MalaYol.ppatu. 317 n : 1.
548 ; Hidory 0/ the Nayak$ 01 Maleapor S~e Mylapore.
XX; Na,aks of, VI. 117. 11.8. Malikibharama. See Ibrahim Qutb
120 n .. 121 . 151 D.• 158, 162. 163. Shah.
153.3"2. 344, 345. 35 J. 354. 365. Malicktosuer. 239.
392.398, 411 ; Nayakship of. 341 ; Malik Karur. 100.
Sultan of. 103 ; University of. MaliJr Ibrahim See Ibrahim Qutb
513 ; Viceroys of. 117, 118.119. Shah.
Madura Ma .. ual (The). XX. Malik RahimaQ KhaD . 241.
Madura Mission. xrv. XX. MaW. 550.
Maduraittala'IJaralaru. 123 . Mallikar;una of Vijayanajlal'll; 109 .
Madure (La Mission du .) XX, 323, 324.
Maertaz IArent ), 45 \ 454. Mallikar;una-deva, 45 .
Magadhas. 278 . 279. 510. MallikariuDa temple. 42. 291. '300
Magiabecchi na (Biblioteca). 58 . n.
Mahacian8. 285. Malwa, 54 II. 4.
Mahadeva Deva. 43. Mamidipundi grant of Sadasiva
:Mabalingasvamin. 155. Raya. 33.246, 514.
Mabamandasahu. See Mubam Manabusha. 108.
Kuli Qutb Shah, Manakavacha, 109.
Maha'llanso. 153 n . 3. Mana Moh ;ni Nijaswarapi. 201 n. 4.
Mt.havalipuram. 284 n . 1. MaDal,170.
Mabe (Fr. J ). 142 n. 8. Manamathurai. 284.
Mahidevas. 317. Manapadu, 143.151.152. 352. 3.53,
Mahipati Yerrammanayaka. 34. Manap&r. See Manapadu .
Ma,hish Asur. 182. Manar, 165. 353.
Mablamati. 322. Mannare. See Manar,
'Mabmud Shabo 329. Manava Durga. 109.
Mahur.322. Mandanagopala. 43 .
MMlapura. 6 .... 64 D. 3.65.65 n. 4. MaodeJslo (John Albert. de), 64 n.
67.430.439: See Mylapore. ..,. 3.66 n.
Maill8Our. See Mysore. Manduva. 322.
Majjhula Kban. 291. . Mandara mountain. 282.
Makkba.322. Maogalampad grant of Venkat. II.
Makkigati. 200. 12, 24.74.259 n. :a. 261 n. 1. 264,
Makund Raj. 332. 278. 308. 329, 334 n. 3• .509. 510,
Malabar. XIIr. 2. 100 D. 6. 101. .517,518.525.547.
105. 142.275, 319 n 1.319 n . 2. Mangala Timmoja Kondojnpra,
313. 315 n. 2. 320 n . 2, 339. 3.. 7. 32. 36. 48. See Kondllja.
395,434, .. 34 D. 4, 436 n 1. 437 Man galore. 56, 189. 190. 298.411,
n. 1.438 n. 3.441 n. I, 472.473. 424.435.
488. 489; Kingdom of. 307; Mangalora. 178. See MangaJore,
Jesuit i'rovince of. 315 n. 2. Mango (Saluva). 105.
319 u. 1. 319 n. 2.320 n. 2. 340. Manigapure.. 5.52.
367.370. Manimai Palai,am, 134.
Malabar (Kanaral. 416. 417. 418. Mamnagapura. 184.
Malabarica (Lingua), .531. Manjon Khan. 411. 417. 418,
Malabara. 528. Manoel (Dom) of Portugal, 186.
Ma1aca,67. 70,93,145 D., 397. H9 Mansilbaa (Bro. Francisco), 145,
n.l . 147. 148. 15.2. 153.
Malai-DadU, 268. Mantia Ananta. St.. Matla Ananta.
M.var, 531 R. 2, Manu, 2.20, 28~.
 INDEX 661
Manucci (Niccolas), 36, 37, 39, ZJO. Mendez (Luis). 1"9.
MaDupral, 327, 329. Menezes (Archbishop Dam Frey
Marakampi NayaningaC'U, 335. Aleixo de) ; 295 n., 347,3-48. 370.
Maranapalli, 24 n. 7. 442. 447, SOL
Maratba account, 214 n. 3. Menezes (Dom Duarte dol. 164.
Marathas, XU!, 80, 531. 297 .
Marava, 103, 109, 110, 156, 268, Menezes (Dom Jorge do). 294.
3;4, 355; Chieftains of, 161. Merovingian kings, 247.
Marcellus II, 365. Meru (Mount) 314.
Maredapalli grant of Ranga I, 19, Mesopotamia, 533 n,
253. 265, 267, 278, 546. Mesquita IFr. Joao de), 164.
Margal¥, 498. Micale, 64 n. 1. See Abdullat
Markkandeya, 55!. Adil Shah.
Markapur, 7, 10. 34, 41, 233, 542, Middleton (Henry), 433.
Marini (Fr. Philippo). 381 n. Mihira Bhoja, 54 n. 4.
Marthacda Varma of Travancore, Mildenball (Jobn). 433.
115, 116. Miltar Tima, 275, 277.
Martin (Fr. P.), 120 n., 144 n. 1. Milyunjaya, 137 n . 1.
Marudangudi, 3411. Minaksbi (Sri), 12iJ. 28.5; temple of.
Mary (BI. Virgin), 65 D . 4. 128, 129,
Mascarenhas (Dol1l Francisco de), Minnal, 318.
189. Miranda (Martin Alfonso de). 9 ....
Mascarenbas (Dom Giles Yanez). Mir Jumla, 83.
297. Mirza Ibrahim Zabirl, 11. 199.
Mascarenhlls (Dom Jeronimo), 227, 229.
298. Mir Zain·ul·Abidin, 332.
Mascarenbas (Dom Pedro), 93, 94. MogaUuru, 277.
Mascarenbas (Captain Pero), 59. Molakolmuru Taluk, 48.
Masulipatam, 95, 239. 428. 431, Monroy (Dom Fernando de), 94.
432, 442. 457. 458, 460, 508. Montepulciano, 365.
Matburai·mandalam. 110. Moores. S ee Moors.
Matribhatesvara, 361. Moors. See Mubammadans.
Mat!a Ananta, 306, 309, 3 J6. 349, Mopur, 16.
360. 548. Moura (Jorge de), 294.
Matla chief, 48 M,.trunjaya MSS ., 121, 122. 134,
Matla Tiruvengala, 32'1. 139. 165, 194.199 n. 1,200, 281,
Maudit. (Fr.), 321. 345, 346, 350.
MaulaDa IDayatullah. 90.91, 197, . Mudalivar, 360.
229. Muddayyadeva Mabaraja, 33.5.
Maurice (Prince l , 454 I) Muddaviramabipalasamudra, JS9.
Mavalipuram, 284, 285. Mudgal, 84. 142, 199, 203, 229.
Mavali Vanada Rayar Cbieftains. Mudiyappa Nayaka, 324.
123. 284. Mudkal. See Mudgal.
May,akonda, 426 Mudua Chinna. 273.
Mayavaram, 288. Mudugal. See Mudgal.
Meale Khan, 92 n. 2. See Abdullah Mugel,160.
Adil Sbah. Mughal Deccan, XIX.
Medici (Giuliano d'), 187. Mughal Emperor. See Akbar.
Medici (Lorend'), 0 2 187. Mughal Empire, XX.
Megoti Timma Nayadu, 267. Mughals. XIII, 274, +33.
Meliapor. See Mylapore. Mubammadans, VII, XV, 9.41,56
Mello (Gaspar de). 94 . n. 1, 59, 67, 74. 75, 76. 79, 79 n.
Mello (Luis de), 394, 398 n. 3. 2. 89 D 2, 91, 92, 96, 97, 98,99,
Mello (Ruy de). 59 n. 4. 100, 101,102 1(13, 104, 10.5, 105
Melpadi.l06. n. 2, 106 n. 6,109,118, J19, 120.
Melrao, 164. 120 n .• 145 n, 1, 187. 191. 206,
662 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA

210, 211, 212, 215, 216, 218, 236, Mylapore, 64 n, 3,6.5. 307. 31.5 D.
238, 243, 248. 273. 274, 275, 276, 3, 322,429,437, 439, 439 n. I,
279, 281, 283,326.327,328, 369, 440, 441, .. 470, '17.5, 500 528'
384,390, 391, 418, 419,445, 446, Bishop of, 448, 449, 461; Dio~
496. 546. cese of. XXI, 428.
Mubammadan chronicler of Gol- Mysore, 31 n. 2, 56. 105, 172, 218,
konda, 22. 55. 271,297.,414. 415. 418, 423, 424,
Muhammadan frontier, 29. 532, 536, 537, 538, 548, 549;
Muhammadan governor. 238. conquest of, 411; Rajas of. VI,
Muhammadan invasion, 221, 411. XV. 272,415, 421; Royal Palace
Muhammadan possessions, 236 . of. xx r.
Muhammadan powers, V. Mysore District. 412.
Muhammadans of Madura, 172. M,sore Royal Family (Annal.! 01
Muhammadan Sultans, 224. tile). 420.
Muhammad Kuli Quth Shab, 275, Mythic Society, Bangalore, XX.I.
326, 327, 329, 331, 332.
Mubammad Shah. Mughal Em-
peror. XVIII, XIX. . Nadal (Fr. A.l, 478, 491.
Muhammad Sharif Hanafi, 350. Nadu-nadu, 108.
Muhammad Tuglak, 100, 101. Nagala,l n.l, 14.
Mujahid Khan. 95. Nagam Aiya. 142, 143 n . • 150 n.
MuJlamakudam Mullaperoja, 168, Nagama, Sadasiva Raya's Guru
MuJler (Max) , 389. 152. '
Mulha Pberoz, 168 , Nagama Nayadu, 139.
Munelli, 34, Nagama Nayaka, 99, 108, 117. 118
Munisuvrata, 550. 121 , 123 D. 6,124 D:2,125, 126',
Munnali.318. 126 D. 1, 126 n. 3, 127, 127 n.,
Murad (Prince), 337. 128, 139, 313 n. 1, 347.
Murari, 179, 543. NagamaladiDe, 50.
Murasas, 310. Nagapatam Sec Negapatam.
Murtaz'1 Khan. 329. Nagappa, 117.
Murtaza Nizam Shah of Abmad· Naga Reddi, 323.
nagar, XIX, 217. 231,252, Nagari, 531.
Murtimambal, 173. Nagaraja'lya, 44.
Murti Settiyar, 350. Nagarajayyadeya Maharaya, 24,
Murtiza Khan, 272. 51.
Murtyamba, 288. NageDa\luru. 359.
Mu selvatam See Masulipatam. Nage Nayaka, 44 .
Mu.lims. See 1Iuhammadans. Naggar Putia, 420.
Mussalapatan (Gollanda), 338 See Nagircoil, 144 n. 1.
Masulipatam. Nagiri legend, 548.
M\lssulmans. See Muhatrunadans. Nahusba, 251.
Mussulman realqls, 216. Naidu. 321.
Mustafa Kban. 83, 84, 89, 96, 97, Naigwaris, 73, 95, 96, 97, 332.
197,200,229,259,268,269,337. Nala, 251.
Muttara·satiru-mali mavili· v an a- Naldrug. 275.
thi · rayer, lOB. Nallacheruvupalle, 41.
Muttu Krishnappa Nayaka of Nallapalli, 51, 193.
Madura, 341. 351, 353, 354 . Namala DiDDah, 140.
355. 3.56, 358, 359, 364, 365. Nanda, 18.
526 . Nandalur, 44.
Muttu Virappa Nayaka of Madura, Nandapadu, 44, 193.
341,354,359,360,361,377,384, Nandela, 309.
391. Nandi,224.
Muvaraya, 357. Nadikkudi, 348.
Muvaraikondram, 348. Nandinagari, 513, 531,
 INDEX 663

Nandirayi, 335 . Negapatam Nayak, 361. See Tao·

Nandyala, 16, 22, Sl, 299. jore Nayak.
Naodyala Abubalaraju ... , 193, Negoti Timma Nayadu, 276.
Naodyala Krisbnaraya, ~23 . Nellala 193.
Nandyala Tirumayyadeva Mara- Nellaturu . 317.
raju, 44, 193,523. Nelliappa, 149.
Nanja Raja Odeyar. 550. Nelliyappar temple, 282.
Narapativijaya, 20. Nellore Di s trict, 22, 28, 112, 245,
Narapatf'l.lijayatnu, 21 n. 6, 270, 266, 271, 276. 301, 335.
273. Nelson. (Mr. G. H .), XX, 118,
Narakampi Nayaningaru, 321. 131 n. 1.
Narasa ~ayah. 99, 108. 109, 110, Nemazi (Mr. Mohamed Kazem),
118, 191. 237 . XIX.
Narasa Pillai. 118 . Nepala, 122 n. 2.
Nara,saraya. 516. Netherland s. 431, 433,447,452,
Nara$abu(>~liyamu, 10. 11, 12, Nickel IFr Goswin), 360,
20.25. 515, 516. Nidambaram, 281.
Narasammangaru, 498 l"idujuvvi, 22.
N arasirn ba, 25. NieubofI (John), 65 n . 4, 66 D.,
Narasimba (Vira). 324.548. 119 n. 1,120. 152 n. 2, 165.
Narasimba Raya (Saluva) of Nilgiris, 151 n.
Vijaya03gara, 1 n. 1, 4 n . 3, 19, Nizam Shab, 10 n" 21, 62, 93. 197,
105,108,109 n. 1, 121, 225, 226, 198, 207,20 9 , 210, 213 n, 7, 215,
311,321,551. 216, 256, 322.
Narasiroha II, of the Ganga Nizamaluco, See Nizam Shah.
Dynasty. -536. Nizam Sultans, 77,
Narasimhapuram, 323. Nob!]i (Cardinal Roberto de), 365.
Narasimiah, 182 n. Nobili (Fr. Roberto del,VII , XIV,
Narasinga, 313. See Vijayanagara, 363, 365, 36 7 , 368, 369, 370, 376,
1'1 arasinga. (God) . 323 . 377,378 ,379, 380,382, 38 3,384,
Narasinga Udiyar, 175-1 76. 385,386, 387,388,3119.390,391,
N",rasingama, 23. 256. 29l. 392 393,39'1,395, 525, 526, 528,
Narasillgapuram, 142. 497. 529.
Narasingayadeva 1\1aharaya, 16. Nocera, 366 .
No.rayana, 193. Noronha (Dom Aotao de), 94, 189,
Narayanvaram, 535. 190.
Naraven. 111,112,112 n . :Noronha (Dom Bernardo de), 451,
• NaredapaUi, 528 . 463,
Narmalli,415. Nri;:a: 251.
Narsin!(a. 37. 55 n 4, 5S. 64 n. N r~imhacbarya, 540 n. 1.
3, 113 n . 4, 187, ::?40, 337 n. 3. Nrjsjmhasfa'tJa, 515 .
423.45-1 n., Q57. 459. S ec Nara- Nuni z, Portu guese Chronicler, 1,
simha Raya. and Vijayaoagara. D. 1.1 n. 2, 2 D , 4 0 . , 7 n . 5, Z6,
Narsinllua. See Narsinga. 103 n , 4,110,111. 112 D . 1, 113.
Naru Khan, 2~2 113 n. 2, 114 , 122 D, 215, 237.
Nassau (Mauritius de), 453. Nur Kha n , 33 .
Nasir ud-din, 102. Nursing Ra j, 24 n. 3.
Nataraja, 519. Nyayamri la-Vyakbya. 522
Navapashana, 170.
Nayak Dynasty of Madura, 123.
Nayanappa, 96. I Obala, 267.
Nayaningaru, 324. 'I Obalraju, 493 .
Nayinappa Nayaka, 32'1. I Obambika or Obambikadevi, 1 n,
Negalapuram, 278. 1,14.
I
Negapatam, 67, 161, 174 , 397, 398' Obamma. 23, 502, See Pedoba-
D. 3, 571, mamba,
68' THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA

Obana Nayaka, 185, 426. Panchar Tirnvadl, 347.

Oba Raja, 25, 307. 320, 465, 466, Pandavas (Pancha), 126.
467, 496, 497, 498, 500, 503, SOB, Pandaras, 661. 381, 382.
Obari,352. Pandilapal1i, 47.
Obasamudram, .51. Pandbal'pur, 519.
Obiama, 458. 502, 502 n. 2. See Panduranga. 519.
Pedobamamba. Pandurangamahatmya. 519.
Objama, See Obiama, Pandya, 256 See Madura kingdom.
Obo Raya. See Oba Raja, Pandya Capital. 364. See Madura.
Obraias , See Oba Raja. Pandya country. 129, 284. 3~6, 354.
Obyama . See Obiama. See Madura kingdom.
Oddiya , See Orissa. Pandyaka (Queen), .5.50.
o lala, S ee Ullal. Pandya kingdom, 117, 130, 3.58.
Oman, 100 See Madura kingdom.
Ommana Udaiyar, 106. PandyakulashtaJ>a_ ok " r" a,
Ongole. 47 , 282.
Onor, S ee Honavar. Pandyamandala. See Pandya coun-
Orissa, J 5. 55. 110. 122, 241, 253, try.
307, 334 n. 3. 389, 439. Pandi,an, 132.
Orixa . S ee Orissa. Pandyan Chronicle, 107, 114,
Orlandioi (Fr. N .). 366. 117. 118. 123, 350, 351, 511 D.l.
Orme (Robert). 238, 319 n, 1. PaDdya race, 135.
Ormuz. 59. 72 ; Captam of, 451. PanJya • rajyasthaj>anachar,a,
117.
PaDdyas of Madura, ,XIII, 2 n.,
Padaividurajya, 289. 99.101. 103. 104 . 105. 106. 107.
Padmaneri grant of Venkata II. 108. 109, 110. 112, 113. 114, 114
81,123, 255. 283 n. 8. 315,329 n . 7. 116. 117, 118, 123, 124,124
n. 3,335 n. 3, 345.347.495. 525. D, 3, 125, 12.5 D., 126.127, 128,
547.547 n. 3.550. J 30. 131, 132, 134. 135 n. 3,
Paes, Portuguese Chronicler, 113. 137. 138, 149, 152, 172, 280.282,
Paithan 88. 285.308,341. 344,347,355,39,.2,
Paju (Pasu). 379. 393, 525, 542, 5.50.
Paksa, 527. Panegorde. See PeDukonda.
Palagiri,323. Pan gal District. 86.
Palaiyakarans. 133.134, 136.154, Pan gal fort. 9'. 96.
166. 169,280. 281. 284. 3.52. 363. Pangul.83.
391. 392. P angim Arcbives, XIX. 396. 428,
Palaiyams. 131. 132, 133. 134. 44' 447.
Palamcotta. 282. Paolino de Sao Bartolomeo (Fr.),
Paleacate. See PuJicat. 530. 531.
Paleacatte. See PuJicat. PapaDasam. 143 n .
Palecatte See . Pulicat. Paparagiu (Papa Raya). 322.
Palembakotta. See Palemkota. Papa Timmayyadeva Maharaja
Palemkota, 310. 21.45.
Palestine. 65 n , 4. 53j n. Papatimmaraja. 46.
PaJlava Princes. 533 n. Papia Samywar. 327.
Palleacatten. See PuJieat. Pappan Nayaka, 289.
Palnaru, 335, Paracrama-Pandyondever. 100.
Pamba, 357. Paramarahalyamalai, 518.
Pampapati temple. 224, 226. 539. Paramaras, 54 D. 4.
Panchakaladipika, 515 . Paramarsa, 527.
Pancbamata· bbajanam Tatacbarya, Parama<Jogi Vilalam, 24.
304, Paramayogi Vila,amu, 517.
Panchamatabhanjanam, 514. Paramesvara, 246,
Panchapandya, 360, See Madura. Paramesvara Aiyar, 141 D. 2,
 INDEX 665
Parankusan Lakshmanaiya. 234. PeDuguluru grant of Tlrumala
Parankusan Van-Sathagopa·li- Raya. 242. 251, 259 n. 2, 260,
yamll:aru. 246 n. 1. 542. 543. 261. 262, 524 . .544,545.
Parasikas. 74. Penoconda. See Penukonda ,
Parasnis (Rao Babadur D. B .), Penugonda . See Penukonda.
XXI. . Peoukonda. vn. 5. 9, 19, 19 n. 3,
Parava caste. 118. 31. 38, 3B n.2. 40, 51. 54. 140,
Para vas of the Fishery Coast. 99. 21B, 222. 233 n. 1. 235.236,237,
lIB. 119. 119 n . 1. 120 n .• 121. 237 n , 4. 238. 2iO. 242,242 n. 2,
140. 149. 151. 152. 153.155. 157, 248.251. 258, 259. 260. 263,264,
138. 160. 163, 16.5, 351, 352,353. 265.266, 269. 270, 271, 273 n. 3,
363, 96B, 3B5. ' 277,279, 289. 300. 303, 310, 313,
Pariahs, 280, 372. 326. 327, 32B. 329. 336, 336 n, 1,
Pa.rtha~rathiswamin temple, 43 . 398,503. 524. 545.
Parvatavardbani, 356. Pereira (Antao), 190.
Parvati.426. Perez (Fr. F.), 162,
Pastor (Couot L.I. 365, Perimal. See Perumal.
Pataliputra. 18. Periya En-ama Nayaka of Pun-
Patengatis. 119. narrur, 321 , SIB.
Patrao (Fr . Antonio). 485 n. Periya Krisbnappa Nayaka of
Pattar, 128. Madura, 283 n. 5. 344 n. 4.
Patwardhan (Mr Pantiurang Perya1<ulam, 129 n. I, 138.
Narasingha), XIX. Periya Virappa Nayaka of
Paul V, 439. Madura, See Virappa Nayaka,
Paul (St.) ~2, 371,430. Permadi, 322.
Paul (Rathers of St.) See Society Permattur (Sri), 533.
of Jesus. Perron (Anguetil du), 31.37, 60
Pavia Chetti (Papaya Chetti), 3'27. D . , 177. 194, 198. 212,216,229,
Pedakondappa Nayadu. 191. 235. 23B. 245, 246, 253. 303. 308,
Peda Koadaraja, 35. .l10. 317 D 2, 339 n. 1. 342, 343
Pedambur, 119- n. I, 398, ,399, 400, i02, 403,
Peda Timmaraja, 21. 408, 428, 435, 50~, 508.
Peddamallepalli , 48. Persia, 2, 71, 72,240.
Peddamudiyam, 45. Persian horses, 62,
Peddandi Raju, 21 . Persians, 274.
Peddappa, 347. Perumai. 192,288.
Peddappanayaksamudram. 348. Perumal (God!, 153,315,316, 360,
Pedda Timma, 23. 553.
Pedda Venkata, 23. Perumal of Ceylon, 65 n.
Pedda Yachama Nayadu. 322. Peru mal Parakrama Pandyadeva
Peddvenkata, 22 n, ,2. of Madura, 135,138.
Pedobamamba, 494, 495, 502, Perunkondapura . See Penukond~ .
Pegu, 70, 397,439. Pes('hwahs See Peshwas.
Pehugundi. See Peoukonda. Peshwas, 31 n. 2.
Pellae..ta, See Pulicat. Petasamudra. ,288,
Pemmasami Nayadu, 43. . Pettapoly, 457, 458, 460.
Pemmasani Pedda Timmaraja 266. Pharaohs, 533 D
307. Pbelippe (DonI, See Philip III.
Pemmasani Timma, 519. Philip III of Spain and Portugal,
Penagonda, See Penukonda 396, 428, 436, 436 D , 2, ~37 n 5,
Penda.93. 439, 439 D. I, 442, """3, 444~
Pendlimarri, 51. 445. 447. 44B, 449,451, 453, 470,
Penegonde. See Penukonda. 4BO, 481, 483, !SOl, 504, 506.
PenDahobalam, 190. PiIlai, 429,
Pennar, 328. Pimenta (Fr. Nicolao), 165, 302,
Pentapur, 241, ' 312, 316, 316 n. 3, 319 n 1, 339
 666 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY O F VI J AYA NAG ARA

n. 1. 346,347,349,350,397.398, Portuguese IDdia (State of).• 42~,

399,401,403,404,406,413, 435, Portuguese interests, 411,
437, 437 D, 4, 438 n 2, 464, 465, Portuguese merchaDts, 62, 63.
467,471 , 482,.487,528,553,554. Portuguese nation, 119.
PiDavobamamba, 494,495. Portuguese possessions, 57.
PiDgali SuraDa, 523. Portuguese solGiers, 59, 188.
Pinheiro (Fr. Manoel), 338 D. 1. Portuguese sources, 416.
PinDama , 19. Portuguese trade, 240.
Pirammalai, 341. Portuguese Viceroy, 60, 340, 424.
Pirmal, See Peru mal. See Goa (Viceroy ofl.
Piruppattur, 341. Pota Bbupala, 177.
Planchard (Fr. I .), xx. Potladurti 44. 193.
Pochiraju family, 21, 25, 498. Pottappi, 48, 51.
Podili, 28, 51 , 266. Pottapinadu, 42.
Pola festival, 330 D. 2. P. P . P. IPooDa PersiaD PQebll,
PolaDco (Fr. I.), 366, 200 D. 1,209 n , 213, 214, 219.-
Policbcha!ar, 324. Pradbani, 139.
Polegar, Sec Palaiyakarans. Prakasa, 106.
Polusani, 324. Prakrit, 517.
Ponda, 298, Pranguis, 363. 369, 385, 387, S ~ e
Pondichery, 389, Portuguese.
PODin, See POODa. Prapannamrtan 33,532, 540 n.,
PODDmbala. Dharmasivacharya, 544, 547.
545. Prapattiprayoga, 515 .
Poona, XVII, XIX, 31 D. 1,9~ 2, Prataparudriya, 516.
197 n . 5. Pratishtana, 515.
Porkasa, 106, Proddatur, 44 .
Porto Novo. 444. Proenza (Fr. A.). 360.
Portugal, 57.58, 61,61 D. 2, 62. ProtestaDts, 395.
63, 69, 70, 71 n. 1. 72, 93. 9~, Ptolomy. 144 D. 1, 190.
119, 189. W6, 433.438. 466. 480; Pudukkottai . 117, 133, 199, 214.
King of, X,~, XXI, 119 D. 1, 285, 286, 343, 344.
145 D . , 163, 240. 365. 366, 423, Pudukkotai plates of Srivall~bha
424,465 ; Kings of, XIX. and Varatungarama Pandya,
Portuguese. V, VI. VlI, XV, 2 n. . 285-286. •
54,57,58,59, 60, 60 n .. 60 n. 3, Pudur, 41.
61, 64, 64 D. 3, 65 D. 5, 66,66 D , Pugalur, 3",
67, 68, 69, 7 1, 72,92,92 D . 2, Pulap:uum, 42.
93, 94, 95 D., 99, 113 D' 2, l'uley or Pillai, 429,
119 n. 1,120 n., 143,147, 149. Puticat, 25, 42B, 431, 451, 4.52,
151,152 D . , 155, 158,163, 165, 453, 454 D . , 455, 458, 459, 460,
172, 185,186, 188, 190 218,222, 461, 462, 463, 482, 501, 502, 502
223, 360, 366, 368, 382, 402, 410 n. I, 511, 512: Queen of, 459.
n. 3,419, 424, 433, 434, 435, Pulivallgtllam, 42.
438,439,440,441,442, 454 . 455, puna-desa, 178.
460, 461, 462, 472, 477,480, PUDbati Perurnal, 348 n, 3.
482500,501, 511, 531. Punjab, 54 n. 3.
Portuguese Captain, 119. Punjalike, 550.
Portuguese commerce, VII, XIII, PUDDarrur, 321, 518.
240. Punney Kayal, 131, 151, 152, IS},
Portuguese chroDicles, 185, 293. 159, 160, 161, 164, 165,531.
Portuguese fleet, 57. Puntakoti· Aiyan , 3005,
Portuguese Governor, 57, 188. Puranas, 518.
Portuguese GoverDment (Archives PuraDic heroes, 18.
of the), 396 Purushtamam temple, 546.
Porluiuose historiaDs, 59 D. 1, Purchas, (Samuel), 399,471,
 INDEX 667
Parunwu, 18, 37. Rajpundi (ortress, 24 I.
Pa;;bpagiri. 312. Raksasji. 203.
Putia SODlnata, 549. Raksas·Tagdi (battle of). VII. XV,
Puttalya. (Mr, B.), 184 n· 1.426. 31.37.39 n . 1,40,41.52. 57,70.
Puttalam, 170. 191.192.203 n. 2, 208 n.1. 216,
Pythagoras, 379, 216 n. 5, 218, 229, 230, 241. 242,
244. 246 , 250, 257, 258, 259, 252.
271,284 n. 2, 286, 287. 326, 346,
Qabul Khan. 33, 544, 545.
Qlladros (Fr.), 66 n, 2, Rakshasas, 328,
Quasim Barid Shah of Bidar, 81. Ralakote Aravinda Nayaka, 44.
Q uasim Beg, 80. 90, 91. Rama, grandson of Rama Raya,
Queyroz (Fr. F.l. 20. 26. 69 n. 1. 23, 24.
428,448, 503 . 504. nama (kavi) , 525. .
Qo.tb-ud·din, 101. Ram a (Sri) . 301,328,334,545,547,
Qutb Sbah, 10 n., 25, 73, 78, 90, 547 n. 2.
198,216, 273, 274, 3ZZ. Ramabhadra. 26, 309, 510,
Ramabhadramba, 401, 402.
Ramabhadra Nayaka of Peryya'
Rachebidas, 204, 208, kulam, 129 n. 1. 138,
Rachevadu soldiers. See Racbebi· Ramabhatlaya, 16.
das. . Rama Deva. 505 n . 7, 506 n.
Rachirajadeva Maharaja, 43. Ramachandra, 265, 545.
Rachiraju, 45. Ramachandra, of Perunkondapura.
Rachol, 59 .. 59 n, 4, 60 n ., 122 n . 266.
Raja Palaiyam, 134. Ramadurgam'sima, 36.
Raghavamha, 494, 495, 496, '00. Ramakrishna, 520 n. 1.
502. Ramkrisbo appa Nayaka, 348,
Raghavapandaviya, 523. Ramalioges wara temple, 357.
Ragbavadeva, 19. Ramamatya. 517.
Ragbaviab (Rao SahibT.), 244 n.3, Ramana, nephew of Venkata II,
Raghunathabhyudayam, 310, 327, 474,504.
328, 400, 401, 404.408. Ramaoandasrama, 516 .
Raghunatbadeva, 193, Ramanatha temple, 356, 357,
Raghunatha Nayaka of Tanjore, Ramaoathaswami temple, 35 7.
310. 327, 328, 397, 398, 399, 400, Rama Nayak, 343.
401,402, 404,448, 518. Ramaouja , XIV. 304 . 311, 314,
Raghunatha, son oiTirumala Raya, 412, 514 , 51 8, 524, 532, 533, 534,
24, 207, 208, 246, 254. 535,536. 537, 541 n ., 542, 548.
Raghnnatha Tirumalai Setupati Ramanujacharya. See Ramanuja.
of Ramnad, 355. Ramanujakuta, 323.
Ragunate Raje. See Raghunatba, Ramaraja, ancestor of the Aravidu
son of Tirumala Raya. fam ily, 543.
Raghunayaka , 44. Rama Raja Charita, 19.
Raghunayakalu, 42, 44, 46 .. Ramaraja Chinna Timmayyadeva
Raichur, 22, 59 n, 'I, 60 n., 78,84, Maharaya. Sed Rama Raya,
199.229. Rama Raja. See Rama Raya.
Raihan, 82, Rama Raja Timmaya. See Rama
. Rajagambhira, 104, Raya .
Rajagiri, 176. Rama Raja, Viceroy of Seringa-
Rajagopal, 172. patam, 24 , 2~6, 254, 290, 291,
Rajabmundri, 55 'n, 1, 95'96, 241, 300 n. 1, 413,504. 506 n .
333. Rama Raja, Yuvaraja of Ikeri, 223.
Rajanarendra, 543. Rama Rajayya Deva Maha·Arasu.
Raja Odevar, 422. See Rama Raya.
Rajendra, 534. Ramarajayya Pinnaraju Garu. Sl.
4
868 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OP VIJAYANAGARA

Ra"",,,aji,,amll,10. 21,22 n. 3, 24, 271.272.272 n. 1.274,275.276.

26, 30, 40, 163, 194, 207,216, 277,278.279.280. 285.287. 2l!8,
. 2.54,278,290,291, 307, 309, 320, 289. 290. ~1. 298. 299,300, 301,
326, 3Z8, 334, 495, 496, 502. 304,306, 307. 326. 336 D. I, 412.
RamaRaju. See Rama Raja, Vice- 415, 421 n .. 424. 426.499.505.
roy of Seringapatam. 506. 506 n ., S07. 511.512.513.
Rama R;l.ya. Buklta's son, 1~. 517. 518. 522. 525. 532.546.
Rama Raya of Vi jayana gara, VI, Ranga II of Vijayanagara. 280.
VII, XIV, I, 5, 5 n., 9, 10, 10 n. 50S n. 7.
11. 11 n. 7.12. 13, 15.16,17. 19, Ranga III of Vijayanagara, :11.
19 n. 3, 20, 21, 22, 22 n. 2, 22 u. 22.55. 206. 239. 249. 278. 509.
3,23.24,24 n. I, 24 n . 'I, 24 D. 511.
7. 25, 26, 27. 28, 30. 31. 32, Ranga IV (old). See Ranga III.
33, 34, 35. 36. 37. 38, 38 D. 2. Ranga Kshitindra . See Ranga
39,39 n. I, 40. 41, 42. 47, 48, Raya, father of Sadasiva Raja.
49. SO. SO n. 12. 51 . 52. 54. 55. Ranga (Prince Sri: . 276. 497. 499.
56.56 n. 1,57. 61,63.64,66 n. S04.
2. 67. 68, 69. 69 D. 1. 73. 74.75. Ranga Mantapam, 43.
76. 77 l 78. 79. 79 n . 2. 80. 80 n. Raoga temple, 292,
1. 81. lj2. 83, 83 n. 2. 84. 85, 86, Raogachari (Mr. V.), 106 n. 2.
87. 87 n. 2, 88 D., 89. 91, 114 n. 7. 140, 142 n. 2. 149.166.
94. 94 D. 2, 95, 96, 97, 140, 24 6 n. 1,262. 267. 269 n .• 335
142, 149, ISO, 161, 163, 168, 178, n. 9. 344. 345. 363. 403. 420
USO, 182, 192, 193, 194. 195, 195 n . 1.482 n.
n. I, 197,198, 199. 199 n. 3,201, Rangacharya. See Rangachari.
202.202 n. 1. 204, 205, 206, 206 Ranganatha (God). 42. 105. 105
D. 2;.208. 209,210. 211, 212, 213, n. 2. 155. 167. 2'14. 343. 347.
213 D. 2, 213 n. 3. 213 n. 7, 214. Rangama. 24, 420.
214 D. 3.215.215 D. 5,217.218. Ranganatha. 42.
219, 220, 221, 224.231, 232.233. Rangaoatbaswamin, 553.
236. 237 n. 'I, 242, 243, 246 n. I, Raogappa. 24.
24B. 255,257.258,262.274. 291, Raogappa Rajayyadeva. 46.
302. 337 n . 1. 346. 512, 513. 514, Rangapati.246.
515,516.517.543.544,546. Rangha Mahalm~a (Sri). 537.
Rama RayaJlu. Su Rama Raya. Rapur.335.
Ramaraya Nayaka , 1BO. 256. Ratnagiri. 156.
Rama Varma. ,162. Ratna Kuta. 39.
Rama Vishvaksena, 547. Ratnakheta Srinivasa Dikshita.
Ramayamatya. 40. 177.
Rama"alUl, 541 n . Rattas. 178. 510.
Rameswaram . 102, 109, 110, 132. Ravelia Velikonda Venkatadri.
156, 158, 180, 354, 355. 357, 401 . 309.
Ramiseram. See Rameswaram. Rayj Varman Kulasekhara oC
Ramappa Nayak, 154. Travancore. 100 D. 6.
Ramayamatya Todarmalla, 39. Rayachtrt1, 43.
Rambikesaru Khanu (Kishwar Rayakuvara, 550.
Khan ?). 236. Rayasam.267·
Rang Sammudir, 415. Rayaaam Venkatapati, 517.
RanciDotto (LUigi). 55 D . 4. Rayanamanlri Bhaskarayya.~323.
Ranga, father of Rama Raya, 35. Raya Rao. 27 4.
Ranga. father of Sadasiva Raya, Rebello (Pero Lopes). 296.
4 n. 4.7. 13· 14. Recherla ' gotra, 191.
RaDga 1 of Vijayanagara. VII. Reddi chief. 112 n· 1.
XV. 19. 19 n. 3. ~3. 34. 38 n. 2. Reddis. 289.
175.233,246.254. 256. 259. 260. Remati (Vonkatayya). 291.·
264,265,260,267, 268. 209. 270, Relelim Chorill (CII.ttiJ, 59.
 1NDEX

Retta Mattam, 521. 191. 192, 193·. 212, 213. 214, 21tS
Rice (Mr. L.). Z'lZ n. 1. .f:U, 5D5 n. 218. 219. 220. 221, 223. 228.233:
7,606 n.. ~ 234, 235. 237 n . 4, 243.244, 245,
Richards (Mr.). 343 n. 1. 246.247. 248.250,261,262,263,
Ricio (Fr. Francesco), 319 n. 1. 320. 267.281.283.287 , 288.292,308,
435.435 n. 3.465.466. 467.468. 317.322.337 n. 1, 426, 427.430,
470. 472. 473. 474.475.479. 482. 485 n. 3. 511. 513. 514.515.424.
483. 486. 487. 488. 499. 517. 529. 532, 542. 543; Regent of. 67.
530. 68.69.76.77.221.276,337 n.l.
Rilet Khan. 241. Sadasiva Ray'!. 204 n. 5. Sell Rama
R.g·Veda. 262. Raya of Vijayanagara.
Robini; ISO. Sadasiva or Sadasivaraya Nayaka
Roiz (Fr. M .). 438, 438 n. 3. 441. of Ikeri. 35, 56. 80. 81. 88, 142,
n 1. 470. 483. 172,180,187,291.
RO'vilconda. 95. Sadupperi, 192.
Rome, XX, 313, 3105, 367, 368, 3"11. Sagar, 78.
n . 1. Sahastiao (Dom). of Portugal. "86.
Roman Brahman. See NobilL Sahilyaratnaka,.a, 397, 399, 407,
Ros (Mgr. Francisco). Archbishop Saif Khan Ain· ul mulk. 83. .
of Cranganor. 370. 372, 378, Saiva, 314. !l19. 532. 535, 536. '42.
389. 390. 393. 395: 544, 550. 551. 552, .553.
Rosti Kban. 298. Saiva'Advaita, 523.
Rubino (Fr. Antonio). 368. 449, Saiva temple. 282.
470. 47.5,476.477, 479, 480, 482, Saivism. XIV • .532, 540. 5.54,
484,48':492. Saivites, 546.
Ruden. See Rudra. Salabat Khan. 84.
Rudbirodgari, 166. Salakaraja Chinaa Tirumalayya-
Rudra. See Siva. deVil Maharaja. 115. 116.
Rudrappa, 324. Salakam Timma Raju, 1.4.4 D. 4,
Rukmini Parinaya, 173. 5.6.7.8,9, 9 n, 1, 9 n. 5, 10.
Rumes. See Turks. 11,11 n. 9. 12. 13. 14'.15.54,74.
Rumi Khan. 204, 213. 213 n. 3. 219.
Rustom Khan, 330. Saldanha (Viceroy Ayres de), 352.
Rutro. See Siva. 428,432. 434.436 n. 2.
Salem District. 13<4. 154.
Sal Nayaka. 271.
Sa (Garcia de). 61 D. 2, 188. Salsette, 60. 60 n •• 61. 61 Q. 2. 93.
Sa (Sebastiao del. 94. 43~, 530.
Sa (Fr. Simaal, 314. 31.5. 315 D. Saluva Dynasty. 121. 237.243.
3.322.421,434. 435. 438,465. Saluva Narasimha. See Narasimha
466.467,484.487.499. Raya.
Sabaji Maratha, 331. Sama.24.
Sabayo. 186. See Adil Shah. Samanguinellur. 192.
Sabdatlusasana, 521. Sambbu. 551.
Sabhapati, 524, 525. Sam Carnao . Botto (?).116. 417,
Sachchidananda.41. 427,
Sadasiva Raya of Vijayanagara, SamparuPnallur. 289.
VI, XV, 2.3 0.6.4 n.4. 5:6. 7.8. Samusara mosque, 173.
13.14,15.16,17.19.20. 21.22. S"ngala. ,423.
24.27. 28.30,31,32.33. 34.35, Sangam.29.
36, 37, 38. 39. 39 D. I, 41, 42, Sangama, 525.
4',45 n. 5. 46. 47. 48.49, 50. Satlg'thasuthanith •• 522.
52, 54, 55, 60. 61, 62 63, 69, Sanguir..er (Nayak 00. 290, 297.
74.82.86.97,98. 108.109. 117, Sanjur Khan, 329.
121 D. 7, 132. HI, 142.153. 168, Sankt.llDa Na,aka. 523• .
171.176, 177, 182, 185. 186, 188. Sankarac:harya • .533, .534 D.
670 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA

Sankara Nayaka Linganayaka, 142. 423.435.504,508,524.532.537,

Sanskrit, 369. 375. 383, 516, 517. 548. 549; Viceroy of. 300. 411.
.522, .530. 412, 413.~14, 415.416. 417, 418 •
Santabiksha, .545. 419, 420, 421.
Santa Flore (Comtessa de), 367. Seringapaltana matha, 412.
Santanika, 540 n. 1. Sermadevi. 285. 350.
Santi (ser Zuane di), 58. SetTa, 425.
Sao Carnao Botto. See Sam Seshacbala, 261.
Caroao Botto. Selhu . See Setu.
Sao Pedro (Frey Sebastiao de), Setu (Rameswaram) , 54, 251, 355,
Bishop of Mylapore. 439, 448, 356, 357, 510.
461. 463. Setupatis of Ramanad, 95, 156,
Sao Thome de Meliapore, 54, 66 241, 284 n, 2, 341, 354, 356,
n. 2, 67, 68, 69, 70, 307, 428, 357.
439. See St. Tbome. Sevaji. See Sivaji.
Sapada, 19. 73. See Qutb Shah. Seven Pagodas, 284 n. 1. 533 n, 3.
Saraodip, 2. Sevvappa Nayaka of Tan jore, 125
Saraogadhara, 546. n., 172, 173, 174, 280.286, 521,
Sara-Iraya, 517. 522,52:'.
Saraswati Mahal Library. Tanjore, Sevvappaneri, 174.
XXI, 516. Sewell (Mr. Robert),V, 1 n,,2 2n •
Sarfoji (Maharaja) of TaDiore, 22 n. 2, 26 . 59 n. 4, 62 n. 1, 103
XXI,516. D. 4, 112 n. l. 118, 122 D., 225,
Sartorius, 531, 531 n. 2. 229. 242, 245, 272 n" 1, 272
Sarvagna, 250. D. 3, 291,301 noo 303',424.
Sarvajina, 215. Sforza (CardinaI), 365.
Sarvajna, 544. Shabunder. 455, 456.459, 460.
Sassetti \Pbilippo), 70, 238, 240, Shadbashachandrika. 517.
Sastras, 39, 522. Shah Aboo Turab Shirazy, 195,
Satara, 31 n. 2: Raja of, 214 n.3. Shah Ja{ar , 80.
Satara Museum, XXI. Shah Mir, 274.
Sathakandavijayamu, 523. Shah Muhammad Anju, ?69.
Sathyabbamabai, 201 n. 4. Shah Tahir, 77.
Sathyanatba Aiyar (Pro!.), XX, Shabzada Murtaza. 197.
100 D. 6, 103 n. 5, 109 n . 1, 122 Shankar Nayak. 268, 276.
D., 124 n. 3, 126 n. 3, 133, 166, Sbankar Raj , 333.
199 D. 1, 342, 342 n. 5, 345, 363. Shasbta Parankusa, 515.
Satru.sapttl:ngaharana, 179. Shepherd Dynasty of j iDji , 175.
Salsafnpradayamuktavali, 246 n. Sbeltikere, 27l.
1. Shimoga District, 49, 52, 56. 251,
Sattaleri. 348. 268,269.
Sattuvachcheri, 192, 289. ShiDaji, 218.
Sattvikabfoahmatljdya1lilasa, 519. Shiraj, 322.
Satyabbodarayalasvami, 256. Sh.oJapur, 78, 84, 197, 199.
Satyaparinayam, 271. Shrideva Raya. 300 D. I, 301.
Satyasraya family, 251. Sbrinalvasa. J04. .
Saude (Nossa Senbora da), 67. Shrinivaiachari . (Prof. C.S,), 176,
Schandegri . S~~ Chandragiri. Shrinivasa Dikshita, 522.
Scythian, 533. Siam. 57 D. l.
Sebastiao (Sao), 190. Sida Raya Timapa, 95.
Sella ppa , 113. 114, 115. 116. Siddhanlamanidipaln, SIS.
Sembiyam, 280. Siddhappa Nilyaka, 423.
Sente Bennur. 426. Siddhesvara, 42.
Seringapatam. 110. 116, 181,255 Siddhiraju Timma Raju, 24. 40.
263.290, 292. 301. 343 n . 1, 411. Siddbout inscriptioD, 306. 309,
412. oU3. of14. 419, 420. 421 H2. 328. 336, 349, S:ll.
 iNDEX 671
Sidraj Timapa, 33. Sousa (Manoel de). 427.
Silva e Menezes (pero), 296. Souza {Fr. Francisco),64 n. 4, 66.
Silveyra (Dam Alvar",), 189. 119,141, 142,142 n . 8, 143, l4'1
Sindhu Govinda, 184. n. 2, 144 n. 3. 153, 162. 531.
Singama Nayadu, 309, SowII-daridinne, 325.
Singanamala, 34. Spain, 433. 439 ; King of. XXI,
Singarayadeva;:c193. 461, 462.
SiogavaralD, 105 . Spanish crown, 433.
Singala dvi/>a Cat/la, 170 . Sravana-Belgo)a, 536, 538, 539,
Sinhalese. 170. 550.
Siugottai inscription, 135. Srigiri- mandala, 324.
Sirimgam. See Srirangam. Srimad Tallapaka Tirumalayan-
Siripur, 493. garu, 47, 514.
Sita, 545. Srimushnam, 277, 289.
Siva, 40, 104, 215, 234, 250, 314, Srinivas.315.
317,357,388,401,422,426,527, Srinivasa, 39,
532. 533, 534 0 ., 535, 540. 541. Srinivasa Aiyangar, (Mr, M ) • .~13.
543, 544, 545, 546, 549, 550, 551. 514,
554. Srinivasacharya, 262.
Sivaditya, 528 . Srinivasa temple, 315.
Sivadityamaoidipika, 523. Sriranga. See Ranga I.
Sivagan ga, 133, 174, 182, 183. Sriranga. See Srirangam.
Sivaji, 31 n. 2, ~ 1 8 . Sriranga, father of Rama Raya of
Sivakamasundari-Ammai, 323. Vijayanagara, 19. 20.
Siva)a·xel, 138. Srirang!lcbarya, 540.
Siva-Nayak of Jerreb, 268. Srirll,llgam, 40, 102 D . 2, 105, 106.
Sivaratreya Deva, 550. 106 n. 2,109,116,167,218,233.
Sivasamud ram , 181. 243. 26 1•.399, 400, 410, 533, 534.
Sivasuryakavi, 525. 538. 553.
Si'fJatatt'fJaratnailara, 56,142, 291. Srirangam-[{oyil olugu. 167.
Siyyada, 34. Sriran ganatha 44.
Smith (Mr. Vincent A.J. XX. Sriranga Raya, 22.
Smith (Sir Thomas) , 239 . Srirangaraya. See Ranga and
Society of Jesus, 145 n, 157 n . 2, Ranga II.
365, 377, 395, 430, 444, 445; Srirangayapuram, 276.
Arcbives of, XX; General of. Srisail~m, 291, 300 n., 324.
XX. Srisailapurna. 541 n.
Solaga. 155, 406, 408, Srivallabha Pandya of Madura,
Somappa, 106. . 114. 114 n. 7, 117, 199, 218,285.
Soma Sekhara Pandya of Madu ra. 286 , 343, 344. 363. 392,
106. Srivengallappa Naik. 204 n. 2.
Somarasayya of Cbandragiri, 312. Srivillipultur, 42.
Somesvara, 426. Srutiranjani, 516.
Somesvara Cbannigal'l\yaswami Stephens (Fr. Thomas), 432.
temples, 183. Straits Settlements, 152.
Somesvara temple. 45, Strozzi (Giambatista). 70.
Somideva, 18. St. George (F ort), 429, 553.
Sonnalapuram, 10, 76. St. Mary 's High Scbool, Madura,
Sokkaoatasvami, 360, 142 n. 8.
Soramanadalam. 307. St . Thome, 60,n . 3,64, 65. 65 n 4,
Soria, 71. 96 n , 67, 69, 314, 320 D. 3, 31i4,
Sornikavur, 547 n. 2. 402, 404, 423 429,430, 431, 437,
Sosilla. 415. 381,438 D. 3, 439. 439 n. I, 440,
Sousa (Dam Martim Alfonso de), 441, 441 n. 1. 447, 448, 449, 450.
60, 60 n. 3. 92, 187. 188. 451.455,458,461,463,164.465,
Sousa e Tavora (Fernao de). 187, 467, 470, 471, 472. 475,476 ... 8.:1.
672 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA

"84, "87, "89, "92, "99, 500, 503, Talikota, XIV, 35,38,97,194 n. r,
511, .528, .529; College of, 314, 199,202.
361, 465, 46~, 480 n, 3; Siege of, Talla~arap1lram, 50.
"28. See Sao Thome. Tallapaka Tiruvengalanatha, 517.
SuamyaDathasvamin temple, ..... Tammayaganda,44.
Subhan Kuli, 83. Tammaya Mautri, 306, 309.
Subramania Sarma (PandHI. 118. Tamil and Tamilians, XIII, la..,
Subramiah Pantulu (Mr.), 520 D. 1, 110, 113, 118. 138,248,280, 303,
523. 315. 322. 342, 364, 374,389,415,
SuchiDdram, 1]6, 149. ISO. 513, 522, 523,529. 530,531, 531
Sudhindra, 518, n. 2, 533.
SUjata KhaD, 272. Tamil Catechism, 378.
Sultlacharya, 250. Tamil chiefs, 134.
Sumatindra math&, 521. Tamil country, XIII.
Sumeru, 251. Tamil Grantha, 132.
Sundara Nayaka, 346. Tamil inscription, 54.
Sundara Pandya of Madura, 100. Tamil legend, 132.
Sundararajaperumal temple, 2 n. Tamil people, 117.
Suntara-tora-mavili'vanathi ' rayer, Tamil tyrants, 135 n. 3.
108. Tamil Viceroyalty, VII, 308.
Sundarattoludaiyan Mavalivanda- Tamrapatni, 116.
rayan, 108. Tangeda, 274.
Sundareswara temple, 129, Tangior. See Tanjore.
284, 343. Tanja'f)uri Andhra RII;uZa
Sup"lenuntary MSS., 351. Charitra, 122,124 n • .a. 125 n .,
SUragiri (Penukonda), 54,303. 127, 127 D., 130, 173.
Surappa Nayaka, 139, 177, 288,403, Tanjore, XIII, XXI, 35, 109, 124,
522. 125, 125 n., 129, 155, 172, 173,
Surasamudra, 288. 280,286,287,327, 3.. t, 397,399,
Surat, 239, 433. 410,429, 513, 516, .518.521, 522,
5 u1'lltrapa , 253. 531; Nayaks of. VI, VII 358,
Surendra. Tirtha, 51'S, 52l. 361, 398, 402,429,449. 468,470.
Suria Rao, 96, 97. Tapa#samvaranam, 233 n. 1.
S'I)arametakaZaniilhi, 5, 10, 14, Tarigoppula Mallana. 306, 521.
39, 517. Tarigoppuln Datta Mantri, 306,
Svavalll.bbu. 524, 525. 521.
Swami pagoda (Three), 545. Tarkabhasa, 528.
Syad Shah Tacki, 274. Tarpalli. 96.
Sybil (Indian), 65 n. Tartuffe, 306.
Syncretist School of Hindu Philo- Tatachare. See Tatacharya.
sophy,528. Tatacharya (Guru) . 39, 300, 30l.
Syria, 65 n. 4, 304, 305, 306,478, 479. 514, 519,
Syud Hye, 82, 83. 520 n. 1, 544, 552.
Tataya. See Tatacharya.
Tatayarya. Sell Tatacbarya.
Tabard (Fr. A.M.), XXI. Tatta Pinnama. 18.
Tadpatri, 34, 43, Tattavabodhaka Swami, 373
Tagdiji, 203. Tavana Patan (Devanapatnam),
Taide Inferno (Pero de), 68, 69. 446.
Taj Banri, 214 n. 3. Tavora (Ruy Lourenco de), 481,
ISalakkad, "19, 420, 421 ; Raja of, 506,
415. Tegenampatna, 410 n, 3. Sell
Talasayana Peru mal, 281. DevaDapatnam.
Talcaud. Su Talakkad. Teixeira (Fr. A.), XXI.
Tal.manare, 165. TeUgas. 25. Sell Tolugul.
TalichaDkattu, 519. TeliDgana. 86,
 INDEX 673
Telngu and Telngns, 99, 118, 134, Timmamba. mother of Sadasiva
138, ISO, 131 n., 157. 158. 162. Raya. 14.
163, 185: 235, 275. 280, 326, 331, Timmana Nayaka, ancestor of the
332, 334, 335, 375. 378, 383, 496, ChitaJdroog Nayaks, 185.
514, 516, 517, 519, 520, 529, 530, Timma Nayadu. 190.
542. Timma Nayaka. father oC Tiru·
Telneu army, 131, 143. malal Raja ..a Madura officer. 343.
Telugu country, 15,25.2"8. Timma or Trimmapa. fatber of
Telugu Emperors, In. Sevvappa 'Nayak" of Tanjore,
'felugu Empire. XIII, 238. 173.
Telugu general. 148. Timma Pochama, 23.
Telugu invasion in the Tamil Timmappa Nayaka. agent of
country. VI. Visvanatha Nay"l<a of Madura,
Telugu Nayaks. XIII. See Madura 166,
and Tanjore lNayaks of). Timmappa Nayaka. Officer of
Telugu poem, 233 n. 1. Viceroy Vitthala. 154.
Telugu Viceroyalty. VII. Timmappa Nay"kkar, of the
Temaragio. See Tirumala Raya Cbalurtha gotra. 287.
Temiragio. See Tirumala Raya Timmaraja. See Tirumala Raya.
Tenali. 519. Timma Raja , son of the King of
TenaJi Ramakrishna. 519. Orissa. 55.
Tenali Ramalinga, 519. Timmarasayya, 312.
Tenkasi. 135 n, 3, 138, 392. 5:42; Timmaraya, chief of Punjallke,
Pandya of, 135. 550.
Terunara)'Qnapur, 535. Timmar~·a. See Tirumala Raya,
Terunarayaria. 535 Timmasamudra, 42.
Tevai.357. Timmayadeva Maharaja of Nand
Theology (Catholic). j66. yaJa. 16. 51.
Thevenot (Mons. de), 60 n. 3. Timmaya Mantri, 267.
Thomas (St.). the Apostle, 64,64 Timmoja. barber, 49, 50.
n. 3, 64 n. 'I, 65 n. 'I, 66 n, 69 Timoja. Commandant of the Vija-
n:. I, 383. 385, 430, "38, 439, y"nagara fleet, 57.
..79 ; City of, 429. Timoja, governor of Honavar,
Thorne (Robert), 432. 186.
Tibot.· .. 93. Timoja Kondoja. See Kondola.
Timaragio. Seo: Tirumala Raya. Timraj. See TirumalaRav:>
Tima Raja. chief of the Mysore Timraj. See Ranga 1.
territoyy. 415. Tindisuramudaiya-Nayinar. ?/17.
Ti.m& Raja., noble ofVijayanagara. Tindivanam, 142, 268, 277, 278,
453 n. 3, 459. 289. 323.
Timma, brother of Rama Raya, Tjnnevelly, 2 n., 114. 134, 137.
20. 149, liO. 154, 157,167, 168, 244,
Timma, brother of Viceroy Vito 28 2, 285, 342, 346, 359, 360.
•bala, 155. Tintrinisvara temple, 289•
Timma,ofthe Pochiraju family, 21. Tippajidevi, H.
Timma, son of Rama Raya. gover· Tipu Sultan. XXI.
Dor of Raichur, 22. Tirthankaras, 550, 551.
Timma., 80n of the Raja of T,,.tha Pt<aIJhanda, 522.
Venkatagiri, 96. Tirucbclarrambala Bhattan, H2.
Timma 0,. Tirumala, nephew of TirukkaC:bchur, 121.
Ranga III, 239. Tirul<l<urungudi, 154, 245, 3i2.
Timma or Tirumala. uncle of Tirnmala (Hill of); 222 223. 302.
Rama Raya. 19- See Tirupati. .
Tima R..cga, 43. Tirumaladeva' Raya, Bl1{lposed
Timmamba. Se. Tirumala Devi, brother of Venkata II, 300 n. I,
wifo of RanKa I. 301 D.
 6740 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA

Tirnmala Devi, m.:tb· of Rama 3<1 0.343 n. 1, 412, 419,426,513,

Raya's wife. 21. 515, 516. ';32. 544 , 545. ,
Tirumala Devi, wife of Ranga I, Tlt'umalayad~va Maharaja of Yera-
265, 265 n. 2. huui, 50.
Tirumala-devi, Queen of Krishna Tirumalayadeva Maharayar, son of
Deva Raya, 5. Krishna Deva Raya, 4 n. 4.
Tirumalai. See Tirupati. T irumal<iyadeva of Vdayagiri, 30,
Tirumalairaja, officer of Madura 184 D. 7.
Nayaks. 343. 344. Tiruntali Naickllr. See Tirumala
Tirumalai Udaiyar Setupati of Nayaka of Madura.
Ramnad. 341. 355. 357 . Til'u Narayaffa P .. ram, 537.
Tirumalamba, an authoress. 3. Tirunelveli l{ulasekhara PtorulQ.&l
Tirumalamua., daughter-in-law of of Madura. 135. 138.
Rama Raya, 23. ' Tirunirmalai, 305.
Tirumalamba. wife of Achyun Tirupati. 15. 54, 60. 60 n . 3. 61,
Deva Ra.ya. 173. 105, 114. 185, 216, 322. 223, 238,
Tirumalamba, wife of Rama Raya. 23j, 2 ~9, 300, 302. 303. 310. 3l'1.
21. 315, 316. 400, 430. 535.536, !)51.
Tirumalambapuram, 315, 345.
53d. 541,547,·548.
Tirumalambika. mother of Rama
Raya.20. Tirupattur, 114, 123.
Tirumalambika, wife of Rama Tiruppaoimalai. 117 n. 5, 167.
Raya, 20. 23. Tiruppukkuli, 304. 305;
Tirumalambika. wife of Virappa Tlt·upullani. 104.
Nayaka of Madura, 283. Tiruvadi. 117 n. 5.
Timmala Nayaka, 285. See Tiru- Tiruvadidesa, 150.
malairaja . .' Tiruvadi Rajyasthapanacharya,114,
Tirumala N.yaka, governor of Tirllvaiy:lm Puranam, 522.
MaGura. 118. Tiruvaiyar. 35.
Tirumala Nayaka of Madura, 133, Tiruvaonamalai,45,103 n. 6, l1~,
169. 359, 380; Choultrie of, 283 174. 287 .
n. 5.351. Tiruvadirajya ITravancore)' 141.
Tirumala Nayallingaru. 280. Tiruvarangattalllud'l.uar, 534 .
Tirumalapuram, 524. Tiruvasi, 105 n. 2.
Tirumala Tolappa Acbarya, 548. Tiruven~alanath .. , 42, 43, H. 193,
Tirumalaraja. See Sriranga. 28 2. 514, 518.
Tirumala Raja, Viceroy of Seringa- Ti~uvenkatanatha. 542.
patam. 290. 291, 301, 3~3 D . 1, Tiruveshkalam. <:87.
411, 413,414,414 n . 2. 419, 420, Tiruviraimarudur. 142. ISS. 288.
421, 435, SP4, 50S, 506 n., 512, Tiruviskolesvara temple, 498.
!524, 548. Tittagudi, 126.
Timmalarasu. 44. Tolar IChief of), 296.
Tirumala Raya of Vijayanagara, Tombo (Torre do) , XXI.
VII. XIV, XV; 5, 9, 10. 11. 13, Topazes, 369.
IS, 20, 22, 22 n . 2. 22 n. 6. 24, Tondaimandala, 103, 109, 112, 117,
24 n. 1, 26, 27,29, 31, 32, 33. 34, 307, 354.
36, 39. 40. 43, 50. 76. 86. 91, 179 Torlcal, 95.
n., 184, 192, 193, 194. 202. 202 Tosekhaoa Adhikari, 121.
n. I , 204. 204 n. 8. 205. 207. 207 Tours (St. Gregory de) , 65 n.
n. 8, 208, 214. 218,221. 228, 229, Toya Yadava. 311, 535.
326. 230, 231, 232. 233. 233 n. t, TraoquelRbar, 398, 531.
234, 235, 236. 238, 241 , 242. Trapety. Sell Tirupati.
244, 24.5. 246. 248, 249. 250. 252, Travancore, 2 n., 56, 61, 99. 113,
257, 2.58, 259, 260, 262 . 263. 264. 113 n. 4, 114, 115, 116, 117,
267. 276. 280. 281, 287. 288, 291, 124 n. 3, 125 n .• 131. 140, HI,
300, 300 n. 1,304, 306, 326, 335, 142, 143, 143 n., 144, 145, 146.
 INDEX 675
147 n., 148, 149, 150, 153, 154, Udaiyar chief, 2')9.
155, 159, 162, 163, 17~ 341, 347; Udaiyan Setupati of Ramaad, 355,
King of, 120 n., 131. 159. 356.
Tremele Sre Tirupati. Uda yagiri. 28. 29. 184 n., 234 , 251,
Trcmil. See Tirupf\ti. 261. 263, 264,273, 274 , 275, 279.
Tremel Raj. See Tirumala Raja, 280,328,329,331. 335: Ra;aof.
Viceroy of Seringapat<1m. 329. 331, 335,
Trepeti. Sec Tirupati. Udayagiri durgam, 42.
Trichendur. 151. 157 n . 2, l1daygiri. See Udayagiri,
Trichinopoly, 155, Iv7, 284 , 360, Uddacdar. 138 .
361 ; fort of. 129, Udgerrydurg . See Udayagiri.
Trideau (Fr. ] .), 477 n, 3. l Jdipi. 424.
Trimara¢us . Sec'rirllmala Raja, Udiripikooda. 172,190,191,274.
Udiyan Se(hopatti. Sec Udaiyaa
Viceroy of Serlngapatam. Setupati,
Trimurti. 261. Ujjain, 536.
Tripadady otifLi , 521. Utab;, 50.
Tripati. SCf Tirnp"ti U11al. 17 2, 188. 189.424.425. 549;
Tripetl. Sec T Il"J plIti. Q ueen of. VrI. 190, 290, 298,
Triplicanc , 43. 280. 411:
Tripuran~ka , 45,
Ulsur, 426 ,
Trivan tin;ln . IIG, Ummatur, 181. 422.
Trivikrama . .517.
Troy of the East, 405. See Tinji . Una manjeri plntes of .\ chyuta
Trukal. 243 , Deva Raya. 1 n . 1. 524.
Tubaki ]..;rbhnapp:1. Nayaker. 111, United Cqmpaoy (Dutch), 431.
112 , Unni Kedla Varma of Travancore,
Tuluva Dyoasty, VI. VII. XIV, 141,143, 145.147, 148, 149,153.
13, 24 n. 1. 32, 218. 246, 248, Upamana. 527 .
511,514. 542. UPanishada Vac1a Vivar am.
53~.
Tumbichchi Nayaka Kumaralinga,
114,131.169. Uraiyur. 53~ .
Tllmlcur copper-plates of Tirumala tlrigola. 253.
Raya. 249,524. Urputur. SIS.
Urrattur, 132,
Tumkur District. 50.
Tunclira (Jinji), 107. 256; Lord Ushaftarmayam, 404.
of. 404, Utakur, 50.
Tungabhadra, 17, 28, 224 , 266, Utappa Naique, 39j.
485 n, 3, 532. 541. Utkala King. 253, 267.
Turaiyur-RettiY:lr. 133, Utramallur. 309. 310, 322.
Turkal. 85. 257. 1) tsaba vaTi, 315.
Turks, 58. 187. 2H Utsur grant of Ranga III. 24, 26't.
Turkie, 72. 278. 509.
Tur~ellinJ (Fr. 10 .), 145 n . Uttaramal1uru. Sec U tramal1ur.
Turukas, Sec Turks. Uttukkadu Kottam, 305.
Turuvekere. 271. Utu,ur, 23 5.
Tu scan Ollssionary, Sec Nobili.
Tutlcorin. 118, 119, 1 ~(J , 145 n" Vacl iraja. 523.
14'7. 149.151,152 n., 153. 161 , Vad:raJ:J. Tirtba. 522.
1(j5, 35::, 353 . Vauuqucr , See Badagas.
T i(icurin. See TUticoria. Vahnipua, 4::3.
Tutocurin . Soe Tuticorin. Vaid,ka Advalta, 5t9.
Tyagarajasvamin temple. 13£1. Vaijayan ta. 39.
Vaipar Nayaks, See Viranar Nayaks
Ushe Timmn Hao. Sec Salakam Vaishna\'a Acharya. 535. '
T imma Raiu, Vaishnava Brahmans, 345.
5
&76 THE: ARAVlDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA

Vaisbnavas, 314,513,51.5, 519, 533, Vaz de Sampayo (Lope), 60.

535, .'36, 537, 538, 542,543, 544, Vedalai. 156. 157.
545, 546, SlJ7, 548, 549, 553. Vedam . See Yedas.
Vaishnava temple~, 282, 305. Vedanta. 47. 21i2. 412, ~H, 52+,
VaishDavism Vnll XIV, 304 , 519, 526.
5J2, 533, 538, 540,541,544,545, Vedanta Desika (Sri), 175. 537.
551. 552 . .!lS4. Vedas. 24, 47. 262. 349, 357. 375,
Vaiyappa KrishnappaNayaka, 550 , 388. 389, 412, 421,514. 524,534.
Vaiyappa Krishnappa Kondama Vedas written by European writers
Nayaka, 289. 389.
Vaiyappa Nayaleer, 111. lIZ. Veiga (Fr. Manoel de), 438, 467.
Vaiyappa (Kala), 324. 470, 471, 472. 489.
Vakataka Dynasty. 54 n, 4. Velappa Raya. 243. 252, 258. 259.
Vala Krishnappa, 176. Vellangudi plates of Venkata II,
Valamore, 45. 40. 55. 123. 131. !171. 220. 229.
Valarpuram, 2 n . 254, 259 n .• 261, 261 n. 2. 264.
Valenlyn, (F rancois), 337 n. 3. 205 , 266, 283 . 300.334.346,347.
Valikondapuram, 132. 361, 495 . 509, 510, 525. 547. 547
Vallabbacharya, 542. n.3.
Vallabba Narendra, 348. VellaJa. 44.
Vallabha RajayyaDeva Maharasu, Vellore.40. 11 2. 11 2 n , 1. 172.
27S, 299. 192.223, 234. 242.280. 288 . ~9.
Valladolid, 436, 436 n. 2, 300,313,316,317,318,319 , 319
Vallalgopuram, 287 . n . I. 320. 3:n. 409 . 441 o. 1.439
n . 7, 452. '173, 474. 476. 'In.
Vallam, 129. 479, 4!S0, 482,484.486.01'89. 490.
Vallaprakara, 286, 34 1, 3-11. 491. 492. 493. 506. 508,518,523.
Valle (Fr. Paolo de) , 1)8 524. 529.549; Raja of, 19[, 192,
Valle (Pietro della), 189, 278. 425, 508, Nayak of. 316 ; Viceroy of.
519. 316.
Valliyur, 114. Vellour , See Vellore.
Vambar, 151. Vellulara.34.
Yanda Rayar, 124. Vellur. See Vellore.
VaDga, 55, 122. VeJpucherJa, 44.
Vanipenta, 44, 16. Veludurti,43.
Van Salbagopa Swami, 27Z. 546. Velu goti. 191. 309.
Varadadevi Ammal, 3. 6. Velugoti Pedda Kondama Nayadu'
Varadambika,4. 321, 324.
Varadambika ·Pari"ayam , 3, 3. Velugoti Yacbama Nayadu. 309,
D. 1. 322.409.
Varadappa Nayak, 403. Velugu#fJaru Vamsatlllli, 309,
Varadaraja, 44. 315. 409.
Varadarasu. 48. Velur. See Vellore.
Varadayya.48. Veluru. See VeUore.
Varagunaputlur. 123. Vemala Nayadu. 191. 274.
Varatungarama Pandya of Madura, Vencapati . See Venkata II.
117,199, 2U. 285,286,343,344. Vencapatir. See Venkala II.
Vas (Fr. Miguel). 119. Vencatapaclin Ragiv Devamaga~
Vasavakanyaka. 325 n. 2. Rage!. See Venuta n.
Vasishta. 301. Vengadeyya-Bhatta, 421,524,
VilSu, 515. Vengalamba (Sri). 302.
'fTasucharitrarnu. 5,5 D. J, 11, Vengalamba, mother of Surappa.
73, 254. 259. 260. 515. Nayaka of Jioji. 177.
Vatta Gnmani of Ceylon, 135 D. 3. VeJigaIamba or·Vengalambika, wife
Vayyamba, 173. of Tirumala Raya, 22, 249.
Vaz de Amlual (Dr. Pero). 119. VJ!ngalambaputam, ~, 323,
 INDEX 677
Venice, 58. 205, 206,207, 207 n. 5, 216, 21G
Venkata, ZOo See Venka!adri, n. 5,228,233.242, 336n. 1. 517.
brother of Rama Raya: Venkatadri, father of Gangappa
Nayaka, 37,4.
Venkata I of Vijayanagara, XV, Venkatadri or Venkatappa of
1-12,13,541. Bellur. See Venkatappa Nayaka
Venltata 11 of Vijayanagara , VII, of Bellnr .
VIll, XV, 18,38.39,55, 74,81, Venkatagiri,96, 172,191; Ra ja of,
123,1 31,171,190, J91 , 220, 233, 322.
Vwkata Git'i Mahattn'jla . 31411 .3 .
246,248,251,256,258,265, 266,
269, 271,274, 277, 278, 279, 280, Ve nkatamba, wife o f Vcnkata n,
281',283,285 , 286,238,291,293, 494, 19~. 496 , ~0 2. 504 .
300, 301, 30:2 , 303, 304,305, 306, Venkatama , daugh ter of Krisb ·
nappa Nayaka of VeiJore, 185 .
307, 308. 309, 310, 311, 312, 313,
314, 315, 316, 317, 318,319, 319 Venkalapa ti , brother of Ranga
n, 1. 320, 320 n. I, 321,322, 323, III. 239 .
324, 325 n . 2, 326, 327. 328, 329, Venkatapati. Deva Maharaja . See
332, 333, 334, 334 n. 3, 335, 336, Venkala II .
337,338, 339,340,341,342.344, Venkatapati D en: !lIaha raya
348, 349, 358, 359, 360, 361, 363, (Vira). Sec Venkata n.
368, 397, 398, 399.401,102,403, Venkatapati De"a l( ava . Sec Ven-
404 , 408,409,410,411,412,413, kata II.
414 . 415.416,118,420.4 21,422, Venkatapati, grand uncle 01 l<ama
423, 424,426 , 427,428.431,432, Raya, 19.
434, 4JS, 436, 437,438,440,441, Venkatapat i .r\ ayauin!laru, 321.
441 n . I, 442, 443, 144, 445, 446, 360.
447, 448,449, 450, 451,452,453, Vellkatapati pagoda, 54 8.
4"4, 455, 4.57, 458, 459, 460, 462, Venkatapati Raya. Sce Venkata II.
463, 464, 465, 466, 467. 468,469, Venkatapati (Ra)asarn ), oBtcer of
470, 471, 472, 473, 474, 475,476, Ranga 1. 267 .
477,478, 479,480, 481,482,4 86 , Venkatapati, SOD of Rama [,aya,
487,488,489,490, 491,492,493, 2211 . 2
494,495,496,498, 499,500 , 501, Venkatapati, uncle of Rama Raya,
502, 503, 504, 505, 506, 506 n., 19 .
507,508,509,510 ,5 11,511 n . J, Vcnkatappa Nayadu (Dalavay).
512,513,516,517,518,519,521, 2ib.
523,525, 529, sn 546, 547, 548 , Vt:nkalappaNayaka of Bellur, 185,
549, .551, 55 2, 554. 298. 427 .
Venkata III of Vijayanagara, 20, 21, \'cnkatappa Nayaka of lkeri, 423.
2l, 38, 55, 121, 123 n. I , ;;06, 424 . 524.
220,248, 251, 265, 279, 282 , 290, Venkatappa Nayaka of Jinji, 403 .
421. 506 n ., 509. Venkatappa Nayaker, general of
Vijayanagara, 111, 11 2.
VenkatacbQlapati (Sri), 302, 31 .5. Venkataramaswami temple, 176,
Venkatadari Bhattar, 361. Venkataraja. SCIl Venkala II.
Ven~ala Deva Raya. See Venkata Venkataraya-varahans, 497.
11. Venkata Toravar. 315 .
Venkatadri. Su Venkata I. Venkataya, 44.
Venkatadri, ancestor of tbe Ara Venkatayasu Raya, 258.
vidu family, 19. Venkatesa (God), 3,244,314.315,
Venkatadri, brother of Rama 316, .517.
Raya, 9, 13, 15, 20, 24. 21. 29, Venkatesvara. 315, 541 n . , 545,
30, 31, 35,40,73,7".75,78.83, 548.
84,87,90, 91, 95, 1 79, 119 n , Vl!nkatest'a,.~ J\IahatmJlam , 314
1114,202.202 D. 1. 20., 204 :.. 8. n . 4 .• 5'l.~
678 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGAHA

Venkatesvara Perumal, 223. 269,270,274,275,276,277,278,

Ve"kates'I1ara l';-abandha BaiZa 279, 280 , 283, 285,285 D . 6, 286,
Mahima, 314, 288,300 n- I , 304, 307, 308, 313,
VtDkatesvaraja, 16. 316, 318,320 D . 3,321,326,327.
Veflkate,~"ara3'a Namah, 548. 331, 333, 334, 336 , 337,337 n . 3,
Venkayya, 245. 339, 340, 341, 346, 360, 361,
Venkutti Yesu Ray (Venkatayasu 380,397,402,403,412 ,4 15,422.
Raya ), officer of Bijapur, 243. 424,428, 429,431,434, 436,437,
Venson (Prof. Julien), 513 . 441 n . 1, 'H2, 444, 445,450,463,
Venugopalaswaoni temple, 45. '1 64,470, 475, 476, 478, 479, 480
Venur, 550 . n. 3, 481 , 482, 483, 485, 489,
Verboeven(Admiral PieterWillem- 493, 501 , 502, 506, 509, 51.2,514,
senl. 410 n 3. 521,521, 530 , ! 32, 539, 540 ,5 41,
Verido . See Band Sbah . 542, 5H, 545, 547.
Vesmu . See Vishnu . Vijayanagara· Penukonda, 238 .
Vico (Fr . Antonio), 360, 361, 363, Vijayapati, 312, .:153,
375, 393, 394, 418. Vijayapura, 412.
Vidiadri, 95, 241. Vijaya Ral!hava Nayaker, 111. 11 2.
VidigueiralViceroy Conde de), 423, V ijayindra, 515,
Vidjia Nagar, 337 n. 3. V.jayindra Tirtha, 287, 521 , 522,
Vidyadbari women, 12. 552, 553 ,
Vidyanagari. S ee Vijayanagara. Vilapaka grant of Venkata II, 18,
Vidyaranya , 103. 254 , 31 6, 317. 328,334 n . 3 , 495,
Vihuvada Nayaka, 384. 510, 5J8 ~?5.
Vijaya, 181. ViJiapura m, 358.
Vijaya Bukkarayapuram, 48. I \ I'I (;ent {SI }, 157.

ViJaya Gopal Nayak, 170. I Vlnll<ondapu . .J.. See Vinukonda,

Vijayanagara (Army, City,Empire, Vinuk onda , 255, 274.
Emperors , etc . of), V VI, VII. VipanaRandla, 323.
XIU, XIV, XV , 1, 2, 2 n .. 3, Vipravinodi Brahmans. 4b .
4 n. 5. , 5,6, 8, 8 n . 'I, 9, 9 n . I, Vipravinodins, 45 , ,6 .
10,11,12,15,16,17, 17 n. I, Viplavinodi Siddhayya, 4.5 .
25,27,28,29,30.31. 32, 33,34. V ipravinodl Viramushti Virappa,
36, 37, 38, 38 D . 2, 39. 40, 43 .. 45 ,
52,5., 55 D. 4, 56 , 57, 57 D. I , Vira, 100.
58,59, 59 D . 1.60,61,62,63, Virabhadra, 323,
61l, 6. D. I , 64 D . 3 , 66, 66 n . 2, Virabhadrade\'a, 46.
67,68,69 , 7C, 71,71 D. 1 , 72 , V.rabbadra paJi!oda, 46.
74, 75. 76, 77.79,79 D. 2, Sl. Virabhadres'Vara, 191 .
82,82 n . J , 83, 84,87,'87 n . 2, Vira Bhayirarasa Vodeya, 412.
88, 89,90, 91, 1)2, 95. 95 n . , 1)6. Vira Chama Raya Vodeyar of
97, 98. 99 , 102, 10j, 106,107. Mysorc, 243 n, 5.
108,109,110 , Ill,113,l!5, 116 Viramushti people, 45.
117,123,12',124 n. 3.126 ,127 . Vi,anar Nayaks, 119.
128,129,130,131,139. )40,14 1, Virappa Nayaka of Madura, 20 D.,
144, 145,148,149,150, 150n . I, 280 , 283, 285, 286, 286 n. 2, 289,
151,161, 162,lG7 , 172, 173 , 174, 317, 341, 342, 344, 344 D. 3,
177 n ., 182, 185, 187, 188, 190, 346, 361.
191. 192, 194, 195 n. I, 197 n . 5, Vira Pandya, 100,
J98, 199, 201, 202, 204, 205n .1, Virapratapa Sadasivaraya Maha-
206n . 2 , 208 n . 1, 211,212, 2J5, r aya. See Sadasiva Raya.
216,217,218,219,220,222,223, Vira Saiva. S ec Saiva.
224,225,226, 227,228, 229,230, Vira Sekbara Chola of Tanjore,
.:m, 232, 233,235, 236,237,238, 99, 124, 125, 125 D•
239. 240, 211,245 ,2'16,248,249 , ViravalaJan, 302,
257, 258, 261, 263, ~64, 266,268, Vira-vel, 138.
 INDEX 679

Vita Vijaya, 531), Waranga!, 253.

Vira Virupaoa Udaiyar, 237. WeDcatadrapa. See Venkala II
Vitesvara temple. 43 ..191. Wersicke (lohn Van), 454 D. I,
Virinjipuram, 121. 518. 456.
Virupaksha ISri). 540, 545, 547. Wheeler (Mr.). 131 n. 1.
'Vitupaksha of Vljayanagara, 19, Whiteway (..ir) , 441 n. 1.
107, 109, 304,532,540,541,547, Wilks (Colonel 'Mark), 181 D., 41.5.
547 n. 2. 419, 420, 421. 549.
Virupaksba temple, 239. Wilson (Mr. Horace, H.), 194 n. 1.
Virupaona. 544. Wodeyar of Ammatur. 420,
Virupaoa Nayaka, 45. Wodeyar of Hadana. 181.
Vishnu, 35, 37, 42, 104 , 1.50, 234, WodeYlu (Raja) of Mysore 290,
261:276,28 2, 300,314,315.358, 308,343 n . I, 'Ill, 414 n. 2, 415.
388,426,516, .519, 53 2, 533,534 416,418,419,420,421,422,549.
Jl" 536. 537, 540.541. 542, 543. Wollwhich. 433 .
544,546, 54 7, 548,549,551. Wurias Ray. 329.
Visbnu\'ardha Raya, 546 .
Visnaga. See Vijayanagara.
Visvanatha (Mr . S. V.), 506 n.
Visvanatha Nayaka of Madura, VI, Xavier (Fr . Jerome). 338, 338 n. I,
99,107,117,117 n. 5, U8 n . , 121, 339.
122 , 122 n . 1,123, 123 n . 2, 123 Xavier (St. Francis), VI, XIV, 65
n ,5.1 24, 1.250" ] 27 , 128 129,129 n. 4, 67 , 68, 70, 72, 120, 120 D,
D. 3, 130, 131, 131 n . 1,132, 135, 1. 131, 142, 142 n. 2, 143, 144.
136 , ]37, J 38,139,140, 141, 144, 144 n . 2. 144 n. 4, 145, 146 n.,
150, 1"'( 155, ]58, 159, 163, 164, 147, 148, 149, 149 n. 1.150 n. 1,
165,166,167,168,169, 173,198, 151 , 152, 153, 157, ISBn. 2. 242,
282, 283, 344 n . 4, 347, 355, 542. 252, 530.
Visvappa Nayaka of Madura. 341,
344,345,351.
Visvas Row, ZOO,
Visvesvara temple, 4.5, 121 D. 9. Yacbama Nayaka, 322.
Vitthala Deva, kiDg in the Kar- Vacha Surudu, 322.
nataka country, 537. Yadava kingdom. 532.
Vittbala (Rama Raya) , 35, 51. 117 Yad;was, 179,311,314,535.
D • .5, 131. 131 n. I, 140, 141,142, Yadavabh,uda,a V,akha, 141.
143 n, 144, 1460. , 147 n . , 148, Yadavamu·rari Kotikolahala. 179.
149,150,151. 152, 153,154,155, Yacnanarayana Dikshita, 399, 402.
156,157,160, 161,162,163,245, Yaj .. r·VeJa, 262.
257,524,541. Yajus Sukba, 518.
Vitthalaswami, 226 . Yalanimapudu·Chennapalli. 261.
Vitthala temple, 3, 41. Yaldur, 44.
Vinhalesvara temple. 28,54[' Yatiraja Chief, 310.
Vitthalesvara Mabarayar, 150. See Yavanas, 215. 335, 357. See
Vitthala (R&ma Raya). Muhammadans.
Viziapagaram-Penu -K 0 n d a i p a t- Yazdani (Mr. C.l. 95, 200 n. 4.
Dalll, 238. Ydalcao. See Adil Shah.
Viziapore. See Bijapur. Yedulakh ana. See, Adil Shah.
Yelai".a.:.\(a.I72, 183, 426; Nadu
Vobalaraju, 44.
Prabhu ~ o!, 182, 184 n., 543.
VODtimiua, 24, 42,44 .
Vrddbacbalam, 174. Yellamrasu, 48.
Vrisbasaida, 302. Yeltumraj . See Tirumala Raya of
Vyasaraya Tirtba, 521, .522. Vijayanagara.
 G. • library

680 TH E AltAVtDU DYNASTY OP VIIAYANAGARA

Yempramanar, 537. YUIU! Adil Shab, 51.

Yenumalacbintala, 43.
Yeragudi , 51, !93 ..
Yera Timma Raja. Sell Tirumal.. Zamaluc. See Nizam Shabo
Raya of Vijayanagara. Zamorin of Calicut. 111l, 1.59, 295.
Yereyur, 421. Zanganatam. Sell Ranganata.

t
'....1 I. _

f L'. it : L . • :::.lTY

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