Scythian

SIBERIAN BRANCH OF THE RUSSIAN ACADEMY OF SCIENCES
INSTITUTE OF ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOGRAPHY
ARCHAEOLOGY, ETHNOLOGY & ANTHROPOLOGY OF EURASIA

Volume 49, No. 3, 2021
doi:10.17746/1563-0110.2021.49.3 Published in Russian and English
CONTENTS
PALEOENVIRONMENT. THE STONE AGE
3 A. Sadraei, O. Garazhian, and H. Sabori. First Evidence of Pleistocene Archaeology on the Neyshabur Plain and its Role
in Reconstructing the Dispersal of Hominins on the Northeastern Iranian Plateau
13 V.E. Medvedev and I.V. Filatova. Materials from Dwelling 2 on Suchu Island, the Lower Amur (1977 Season,
Excavation III)
24 K.Y. Kiryushin, Y.F. Kiryushin, K.N. Solodovnikov, Y.V. Frolov, and A.V. Schmidt. Results of Radiocarbon Dating
of Early Burials in the Firsovo Archaeological Area, Barnaul Stretch of the Ob
THE METAL AGES AND MEDIEVAL PERIOD
32 P.K. Dashkovskiy. A Mortuary Complex with Animal Skulls at Khankarinsky Dol, a Scythian Age Cemetery in the
Northwestern Altai
41 A. Nachmias, G. Bar-Oz, D. Nadel, L. Petrosyan, and B. Gasparyan. A Monumental Horse Burial in the Armenian
Highlands
51 M.O. Tarasenko and Z.V. Khanutina. Scarab Amulet-Beads from 1st–2nd Century Children’s Burials at a Necropolis on
the Iluraton Plateau, Eastern Crimea
60 R.H. Suleimanov. Traces of the Dahaean and Sarmatian Cultural Legacy in Ancient Turan and Old Rus
ETHNOLOGY
75 S.F. Tataurov and S.S. Tikhonov. Shovels Used by Russians in 17th–18th Century Siberia
83 L.V. Tataurova and V.P. Mylnikov. Hunting Equipment of Russians Living near Tara on the Irtysh in the 17th and
18th Centuries
93 K.N. Tikhomirov and M.N. Tikhomirova. Location of Tatar Settlements in the Middle and Lower Tara Region According
to 18th Century Maps
101 A.A. Mikhaylova. From the Serbian Fair to the Russian Museum: On the Ethnographic Relevance of the Gingerbread
Collection from 1902
112 T.Y. Sem. Tungus-Manchu Traditional Beliefs. Part 1: Fertility Cult and Images of Divine Ancestresses
119 A.P. Chemchieva. Urbanization Processes in the Indigenous Population of the Altai Republic: Stages, Factors, Prospects
ANTHROPOLOGY AND PALEOGENETICS
127 A.A. Kazarnitsky. The Ratio of Indigenous to Immigrant Populations in the Western Steppe During the Bronze Age (Based
on Cranial Data)
136 Z.V. Marchenko, M.S. Kishkurno, A.E. Grishin, S. Reinhold, and F.V. Zhuravkov. A Digital X-Ray Analysis of Middle
Bronze Age Skeletal Samples from the Baraba Forest-Steppe
147 A.V. Zubova, N.I. Ananyeva, I.K. Stulov, L.M. Dmitrenko, and E.V. Andreev. Cranial Traumas in a Sample from the
Pucará de Tilcara Fortress (Jujuy Province, Argentina)
157 ABBREVIATIONS
158 CONTRIBUTORS
ARCHAEOLOGY, ETHNOLOGY & ANTHROPOLOGY OF EURASIA
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© Institute of Archaeology and Ethnography of the Siberian Branch
of the Russian Academy of Sciences, 2021
doi:10.17746/1563-0110.2021.49.3.003-012
A. Sadraei1, O. Garazhian2, and H. Sabori3

1
The Ronin Institute,
127 Haddon Pl., Montclair, NJ 07043, USA
E-mail: ali.sadrayi@ronininstitute.org
2
Alice Babs gata 3A, 393 60 Kalmar, Sweden
E-mail: Garazhian.omran@gmail.com
3
Art University of Isfahan,
Hakim Nezami St., P.O. Box 1744, Isfahan, Iran
E-mail: hadisabori79@yahoo.com
First Evidence of Pleistocene Archaeology on the Neyshabur Plain

and its Role in Reconstructing the Dispersal of Hominins
on the Northeastern Iranian Plateau
The northeastern Iranian Plateau is considered a leading region in Paleolithic studies. The history of Paleolithic
research in this region dates back to the mid-20th century. However, unlike the western and, to some extent, the central
part of the Iranian Plateau, only a handful of sites have been identified in the northeastern part. Field studies conducted
on the Neyshabur plain have provided some of the only Paleolithic evidence at four locations in the foothills of the
Binalud Mountains: Dar Behesht, Mushan Tappeh, Ali Abad, and Qezel Tappeh. Our research aims to assess this
evidence, provide a revised typology of Pleistocene artifacts from the Neyshabur plain, and also study the role of these
and other finds in the area and analyze their significance in terms of the dispersal of Pleistocene hominin populations.
We propose two main corridors on the northeastern Iranian Plateau assumed to have been influential in the dispersal
of human ancestors.
Keywords: Neyshabur plain, Pleistocene, northeastern Iranian Plateau, Paleolithic, hominin populations.
Introduction In Kuldara, southern Tajikistan, an 800,000-year-old

lithic industry has been recovered (Ranov, Carbonell,
Looking at Southwest Asia, one can clearly perceive the Rodriguez, 1995). On the other side of the Caspian
importance of the Iranian Plateau in this geographical Sea, one witnesses the presence of subspecies of Homo
area. On the one hand, being located north of the Strait erectus in Dmanisi, Georgia, a place that is more than
of Hormuz and the Arabian Peninsula, and along its 1.8 million years old and presents one of the oldest
coastline with the Indian subcontinent, it acted as a human remains and chopper industries (Lordkipanidze
migration bridge for the southern parts of Asia; and on et al., 2013). Evidence of the first human populations has
the other hand, by having a water barrier in its northern also been found in Turkey (Slimak et al., 2008). In the
part, it has been indeed a really important passageway in Levant and in Ubeidiya, well-preserved archaeological
the distribution of Pleistocene hominids to other parts of and human remains from at least 1.2 million years ago
Asia. However, studies in this vast area have been, to a are observed (Belmaker et al., 2002). In the site of
large extent, vague and unfocused. Gesher Benot Ya’aqov (Israel), dating to ca 800 ka BP,
Archaeology, Ethnology & Anthropology of Eurasia 49/3 (2021) 3–12 E-mail: Eurasia@archaeology.nsc.ru
© 2021 Siberian Branch of the Russian Academy of Sciences
© 2021 Institute of Archaeology and Ethnography of the Siberian Branch of the Russian Academy of Sciences
© 2021 A. Sadraei, O. Garazhian, H. Sabori
3
4 A. Sadraei, O. Garazhian, and H. Sabori / Archaeology, Ethnology and Anthropology of Eurasia 49/3 (2021) 3–12
we can probably identify the first evidence of the use shill (Mila formation), marly limestone (Niur formation),
of fire as well as the elephant butcher (Alperson-Aftil, limestone and dolomite (Bahram formation), and
Richter, Goren-Inbar, 2017). In Saudi Arabia, we can crystallized quartzite, which have outcrops in the north
trace the presence of the first human populations and of the plain in the Binalud heights. Mesozoic formations
their possible displacement by the later ones (Shipton include phyllite, light gray and light buff limestone
et al., 2018). (Jurassic). Tertiary geologic formations include shale and
The Arabian Peninsula, located between the two sandstone, conglomerate along with volcanic cobbles,
key straits of Bab-el-Mandeb in its southwest and marly limestone, light green cobbles, volcanic cuts,
Hormuz in its northeast, has played a key role in conglomerates, andesite and gypsum (Ibid.: 66). These
expanding the territory of hominids to parts of South formations cover most of the mounds in the catchment
Asia (Rose, Petraglia, 2009: 10). This issue becomes basin of the Neyshabur plain. The Quaternary period
much more important owing to its proximity to the consists of alluvial sediments, wind sediments, and fluvial
eastern and southeastern parts of the Iranian Plateau. sands, covering most of the course of flood routes and the
Nevertheless, the evidence presented to date from the plain surface. The quartz material has provided a high
early lithic industries in this area is uncertain, and a potential for the formation of raw stone material in the
significant portion of our information from the Lower study area (Ibid.).
Paleolithic period is obtained from surface surveys
(Biglari, Shidrang, 2006: 167). However, it should not
be forgotten that a significant part of these studies is Methodology and findings
limited to the Zagros, Alborz, and the Central Iranian
Plateau, and the eastern part of Iran has practically been The surveying operation of Neyshabur plain covered
unstudied. mainly the northern parts of the plain and the southern
Nonetheless, during the last decade or so, some foothill areas of the Binalud mountain range. Our
evidence, albeit limited, from the northeast of the Iranian study was conducted as an intensive survey, which is
Plateau has been reported (Coon, 1951: 20; McBurney, the most efficient method for maximal identification of
1964; Ariai, Thibault, 1975: 106). Also, some recent archaeological sites. At first, we dealt with identifying
surface sites have been reported (Barfi, Soroush, 2014; artifacts, and then managed to specify their distribution
Barfi, Zafaranlou, Soroush, 2014; Nikzad, Sedighian, on the surface. If the distribution of the artifacts was
Ghasemi, 2015, Sadraei, Mehne, Saburi et al., 2017; significant, the necessary strategy for the sampling job
Sadraei, Mehne, Toghraei et al., 2018; Sadraei, Anani, could be chosen. In the end, sites that had at least 7 to
2018; Sadraei, Mehneh, Sheikh et al., 2019). In the 10 pieces of artifacts, with their applied technology
Neyshabur plain survey project, open-air Paleolithic sites partially identifiable, were determined as open-air
were found, including Dar Behesht, Ali Abad, Mushan sites (Fig. 1).
Tappeh, and Qezel Tappeh. This study introduces the Generally, 37 archaeological sites were identified
sampled lithic artifacts from these sites. The results of in the Neyshabur plain. In four locations, which are
the typological analysis of the assemblages are presented. formed along the southern parts of the Binalud foothills,
Comparative studies with adjacent sites are carried out, dispersions of lithic artifacts were identified. The sites
and the role of the above-mentioned Paleolithic sites in are located at an elevation of more than 1400 m above
the reconstruction of patterns of hominids’ dispersal is sea level, at the entrance to the straits leading to inter-
considered. mountain valleys, on the top of mounds, so that their
sediments have been greatly protected against the
erosion processes of the Holocene period. The study area,
Geomorphology of Neyshabur plain covering parts of the Binalud highlands, has actually
made it difficult to establish Paleolithic settlements at
The northeast of Iran is formed by several inter- high altitudes owing to the young age of the heights
mountain plains, of which Neyshabur plain is considered and the low snowline in different Pleistocene periods.
one of the westernmost (Rokni et al., 2016: 25). It is Of the four identified sites, one site can be attributed to
limited to the Binalud heights from the north, the heights the Lower Paleolithic period, and the other three to the
of Neizehband, Siah Kuh, and Namak mountains from Middle Paleolithic era.
the south, the Milajough and Yalpalang heights from
the east, the Sabzevar plain catchment from the west,
and to the Jovien plain from the northwest (Fotohi Stone raw material
et al., 2013: 65).
Paleozoic formations in Iran are quartz sandstones In terms of the composition of the stone raw material
(Lalun formation), dolomitic and dolomitic lime and used in the collections identified in the Neyshabur plain,
A. Sadraei, O. Garazhian, and H. Sabori / Archaeology, Ethnology and Anthropology of Eurasia 49/3 (2021) 3–12 5
it can be stated that in all four assemblages

the highest amount belongs to the flint group.
Chert is the second raw material used in the
knapping process of the artifacts. Quartz has
the third frequency rate, and is most abundant
in the Mushan Tappeh site. Jasper and tuff are
other raw materials identified in the Paleolithic
sites of Neyshabur plain. Jasper was identified
only in Qezel Tappeh, and tuff was seen only
in the Ali Abad site.
In the site of Qezel Tappeh and on the
slopes of the hills, significant traces of chert
1
were identified. Therefore, the accessibility
of raw material seems to be the main factor
in the formation of the Paleolithic industry at
this location in the plain (Fig. 2, c). Also, at
the edge of the site of Ali Abad, a large stone
block of chert can be observed (Fig. 2, b). In
addition, on the surface and adjacent parts of
the site, chert cobble, as well as quartz and tuff
pieces, can be seen in abundance.
Mushan Tappeh was another site where,
owing to its location next to the geological
conglomerate structures, there was a
possibility of finding sources of stone raw
material. Investigations showed the presence 2
of quartz and flint among the natural cement
textures of these structures (Fig. 2, a), a finding
that becomes more important in terms of
the composition of the stone raw material in
Mushan Tappeh collection. Finally, despite the
surveys carried out on the site of Dar Behesht,
no evidence indicating the existence of
outcrops was identified, and only low-quality
flint and quartz cobble were found, located
mainly in the water stream near the site. In
order to obtain more reliable information,
four lithic artifacts, as well as four samples
of stone raw material, from Paleolithic sites 3
were sent to the laboratory of the Restoration
Research Center of the Research Institute of
Cultural Heritage in Tehran for sampling and
petrographic studies.
Two samples (artifact and stone raw
material) from Qezel Tappeh site were made
of chert, containing the skeletal remains of
marine organisms (Fig. 3, 1, 2). The artifact
from Dar Behesht site is made of quartz.
(Fig. 3, 4). The raw stone sample from
this site is composed of cryptocrystalline
quartz mineral and microcrystalline quartz.
In this sample, the iron oxide mineral 4
background still exists sporadically and
limitedly. Another ingredient is calcite, Fig. 1. Sites identified in Neyshabur plain.
which is present in relatively coarse granular 1 – Dar Behesht; 2 – Qezel Tappeh; 3 – Ali Abad; 4 – Mushan Tappeh.
а b
Fig. 2. Sources of stone raw material in Paleolithic sites of Neyshabur plain.

a – quartz and flintstone raw material among the cement texture of conglomerate parts; b – chert stone raw material identified
in the vicinity of Ali Abad site; c – outcrops of chert at the Qezel Tappeh site.
form in silica paste. The frequency of calcite mineral similarities with the two samples discovered in the Dar
makes up more than 10 % of the total sample volume Behesht site.
(Fig. 3, 3). The raw stone sample from the Ali Abad The results of petrographic analysis, at least in the Qezel
site is composed of chert. It consists of large and Tappeh site, show a completely similar stone raw material
separate pieces of silica, which are joined together by in the artifacts tested. Taking into account the existence
a secondary cement, consisting of iron oxide, silica, of chert outcrop in the site, this largely reveals its main
and calcite. These parts have sharp and angled margins, origin. The Ali Abad samples, considering the location of
and the original rock was probably crushed by tectonic the site at the edge of the seasonal water flow, indicate the
processes and reconnected by secondary processes presence of the secondary bed here, which is evidenced by
and exposure to the new environment (Fig. 3, 5). The their components in the form of secondary cement. The
artifact from this site is made of chert, containing fine- similarity of raw stone samples from Dar Behesht and
grained silica sand (Fig. 3, 6). The sample of raw stone Mushan Tappeh suggests their common origin.
from the Mushan Tappeh site consists of fine-grained It can be argued that at Qezel Tappeh, Dar Behesht,
quartz mineral and quartz cryptocrystalline. In this and Mushan Tappeh, the source of raw material should
context, fine silica, large pieces of calcite mineral with be searched for in the sites themselves. Meanwhile, in the
various fossil remains can be seen. Lime and fossil Ali Abad site, owing to its proximity to the seasonal flow,
pieces make up more than 50 % of the sample volume the probability of an external origin for raw material is
(Fig. 3, 7). The artifact from this site (Fig. 3, 8) is high. This should be analyzed by conducting specialized
made entirely of quartz mineral. This example shows lithological studies.
0 0.5 mm 0 0.5 mm
1 2 3 4
0 0.5 mm 0 0.5 mm
5 6 7 8
Fig. 3. Thin cross-sections taken from samples of studied stone raw material.
The Neyshabur plain in the Paleolithic era bifacial tools in the collection reinforces the likelihood
that its industries may have been different from those
The open-air site of Mushan Tappeh is located on the at the neighboring sites. Bifaces have been reported
northern edge of the Neyshabur plain, on the mounds from Kashafrud (Ibid.: 122) and many open-air sites in
to the south of the Binalud chains. The artifacts Turkmenistan (Vishnyatsky, Lyubin, 1995).
identified in this site include 13 pieces: cores (n=5), The collections of lithic artifacts from the Middle
tools (retouched pieces, n=4), and debris (n=5). In the Paleolithic sites of Ali Abad, Qezel Tappeh, and Dar
group of cores, there are a broken core, a tested core, Behesht are small: 9, 13, and 14 pieces, respectively. The
a unifacial core, and a core that has undergone cortex artifacts obtained from the open-air site of Dar Behesht
removal using the anvil technique, which is evidenced include cores and the related pieces (n=3), flakes (n=4),
by the traces of corrosion and abrasion left on its formal tools (n=5), including a déjeté scraper (Fig. 5, 12),
lower part (Fig. 4). Retouched tools include three side- and debris (n=2). Ali Abad is another site with a higher
scrapers (incl. a double-side scraper and a heavy-duty proportion of formal tools (n=5) and retouched pieces
scraper) (Fig. 5, 2), and a chopper-core (Fig. 5, 1). (n=2). The Qezel Tappeh assemblage is dominated by
The stone raw material used is flint, chert, and quartz. flakes; cores are two, and formal tools are absent.
The degree of erosion of edges in some pieces can The general dimensions of cores were studied by
contribute to the comparative chronology of the said two collections (Qezel Tappeh and Dar Behesht). Given
artifacts. In terms of the knapping technique used at the lack of some tool groups and the low density of the
the Mushan Tappeh site, two possible methods can be artifacts in these assemblages, drawing any conclusion
identified: that with a hard hammer (the most widely with reference to the dimensions of the artifacts, their
used), and the anvil technique. This latter technique relation to the number of negative scars on the cores, or
was also used in the samples from the Kuldara (Davis, the presence of flakes would be impossible. The overall
Ranov, 1999: 186) and Kashafrud sites (Jami Al- low dimensions of the artifacts indicate a lack of proper
Ahmadi, 2008: 125). The poor quality of the cores, access to the raw stone material, and the cracks resulted
which greatly affected the knapping process, caused from weathering show that the finds were not located
them to be used mostly for tool making. The absence of in situ.
0 3 cm
Fig. 4. Remains indicating the use of anvil, in the form of abrasion and corrosion
on the surface of the core.
Knapping methods at the Paleolithic sites hominin dispersal in the Pleistocene era, especially
of the Neyshabur plain out of Africa (Bar-Yosef, Belfer-Cohen, 2001: 25).
Meanwhile, the role of the Iranian Plateau cannot be
The studies performed on the Lower and Middle ignored. The Iranian Plateau, being located between
Paleolithic representative cores of the Neyshabur plain two water barriers (the Caspian Sea to the north
indicate the use of four main knapping methods. A and Persian Gulf to the south), owing to its high
unidirectional method was mostly used in unifacial cores, environmental potentials and its remarkable geography,
as well as chopper-cores. In this method, the flakes were could have played a significant role in attracting
removed directly with a stone hammer. This method Paleolithic populations (Nasab, Clark, Turkamandi,
can be considered as one of the most primitive flaking 2013: 268). The majority of the research in Iran has
methods in Lower Paleolithic industries (Shea, 2013: focused mostly on Zagros and to some extent on Alborz
52); a method that has been used extensively alongside regions, rather than the northeastern areas.
other methods in various prehistoric periods. The bipolar Excavations in Key Aram cave can be considered
method was used with an anvil. In this method, the flaking the only stratigraphic evidence from northeastern Iran.
was conducted in a two-platform manner, in such a way This cave is located at the eastern end of the Alborz
that the flakes were removed by placing the core on an Mountain chain, parallel to the Kopet Dag, at the
anvil, from two opposite platforms. The parallel method altitudes where during the Pleistocene its inhabitants
has been identified in at least two blade cores. It was used were likely to experience conditions of severe cold due
for obtaining elongated flakes with relatively parallel to long glacial periods. The low snowline during glacial
edges. The centripetal method can be seen in at least periods, access to specific types of hunting resources (not
3 pieces of cores (Fig. 5, 5). In this method, which was necessarily abundant), local raw stone material, and the
one of the main techniques in knapping discoid cores, the mountainous nature of the region, which is very similar
flakes were removed from the outer edges to the central to Alborz and Zagros, have caused the types of artifacts
part of the core. This method was performed in both and the production technique used to produce them to
unidirectional and bidirectional manners. be comparable to the Mousterian of Zagros (McBurney,
1964: 395).
Some researchers have examined the migration
Dispersal patterns of hominins and the role corridors of hominins and the patterns of their distribution
of the northeast of the Iranian Plateau in the Iranian Plateau (Nasab, Clark, Turkamandi, 2013:
275). Of the three major corridors and dispersal routes,
One of the most important purposes of Paleolithic two routes possibly passed through the northeast part
studies has been to investigate possible patterns of of the Iranian Plateau (Fig. 6, B). This conclusion can
1 2
3 4 5
7
9
8
0 5 cm
10 11 12
Fig. 5. Some lithic artifacts found in Paleolithic sites of Neyshabur plain.

1 – chopper-core; 2 – massive scraper; 3 – unifacial core; 4 – anvil-made core; 5 – centripetal core; 6–7 – Levallois flakes; 8 – double-side
scraper on Levallois blade; 9 – notch on blade; 10 – side-scraper; 11 – Levallois point with irregular retouch; 12 – déjeté scraper.
be partially supported by the evidence obtained from The first possible route in the northeast of the Iranian
Kashafrud (Neyshabur plain) and Key Aram Cave. Plateau was a corridor that is called “Hezar Masjed–
However, the eastern regions of Iran have been neglected Binalud” by the authors. This corridor encompassed
in these patterns. Perhaps the most important reason is extensive inter-mountain plains, where currently big
the particular geographical location of the northeastern cities such as Ashkhaneh, Bojnord, Quchan, and finally
and southeastern parts of the country, which may have Mashhad are located. Its northern edge ends at the Hezar
played a significant role in the distribution of hominins Masjed mountain chains, and its southern edge finally
in the more northerly parts of Asia on the one hand, and leads to the Binalud mountain range and its northern
the southern part of Asia on the other hand. foothills. Its most important (but not the only) water
1
2
3
0 200 km
B
Fig. 6. Some of the most important Lower

Paleolithic sites in southwest and south of
Asia (A), and the general pattern of hominins’
dispersal in the east and northeast of the Iranian
Plateau (B).
1 – Lower Paleolithic; 2 – Middle Paleolithic; 3 –
0 1000 km А
Upper Paleolithic.
source is Atrek River. Although very limited studies have belt in this region has provided significant raw stone
been carried out in the northern parts of the corridor, material, widely used until the post-agrarian period.
scattered evidence can be provided from its southern The most important sites of this corridor can be seen in
parts, including the Tabarak site in Quchan plain and the Sabzevar and Neyshabur plains, from among which
the open-air site of Kashafrud. Access to abundant the evidence of the Lower Paleolithic period has only
water resources, relatively adequate access to raw stone been identified in the Neyshabur plain; and other pieces
material (river cobbles), and the geographical features of evidence are related to the Middle Paleolithic era,
of the region, which has acted as a natural corridor, including three sites in the Neyshabur plain and one in
have affected the migration patterns of wildlife (hunting the Sabzevar plain.
resources) and, consequently, those of the hunter- It should be noted that the two corridors have been
gatherer groups. considered here with regard to the environmental potential
The second corridor is divided into two possibly of the region, as well as the little evidence obtained. In
smaller corridors, encompassing the southern part of order to achieve a much clearer picture, and to approve or
the Binalud Mountains and the Joghatai mountain range. rule out the existence of these two routes in the past, more
The Jajarm-Esfarayen-Neyshabur plains are located in purposeful research should be conducted in the future.
the northern part of this corridor, and the Sabzevar- In the meantime, the role of the eastern Iranian Plateau
Neyshabur plains in its southern part (Fig. 6, B). in these distributions has to be carefully investigated, an
The western edge of the corridor can be seen along issue that has not been addressed so far owing to lack of
the northern side of the Central Iranian Plateau, where evidence.
important Paleolithic sites, including Mirak, Chah-e
Jam, and Sufiabad, are located. Its eastern edge passes
through the Neyshabur plain and extends towards the Conclusions
Mashhad plain. Unlike the Hezar Masjed–Binalud
corridor, this territory is relatively low in height and The northeast of the Iranian Plateau in prehistoric times,
contains significant deserts and playas in its western particularly in the Paleolithic, still remains unknown. To
part, for example in the Jajarm plain and western part date, in this extensive and climatically diverse region, no
of the Sabzevar plain. The presence of an ophiolite referable sites can be mentioned that can be attributed
to one of the four Paleolithic periods. Looking at the Belmaker M., Tchernov E., Condemi S.,
location of the four open-air sites in the Neyshabur plain Bar-Yosef O. 2002
and other finds discovered in the northeast of the Iranian New evidence for hominid presence in the Lower Pleistocene
Plateau so far, two possible routes can be proposed of the Southern Levant. Journal of Human Evolution, vol. 43:
43–56.
that may have been influential in the distribution of
Biglari F., Shidrang S. 2006
hominins in the region. The first corridor, called Hezar The Lower Paleolithic occupation of Iran. Near Eastern
Masjed–Binalud, includes the Ashkhaneh, Bojnord, Archaeology, vol. 69 (3/4): 160–168.
Shirvan, Quchan, and Mashhad plains, and the second Coon C.S. 1951
corridor includes the inter-mountain plains between the Cave Explorations in Iran, 1949. Philadelphia: University
Binalud and Joghatai mountain ranges, beginning from of Pennsylvania Press.
Jajarm and Esfarayen plains and eventually ending in Davis R.S., Ranov V.A. 1999
Neyshabur and Mashhad plains. Moreover, the southern Recent work on the Paleolithic of Central Asia. Evolutionary
route of the corridor includes the Sabzevar-Neyshabur Anthropology: Issues, News, and Reviews, vol. 8: 186–193.
Fotohi S., Alinia H., Firozi F., Bakhshipoor J.,
plain in the southern part of the corridor. Most of the
Rakhshani Z. 2013
evidence obtained from these areas suggests the high The Positioning of areas susceptible of landslide (a case
potential of these two corridors for the attraction and study: the north of Neyshaboor). Journal of Environmental
dispersion of hominins, despite the fact that Paleolithic Hazards. Ser. 3, vol. 2 (3): 61–75.
finds are only surface data. However, the role of Jami Al-Ahmadi M. 2008
eastern parts of Iran in tracking these patterns remains Review of Paleolithic Studies in Kashfrud River Basin and
questionable. There are many uncertainties regarding the Introduction of New Paleolithic Sites: Master’s Thesis.
this issue that can only be resolved by conducting further Department of Archaeology, Tehran University. Tehran.
purposeful studies in the future. Lordkipanidze D., Ponce de León M.S.,
Margvelashvili A., Yoel Rak, Rightmire G.P.,
Vekua A., Zollikofer C.P.E. 2013
A complete skull from Dmanisi, Georgia, and the
Acknowledgments
evolutionary biology of early Homo. Science, vol. 342: 18–28.
McBurney C.B.M. 1964
The authors would like to express their gratitude to
Preliminary report on Stone Age Reconnaissance in North-
Dr. Mohammad Hossein Rezaei, who permitted the group to
Eastern Iran. Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society, vol. 30:
study and survey the region. The authors are also thankful to the
382–399.
members of the survey team.
Nasab H.V., Clark G.A., Turkamandi S. 2013
Late Pleistocene dispersal corridors across the Iranian
plateau: A case study from Mirak, a Middle Paleolithic Site on
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analyses. Plos One, vol. 16: 1–15. ac.uk/projgall/nikzad347
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Nouvelles précisions a propos de l’outillage Paléolithique Kuldara: Earliest human occupation in Central Asia in its
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Barfi S., Soroush M.R. 2014 Valipour S. 2016
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Middle Paleolithic Period, Sarbisheh city, Southern Khorasan. In developments in compact plains, case study: Neishabour Plain.
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Barfi S., Zafaranlou R., Soroush M.R. 2014 Tracking the origin and evolution of human populations
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Archaeological Conference of Iran, H.H. Zarj Abad, J.I. Rose (eds.). Dordrecht: Springer Academic Publishers,
M.H. Ghoreishi (eds.). Chahar: Derakht Publication Inc., pp. 1–12.
pp. 1–12. (In Persian). Sadraei A., Anani B. 2018
Bar-Yosef O., Belfer-Cohen A. 2001 Kalat-e Shour, Sarayan, evidence of the presence of
From Africa to Eurasia – early dispersals. Quaternary Pleistocene Population in the Eastern Iranian plateau.
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Azar M. 2017 Alsharekh A., Petraglia M.D. 2018
New evidence of Middle Paleolithic period in Sabzevar Acheulean technology and landscape use at Dawadmi,
plain, Northeast of Iran. Archaeology, vol. 5 (1): 1–6. Central Arabia. Plos One, vol. 13 (7): 1–36.
Sadraei A., Mehneh M.F., Sheikh M., Anani B., Slimak L., Kuhn S.L., Roche H., Mouralis D.,
Minaei Z.H. 2019 Buitenhuis H., Balkan-Atlı N., Binder D.,
Kaftar Kouh of Ferdous, new evidence of Paleolithic Kuzucuoglu C., Guillou H. 2008
population in southern Khorasan, Iran. Advances in Kaletepe Deresi 3 (Turkey): Archaeological evidence for
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Sadraei A., Mehne M.F., Toghraei M., Anani B., Evolution, vol. 54: 99–111.
Azar M. 2018 Vishnyatsky L.B., Lyubin V.P. 1995
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Stone Tools in the Paleolithic and Neolithic Near East:
A Guide. Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press.
Shipton C., Blinkhorn J., Breeze P.S., Received May 20, 2020.
Cuthbertson P., Drake N., Groucutt H.S., Received in revised form March 19, 2021.
doi:10.17746/1563-0110.2021.49.3.013-023
V.E. Medvedev1 and I.V. Filatova1, 2

1
Institute of Archaeology and Ethnography,
Siberian Branch, Russian Academy of Sciences,
Pr. Akademika Lavrentieva 17, Novosibirsk, 630090, Russia
E-mail: medvedev@archaeology.nsc.ru; inga-ph@mail.ru
2
Amur State University for Humanities and Pedagogy,
Kirova 17, bldg. 2, Komsomolsk-on-Amur, 681000, Russia
Materials from Dwelling 2 on Suchu Island, the Lower Amur

(1977 Season, Excavation III)
This article presents the final results of excavations at one of the largest Neolithic sites in northeastern Asia—
a settlement on Suchu Island on the Amur. Most of the rich collection (3967 spec.), owned by IAET SB RAS (stone tools,
ceramics, ornaments, and artistic and ritual artifacts), has not been described before. This publication focuses on the
analysis of artifacts from dwelling 2 (excavation III, 1977). We describe the construction of this semi-underground
dwelling, circular in plan view. The typological analysis of the lithics indicates a complex economy. Many of them
(arrowheads, projectile points, inserts, knives, plummets) relate to hunting and fishing, and to processing carcasses
(end-scrapers, scrapers, burins, combination tools), others are chopping tools. The distinctive feature of the lithics is
that some are bifacial. The analysis of the ceramics suggests that they belong to the Late Neolithic Voznesenovskoye
culture. The use of binocular microscopy allowed us to assess the technological and constructive properties of the
ceramics, as well as their morphological, decorative, and functional features. Non-utilitarian artifacts shed light on
the worldview of the Suchu people. The collection dates to the mid-second millennium BC.
Keywords: Amur River, Suchu, Neolithic, culture, dwelling, artifacts, analysis.
Introduction at a dwelling located on the western elevated end of the

island. The working area was chosen in the part of the
In 1977, excavations at the settlement of Suchu (Ulchsky site that was opposite to the excavation areas of previous
District of the Khabarovsk Territory)* were carried out years (Okladnikov, Medvedev, Filatova, 2015; Medvedev,
Filatova, 2016, 2017, 2018, 2019, 2020).
The excavation, measuring 15 × 15 m, enclosed a
*The excavation team included employees of the Institute dwelling depression with a depth of slightly over 1 m and
of History, Philology and Philosophy of the Siberian Branch a diameter of ca 15 m. The northern edge of the dwelling
of the USSR Academy of Sciences—A.P. Okladnikov (head of
depression extended slightly to the sloping part of the
the North-Asian Complex Expedition), V.E. Medvedev (head
of the team), O.S. Medvedeva, and A.K. Konopatsky; teacher
island. The working area, oriented to the cardinal points,
V.N. Kopytko and five students of the Khabarovsk Pedagogical was marked out in a grid (1 × 1 m), which was designated
Institute, two students of the Far Eastern State University from west to east with numbers (1́–1–16), and from south
(Vladivostok), and the artist of the publishing house “Aurora” to north with letters (A–P). There were two reference
E.B. Bolshakov (Leningrad). baulks, intersected in the center along lines 9 and И. The
© 2021 V.E. Medvedev, I.V. Filatova
13
14 V.E. Medvedev and I.V. Filatova / Archaeology, Ethnology and Anthropology of Eurasia 49/3 (2021) 13–23
cultural layer, exposed from the sod to the virgin land Wall profiles along lines P, 1, and 16. Layer 1 is
on the floor of the dwelling, was subdivided into three loose, black sod 8 to 20 cm thick. Layer 2 is brown sandy
arbitrary horizons (up to 60 cm deep, 60–150 cm, floor), loam 20–85 cm thick. Layer 3 is light gray sandy loam
for the convenience of find-recording on layer-by-layer 25–40 cm thick. Layer 4 is light brown sandy loam up
plans (Fig. 1, A–C). Lithics, household ceramics, jewelry, to 60 cm thick, with lenses of dark soil 8–40 cm thick
and objects of art and cult were found in the dwelling. The (probably, the buried roof of the dwelling). The virgin land
total number of finds was 3967 specimens. It was the last is sand with inclusions of basalt gravel.
excavation on Suchu in the 1970s. Dwelling 2 (Fig. 1, D) has an elongated rounded
foundation pit at the outer contour and another, almost
rounded, at the floor outlines. The foundation is 13 m
Material and methods long along the N-S line, 14.5 m along the E-W line,
and 12.4 m along NW-SE line. The floor diameter is
The study materials include the archaeological collection ca 10 m. The depth of the pit varies: at the southern wall,
(lithics, ceramics, jewelry, objects of art and cult) it doesn’t exceed 60–70 cm; at the eastern and western
and field documentation (drawings, diaries, report) walls it is from 60 to 100 cm; at the northern wall (higher
deposited at the Institute of Archaeology and Ethnography up the slope) 100–107 cm. The walls of the foundation
SB RAS. The methods used were stratigraphy and pit are rather steep, with an angle of inclination from
planigraphy (dwelling), morphotypology (lithics), 60º to 70º.
binocular microscopy (ceramics), and cultural chronology Inside the dwelling, there are ledges—a kind of
(ceramics, objects of art and cult). The methodology of “couches”. The first (lower) ledge, with an average
the analyses of stone tools and ceramics was based on the height of 25–30 cm above floor level and width from 100
developments of Russian scientists (Derevianko, Markin, to 130 cm, runs along the foundation pit with relatively
Vasiliev, 1994; Zhushchikhovskaya, 2004; Medvedev, small breaks at the northern wall. The second ledge,
Filatova, 2014; Molodin, Mylnikova, 2015). rather a narrow “shelf”, stretches in the eastern part of
the dwelling. The third (top) ledge forms two strips.
One of the strips, 100–150 cm wide and 9 m long is
Study results recorded in the eastern and southeastern parts of the pit;
the other, 50–150 cm wide and almost 10 m long, in the
Stratigraphy (Fig. 1, E–G) is determined according to northern, northwestern, and western parts. At the top of
the profiles of the baulks and walls. the western wall, there is a niche 90 cm wide and 120 cm
Baulk profiles along lines 9 and И. Layer 1 is black long. The floor of the dwelling is relatively flat; a slight
sod 5–15 cm thick, in some areas up to 25–30 cm thick. rise is noticeable in its western half. In the center of the
Layer 2 is brownish and brownish-yellow loose sandy dwelling, there was a hearth in a rectangular pit with
loam 18–20 cm thick. At the base of the layer (sq. 9/Б), rounded corners and a flat bottom 120 cm long, 60 cm
there is a lens of carbonaceous earth. Layer 3 is light- wide, and up to 18 cm deep (Fig. 1, J). Therein, birch-
yellow sandy loam up to 80 cm thick, interlain with thin bark pieces were found.
curving stripes of brownish-yellow color. This layer is The excavation area revealed 96 pits, mainly within
underlain with lenses of dark carbonaceous sandy loam the dwelling, with only eleven pits (42, 55, 68, 71, 72,
(sq. 9/А, 9/Р). Layer 4 is dark gray sandy loam enriched 77, 84, 85, 90, I, and II) outside the dwelling (Fig. 1, D).
with solitary small charcoal pieces and carbonaceous Most pits are rounded or oval in plan view; some of them
particles. Lenses of dark sandy loam were noted in the are strongly elongated or eight-shaped. The pit diameters
filling of the dwelling pit (sq. 3–5/И, 9/К, Л) and at the vary from 6–9 to 64–74 cm, on average 20–40 cm; depth
bottom of the layer (sq. 6–8/И, 9/Б). The virgin land is from 6–10 to 59–62 cm, on average 30–40 cm (Fig. 1, H).
dense sand enriched with basalt gravel. The pit bottoms are often conical; less common
Fig. 1. Plans of excavation III (1977) at the levels of the upper layer (A), filling (B), and floor (C) of dwelling 2, virgin land (D), baulk
profiles along lines 9 (E) and И (F), walls along line 1 (G), profiles of postholes (H), household (I) and hearth (J) pits.
1 – adze; 2 – chisel; 3 – scraper-knife; 4 – knife; 5 – insert; 6 – burin; 7 – knife-like blade; 8 – arrowhead/projectile point; 9 – notched tool; 10 –
borer; 11 – end-scraper; 12 – side-scraper; 13 – “nosed” tool; 14 – combination tool; 15 – plummet; 16 – mace; 17 – grinder; 18 – grinding stone;
19 – hoe; 20 – sharpener; 21 – anvil; 22 – polisher; 23 – shaft straightener; 24 – combination tool; 25 – hammerstone-pressure stone; 26 – tool blank;
27 – core; 28 – core-like flake; 29 – flake; 30 – flaked pebble; 31 – lithic artifact; 32 – bead; 33 – button; 34 – spindle whorl; 35 – clay figurine;
36 – ceramic rod; 37 – ceramics; 38 – vessel (collapsed); 39 – pendant; 40 – depth from modern surface; 41 – pit; 42 – spot; 43 – sod; 44 – light
brown sandy loam; 45 – dark, almost black soil, saturated with carbonaceous mass; 46 – yellowish-dark sandy loam; 47 – dark sandy loam with fine
charcoal pieces; 48 – ancient buried soil layer; 49 – light gray sandy loam; 50 – yellow loam; 51 – brownish yellow sand; 52 – light yellow sandy
loam; 53 – brown sandy loam; 54 – virgin land.
V.E. Medvedev and I.V. Filatova / Archaeology, Ethnology and Anthropology of Eurasia 49/3 (2021) 13–23 15
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
0 1m А 0 1m B 16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
0 1m C 0 1m D 37
38
39
40
41
42
E 43
44
45
46
47
F 48
49
50
H 51
52
I
53
G
0 1m 54
0 60 cm J
are flat, cup-shaped, or stepped bottoms. The walls are flake removal, including lamellar flaking; the lateral sides
steep or vertical, a few walls are sloping. Most of the bear scars of detachment of knife-like blades, flakes, and
pits were used as postholes. These were located mainly chips. The sizes of micronuclei are from 1.9 × 2.2 × 1.3 to
along the walls of the foundation pit. Three depressions 4.3 × 3.2 × 1.5 cm. Core-like fragments are narrow-
(Fig. 1, I) are attributed to household or storage pits. faced (n=6), wedge-shaped (n=5), and one sub-prismatic.
Pit I adjoined the dwelling on the southwestern side. It The vast majority are single-platform (n=9); some bear
is oval in shape, measuring 164 × 140 cm, and 50 cm two (n=2) or three (n=1) platforms. Sizes of core-like
deep (in virgin land). Pit II, 100 cm deep, was cleared fragments vary from 1.3 × 2.3 × 0.4 to 5.0 × 2.2 × 1.6 cm.
in the northwestern corner of the excavation area, at a Microcores were mainly fashioned on jasper, less often
distance of 1.4 m from the dwelling. Its bottom is uneven chalcedony or siliceous pebbles.
and stepped. The pit was filled with dark, almost black The industry of spalls (435 spec., 51.9 % of the
soil, saturated with a carbonaceous mass; above and lithic collection) is represented by flakes, blades, and
below it there were laminations of light brown sandy by-products. Flakes (332 spec., 39.6 % of the lithic
loam. Pit III is almost rounded, ca 150 cm in diameter. collection, 76.3 % of the spall industry) were found
It was located in the northern part of the dwelling, in the in the uppermost layer (n=111), in the filling (n=150),
place where the first ledge broke off. It was filled with on the floor (n=55), in pits (n=4) of the dwelling, and
dark soil, with an admixture of coal, containing solitary outside (n=12) the dwelling. The majority of the spalls
potsherds and flakes. are medium-sized (66.7 %*). The most numerous are
Dwelling 2, uncovered in excavation III in 1977, with elongated spalls (50.6 %). Residual striking platforms
a total area of 140 m2; doesn’t generally differ in its design are mainly straight (52.7 %) or convex (25 %), less
features from other dwellings of the Voznesenovskoye often mid-convex (22.3 %). They are mainly punctiform
culture that were later found on Suchu Island (Derevianko (25.3 %), natural (22.7 %), or faceted (18.3 %), less
et al., 2003; Medvedev, 2005). often plain (15.0 %), with a longitudinal rejuvenation
The stone inventory numbers 837 items. Various (11.7 %), or dihedral (6.3 %); few linear platforms were
rocks were used, mainly small (5–10 cm) and large also recorded (0.7 %). Dorsal faceting of the flakes
pebbles (10–15 cm); more rarely medium-sized is predominantly irregular (23.0 %) or longitudinal
(15–25 cm) and large boulders (25–35 cm). unidirectional (22.7 %), less often orthogonal (15.7 %),
The toolkit (54 spec., 6.5 % of the lithic collection) bidirectional (15.3 %), radial (10.0 %), or dorsal-plain
includes 26 grinding stones (14 intact and 12 fragments), (9.7 %). The share of intact flakes retaining natural crust
4 polishers, 2 hammerstones, an anvil, a tool for all over the surface is 8.3 %; those with partial natural
sharpening blades, and a fragment of shaft-straightener, crust 37.0 %.
as well as combination tools: 13 grinding stone-anvils Blades (19 spec., 2.3 % of the lithic collection
(7 intact and 6 fragmented), 3 grinder-anvils-hammerstones and 4.4 % of the industry of spalls) were found in the
(1 intact and 2 fragmented), anvil-polisher, pressure stone- uppermost layer (n=8), in the filling (n=6), on the floor
polisher, and a fragment of an anvil-hammerstone. These (n=4) of the dwelling, and outside (n=1) the dwelling.
artifacts were found in the uppermost layer (n=20), in the They are medium-sized (3.4 %) or small (0.9 %), mainly
filling (n=18), on the floor (n=14) of the dwelling, and with the punctiform (73.7 %) residual striking platform.
outside (n=2) the dwelling. Working surfaces of abrasive Dorsal faceting is mainly longitudinal unidirectional
stones show signs of tool grinding and straightening; (42.1 %) or irregular (26.3 %). There are specimens
anvils show use-wear signs in the form of small pits and (42.1 %) retaining natural surface.
dents. The working ends of the hammers are chipped and By-products (84 spec., 10.0 % of the lithic collection
worn out; those of polishers are smoothed and polished. and 19.3 % of the industry of spalls) include 17 knapped
The blanks were usually sandstone tablets and siltstone pebbles, 12 spalls, and 55 fragments; these were recovered
pebbles of various shapes and sizes. from the uppermost layer (n=35), from the filling (n=25),
The category of core-like forms (34 spec., 4.1 % on the floor (n=15), in the pit (n=1) of the dwelling, and
of the lithic collection) includes 22 micronuclei and outside (n=8) the dwelling.
12 core fragments; these were found in the uppermost The toolkit comprises 312 specimens (143 intact,
layer (n=13), in the filling (n=9), on the floor (n=9) of the 61 fragments, 105 blanks, and 3 fragments of blanks,
dwelling, and outside (n=3) the dwelling. Microcores are which is 37.3 % of the lithic collection). The artifacts
narrow-faced (n=17), wedge-shaped (n=4), and one conic- were found in the uppermost layer (n=82), in the filling
shaped. Five narrow-faced cores have two platforms, the (n=159), on the floor (n=47), in the pits (n=4) of the
rest are single-platform. The bases are often sharpened, dwelling pit, and outside (n=20) the dwelling.
some are backed; the platforms are mainly natural and
plain; some platforms show longitudinal rejuvenation *Hereinafter (including blades) – percentage of the industry
and faceting. The narrow sides bear negative scars of of spalls.
Projectile tools (projectile points and arrowheads) Chopping tools and woodworking tools (adzes, a
were found in the uppermost layer (n=1), in the filling chisel and a scraper-knife) were found in the uppermost
(n=4), in the pit (n=3) of the dwelling, and outside (n=1) layer (n=13), in the filling (n=17), on the floor (n=4)
the dwelling. The blanks were mainly jasper and siliceous of the dwelling, and outside (n=3) the dwelling. Adzes
pebbles, more rarely flakes of the same rocks. Projectile (35 spec.: 12 intact, 22 fragments, and a blank; 11.2 %)
points (2 spec.: an intact one and a blank fragment; are elongated subtrapezoidal in plan view and in cross-
0.6 %) are bifaces with willow-leaf shape in plan view section, subrectangular in plan view, rectangular or
and lenticular in cross-section, with stemmed base. The lenticular in cross section, elongated subtriangular in plan
flat surfaces were prepared by flattening flaking and view and lenticular in cross section (Fig. 2, 25–29). These
flattening invasive retouch, the edges with subparallel are fashioned with trimming, grinding, and sharpening.
and parallel semi-steep retouch. The dimensions of the The backs are pointed or beveled. Asymmetrically
intact product are 7.2 × 1.7 × 0.7 cm. Arrowheads (7 spec.: sharpened working edges mostly show signs of wear;
4 intact, 3 fragments; 2.2 %) are bifaces elongated sub- few tools do not show use-wear signs. The sizes of intact
triangular in plan view, lenticular in cross-section, with products vary from 5.2 × 3.4 × 1.2 to 19.0 × 6.1 × 4.1 cm.
notched base, and bifaces foliate in plan view, lenticular These tools were made on siltstone pebbles. The chisel
in cross-section, with stemmed base, as well as tools on (0.3 %) was made of a siltstone pebble (13.8 × 3.4 ×
flakes—subtriangular (with slightly concave or convex × 2.2 cm), leaf-shaped in plan view and subrectangular
lateral sides) in plan view, flattened in cross section, with in cross-section. There are dents on the dorsal and
notched base. The bifaces are characterized by flat sides ventral surfaces; lateral edges show negative scars and
fashioned with flattening flaking and covering retouch, indentations. All the surfaces are polished, the sides are
the edges were prepared by bilateral parallel flat or semi- sharpened. The back is asymmetrically narrowed and
steep retouch. The sides of the arrowheads on flakes were sharpened with stepped spall removals. The scraper-knife
fashioned with parallel and subparallel flat retouch, the (0.3 %) is a bifacially flaked jasper pebble (4.2 × 2.2 ×
edges with fine marginal retouch. The dimensions range × 0.5 cm), semicircular in plan view and lenticular in
from 2.0 × 1.3 × 0.3 to 4.3 × 1.5 × 0.5 cm. cross-section, with a slightly concave working edge
Cutting tools (knives and inserts) were found in the fashioned with subparallel semi-abrupt retouch.
uppermost layer (n=16), in the filling (n=38), on the Adze-side-scraper-like tools (2 spec., 0.6 %) were
floor (n=9), in the pit (n=1) of the dwelling, and outside found in the uppermost layer. They were made on siltstone
(n=3) the dwelling. Jasper and chalcedony, less often pebbles (9.3 × 5.7 × 2.8 and 9.2 × 6.6 × 2.8 cm), sub-oval
siliceous and silty pebbles and flakes, were used as blanks. in plan view and lenticular in cross-section. The tools
Knives (34 spec.: 21 intact, 9 fragments, and 4 blanks; show signs of trimming. Their working edges have use-
10.9 %) are bifaces of leaf-shaped, elongated-suboval wear signs and indentations.
or subrectangular shape in plan view, and lenticular in Scrapers, side-scrapers, and a core-side-scraper-
cross-section (“meat knives”); and asymmetric cranked in like tool were found in the uppermost layer (n=21), in
plan view, and flattened-lenticular in cross-section (“fish the filling (n=58), on the floor (n=19) of the dwelling,
knives”); as well as tools made on flakes or spalls, leaf- and outside (n=10) the dwelling. End-scrapers
shaped, asymmetric rhomboid or cranked in plan view, (97 spec.: 27 intact, 70 blanks; 31.1 %) vary in shape:
lenticular or flattened sub-triangular in cross-section end variety, beveled, lateral, angular; double-ended; end-
(Fig. 2, 20–24). The flat sides of the bifaces were lateral, end-angular, end-beveled; double-ended beveled,
fashioned with flattening flaking; with covering, extended double-ended lateral; and angular lateral varieties.
and invasive, parallel and subparallel, semi-steep or flat Their working edges were formed with transverse
retouch; the edges with marginal, parallel and sub-parallel, and stepped, parallel and subparallel, vertical, steep
invasive or distributed, semi-steep or flat bifacial retouch. and semi-steep flaking, and with marginal, stepped,
The back is usually worked with bifacial spall removals. covering and invasive, parallel and subparallel, less
The edges and handle of the knives made on flakes bear often discontinuous retouch. The sizes of the intact
signs of marginal, subparallel, contiguous retouch on tools range from 2.1 × 2.2 × 0.8 to 5.8 × 3.9 × 1.0 cm.
the dorsal and ventral faces. The sizes of intact items These tools were fashioned on pebbles, flakes, or spalls
range from 2.3 × 2.1 × 0.2 to 5.5 × 1.1 × 0.4 cm. Inserts (including lamellar), less often blades. The rocks used
(23 spec.: 16 intact, 6 fragments, and a blank; 7.4 %) are were mainly siliceous (jasper, flint, and chalcedony);
bifaces, rectangular in plan view and lenticular in cross siltstone, sandstone, granitoid, and quartzite. Side-
section (Fig. 2, 7–19). Their flat sides are worked with scrapers (10 spec.: one intact tool and 9 blanks; 3.2 %)
covering, extended, parallel and subparallel, flat or semi- include the following types: simple transverse straight
steep retouch, the edges with fine, marginal, invasive, and and convex, longitudinal convex, and longitudinal-
subparallel flat retouch. Sizes range from 1.1 × 0.8 × 0.2 transverse straight; these are suboval or subtrapezoidal
to 4.9 × 1.3 × 0.5 cm. in plan view, lenticular, subtriangular, or rectangular in
5 6
3 4
1
2 7 8 9
13
10 12
11 14 15
22
16
17 18 21
19 20
0 3 cm 23
29, 31
0 3 cm 0 3 cm
24 25–28, 30 1–24
25 26
27
28 31
30
29
Fig. 2. Lithics.
1–4 – retouched flakes; 5, 6 – retouched blades; 7–19 – inserts; 20–24 – knives; 25–29 – adzes; 30 – digging tool;
31 – grinder fragment.
cross-section. Their working edges are prepared with with smoothed and polished surfaces and biconical
marginal, stepped, longitudinal or transverse, vertical holes. The notched tool is fashioned on a flint flake
and steep removals. The tools were made on siltstone, (4.4 × 3.7 × 0.4 cm); it is diamond-shaped in plan view
granitoid, and sandstone pebbles and tablets, often on and flattened sub-triangular in cross-section. The notch
whetstones fragments. The size of the intact tool is was made by stepped retouch on the edge opposite of
9.3 × 5.7 × 2.8 cm. The core-side-scraper-like tool the striking platform.
(0.3 %) is sub-oval in plan view and sub-triangular Retouched flakes (24 spec.: 7.7 % of the lithic
in cross-section. It was made on a siltstone pebble collection) were found in the uppermost layer (n=11), in
(6.5 × 4.5 × 2.1 cm). The ordinary longitudinal side- the filling (n=9), and on the floor (n=4) of the dwelling.
scraper with opposing blades shows signs of wear. The Intact specimens are mostly elongated (3.4 %*),
lateral sides were prepared by bifacial, marginal retouch. medium-sized (4.6 %) items made of jasper, chalcedony,
Borers (16 spec.: 10 intact, 6 blanks; 5.1 %) were and flint, less often of siltstone (Fig. 2, 1–4). In most
found in the uppermost layer (n=3), in the filling (n=9), cases, fine, marginal, discontinuous, parallel or stepped
on the floor (n=3) of the dwelling, and outside (n=1) the retouch is located on the longitudinal or distal edge of
dwelling. They were made mainly on flakes and spalls of the piece.
siliceous rocks and siltstone. There are median, angular, Retouched blades (spec. 5, 1.6 % of lithic collection)
double median, and mid-angular, as well as triple mid- were found in the uppermost layer (n=1), in the filling
angular borers, mainly leaf-shaped and sub-triangular in (n=3), and on the floor (n=1) of the dwelling. These
plan view, sub-triangular, sub-trapezoidal, and lenticular are medium-sized (0.5 %) and small (0.7 %) items
in cross-section. The tips were fashioned mainly with made of jasper; few siltstone items were also recorded
bilateral, marginal, subparallel and parallel, semi-steep (Fig. 2, 5, 6). Residual striking platforms are plain
and flat retouch. Sizes range from 2.0 × 0.7 × 0.5 to (40 %), punctiform (40 %), and faceted (10 %). Faceting
4.7 × 2.5 × 0.9 cm. of the dorsal surface is longitudinal unidirectional
Combination tools (17 spec.: 11 intact, 6 blanks; (40 %), bidirectional (20 %), radial (20 %), and
5.4 %) were recovered from the uppermost layer (n=4), irregular (20 %).
filling (n=11), and from the floor (n=2) of the dwelling. The main techniques of secondary working were
There are combinations of two (scraper-borer, scraper- retouching, grinding, polishing, and sharpening. The
burin, scraper-notched tool, knife-borer) and three main types of retouch used were: marginal (59.2 %)**,
(knife-borer-notched tool, knife-insert-saw, scraper- steep (5.4 %), semi-steep (8.5 %), and flat (9.2 %);
notched tool-“nosed” tool, scraper-knife-burin, scraper- parallel (40.8 %) and sub-parallel (17.7 %), covering
borer-burin) types of tools. Blanks were mainly jasper, (13.8 %) and invasive (3.8 %), stepped (9.2 %) and
chalcedony, and flint pebbles, flakes, and spalls. continuous (3.1 %), discontinuous (19.2 %) and
Miscellaneous tools (37 spec.; 11.9 %) (8 grinding sharpening (6.2 %); bifacial (11.5 %), contiguous
stones in fragments, 2 grinders, 4 digging tools, 8 mace (6.2 %) and alternate (4.6 %); small- (32.3 %), medium-
pommels (1 intact, 5 fragments, 2 blank fragments), (3.1 %) and large-faceted (5.4 %).
a notched tool, a plummet, and a “nosed” tool blank, as The set of typologically clear items is dominated
well as 7 blanks and 5 fragments of tools of indeterminate by the tools associated with capture and processing
purpose) were found in the upper layer (n=20), in the of hunting and fi shing products: knives and inserts
filling (n=10), on the floor (n=5) of the dwelling, and (6.8 %), projectile points and arrowheads (1.1 %),
outside (n=2) the dwelling. Fragments of grinding stones mace pommels and plummets (1.1 %); end-scrapers
are sandstone tablets (sizes range from 3.8 × 2.9 × 2.6 and side-scrapers (12.8 %), combination tools (2.0 %),
to 13.0 × 9.5 × 2.7 cm) with broad smoothed sides, on and borers (1.9 %). In addition, there are quite a large
which thin trace-like scars are observed. Grinder is a number of chopping tools and wood-working tools
basalt pebble, rounded in plan view and lenticular in (adzes, chisels, and scraper; 4.4 %), as well as digging
cross section (11.1 × 10.2 × 7.0 cm). Its entire surface tools (0.5 %) and tools for grain processing (grinding
was carefully leveled up. A fragment of the grinder is a stones and grinders; 1.2 %). These data taken together
sandstone slab, segment-shaped in plan view and sub- testify to the complex nature of the economy of the
rectangular in cross-section (Fig. 2, 31). Digging tools inhabitants of the dwelling. The main activities were
are made of granite and sandstone tablets (10.4 × 6.8 × hunting, fishing, and gathering.
× 1.7 cm), elongated, subrectangular or subtrapezoidal in The lithic tool collection also includes two disc-
plan view and flattened-subrectangular in cross-section. shaped spindle whorls made of siltstone and fine-grained
The blades bear traces of use-wear (Fig. 2, 30). The
basalt and granitoid mace pommels (sizes range from *Hereinafter (including blades), in the industry of spalls.
8.3 × 5.3 × 5.2 to 15.0 × 7.8 × 7.0 cm) are subovoid or **Hereinafter, of the total number of retouched items
semicircular in plan view, subovoid in cross-section, (n=226) in the collection.
sandstone through grinding. One of these was found in range from 10 to 15 cm, that of large vessels from 20
the uppermost layer, the other in the filling of the dwelling to 30 cm; the body diameters are 15–20 and 20–30 cm,
(Fig. 3, 8). respectively; bottoms from 5–10 to 15 cm. The medium-
Household ceramics include 3110 specimens. The sized items are from 10 to 15 cm high, large ones from
overwhelming majority (3028) is attributable to the 20 to 30 cm. The rims are 0.8–1.0 cm thick; walls
Voznesenovskoye culture (Fig. 4). These are clay vessels 0.5–0.8 cm; bottoms 0.8–1.2 cm thick. There are also
(3) and their parts (244 upper, 22 lower, an upper and a three miniature vessels, ranging in height from 2.3 to
lower of a single item, 8 side pieces, 165 rim fragments, 6.7 cm. The rims are most often bent outward, straight
2451 walls, and 126 bottoms), and spindle whorls (three rims are less common; the mouth edge is sharpened or
intact and five fragments), of which one shows a carved rounded. The bottoms are flat.
linear pattern. Slightly more than a third of the samples The vessels are ornamented with vertical and
(1,326 specimens, 43.8 %) do not bear ornamentation. The horizontal zigzags; horizontal, vertical or oblique lines;
Voznesenovskoye ceramics were found in the uppermost angles, triangles, a grid of comb imprints, cogged wheels,
layer (n=1035), in the filling (n=1295), on the floor and pricks. The motif of arcs and circles made with carved
(n=215), in the pits (n=56) of the dwelling, and outside lines and grooves was also recorded. The bodies of some
(n=427) the dwelling. vessels are plain. The rims were formed with appliqué
Examination with a binocular microscope showed coils, decorated with comb imprints, pricks and incisions
the presence of freshwater mollusk (shells and body) in on top. The rims with cannelures were also noted.
the paste; in some samples, additives of sand (22), grus Firing was carried out with the use of redox baking
(31), and chamotte (4) were also recorded. The inorganic mode (650–700 °C). This is evidenced by the color of the
additives suggest experiments with the paste composition sherds: light gray, yellowish-gray, yellow-brown, gray-
aimed at improving the properties of ceramic products. brown, light and dark orange on the outside; and light
Vessels were predominantly formed by the bottom- brown and brown, gray and dark gray on the inside and in
to-body coiling technique. The rim coils are 1.0–1.5 cm fractures. Fragments and intact vessels are often covered
wide, the body coils are 5–7 cm wide, and the bottom with soot and carbon deposits.
ones are 3–4 cm wide. The inner and outer surfaces In general, the Voznesenovskoye ceramics form a
were rubbed, smoothed, polished (rarely), and covered consistent complex, correlated with the late stage of the
with engobe. There are mainly medium and large culture’s development.
closed vessels with well-profiled necks. The diameter The collection also contains 82 vessels from other
of the rim (mouth) of medium-sized vessels is in the cultural traditions: the Mariinskoye of the Early Neolithic
2 3 4
5
6 7
0 3 cm 0 3 cm
1, 2, 5, 6, 8 7, 9
0 3 cm
3, 4
9
8
Fig. 3. Clay (1–7, 9) and lithic (8) artifacts.

1–6, 9 – small vessels; 7 – ring fragment; 8 – spindle whorl.
3
1
2 4
5 8
7
6
9 10 11
0 3 cm 0 3 cm
14
1, 5 12 13 6, 10
0 3 cm 0 3 cm
2, 4, 16 9, 12, 15
0 3 cm 0 3 cm
3, 7, 8 15 16 11, 13, 14
Fig. 4. Voznesenovskoye ceramics.
(2 rim fragments) (Medvedev, 2008), the Kondon scrapers, beveled scrapers, and flake scrapers; beveled
(10 walls and 2 bottoms), and the Malyshevo (7 rims, end-scrapers, flake end-scrapers, beveled flake scrapers;
46 walls, 3 lower parts, and 5 bottoms) cultures (Medvedev, double-beveled, double-ended, and double-ended beveled
2006, 2017), the Belkachi cultural type of the Middle varieties were identified. The working edges of the
Neolithic (fragment of the vessel wall), the Sedykh Late scrapers show use-wear signs.
Neolithic culture of Sakhalin Island (2 fragments), and the Personal ornaments, objects of art and cult make
Poltse culture of the Early Iron Age (4 fragments). These up a group of 20 specimens: clay items—eight fragments
were found in the uppermost layer (n=22), in the filling of sculptures, a fragment of a rod, a part of a ringlet,
(n=30), on the floor (n=12) of the dwelling, and outside eight small vessels; stone items—a figurine of a seal
(n=18) the dwelling. (presumably), a button and two beads, and a fragment
After disposal of ceramic vessels, their fragments of a pendant made of mother-of-pearl. These items were
could have been used for various purposes. The ceramic found in the uppermost layer (n=7), in the filling (n=9), in
collection contains scrapers (n=22), a polishing scraper, the utility pit III (n=1) of the dwelling, and outside (n=3)
blanks for scrapers (n=1137) and their fragments (n=2), the dwelling.
and blanks for spindle whorls (n=4). Most of these Of the eight fragments of clay sculptures, only one
(94.6 %) belong to the Voznesenovskoye culture. End- fragment was definitely identified as the lower part
of a female figurine, sub-trapezoidal in plan view and inhabitants of the dwelling and the bearers of the
subtriangular in cross section. One of its wide surfaces Voznesenovskoye culture in general.
is plain; the opposite side shows a grid of incised lines. This publication concludes our series of papers
A part of a ceramic rod is sub-rectangular in plan view describing the excavations of Neolithic settlements on
and in cross-section; its dimensions are 3.2 × 3.4 × Suchu Island in the 1970s. We believe that the presented
× 1.65 cm. A little less than half of a ring, with a diameter results of the study of dwelling 2 in excavation III, its lithic
of 3.0 cm and a thickness of 0.7 cm, was found (see collection, ceramics, personal ornaments, and objects of
Fig. 3, 7). The cult objects include five almost intact art and cult noticeably supplement scientific knowledge
miniature flat-bottomed vessels, with an average height about the Late Neolithic of the Lower Amur Region and
of 2.0–3.0 cm (see Fig. 3, 1–4, 6), a vessel with a slightly contiguous territories. The derived data suggest the age of
protruding handle (see Fig. 3, 9), and two items with the dwelling as mid-2nd millennium BC.
paired containers, one of which is practically intact (see
Fig. 3, 5), and the other has preserved only one container.
The first item shows a round hole in the crosspiece, Acknowledgements
0.4 cm in diameter, made before firing. This unique find
could be classified as scales. The authors are grateful to all the participants in the
The relatively few non-utilitarian items, including excavations on Suchu Island in 1977; our special thanks go to
O.S. Medvedeva for photographs and assistance in preparing
miniature vessels, apparently associated with certain
the material for publication.
rituals, reflect the features of the spiritual and intellectual
sphere of the inhabitants of this dwelling, and in general,
the bearers of the Voznesenovskoye culture.
References
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Conclusions Shin Chang Su, Huon Hion Wu, Kramintsev V.A.,
Medvedeva O.S., Filatova I.V. 2003
The analysis of the spatial distribution of dwelling 2 Neoliticheskiye poseleniya v nizovyakh Amura: (Otchet
indicates the main features of its design: large dimensions o polevykh issledovaniyakh na ostrove Suchu v 1999
(ca 15 m in diameter), a rather deep foundation pit, the i 2002 gg.):. Seoul: Gos. Issled. Inst. kulturnogo naslediya
presence of ledges-“benches”, “shelves” and niches in the Respubliki Koreya. (In Russian and Korean).
pit walls, a circular arrangement of postholes in the floor Derevianko A.P., Markin S.V., Vasiliev S.A. 1994
Paleolitovedeniye: Vvedeniye i osnovy. Novosibirsk:
of the dwelling. Externally, the dwelling had a shape that
Nauka.
most likely resembled a truncated pyramid. Medvedev V.E. 2005
The lithic collection includes tools associated with Neoliticheskiye kultury Nizhnego Priamurya. In Rossiyskiy
hunting, fishing, and processing of the game, as well Dalniy Vostok v drevnosti i srednevekovye: Otkrytia, problemy,
as with digging works and processing plant fruits; gipotezy. Vladivostok: Dalnauka, pp. 234–267.
this suggests that the inhabitants of the dwelling were Medvedev V.E. 2006
engaged in a complex economy, in which the main O kulturogeneze v epokhu neolita v Nizhnem Priamurye.
activities were hunting, fishing, and gathering— In Sovremennye problemy arkheologii Rossii, vol. I. Novosibirsk:
traditional economic activities in the Amur Neolithic. Izd. IAET SO RAN, pp. 288–291.
Medvedev V.E. 2008
A distinctive feature of the lithic collection is a
Mariinskaya kultura i ee mesto v neolite Dalnego Vostoka.
significant number of bifacial tools. In Trudy II (XVIII) Vserossiyskogo arkheologicheskogo syezda
The results of the analysis of the ceramics indicate v Suzdale, vol. I. Moscow: IA RAN, pp. 244–248.
their cultural and chronological affiliation to the late Medvedev V.E. 2017
stage of development of the Neolithic Voznesenovskoye Ob osobennostyakh razvitiya srednego i pozdnego
culture, as well as the influence of the traditions of neolita na yuge Dalnego Vostoka (Nizhneye Priamurye).
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regions, starting from the Middle Neolithic (late 5th to v Barnaule-Belokurikhe, vol. I. Barnaul: Izd. Alt. Gos. Univ.,
early 4th millennium BC) and up to the terminal stages pp. 155–158.
Medvedev V.E., Filatova I.V. 2014
of the culture’s existence. Notably, binocular microscopy
Keramika epokhi neolita nizhnego Priamurya (ornamentalnyi
has shown the likelihood of experiments with pastes to aspekt). Novosibirsk: Izd. IAET SO RAN.
improve the quality of ceramics. Medvedev V.E., Filatova I.V. 2016
Personal ornaments, objects of art and cult, although Tentative findings from excavations on Suchu Island, Amur
relatively few in number, nevertheless represent certain (1973 season, excavation I). Archaeology, Ethnology and
aspects of the spiritual and intellectual life of the Anthropology of Eurasia, vol. 44 (4): 24–37.
Medvedev V.E., Filatova I.V. 2017 Molodin V.I., Mylnikova L.N. 2015
A comprehensive study of Neolithic stone tools from Teoria i praktika issledovaniya drevnei keramiki:
dwelling D on Suchu Island, the Lower Amur (1974, excavation Traditsionnye i noveishiye metody. Samarsky nauchny vestnik,
area I). Archaeology, Ethnology and Anthropology of Eurasia, No. 3: 122–127.
vol. 45 (3): 17–28. Okladnikov A.P., Medvedev V.E., Filatova I.V. 2015
Medvedev V.E., Filatova I.V. 2018 The first systematic excavations on Suchu Island and
A study of finds from excavation I at Suchu Island, the radiocarbon dates of the site. Archaeology, Ethnology and
Lower Amur (the 1974 field season). Archaeology, Ethnology Anthropology of Eurasia, vol. 43 (3): 50–63.
and Anthropology of Eurasia, vol. 46 (4): 124–128. Zhushchikhovskaya I.S. 2004
Medvedev V.E., Filatova I.V. 2019 Ocherki istorii drevnego goncharstva Dalnego Vostoka
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I, 1975). Archaeology, Ethnology and Anthropology of Eurasia,
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Medvedev V.E., Filatova I.V. 2020
A multidisciplinary study of finds from Suchu Island (1973
season, excavation II, dwelling 1). Archaeology, Ethnology and
Anthropology of Eurasia, vol. 48 (2): 3–13. Received June 7, 2021.
doi:10.17746/1563-0110.2021.49.3.024-031
K.Y. Kiryushin1, Y.F. Kiryushin1, K.N. Solodovnikov2,

Y.V. Frolov1, and A.V. Schmidt3
1
Altai State University,
Pr. Lenina 61, Barnaul, 656049, Russia
E-mail: kirill-kirushin@mail.ru; frolov_jar@mail.ru
2
Institute of Northern Development, Tyumen Scientific Center,
Malygina 86, Tyumen, 625026, Russia
E-mail: solodk@list.ru
3
Museum of Nature and Man,
Mira 14a, Khanty-Mansiysk, 628011, Russia
E-mail: tison172@mail.ru
Results of Radiocarbon Dating of Early Burials

in the Firsovo Archaeological Area, Barnaul Stretch of the Ob
An especially noteworthy part of the Firsovo archaeological area is a group of early burials at the flat-grave
cemeteries Novoaltaisk-Razvilka, Firsovo XI, and Firsovo XIV. Nine radiocarbon dates have been generated
for those cemeteries at various laboratories: two by the liquid-scintillation (LSC) method and seven using the
accelerator mass spectrometry (AMS) method. The dates were calibrated using OxCal version 3.10 software. Dates
for the Chalcolithic Bolshoy Mys culture burials at Novoaltaisk-Razvilka and Tuzovskiye Bugry-1 burial 7 match
the previously suggested ones (around 3000 BC). Certain Neolithic burials in the Altai differ from others in the
position of the bodies (flexed on the side). They were dated to the late 5th to the early 4th millennia BC by the AMS
method. Burials belonging to the “cultural core” of Firsovo XI, then, fall within the Early Neolithic (68 % interval,
5710–5460 BC; 95 % interval, 5740–5360 BC). The date 9106 ± 80 BP (GV-02889), obtained for Firsovo XI
burial 18, may be somewhat accurate, pointing to the Final Mesolithic or Early Neolithic. Both the date and the
cultural characteristics of this burial (sitting position, abundant ocher) are accompanied by the craniometric
distinctness of the male cranium (huge total size).
Keywords: Flat-grave burial ground, Final Mesolithic, Early Neolithic burial, Middle Neolithic, Chalcolithic.
Introduction which the majority of the known sites in the district

are concentrated, is in the center of this area, located
The Firsovo archaeological area (hereafter, the FAA) between two woodlands on the main part of the
is located on the right bank of the Ob River, opposite right bank region of the Ob River. A steppe section
the city of Barnaul. It stretches out in a narrow strip joints the Ob River in that area, optimally combining
along the low bedrock bank of the Ob for about 15 km conditions favorable both for appropriating (hunting and
from the southern outskirts of Novoaltaisk to the fishing) and producing (cattle breeding and agriculture)
village of Lesnoye. The village of Firsovo, around economies. The bank of the Ob River in this place is a
© 2021 K.Y. Kiryushin, Y.F. Kiryushin, K.N. Solodovnikov, Y.V. Frolov, A.V. Schmidt
24
K.Y. Kiryushin et al. / Archaeology, Ethnology and Anthropology of Eurasia 49/3 (2021) 24–31 25
wide (up to 7 km) swampy floodplain with many oxbow

lakes, which are interspersed with low wooded ridges
and residual hillocks of the valley wall. The vegetation
is of the meadow type, with thickets of shrubby willows,
aspens, and birches. During floods, the water in the Ob
River rises by 1.5–3.0 m, almost completely flooding
the floodplain and coming close to the valley wall upon
which the sites are located.
In the late 1970s to early 1980s, A.L. Kungurov,
V.B. Borodaev, and A.B. Shamshin discovered over
twenty sites in the main core of the FAA (Kungurov, 2006:
346). From 1984 to 1997, excavations at several reference
archaeological sites were conducted by Shamshin, which
allowed him to sum up the information on the Bronze Age
of the area (Ibid.: 347–352). The FAA is unique because of
the concentration of over twenty sites from the Neolithic
to the Middle Ages in a limited area. Nine large sites, 0 5 km
many of which are multi-layered complexes of different
periods, have been excavated over large areas. A group Fig. 1. Flat-grave cemeteries of Novoaltaisk-Razvilka (1),
of Stone Age and Chalcolithic burials at the flat-grave Firsovo XI (2) and XIV (3).
cemeteries of Novoaltaisk-Razvilka, Firsovo XI, and
Firsovo XIV is of particular interest (Fig. 1).
At Firsovo XI, eight burials were discovered, which
were originally attributed to the Bolshoy Mys culture of
Research results the Chalcolithic (Kiryushin, 2002): five single, two paired,
and one collective. The depth of the graves ranged from
The Novoaltaisk-Razvilka flat-grave cemetery was 0.4 to 1.7 m. The deceased were placed with their heads to
discovered in 2005 in Novoaltaisk, on Repnina Street, the north and northeast. This study analyzes four burials,
in the precipice of the floodplain terrace on the right from which samples for radiocarbon dates were taken
bank of the Ob River. Burial 2 was found at a depth of (see Table).
0.42 m from the present-day surface. The grave spot was Grave 14 was the richest burial at this necropolis.
not visible. In the course of excavations, an incomplete It partially disturbed burial 15. The grave spot was not
skeleton of a 15–16-year-old boy buried in an extended visible. The bones of two people placed “shoulder to
supine position (with arms along his body), with his head shoulder” were found at a depth of 0.8 m from the present-
to the north, was unearthed. The grave goods included day surface. Skeleton 1 belonged to a male (age 20–30),
stone and bone items: a pendant made of a badger tusk and skeleton 2 presumably to a young female (age 18–20).
with a hole drilled in the root, a bird bone, a ribbed The skeletons were poorly preserved. Both of the deceased
spall, a flake, rectangular ornaments made from shells of were buried in an extended supine position, with their
large river mollusks, a polished stone chisel, an animal heads to the north, with their right hand palms down lying
vertebra, beaver incisors, and an ornamented needle- along the bodies, and the left hand palms up over their
case made of radial bird bone. Trace analysis of the bird pelvises. The grave goods included numerous bone and
bone revealed that ornamentation was made with a metal stone items. Sewn-on animal teeth with holes drilled in the
knife used as burin (Kiryushin et al., 2006: 224). During roots covered most of the skeletons (Shmidt, Shamshin,
the unearthing, a fragment of Bolshoy Mys pottery 2018: 60–63). The date of 7222 ± 82 BP (GV-02887) was
decorated with imprints of a smooth rocking stamp obtained from the fragment of the ulna of skeleton 1 at
(Ibid.: Fig. 1, 6) was found at the level of the grave spot the Center for Collective Use of the Accelerator Mass
to the east of the skeleton. Two radiocarbon dates were Spectrometry (AMS) Complex at the Novosibirsk State
obtained from the bones of the person from burial 2. The University, Novosibirsk Scientific Center (hereafter,
date of 5000 ± 150 BP (Le-7425) was obtained in the CCU AMS NSU–NSC). The radiocarbon age of the
Radiocarbon Laboratory at the Institute for the History samples with the GV index was established using the
of Material Culture of the RAS (IHMC RAS), and the AMS complex of the Budker Institute of Nuclear Physics
date of 4525 ± 95 BP (SОАN-6863) was obtained in the of the SB RAS.
Laboratory of Cenozoic Geology and Paleoclimatology The grave spot of burial 15 was not visible.
at the Institute of Geology and Mineralogy of the SB A collective burial of three individuals placed in a supine
RAS (IGM SB RAS). extended position, with their heads to the east-northeast,
26 K.Y. Kiryushin et al. / Archaeology, Ethnology and Anthropology of Eurasia 49/3 (2021) 24–31
Radiocarbon dates of the samples from early burials at flat-grave cemeteries

of the Firsovo archaeological area
Dating Sample Radiocarbon Calendar date, BC

Site Laboratory
method code age, BP 1σ 2σ
Novoaltaisk-Razvilka, LSC SOAN-6863 4525 ± 95 3370–3080 3550–2900 IGM SB RAS

burial 2
ʺ Le-7425 5000 ± 150 3960–3650 4250–3500 IHMC RAS
Firsovo XIV, burial 267 AMS NSKA-01942 6166 ± 96 5230–4980 5320–4840 CCU AMS NSU–NSC
ʺ IGAN-5831 6100 ± 25 5055–4980 5080–4930 IG RAS

14
Firsovo XI, burial 15, ʺ UBA-22954 6684 ± 39 5640–5605 5670–5520 Chrono Centre
skeleton 1 5595–5569
Ditto, skeleton 3 ʺ GV-02888 6723 ± 68 5710–5610 5740–5510 CCU AMS NSU–NSC

5590–5560
Ditto, burial 42, skeleton 1 ʺ GV-02890 6534 ± 72 5570–5460 5630–5360 ʺ
Ditto, burial 14, skeleton 1 ʺ GV-02887 7222 ± 82 6210–6130 6250–5970 ʺ

6120–6010
Ditto, burial 18 ʺ GV-02889 9106 ± 80 8440–8240 8600–8200 ʺ
at a depth of 0.8 m from the present-day surface, was of the burial was unearthed to the level of –1.0 m. The
explored. It was partially destroyed by burial 14. The legs of the deceased were bent at the knees and piled on
anatomical order of the bones in skeletons 1 and 3 was the left side; his feet were joined together; his arms were
disturbed. bent at the elbows; the left forearm rested on the stomach,
Skeleton 2 (male, age 45–55) was located in the center. and the right forearm was extended along the wall of the
The left hand of the buried person almost completely grave with the hand towards the feet. The grave goods
covered the right hand of individual 1. The bones of the included one microlithic blade found near the bones of
forearm and of the hands of both arms were placed on the left hand. The burial was abundantly sprinkled with
the pelvic and femur bones. Skeleton 1 (far right) was ocher. The date of 9106 ± 80 BP (GV-02889) was obtained
incomplete: the skull and left humerus had been lost. For from a fragment of the ulna of the skeleton at the CCU
this reason, and because of poor preservation of bone AMS NSU–NSC.
substance, the sex and age of that individual have not The remains of two people buried in an extended
been established. Skeleton 3 (male, age 55–65 (?)) was supine position, with their heads to the north-northeast,
on the far left. The elbow joint of the left arm lay on top were found at a depth of 0.7 m from the present-day
of the bones of the right arm of skeleton 2; the forearm surface, during unearthing of grave 42. The arms of the
was placed on the pelvic bones. The grave goods included deceased were extended and placed on the torso; the
one arrowhead found on the left femur of skeleton 2. knees were brought together. Skeleton 1 belonged to a
That artifact had triangular shape and a notch at the base male (age 45–55). The grave goods included artifacts
(Shmidt, Solodovnikov, 2019: 388–389). made of stone and bone, as well as sewn-on animal teeth
Two radiocarbon dates were obtained from the bones with the holes drilled into the roots. Skeleton 2 belonged
of burial 15. The date of 6684 ± 39 BP (UBA-22954) to a female (?) (age 40–50). Its grave goods included
(Motuzaite Matuzeviciute et al., 2016: Tab. 1) was eight arrowheads made of stone, two small stone axes,
obtained from the sample of skeleton 1 at the 14Chrono and a bracelet made of the split incisor of a large beaver.
Center for Climate, Environment, and Chronology at the From the fragment of the ulna of skeleton 1, the date
Queen’s University in Belfast (Great Britain), and the of 6534 ± 72 BP (GV-02890) was obtained at the CCU
date of 6723 ± 68 BP (GV-02888) was obtained from the AMS NSU–NSC.
sample of skeleton 3 at the CCU AMS NSU–NSC. The Firsovo XIV flat-grave cemetery is located 1 km
Grave 18 occupied the extreme southeastern position north of the village of Firsovo, on the promontory ledge
in the second row. The deceased (male, age 35–45) was of the terrace, rising 3 m above the level of the Ob River
buried in a sitting position, with his back towards the floodplain. An oxbow of the Ob River is nearby. Since
north. His skull with the occipital bone upward was at a 1987, archaeological excavations under the supervision
depth of 0.5 m from the present-day surface. The bottom of Shamshin have been carried out there for several years.
During the years of research, over three hundred burials dating and requires explanations, which may be several.
of the Middle Bronze Age and Early Iron Age have been It has already been mentioned in the literature that “no
studied at that site. correction for isotopic fractionation was made during
A single Neolithic burial (burial 267) was excavated analyzes in the laboratories of St. Petersburg (Le) and
at the necropolis in 1996. The grave spot was not visible. Novosibirsk (SOAN). In modern AMS laboratories, this
The bones were found at a depth of 0.4 m from the correction is mandatory; it usually results in an earlier
present-day surface, in yellow sandy loam. The skeleton date, which can be observed in the evidence of the
lying in anatomical order belonged to a male (age 55–60). Afanasyevo culture of the Altai” (Polyakov, Svyatko,
The deceased was buried in a flexed position on his right Stepanova, 2019: 185).
side, with his head towards the northeast. A bone point, Studies demonstrate that even the use of the AMS
a small horn spatula, fragments of horn rod and bone method does not make it possible to reach definitive
harpoon, flake, an abrasive tile, and a stone polished conclusions on the age of the burials of the Bolshoy Mys
knife were found in the grave (Kiryushin, Shamshin, culture. The most illustrative example is the results of
Shmidt, 2013). the dating of burial 7 at the Tuzovskiye Bugry-1 flat-
Sample preparation of bone evidence from burial 267 grave cemetery using this method. The filling of the
for radiocarbon analysis was carried out in the Center grave contained the fragments of a thin-walled vessel
for Collective Use “Laboratory of Radiocarbon Dating decorated with the “stepping comb” pattern typical
and Electron Microscopy” at the Institute of Geography of the pottery from the habitation complexes of the
of the Russian Academy of Sciences (IG RAS); the Bolshoy Mys culture in the Barnaul-Biysk Ob region
measurement of the evidence was performed at the Center (Kiryushin Y.F., Kiryushin K.Y., 2015: 61, Fig. 6, 1).
for Applied Isotope Studies at the University of Georgia, Two AMS dates were obtained from a fragment of the
USA (outsourcing). The date obtained was 6100 ± 25 BP radius of the person buried in this grave, and had a
(IGAN-5831). Another date of 6166 ± 96 BP (NSKA- relatively wide scatter: 5005 ± 25 BP (IGAN-5832) and
01942) from a sample of the same bone was established 5409 ± 93 BP (NSKA-01943). The following intervals
in the CCU AMS NSU–NSC. of calendar age were established: 3800–3710 BC (1σ)
and 3810–3700 BC (2σ) in the former case, and 4350–
4220 BC (1σ) and 4450–4030 BC (2σ) in the latter case.
Discussion Two out of four of the above dates (two dates were
obtained by the LSC method, and other two using the
As is known, the discrepancies between the radiocarbon AMS method) had overlapping intervals, which made it
age of burials and their calendar age are associated with possible to establish the radiocarbon and calendar age of
the selection of samples for dating (human bone, animal the above-mentioned burials of the Bolshoy Mys culture
bone or horn, coal, carbon deposits on pottery, etc.). as the boundary between the 4th and 3rd millennia BC
For the burials under consideration, all measurements (3800–3700 BC). The results obtained closely match the
were made using human bones, which makes it possible previously proposed chronological framework of this
to minimize the possible scatter of the dates. Nine culture (Kiryushin Y.F., Kiryushin K.Y., 2019: 106).
radiocarbon dates have been obtained in different The calibration of the two AMS dates for burial 267
laboratories from the samples taken in the early FAA of Firsovo XIV—6166 ± 96 BP (NSKA-01942) and
burials: two dates using the LSC method and seven dates 6100 ± 25 BP (IGAN-5831)—gave similar intervals of
using the AMS method. For establishing the calendar calendar age: 5230–4980 BC (1σ) and 5320–4840 BC
age, they were calibrated using the OxCal software (2σ) in the former case, and 5055–4980 BC (1σ) and
(version 3.10) created in Oxford (see Table). 5080–4930 BC (2σ) in the latter case. Thus, that burial can
Finding a pottery fragment decorated with imprints of be dated to the late 5th millennium BC, and its calendar
smooth rocking stamp (Kiryushin et al., 2006: Fig. 1, 6) age is 5055–4980 BC according to 1σ, and 5080–4930 BC
at the level of the grave spot has made it possible to according to 2σ. It can be concluded that the chronological
attribute burial 2 of the Novoaltaisk-Razvilka cemetery gap between that burial and the Bolshoy Mys burials was
to the Bolshoy Mys culture (Ibid.: 223). The radiocarbon at least a thousand years (Fig. 2).
dates for this burial were 4525 ± 95 BP (SОАN-6863) Specific features of the funeral rite (position on
and 5000 ± 150 BP (Le-7425) and showed a relatively the right side, legs bent at the knees and pressed to the
large spread. The intervals of the calendar age established body, arms bent at the elbows and pressed to the body)
by calibration were 3370–3080 BC (1σ) and 3350– distinguish burial 267 at Firsovo XIV among other early
2900 BC (2σ) in the former case, and 3960–3650 BC burials of the FAA and the Barnaul-Biysk Ob region as
(1σ) and 4250–3500 BC (2σ) in the latter case, and did a whole. Its parallels can be found among the evidence
not have the overlapping chronological ranges (Fig. 2). from the Solontsy-5 flat-grave cemetery (burials 2
This certainly raises doubts about the objectivity of the and 3) (Kungurova, 2005: 97). The radiocarbon date
Fig. 2. Summarized radiocarbon dates for the early burials of the FAA flat-grave cemeteries.
of 5810 ± 110 BP (СОАН-4947) was obtained for Burials 14, 15, and 42 from Firsovo XI are included
burial 3 (Ibid.: 57), which is quite close to the results of in the so-called core of the site, and the results of their
burial 267 at Firsovo XIV. The calibration of that radiocarbon dating should be considered separately from
burial gives the intervals of the calendar ages of 4800– grave 18. Three out of four dates of these burials were
4530 BC (1σ) and 4950–4350 BC (2σ). Although the almost the same: 6723 ± 68 BP (GV-02888), 6684 ± 39 BP
evidence at our disposal is extremely fragmentary, it (UBA-22954), and 6534 ± 72 BP (GV-02890). The fourth
seems that we can still speak about identifying a small date of 7222 ± 82 BP (GV-02887) falls out of the general
group in the composition of the early Altai burials, which range and contradicts the planigraphic observations made
differs from the general number of burials in the features during the excavations (burial 14 cut through a part of
of funeral rite and radiocarbon age. There are reasons to burial 15 and therefore should be dated to a later time).
believe that this group may become more numerous over A representative complex of items found in burial 15
time. Fourteen burials were explored at the Ust-Isha burial (Shmidt, Shamshin, 2018: 60–62), leaves no doubts about
ground; eleven burials were attributed to the Neolithic, its cultural sameness with evidence from burials 16, 17,
and one to the Scythian period (Kiryushin, Kungurova, 41, and 42, which constitute the “cultural core” of the site.
Kadikov, 2000: 9). The cultural and chronological Some traditions are very distinctive (processing of animal
affiliation of two graves without funeral inventory has not teeth in manufacturing personal adornments), and their
been established. One of the graves contained the skeleton preservation for almost a thousand years is unlikely. At
of a male buried in a flexed position on his left side, with this stage of the study, the date of 7222 ± 82 BP seems to
his head towards the north-northwest (Ibid.: 10; Fig. 3, 2); be somewhat too early. The reasons for the discrepancy
in another grave, the deceased was placed on his back (specific features of the diet of the buried person or the
with his legs bent at the knees and head towards the west- imperfection of the dating method) still remain to be
northwest. The funeral rite of the former individual shows clarified.
some similar features (flexed position on the side) and Thus, we can conclude that the burials that constitute
differences (orientation of the deceased) with burial 267 the “cultural core” of the site belong to the Early Neolithic
at Firsovo XIV. The radiocarbon dating of these burials (mid fifth millennium BC), and their calendar age fits into
at the Ust-Isha cemetery is needed. The results obtained a very narrow chronological interval of several decades
will make it possible to confirm or refute the suggestion (5570–5560 BC according to 1σ and 5630–5510 BC
of their Neolithic age. according to 2σ) or centuries (5710–5460 BC according
to 1σ and 5740–5360 BC according to 2σ). Even the owing to large total dimensions of its brain case. The
maximum values give a very short period of three and second main component distinguishes two male skulls
a half centuries (see Table). It can be unambiguously found in grave 15 from the main group according to the
concluded that these burials are among the earliest at the structure of the brain capsule and overall size of the face
Neolithic burial grounds not only in the Altai, but also in (Ibid.: 65–66, fig. 6).
the entire south of Western Siberia. The chronological In a study on stable isotopes of carbon and nitrogen
gap between them and burials similar to those explored in paleoanthropological and osteological evidence of
at Firsovo XIV (burial 267) and Solontsy-5 (burials 2 the Neolithic and Bronze Age from the basins of the
and 3) is about 300–500 years (Fig. 2). Upper Ob and Tobol Rivers (Motuzaite Matuzeviciute
On the basis of calibration of the date obtained for et al., 2016), the δ13С and δ15N values in the collagen of
burial 18 of the Firsovo XI cemetery (9106 ± 80 BP, bones of adults from different Neolithic and Chalcolithic
GV-02889), the intervals of the calendar age—8440– cemeteries of southwestern Siberia were analyzed
8240 BC (1σ) and 8600–8200 BC (2σ)—have been (Ibid., SOM 1b, available online). In the context of
established. Thus, the radiocarbon age of that burial is the the chronology of Firsovo XI, the observations such
early 7th millennium BC, while the calendar date makes as consolidation of a group according to the shares
it possible to attribute it to the mid–second half of the of heavy carbon and nitrogen isotopes in comparison
9th millennium BC. Judging by the results obtained, with samples from other cemeteries, absence of sex
burial 18 at Firsovo XI belongs to the Mesolithic and it differences, similarities in the isotope profiles of
is one of the earliest Holocene burials in Russia and the individuals from a single grave, and the lowest δ13С
neighboring countries. Unfortunately, only one date is values among other Altai populations are important
presently available for that burial, which certainly does (Fig. 3). The reasons for the latter are probably associated
not allow for any final conclusions. with manifestations of the isotopic background and
Grave 18 at Firsovo XI was one of a few Early changes in the share of vegetation of types C3 and C4 in
Holocene burials on the territory of Russia, where the the feeding landscape (forest – northern forest-steppe –
deceased was buried in the sitting position. Similar southern forest-steppe), differences in the content of
Neolithic burials have been found in the Transbaikal carbon isotopes in the procured animals resulting from
region, as well as eastern and southern Cis-Baikal the canopy effect, as well as variation in the share of
region (Lbova, Zhambaltarova, Konev, 2008: 105, plant foods. In this regard, a decrease in δ13С values
222) and Eastern Mongolia (Derevianko, Okladnikov, in anthropological evidence from the Neolithic–
1969: 151–152; Lbova, Zhambaltarova, Konev, 2008: Chalcolithic cemeteries of the Altai in the direction from
131–133). The radiocarbon date of 5590 ± 120 BP south to north can be observed. The exception is the Ust-
(Gif-10949) was obtained for the Tamtsag-Bulak burial Isha burial ground located to the south of the remaining
(Eastern Mongolia), and 6090 ± 100 BP (SB RAS-5701) cemeteries: its samples also exhibited higher δ15N values
for the burial from Petropavlovka (southern Cis-Baikal as compared to most other samples (Fig. 3). The reason
region) (Lbova, Zhambaltarova, Konev: 133–134,
222). Burials in the sitting position, densely covered а
with ocher, have been found during the study of the b
Karavaikha site (the Kargopol archaeological culture) c
(Bryusov, 1952: 131–132). There is a representative d
series of dates for the Mesolithic sites of the taiga e
belt of Western Siberia. It has been observed that “the
chronology of the Mesolithic sites… is established as
the period of 9500–6700 BP, while the dates earlier than
7000 BP can be considered controversial” (Molodin
et al., 2018: 48).
Natural scientific research may reveal some
information on the relative chronology of the burials
at Firsovo XI. A special study has focused on
paleoanthropological evidence from the early graves
of that cemetery (Solodovnikov, Tur, 2017). Statistical
analysis has revealed the main trends in the intragroup Fig. 3. Individual values of carbon (δ13C) and nitrogen
morphological variability of the population that left that (δ15N) stable isotopes in anthropological evidence from the
Neolithic–Chalcolithic cemeteries of the Altai.
necropolis. According to the first main component, the a – Firsovo XI (sex of the deceased, as well as numbers of graves
cranium of a male from burial 18 at Firsovo XI stands out and skeletons, are indicated); b – Tuzovskiye Bugry-1; c – Itkul
among the skulls of other adults buried at that cemetery (Bolshoy Mys); d – Solontsy-5; e – Ust-Isha.
for the disruption of this geographic regularity may be Acknowledgments

specific economic, climatic, and geographic conditions
for the habitation of the human group that left the site. We would like to express our gratitude to S.V. Svyatko from the
A noticeable excess in the share of nitrogen isotopes Centre for Climate, Environment, and Chronology (14Chrono
in the collagen of two males from grave 15 at Firsovo XI Centre) at the Queen’s University, Belfast, for discussion and
consultations, and to V.V. Parkhomchuk and S.A. Rastigeev
relative to the main group (Fig. 3) probably indicates
for analyzing the samples at the AMS Complex of the Budker
the dominance of fish in the diet and/or the origins of Institute of Nuclear Physics of the SB RAS.
these individuals in other regions. Specific features of
the isotopic profile of these individuals, who are also
distinguished according to craniological data, might References
have affected the establishment of the radiocarbon age
of grave 15. However, it should be mentioned that the Bryusov A.Y. 1952
impact of the “freshwater reservoir effect” associated, Ocherki po istorii plemen yevropeiskoy chasti SSSR v
neoliticheskuyu epokhu. Moscow: Izd. AN SSSR.
among other things, with the predominance of fish
Derevianko A.P., Okladnikov A.P. 1969
in the diet (Motuzaite Matuzeviciute et al., 2016), on Drevniye kultury vostochnykh rayonov MNR. Sovetskaya
anthropological evidence from the southwestern Siberia arkheologiya, No. 4: 141–156.
in the Chalcolithic and Bronze Age, with the exception Kiryushin K.Y., Volkov P.V., Pugachev D.A.,
of individual cases, has not yet been proven (Marchenko Semibratov V.P. 2006
et al., 2015; Svyatko et al., 2017). Gruntoviy mogilnik Novoaltaisk-Razvilka – pamyatnik
eneolita Barnaulskogo Priobya. In Sokhraneniye i izucheniye
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Eneolit i rannyaya bronza yuga Zapadnoy Sibiri. Barnaul:
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(Novoaltaisk-Razvilka, burial 2 and Tuzovskiye Bugry-1, Problemy kulturnoy prinadlezhnosti rannikh pogrebeniy
grave 7) as the turn of the 4th–3rd millennium BC, which gruntovogo mogilnika Tuzovskiye Bugry-1 (odna iz
is consistent with the previously proposed chronological versiy istoriko-kulturnoy interpretatsii). Teoriya i praktika
framework of this culture (Kiryushin Y.F., Kiryushin K.Y., arkheologicheskikh issledovaniy, No. 2: 52–68.
2019: 106). Kiryushin Y.F., Kiryushin K.Y. 2019
2. The question of isolating a group of burials Rannyaya drevnost (eneolit i rannyaya bronza):
Bolshemysskaya kultura. In Istoriya Altaya: In 3 vols, vol. 1.
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3. The burials that constitute the “cultural core” of Sovremenniye resheniya aktualnykh problem yevraziyskoi
the Firsovo XI cemetery (graves 14, 15, and 42) belong arkheologii. Barnaul: Izd. Alt. Gos. Univ., pp. 137–140.
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Pamyatniki arkheologii Altaiskogo kraya. In Sokhraneniye
a very narrow interval of several decades or centuries
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(1σ – 5710–5460 BC; 2σ – 5740–5360 BC). Azbuka, pp. 327–385.
4. As a working hypothesis, it may be suggested Kungurova N.Y. 2005
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not accidental (9106 ± 80 BP, GV-02889), and this Barnaul: Izd. Barnaul. Yur. Inst. MVD.
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doi:10.17746/1563-0110.2021.49.3.032-040
P.K. Dashkovskiy
Altai State University,
Pr. Lenina 61, Barnaul, 656049, Russia
E-mail: dashkovskiy@fpn.asu.ru
A Mortuary Complex with Animal Skulls at Khankarinsky Dol,

a Scythian Age Cemetery in the Northwestern Altai
This article presents a description of Khankarinsky Dol mound 34 on the left bank of the Inya River, 1–1.5 km
southeast of Chineta, Krasnoshchekovsky District, Altai Territory. Excavations revealed a cist with a supine burial
of a male, whose head was oriented to the east. Beyond the eastern wall of the cist, a horse cranium and three crania
of sheep were placed. Features of the burial rite suggest that the burial belongs to the Korgantass type, which is
distributed over the Altai-Sayan and Kazakhstan, with certain parallels in northern China. Principal categories of
offerings are analyzed, including those associated with the horse. On their basis, the horse harness is reconstructed.
On the basis of the typology of artifacts and radiocarbon analysis, the burial was dated to the 5th to 4th centuries BC
(possibly late 5th to early 4th centuries BC). The Korgantass burials at Khankarinsky Dol and elsewhere in the Altai
Mountains indicate a migration from the eastern part of the nomadic world, apparently from northern China or the
Trans-Baikal region.
Keywords: Altai, burial rite, artifacts, horse harness, Scythian-Saka period, Korgantass-type burials.
Introduction describes the results of cultural and chronological

attribution of artifacts and reconstruction of the horse
For twenty years, the Krasnoshchekovo archaeological harness on the basis of the results of excavations
expedition of the Altai State University under the performed in 2019 at mound 34 at the Khankarinsky
leadership of the author of this article has been Dol cemetery.
studying sites of the Chineta archaeological area
located in the vicinity of the village of Chineta,
in the Krasnoshchekovsky District of the Altai Description of the burial rite
Territory (Northwestern Altai). Sites from the Upper
Paleolithic to the Middle Ages have been discovered. Burial mound 34 is located in the northern part of the
Special research has been conducted on burials at the cemetery. The mound had an unusual sub-square shape
Khankarinsky Dol cemetery, located on the eastern with sides of 4.5 m (Fig. 2). The structure was oriented
part of the second terrace above the floodplain, on to the cardinal points and was made of small and
the left bank of the Inya River (a left tributary of the medium-sized stones in one or two layers. Its height
Charysh River), 1.0–1.5 km southeast of Chineta reached 0.45 m; with the soil layer it reached 0.65 m.
(Fig. 1). Currently, over thirty artifacts of the Scythian- A subrectangular grave with rounded corners oriented
Saka period have been studied there. This article along the NW-SE axis was discovered under the mound.
© 2021 P.K. Dashkovskiy
32
P.K. Dashkovskiy / Archaeology, Ethnology and Anthropology of Eurasia 49/3 (2021) 32–40 33
The burial turned out to have been plundered.

Skeletal bones were in a chaotic state in the stone
cist at a depth of 1.70–1.84 m. Only the tibia and
two fibula survived in their original position. The
deceased was probably buried in an extended
position, with his head towards the east (Fig. 3). In
the middle part of the southern wall of the cist, at
a depth of 1.67 m, a bronze quiver hook (Fig. 4, 4)
was found; 0.35 m to the west of the hook, in the
area where two slabs joined, there was a bone
arrowhead. A second bone arrowhead was found
0.4 m to the northeast at the opposite, northern,
wall of the stone cist (Fig. 4, 6, 7).
The skull of a horse and three skulls of sheep,
oriented eastward, lay at a depth of 1.26–1.35 m,
0 100 km
Fig. 1. Location of the Khankarinsky Dol

cemetery.
Its size at the level of the ancient

horizon was 2.40 × 1.45 × 1.84 m
(depth from the zero benchmark).
A stone cist was discovered in the
grave (Fig. 3). Two large (78 and 90 cm
long, 8–18 cm wide) and two small (30
and 38 cm long, 5–10 cm wide) stone
slabs were placed on their edge along
the southern wall; two large stone slabs
(96 and 62 cm long, 5–11 cm wide)
and three medium-sized stones in the Fig. 2. Burial mound 34 after unearthing the tumulus.
northwestern corner were set along
the northern wall, and one medium-
sized stone slab (40 and 50 cm long,
7–9 cm wide) was placed along each of
the eastern and western walls. On top,
at a depth of 1.24–1.38 m, the cist was
covered with eleven cut stone slabs and
stones from 40 to 90 cm long and up
to 37 cm wide. Three steles, probably
of the Early Scythian period, served
as cover slabs, that is, in this case,
earlier stone items were reused. Similar
steles, with a distinctive slanted cut in
the upper part, have also been found
at the sites of Chineta II and Inskoy
Dol, although Early Scythian mounds
have not yet been identified within the
Chineta archaeological area. Fig. 3. Grave in mound 34.
34 P.K. Dashkovskiy / Archaeology, Ethnology and Anthropology of Eurasia 49/3 (2021) 32–40
Fig. 4. Inventory of the burial.

1 – fragment of an iron bit; 2, 3 – horn cheekpieces; 4 – bronze
hook; 5 – bone pendant; 6, 7 – bone arrowheads.
behind the eastern wall of the stone cist, parallel to

it, on a ledge of the sterile soil. Elements of a horse
harness were found with the horse skull, including
browband and noseband bone plaques (Fig. 5,
1 7, 8), eight bone doublers in the form of a figure-
eight (Fig. 5, 1–6), three bone terrets each with five
holes (Fig. 5, 10–12), a halter unit (Fig. 5, 9), the
link of an iron bit (see Fig. 4, 1), as well as a bone
pendant in the form of a stylized bird (see Fig. 4, 5).
4
Cultural and chronological attribution

of the burial
3
5 2 Burial goods from mound 34 at Khankarinsky Dol
included various types of items. The finds included
a bronze hook 5 cm long, with a maximum width of
0.5 cm in the upper part (see Fig. 4, 4). According
0 5 cm
to the classification of such items proposed by
Y.F. Kiryushin and N.F. Stepanova (2004: 68), it
belongs to section 2, type 1, variant 1. A hook of
6 7 this type was made from a bar, sub-rectangular in
cross-section, one end of which was bent into a
ring or loop. The ring of the item from mound 34
was not closed. It might have been unbent (or not
fully bent) still in ancient times. Hooks of that type
generally have a wide number of parallels among
the evidence from the sites of the Pazyryk period
3 4 5 in the Altai. For example, similar bronze hooks,
1 2 only with a closed loop, have been found at the
6 burial grounds of Saldam (mound 5), Tytkesken VI
(mound 6, 48/2), and Kaindu (mound 5) (Ibid.:
Fig. 28, 4, 9, 10; 29, 19). A quiver hook with similar
morphological features (a ring not completely bent
on top), although two times longer than the hook
under consideration, was found in burial 4 at the
Obskiye Plesy II cemetery. That site belongs to the
9 Staroaleyskoye culture of the Upper Ob region,
7
and was dated to the 5th to early 4th centuries BC
(Vedyanin, Kungurov, 1996: 104, 114, fig. 16, 2).
Another category of inventory includes two
10
bone, tanged, trihedral arrowheads with spikes
(barbs) and triangular cutouts at the bases (see
11
8 Fig. 5. Elements of horse harness.
1–6 – doublers; 7, 8 – browband and noseband plaques; 9 – halter
0 5 cm 12 unit; 10–12 – terrets.
Fig. 4, 6, 7). Their lengths are 4.2 and 4.6 cm. In the tradition of placing the heads of animals in a human
Altai region, bone trihedral arrowheads with spikes burial has been known from sites in Tuva, Mongolia,
have been known since the Late Bronze Age, although and Kazakhstan synchronous to the Pazyryk culture,
the main period of their existence was the 7th– which has allowed scholars to distinguish the so-
3rd centuries BC. They widely appear in the Pazyryk called Korgantass type of burials (Poltoratskaya,
burial mounds (Kiryushin, Stepanova, 2004: 64). 1966: 83; Kushakova, Chugunov, 2010; Aseev, 1975:
Tanged, trihedral arrowheads have also been found 183–184; Beisenov, 1995: 225; Tairov, 2006; Kubarev,
in the Bystryanka, Staroaleyskoye, and Kamenka Shulga, 2007: 17–18; and others). This custom was
cultures of the Upper Ob region (Zavitukhina, also widespread in northern China in the Scythian
1966: 63, Fig. 2, 24, 25; Vedyanin, Kungurov, 1996: period. In particular, it occurs in the burials of the 5th–
Fig. 17, 18; Kiryushin, Kungurov, 1996; Ivanov, 1987: 3rd centuries BC at the cemeteries of Maoqinggou,
13; Mogilnikov, 1997: 55–57, fig. 46, 23; and others), Taohongbala, Gangsuhao, and Xigoupan (Polosmak,
the Tagar culture of the Minusinsk Basin (Kulemzin, 1990; Minyaev, 1991: 124; and others). In addition,
1976: Fig. 10, 2, 9), as well as the Aldy-Bel and Sagly the results of the studies carried out in recent decades
(Uyuk) cultures of Tuva (Grach, 1980: Fig. 32, 14–16). indicate that this tradition existed in northern China
They show fairly broad parallels outside the Altai-Sayan starting in the Early Scythian period (Shulga, 2015a:
(Stepnaya polosa…, 1992: Pl. 119, 33; 122, 68). Gradual 34–35; fig. 36, A). Subsequently, it became widespread
decrease in length has been observed in tanged, trihedral among the Xiongnu of the Trans-Baikal region
arrowheads with spikes found in the Altai Mountains (Konovalov, 1976: 161–162).
over the Scythian period. For example, the typical The problem of the appearance of burials with
length was 7–8 cm in the 7th–5th centuries BC, and 4.5– this distinctive feature of the burial rite in the
5.5 cm in the 4th–3rd centuries BC (Kiryushin, Altai Mountains has been repeatedly addressed by
Stepanova, 2004: 64–65; Shulga, 2002: 56; and others). scholars. For example, V.A. Mogilnikov noted that
Despite the fact that the burial was plundered, the tradition of placing the heads of animals in the
the burial rite revealed during the excavation of compartment for ritual food, appearing in the Late
mound 34 at Khankarinsky Dol is of interest. The Pazyryk mound 2 at the Elangash cemetery, was
deceased was oriented with his head towards the east, associated with the influence of the Xiongnu (1988:
which is typical for the sites of the Pazyryk culture. 73–74). A.S. Surazakov also associated that burial
However, he was probably buried in an extended with the influence of some other culture (1989: 123).
supine position, which is atypical for the Pazyryk N.V. Polosmak came to the conclusion that mound 2
culture; although Pazyryk burials where the deceased at Elangash was similar to the sites of the Scythian
were placed in such a manner are known from the period in northern China, and to the burials of the
middle reaches of the Katun River (Kiryushin, Xiongnu in the Trans-Baikal region. She associated
Stepanova, 2004: 127–128; Tishkin, Dashkovskiy, the appearance of burials with animal skulls in the
2003: 165) and in the northwestern Altai, including the Altai with migrations of the carriers of the Tasmola
neighboring burial ground of Chineta II (Dashkovskiy, culture from Kazakhstan (Polosmak, 1990: 104–106,
2017). Although burial structures in the form of a stone fig. 3, 5, 6). A little later, Polosmak clarified that
cist were not predominant in the Pazyryk culture, they this was associated with infiltration of the Ordos
occurred relatively often, especially in the central Altai population, which was close to the Pazyryk people “in
(Surazakov, 1989: 124–130; Tishkin, Dashkovskiy, their way of life and culture” (1994a: 143).
2003: 159–168). Notably, mound 34 was located in The idea about the penetration of population groups
the northern part of the Khankarinsky Dol cemetery, from northern China into the Altai in the Late Pazyryk
at some distance from the chain of mounds of the period was further elaborated after the study of five
Pazyryk culture. burials of the late 4th–early 3rd centuries BC at the
A rather interesting feature of the funeral rite is Kyzyl-Tash cemetery, where the skulls of horses and
the presence of horse and sheep skulls behind the small ruminants were found (Soenov, Ebel, 1998: 92).
eastern wall of the stone cist. This feature has been In addition, discussing the Korgantass-type sites in
observed at several cemeteries in the central and the Altai Mountains, A.D. Tairov made a conclusion
southeastern Altai, including Elangash, mound 2 about two waves of migration from northern and
(Kubarev, Grebenshchikov, 1979: 70), Ker-Kechu, northwestern China: in the second half of the 5th–
mound 9 (Mogilnikov, 1988: 68), and Kyzyl-Tash, 4th centuries BC, which was reflected in the burials
mounds 20–22a, and 25 (Soenov, Ebel, 1998). The of the Sibirka I and Ker-Kechu cemeteries, and in the
3rd century BC, which led to the appearance of burials average probability value of 527 BC, were established
with animal skulls at the Altai cemeteries of Elangash using the CALIB REV 8.2 software by G.V. Simonova.
and Ak-Alakha I, as well as Korgantass-type sites in These results indicate a rather early date within the
central Kazakhstan (2006: 188, 193–194). According chronology of the sites of the Scythian period in the
to G.Y. Peresvetov, the emergence of these burials Altai Mountains, and supplement the available evidence
was associated with migration of some population of radiocarbon dating of mounds at Khankarinsky
groups in the 4th century BC not from northern China, Dol and Chineta II in the Chineta archaeological
but from Mongolia and the Trans-Baikal region area (Dashkovskiy, 2018, 2020; and others). Taking
(2006: 205–206). into account all the results of comprehensive dating,
P.I. Shulga drew attention to the fact that burials Khankarinsky Dol mound 34 can be attributed to the
with such a feature of the burial rite were typical second half of the 5th to 4th (probably, the early 4th)
of the eastern historical and cultural community of century BC.
the Mongoloids, whose representatives moved from
the China or Trans-Baikal region in small groups to
the west. The earliest burials of the Korgantass type Reconstruction of the horse harness
(second half of the 6th century BC) have been found
in Tuva. In the 5th–4th centuries BC, similar burials The set of horse harness found in mound 34 at
appeared in the Altai Mountains and Kazakhstan Khankarinsky Dol includes the link of an iron, ringed
(Kubarev, Shulga, 2007: 17–18; Shulga, 2015a: 14). bit (see Fig. 4, 1), two bone plaques from the noseband
The results of studying mound 34 at Khankarinsky and browband (see Fig. 5, 7, 8), three terrets made of
Dol, where a human burial in a stone cist with the skulls horn (see Fig. 5, 10–12), a halter unit (see Fig. 5, 9),
of horse and sheep was discovered, additionally testifies a bone pendant in the form of a bird (see Fig. 4, 5),
to possible penetration of a specific group of population two cheekpieces of horn (see Fig. 4, 2, 3), and eight
from northern China or the Trans-Baikal region to the doublers in the form of a figure-eight made of bone (see
Altai during the Pazyryk period. It is also important Fig. 5, 1–6). These items make it possible to reconstruct
to keep in mind that interaction of the nomads of the the bridle (Fig. 6).
Altai Mountains and the population of China at that The iron bit was obviously a two-piece implement
time was relatively stable. Among other things, this is with one-ringed links. In the item under consideration,
manifested by Chinese imported objects found first in the end of the link corresponds rather to a loop than
“royal” burial mounds of nomads in central Altai, and a ring (see Fig. 4, 1). The length of the surviving
in recent years by the study of the sites of the Pazyryk fragment is 10.1 cm; the diameter of the loop is
culture in the northwestern Altai, including mounds 21 4 cm. Bits of this type have been found in fairly large
and 31 at Chineta II (Dashkovskiy, Novikova, 2017) quantities both at the Khankarinsky Dol and Chineta II
and mound 30 at Khankarinsky Dol. These finds come cemeteries and at other Altai sites of the Pazyryk
from burial mounds dated to the second half of the 4th– period (Dashkovskiy, 2016, 2017; Kubarev, 1991:
3rd centuries BC. There is information about discovering 42–44; Kubarev, Shulga, 2007: 270, fig. 4,
a lacquer item in the Kolgantasa-type burial in 11–18; Shulga, 2015b: 93–97; Kiryushin, Stepanova,
mound 1 at the Sibirka cemetery (Polosmak, 1990: 2004: 94; and others). In the Altai Mountains, they
Fig. 3, 11), which additionally indicates cultural and appeared in the 6th century BC and continued to
historical interaction with China in the Scythian period. be used throughout the entire period of the Pazyryk
culture. Scholars have observed that bits with sub-
quadrangular cross-section of the rod and loop-shaped
Radiocarbon dating end of the link dominated at a later stage, while the
earlier bits had a round rod and ring-shaped outer end
A 14C-date of 2413 ± 170 BP was obtained from the (Surazakov, 1989: 25; Kubarev, 1992: 32). However,
human bone found in mound 34 at Khankarinsky Dol, bits with these features can be found in the burials
at the Analytical Center for Isotope Research at the of both early and late stages of the Pazyryk culture
Institute of Monitoring of Climatic and Ecological (Shulga, 2015b: 96).
Systems of the Siberian Branch of the Russian Academy Three out of four terrets made of horn were of
of Sciences (Tomsk). The intervals of the calibrated the same type (see Fig. 5, 10–12); the fourth was a
calendar age of 797–372 BC according to 1δ (68 %) 1.6 cm high cylinder with annular end 2.5 cm in
and 898–55 BC according to 2δ (95 %), with an diameter with a hole on one side. No direct parallels
7 7
7 7
3
9
4
7 7
6 5
7 7 3 4
1 2
2 5
3 7 6
7 5
4 7
6 9
5
1
8
1 8
2 0 3 cm 9
Fig. 6. Reconstruction of the bridle and location of its elements in the burial.
to the latter item are known so far. Three flattened from mound 9 at the Ker-Kechu cemetery (Mogilnikov,
cylindrical terrets with hemispherical shields had the 1988) are also noteworthy. Such terrets are considered
height of 2 cm and diameter of 2.0–2.2 cm. Their to be a separate type; their distinctive feature is equal
parallel is a find from mound 5 at the Taldur I cemetery height and diameter of the cylinder (2.5 × 2.5 cm)
(Mogilnikov, Elin, 1982). Terrets of this type are more (Shulga, 2015b: 102, fig. 19, 8). This parallel is of
typical of the early stage of the Pazyryk culture (second particular importance, since such items come from a
half of the 6th–5th centuries BC) (Shulga, 2015b: 111, burial where animal skulls were also found near the
fig. 15, 3). Earlier, so-called low cylindrical horn terrets eastern wall of the grave. Moreover, mound 9 at Ker-
with overlapping holes were found at Khankarinsky Kechu also belongs to sites dated to a time no later than
Dol in mound 25, which was located next to mound 34. the Bashadar period (about the second half of the 5th
Taking into account various data, including the set of century BC) (Kubarev, Shulga, 2007: 17).
the horse harness, mound 25 was dated to the second The two browband and noseband plaques of horn
half (possibly end) of the 6th to early 5th century BC have the same elongated shape and measure 7.2 and
(Dashkovskiy, 2020: 99). Two horn cylindrical terrets 7.4 cm in length, respectively (see Fig. 5, 7, 8). One
end of them is pointed, 2.4 cm wide, and the other is It is possible that in some cases they could have also
rounded, 3.8 cm wide. The plaques were fastened one been used in the late 4th century BC (Shulga, 2015b:
under the other on the browband and noseband in their 97–98, fig. 10; 20, 2). The bridle set usually had two
middle parts. Wood and bone head plaques are well doublers. In our case, eight such items were found.
known from the evidence of elite burial mounds of the Double leather head straps were passed through them.
Pazyryk culture at the cemeteries of Pazyryk, Bashadar, Another element of the horse harness is a bone
Tuekta, etc. (Rudenko, 1953: 154–156; 1960: 125; pendant in the form of a stylized bird, possibly a swan.
Shulga, 2015b: 54, fig. 27, 1; 33, 1; and others). Two The use of hanging plates of various types, including
bone browband and noseband plaques were found in those representing animals and birds, has been
the Early Pazyryk mound 25 at Khankarinsky Dol observed in a whole series of mounds of the Pazyryk
(Dashkovskiy, 2020: 94, fig. 7, 2, 3). A head-plate period: Pazyryk, mound 1; Bashadar-2, mound 2;
made of gold foil attached to a wooden or leather base Kuturguntas mound; Ak-Alakha I, mounds 1 and 3;
was found in mound 31 at Chineta II. These elements Berel, mound 11, etc. (Ibid.: 112–113; Rudenko, 1960:
of the horse bridle were fastened with two thin straps. Pl. XXXV; Polosmak, 1994b: 87, fig. 108; Samashev,
The same principle of fastening in most cases occurs 2011: 145; and others). In addition to zoomorphic
in the complexes of horse harness from the elite burial pendants, a pendant in the form of a cruciform symbol
mounds of various stages of the Pazyryk culture is known from mound 1 at the Pazyryk cemetery
(Shulga, 2015b: 54, 64, fig. 33, 1). (Gryaznov, 1950: 56, fig. 21).
Two cheekpieces with two holes each were
made of deer antler prongs (see Fig. 4, 2, 3). Both
are rounded in cross-section and have elongated Conclusions
holes. One cheekpiece is of a satisfactory degree of
preservation, 19.5 cm long, with spherical pommels Analysis of the burial rite has revealed that mound 34
at the ends; the other is a 9.5 cm fragment with a at the Khankarinsky Dol cemetery can be attributed to
pointed end. An item somewhat similar to the first the so-called Korgantass type of sites. Human burials
cheekpiece was found in a burial in a stone cist at where animal skulls were found in the eastern part
the Chemal-Karier I site. The cultural identity of of the graves, appeared in the Altai Mountains in the
that site is not entirely clear, but it was dated quite 5th–4th centuries BC as a result of the penetration of
accurately to the Early Pazyryk period (the second some group of population from the eastern area of
half–late 6th to mid-5th century BC) (Ibid.: 29, 44, the nomadic world, probably from northern China
fig. 17, 1). That burial also contained two low or the Trans-Baikal region. Taking into account
cylindrical bone terrets, two doublers in the form specific features of the burial rite and goods, primarily
of a figure-eight, and an arrowhead (Borodovsky, the elements of horse harness, as well as results
2006: 6), that is, the same types of things as in of radiocarbon analysis of human bone samples,
Khankarinsky Dol mound 34. Spherical pommels mound 34 at Khankarinsky Dol can be tentatively
appear on bronze and wooden cheekpieces from burial dated to the second half of the 5th–4th (possibly, the
mounds dated to the Early Pazyryk period, for example, early 4th) century BC. The interaction of the nomads
mound 5 at the Aragol cemetery (Marsadolov, 1997: from the Altai Mountains and population of China was
40, fig. 15; 1998: Fig. 1, 40), mound 82 at the Borotal I relatively stable in the Scythian period. Among other
cemetery (Kubarev, Shulga, 2007: 34, fig. 36, 4, 5), things, this is confirmed by the results of the study of
and others. In addition, two cheekpieces, round in mound 34 at Khankarinsky Dol and the presence of
cross-section and made of deer antlers, were found Chinese imported items in the burial mounds of the
in mound 1 at Sibirka I, which was re-dated to an Pazyryk culture in central and northwestern Altai.
earlier period of not later than the mid 6th century BC Further research at the Khankarinsky Dol site will
(Ibid.: 17). One end of them is pointed as in the expand our understanding of cultural and historical
second cheekpiece from Khankarinsky Dol mound 34. processes in Central Asia in the Scythian period.
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doi:10.17746/1563-0110.2021.49.3.041-050
A. Nachmias1, G. Bar-Oz1, D. Nadel1, L. Petrosyan2,

and B. Gasparyan2
1
Zinman Institute of Archaeology, University of Haifa,
199 Aba-Hushi Avenue, Haifa, 3498838, Israel
E-mail: amnon22@gmail.com; guybar@research.haifa.ac.il; dnadel@research.haifa.ac.il
2
National Academy of Sciences of the Republic of Armenia,
Charentsa 15, Yerevan, 0025, Republic of Armenia
E-mail: galstyan-1966@mail.ru; borisg@virtualarmenia.am
A Monumental Horse Burial in the Armenian Highlands
Here we report on the unprecedented discovery of the complete skeleton of a ritually interred adult stallion with
a bronze ring in its mouth. The horse was buried in a unique 15-meters diameter monumental stone-built tomb
excavated in the Aghavnatun necropolis located on the southern slopes of Mt. Aragats, in the northern fringes of
the Ararat Depression, Republic of Armenia. The tumulus was roughly circular; the horse’s remains were found in
situ, in an inner oval-shaped structure. Our methodological procedure included a detailed description of the burial,
a taphonomic study of the bones, and meticulous morphometric observations and measurements, and thus we could
provide a taxonomic definition and an age estimate. Direct radiometric dating of the horse’s skeleton provided a
date of 2130±20 BP. The morphological characteristics of the horse, with its tall stature and slender feet, suggest
that it was a large individual, similar to the extinct breed of Nisean horse previously known mainly from textual and
iconographical sources. The metal ring found in the mouth of the horse suggests that it likely served as a breeding
stallion. This discovery presents a unique combination of zooarchaeological evidence for the importance of the
horse in the Parthian-Hellenistic worlds, and advances our understanding of the broad social significance of the
past breeding of equids in the Armenian Highlands.
Keywords: Armenia, horse burial, Classical archaeology, Nisean horse, Ararat Depression.
Introduction (“Armenia is an exceptionally good horse-pasturing

country”; Strabo, VI. 13. 7). He further emphasized that
The Armenian Highlands were well-known in the Armenian horse-breeding relied on raising the well-
Achaemenid and Hellenistic worlds as the breeding land known and nowadays extinct breed of the Nisean horse.
for large numbers of high-quality horses, which were This horse was greatly valued for military purposes by
in continuous demand for cavalry forces. The natural the Parthian kings, “because they were the best and the
conditions of the country were very suitable for livestock- largest” (Ibid., 14. 9). For example, the king of Great
raising, and herding was one of the main economical Armenia (Armenia Mayor) Tigranes I of the Artashesid
components. Strabo (a 1st century BC Greek historian Dynasty (123–95 BC) is said to have had, in addition to
and geographer) explicitly stated that horses were among his cavalry, six thousand horses in full armor as a reserve
the main herding domesticates in the Armenian Highlands for his cavalry power (Ibid.).
© 2021 A. Nachmias, G. Bar-Oz, D. Nadel, L. Petrosyan, B. Gasparyan
41
42 A. Nachmias et al. / Archaeology, Ethnology and Anthropology of Eurasia 49/3 (2021) 41–50
The Nisean horse was one of the most valuable breeds planned and controlled investment of at least 150 work
of horses in the ancient world. Its first occurrence is in days, likely reflecting a central organization for such
the early 6th century BC, when it becomes the imperial endeavors (Ibid.).
horse of Persia. Historical accounts indicate that it was In recent years, there has been growing archaeological
a large breed, higher than any other horse of its time, evidence to support the notion of the sharply increased
with distinctive characteristics, such as a ram-headed demand for horses during the Armenia-Achaemenid
skull with two bumps on its forehead, a strong neck, and satrapy, and the idea that the region was a major source of
a long mane. Some of these typical features were also horses for the empire. The majestic tombs of elite nobles
documented in depictions and reliefs, showing mainly in the Armenian Highlands, with assorted horse-gear and
its large size. The horse’s color was mainly chestnut. chariots, further support these accounts (Mnatsakanyan,
The rare occurrences of black and white colors were 1960, 1961; Devejyan, 2006; Badalyan, Avetisyan, 2007:
considered to be a representation of the horse-god in the 51–54; Simonyan, Manaseryan, 2013; Badalyan, Smith,
Achaemenid Empire. They were prestige horses also 2017; Castelluccia, 2017). Furthermore, scenes focusing
in Hellenistic times. Following the conquest of Persia, on horses are commonly portrayed on pottery, monarchic
Alexander the Great demanded a tribute of thousands crowns, scepters, and various jewelry items, which
of Nisean horses from the captured cities. Those horses indicates that horses were among the most highly valued
were also seen later by Strabo, who describes them as possessions (Bocchieriyan, 2016: 15, 53, 83).
the most elegant riding horses. Later written descriptions Here we report of a unique ritual horse burial in a
of this breed report on its dispersion by various rulers monumental structure found adjacent to ancient herding
across Eurasia. It is believed that the Nisean horse enclosures in the area of Aghavnatun, western Armenia
became extinct in the Late Hellenistic period; most (Fig. 1). This discovery enables us for the first time to
probably owing to hybridization and crossbreeding with connect between the enclosures and the horse burial,
the Arab horse (Davis, 2007). and provide new evidence regarding horse-breeding in
Despite its certain historic and pictorial descriptions, the Armenian Highlands. The apparent geographical
the Nisean horse has been hardly documented association of the ritual burial with the many nearby
zooarchaeologically. This is due primarily to significant corralling pens further demonstrates the economic
overlap of phenotype between most horse breeds, which importance of the horse and reflects on the ways the
complicates its identification. Of special interest are those landscape was traditionally used.
landrace horse breeds that were selected and bred within
a limited geographic region. Therefore, the most likely
area to find the Nisean horse is the highlands of Armenia, The Aghavnatun equid burial
where it was supposedly bred. (tumulus AGH72)
The lack of direct evidence that the Armenian
Highlands were the breeding grounds for the Nisean The Aghavnatun archaeological complex is situated
horse also stems from the seeming absence of west of the modern village of Aghavnatun, at the fringe
archaeological installations to support the vast scale of the Ararat Depression, in Armavir Region (western
and extensive horse-breeding as described in the Armenia). It covers an area of >100 ha, on the slopes of
historical records. The recent discoveries of numerous Mount Aragats, 900–1300 m above sea level. The local
large curvilinear stone-built enclosures that are landscape is characterized by slopes that are currently
scattered across the Armenian Highlands provide almost entirely barren, covered by basalt outcrops and
important information regarding the traditional boulders, with annual grass. The lower parts of the
husbandry system, which involved livestock-keeping slopes, just above the arable land of the valley below,
through gathering of free-ranging animals from the are abundant with a variety of archaeological sites, of
pasture into corrals where they could be separated, which the most visible and common are several large
bred, and selected (Malkinson et al., 2018). These large graveyards, massive stone-built cultic structures and
Armenian enclosures, also generally termed desert towers, settlements, corrals and enclosure pens, as well
kites, were made to capture and tame in semi-free as rocks with petroglyphs. This rich and varied cultural
conditions the desired animals. Some of the enclosures landscape has been only partially studied, and the dating
have funnel-shaped features that lead to isolated pens or and associating of different archaeological sites are yet to
cells where animals can be separated and manipulated be established (Gasparyan et al., 2013; Barge et al., 2015;
by the herders. These enclosures provide an excellent Nadel et al., 2015). The nearest stone-built enclosures
means for the taming of large herds of the highly- (reported in (Malkinson et al., 2018)) are located less than
valued and constantly demanded Armenian horses as 500 meters away.
suggested by the historical sources. The construction Here we focus on the Aghavnatun burial (tumulus
of each of the large enclosures necessitated a pre- AGH72), which was excavated in 2008 in the necropolis
A. Nachmias et al. / Archaeology, Ethnology and Anthropology of Eurasia 49/3 (2021) 41–50 43
Fig. 1. Map of location of the study area and other sites mentioned
in the text. Light blue circles represent concentrations of desert
kites.
of the same name by archaeologists L. Petrosyan

and F. Muradyan under the direction of
B. Gasparyan, exposing a ritual burial of an
equid (Fig. 2). The tumulus is roughly circular
and symmetrical (14 m in diameter and at least
1 m high). The perimeter and inner walls were
constructed from large undressed basalt stones,
while the fillings were made of stones of various
sizes. The center of the tumulus is divided by
a ca 0.65 m wide corridor, with possibly two
entrances. The northern entrance was sealed,
while the southern part was not preserved. The
equid was found in situ, in an inner oval-shaped
structure, measuring ~1.60 × 2.20 m (Fig. 3).
The animal was placed complete in the center
of a specially constructed chamber. It was found
in articulation, with its forelegs flexed below the
lower part of the skull and its hind limbs flexed 0 10 km
under its chest. The horse was buried with a
metal ring in its mouth (Fig. 4, 5). The ring was
placed in the diastema between the incisors and
the molar teeth of the mandible. Other grave
goods were entirely missing. A handful of non-
indicative pottery sherds and a ventilation pipe,
together with three obsidian implements, were
discovered during the cleaning of the cover or
the shield of the burial (Fig. 6, a). The obsidian
artifacts are most probably a random addition
entering the grave with the sediment used for the
construction and cover.
Direct radiometric dating of the horse’s
skeleton (first phalanx, Lab. No. IAA171298,
Institution of Accelerator Analysis, Japan)
provided a date of 2130 ± 20 BP, calibrated to 0 5 km
349–96 BC (± 2σ). Thus, the obtained date falls
with 95 % confidence within the range of the
4th–1st centuries BC.
Adjacent to the equid burial, another small tumulus Research methods
was also excavated (AGH73), which was possibly a
ritual addition to the above burial. The structure was The bones of the excavated equid were fragile and badly
composed of a pile of undressed stones, with no inner preserved. Most of the long bones, the pelvis, vertebrae,
walls or chambers, and poor in material remains. The most and the skull were heavily crumbled and broken in situ.
important among the finds was a fragment of a ceramic The maxillary teeth were collected as isolated specimens,
bowl with a painted ornament, which may tentatively be while most of the mandible was retrieved intact.
used to date the structure to the 4th century BC (Fig. 6, b). Following excavation, the bones were kept at the
Thus, the dates of both tumuli fall within the same time Institute of Zoology, National Academy of Sciences of the
period, when the Armenian Highlands were ruled by the Republic of Armenia, in Yerevan. Our inspection of the
Orontid (Yervandid) dynasties, which were independent bones was carried out in 2017. Each of the equid bones
kingdoms and allies of the Achaemenid Empire. was examined under a magnifying lens (×5) for bone
surface modifications (butchery, burning,

carnivore puncture, scoring, and digestion)
and pathological bone alteration.
Identification of the excavated skeleton
of the equid was based on the enamel
patterns of cheek teeth, and size and
proportions of limb bones (Johnstone,
2004). Bone measurements followed the
method developed by von den Driesch
(1976). The age of the specimen was
determined according to tooth wear
(Levine, 1982).
Results
The retrieved bone assemblage of the

equid from tumulus AGH72 is heavily
1 fragmented. Complete long bones are
entirely absent, and the remains belong
to a single equid individual (NISP = 80,
MNI = 1). The assemblage includes
isolated teeth, bone epiphyses, limb-bone
shaft fragments of varying lengths, and
most of the carpal, tarsal, and phalanx
bones, which were retrieved complete. In
addition, most of the axial skeleton was
encountered.
A detailed examination of bone surface
modification of each of the retrieved
bones revealed no evidence of butchering.
Similarly, we found no evidence of
burning nor any type of percussion marks,
including pits, micro-striations and
conchoidal notches that could indicate
any sort of bone processing, butchery, or
consumption of the carcass prior to its
deposition. In addition, tooth marks of
carnivores are entirely absent, indicating
that the carcass was protected from post-
2 depositional and post-burial destruction.
The Aghavnatun horse bones from
tumulus AGH72 lack any evidence for
pathological modification. Absence of
pathology in the lower legs suggests that
the equid was not exploited as a draft
animal. The low preservation of the
axial skeleton does not allow a similar
inspection, and we could not search for
skeletal abnormality that could have been
0 4m caused by intense riding. In addition, the
absence of excessive wear on the lower
3
and upper premolar and molar teeth
Fig. 2. Tumulus AGH72. suggests that the horse was not ridden
1 – field photo, 2 – plan, 3 – side view. with a bit. This tentatively supports the
1 3 0 2m
Fig. 3. The horse interment inside the oval installation.

1 – field photo, 2 – plan, 3 – side view.
Fig. 4. The horse’s skeleton in situ with the ring in its mouth.
Fig. 5. The ring found in the horse’s mouth. 0 5 cm

4 0 5 cm
3
а
0 5 cm
4 5
b
Fig. 6. Finds from tumulus AGH72 (a) and AGH73 (b).
a: 1–3 – pottery sherds; 4 – ventilation pipe.
b: 1–3 – pottery sherds; 4 – metal needle; 5 – obsidian artifacts.
hypothesis that it was not exploited for riding during its The identification of the specimen as Equus caballus
lifetime (Bendrey, 2007). is also supported by measurements of the metacarpal
The taxonomy of the equid is based on several (Ibid.: Fig. 4.14). The ratio of the metacarpal’s greatest
morphological and metrical criteria of bone and teeth. The length average (GL = 238.5 mm) to its shaft diameter
morphological characteristics of the first phalanges, with (SD = 38.92 mm) indicates that it falls within the higher
their low slenderness, and position of palmar muscle scars range of measured horses.
(Johnstone, 2004: Fig. 4.13) identify the specimen as a The identification of the Aghavnatun equid as a horse
horse (Equus caballus). The average measurements of the is further suggested by applying the log-ratio technique
greatest length of the first phalanges (n = 4; GL = 89.4 mm) to metacarpal measurements following Johnstone
versus the shaft diameter (SD = 35.8 mm) tentatively (Ibid.: Fig. 4.18). This comparison reveals that the
support this observation. The large size of the phalanx horse of Aghavnatun is larger than the Prezwalski horse
falls within the cluster of the horse and is somewhat and that it fits the size of a large and tall horse breed
larger than the mule (Johnstone, 2004: Fig. 4.15). (Bökönyi, 1968).
The morphological identification of the horse as saved and could not be found. Nevertheless, the canine
Equus caballus is also tentatively supported by taxonomic of the mandible can be seen in the excavation photos
markers of the mandible and maxillary molar teeth documenting the exposure of the skeleton (Fig. 4).
(Johnstone, 2004: Fig. 4.2, Tab. 4.1). Given these results Therefore, we can safely determine that this specimen
it seems plausible to conclude that the combination of the was a male stallion.
enamel patterns of the mandible and maxillary molar teeth The metal ring that was found in the horse’s mouth is
and the size and proportions of the limb-bones suggest slightly oval (Fig. 5) and has an outer diameter of 11.5 cm
that the equid of Aghavnatun can be safely distinguished and an inner diameter of 9.9 cm. The ring is approximately
as a domestic horse (Equus caballus) rather than a donkey 8.0 mm thick. The insertion point of the ring is uneven and
or a mule. Furthermore, measurements of the long bones has a depression in its center, which seems to have been
and the morphology of the first phalanges indicate that it created when the ring’s ends were connected. Parts of the
had long and slender legs. ring seem to be eroded, probably as a result of friction.
In order to calculate the shoulder height of the According to the excavator’s report, a piece of rope was
specimen we used the equations based on the length of the found tied to the ring. Unfortunately, this piece did not
long bones. Using the different measurements of complete survive for further inspection. The XRF results indicate
long bones, we employed the methods of Boessneck and that the ring is composed of lead and tin bronze alloy.
von den Driesch (1974) and Johnstone (2004). The range
of the horse’s height at the withers is estimated between
149.7 to 159.7 cm, and its average height at the withers Discussion
is 153 cm (see Table). These results indicate that the
Aghavnatun horse was a high specimen, especially as From the end of the 3rd until the 1st millennium BC
compared to other horse breeds known at that time, as horses played a significant role in the cultural history
usually their height at the withers did not exceed 130 cm of the Armenian Highlands (Mnatsakanyan, 1960,
(Bökönyi, 1968). 1961; Devejyan, 2006; Badalyan, Avetisyan, 2007:
Measurements of the first phalanges suggest that 51–54; Simonyan, Manaseryan, 2013; Badalyan,
it had slender limbs (calculated slenderness index Smith, 2017). The resilient human-horse relationship
is 16.3). Slenderness index is calculated as follows: reached its peak in the Van (Urartian) kingdom, whence
SD × 100/GL, and in AGH72 metacarpal is 38.52 × a wealth of items and archaeological fi nds of horse
× 100/239 = 16.3. This observation, together with related artifacts, including harnessing equipment both
its tall withers height, tentatively suggest that the for chariot bridling and horseback riding, numerous
Aghavnatun horse had morphological traits similar to majestic jewelries with depiction of horses, figurines,
those of a Hellenistic horse that was excavated in a metal helmets and shields, gold belts, bowls, and
Greek sanctuary (the Chora Horse), and identified by plaques have been discovered (Donaghy, 2014;
Bökönyi (2010) as a Nisean horse. Samashev, Zhumatayev, 2015; Tumanyan, 2017).
The age of the Aghavnatun horse was estimated by the Many of these finds were found in royal burials.
crown height of the right and left mandible first molars, Horses were occasionally buried in these graves,
as illustrated in Levine (1982: Fig. 2). The obtained usually accompanying high-ranking individuals
crown-height of the measured teeth plotted against teeth (Khudaverdyan, Khachatryan, Eganyan, 2016). Horse
of known age gave an estimated age of 17 years for the bones are common in the zooarchaeological records
first right molar (42.1 mm) and 19 years for the first left of these sites (for NISPs of horses, see (Mizoryan,
molar (34.7 mm). Thus, the buried horse was an adult Manaserian, 2008)). Bridles and bits are commonly
individual in its prime. associated with the buried horses (Castelluccia, 2017;
Unfortunately, owing to post-excavation deterioration Jakubiak et al., 2018).
of the skull, which led to the severe disintegration and The importance of the Armenian Highlands for large-
crumbling of most bones, the canine teeth were not scale horse-breeding as evidenced in the archaeological
Horse height at the withers, estimated using the method by Johnstone (2004: Tab. 3.3.)
Bone Measurement, cm Multiple factor Height at the withers, cm
Humerus, right 32.8 4.9 159.7
Radius ″ 34.5 4.3 149.7
Metacarpus ″ 23.9 6.4 153.1
Metacarpus, left 23.8 6.4 152.6
record is well supported in the broad historical context. horses in the Asian steppe was by chasing on foot (Rolle,
The importance of horses in the Achaemenid Empire 1989: 106). Such management fits the nearby enclosures
can be well demonstrated by the god status given by the that facilitated gathering of horses into the large corral-
imperial kings to the Nisean horse (Charles, 2015: 18). heads of the kites without stressing them, simply by
In the proceeding Parthian Empire, which was at the time maneuvering them along the corral guiding walls
one of the superpowers, there was much emphasis on a (Malkinson et al., 2018).
well-trained cavalry force (Adalian, 2010: 28). Looking The Aghavnatun tumulus was built to fit a prestigious
at the scripts of ancient historians, the Armenian region and respected horse. The morphological characteristics
is described as the land of excellent horse-breeding, and of the skeleton suggest that it was a large male stallion
of vast meadows dedicated to horse-breeding (Strabo. in its prime. No notable injury or any bone trauma
IV. 9. 14; Polybius. IV. 12. 17–21; Diodorus. VIII. 17. were noted. Furthermore, the skeleton was found in
32–35; Plutarch. VII. 20). The Armenian Highlands are articulation and it lacked any evidence of cut-marks
described as one of the biggest sources for horses for the on its bones, suggesting that it was not butchered after
Achaemenid Empire and later also for the Hellenistic its death. Its height at the withers indicates that it was
and Roman armies. As an Achaemenid satrapy, Armenia a high and robust horse with somewhat slender legs.
was very well known in the Parthian-Hellenistic worlds These characteristics are also found in the Nisean horse.
encompassing wide meadows dedicated for horse- A horse with similar size and morphological traits was
breeding; the Armenians were considered as the best reported from the Greek sanctuary Chora Pantanello in
horsemen of the era and the Armenian satrapy offered southern Italy, and was recognized by Bökönyi (2010)
every year a tribute of 20,000 young male horses to the as the Nisean horse.
Achaemenid Empire (Xenophon, IV.V. 34; Strabo. V. Noteworthy is the bronze ring that was found in the
11.14). The quality of the Armenian horses was of the horse’s mouth. Use of a ring as a horse-bit is a well-
highest. As mentioned above, these historical descriptions known practice, first depicted in the standard of Ur,
are well supported by the large assemblages of horse- dated to approximately 2450 BC (Clutton-Brock, 1992).
related artifacts found in archaeological excavations in However, unlike the Aghavnatun horse burial, in the
the highlands of Armenia. standard of Ur the rings are located on the upper lip, or
The horse burial from the Aghavnatun tumulus on the nasal septum, in the method still commonly used
AGH72 joins the rich archaeological, historical, and today to control bulls. Such rings are only effective to
iconographic representations and further demonstrates control the animals when they are used from the front
the centrality of the horse and its pivotal economic role of the animal. The Aghavnatun horse, on the other hand,
in the Armenian Highlands. Thus far, this horse is the was found with a bronze ring on its lower jaw. The use
only known example in the Caucasus of a ritual burial of a lower-jaw ring long after the widely common use of
dedicated only to a horse (for a close example of donkey mouth-bits in the Armenian region (Castelluccia, 2017;
burial from the southern Levant, see (Bar-Oz et al., Medvedskaya, 2017) suggests that this particular horse
2013)). The location of the tumulus at a short walking was not ridden but rather led from the front with a rope
distance (~500 m) from several large enclosures and tied to the ring, which is a common method when leading
traps and close to the capital of the Hellenistic period a stallion to the mare for copulation. Still today, a metal
Armenian kingdom, Armavir, lead us to suggest that ring on the lower jaw is a preferred bit for stallions while
there is a cultural affinity between the nearby enclosures studding rather than any other bit in many breeding farms
and the horse burial (see Fig. 1). The presence of Bronze (Darling, Giffin, 2014).
Age and Iron Age burials with horses and horse-related An interesting mouth ring analogous to that of the
artifacts on the fringes of Mount Aragats (e.g., Aparan II, Aghavnatun horse was found in the Nabataean site of
Artik, Gegharot, Nerkin, Naver, Talin, Shirakavan), all Umm el-Jimal, Jordan (1st–3rd centuries AD). There
of which are spread along the same ecological niche as too, a metal ring of similar dimensions was found in
tumulus AGH72, strikingly manifest the long tradition of the mouth of a buried stallion. The size of the Jordanian
horse-breeding in the region (Khachatryan, 1975: 258; stallion is nearly the same as that of the Aghavnatun horse
1979; Badalyan, Avetisyan, 2007: 51–54; Simonyan, (Deckinga, 2013).
Manaseryan, 2013; Badalyan, Smith, 2017). Looking carefully at the function of the Armenian
Strabo describes the Armenian Highlands as the land enclosures reveals that unlike the hunting installations that
of horses owned by the king; 50,000 Nisean mares were are built downhill, to allow driven animals to gain speed
kept here for breeding. These horses were apparently until they reach the killing traps and fall into them (Bar-
kept in the open meadows, under the king’s watch (cf.: Oz et al., 2011), the Aghavnatun enclosures are built in an
(Johnstone, 2004: 53)). The young horses were kept opposite, uphill direction (Malkinson et al., 2018: Fig. 1).
in the open until they reached the age of three years Clearly, these are not killing traps and it seems that they
(Donaghy, 2014: 151). A common method of corralling were operated to catch and corral a herd, and then separate
selected individuals within the large enclosure. The fact Badalyan R.S., Smith A.T. 2017
that these were built in an uphill setting further supports The kurgans of Gegharot: A preliminary report on the
our reconstruction that the herders meant to cause no results of the 2013-14 excavations of project ArAGATS.
injuries to the culled animals. In Bridging Times and Spaces, Papers in Ancient Near
Eastern, Mediterranean and Armenian Studies, P.S. Avetisyan,
It is tempting to suggest that this type of enclosure
Y.H. Grekyan (eds.). Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press, pp. 11–28.
in Armenia, in particular those that are located in the Barge O., Brochier J.E., Régagnon E.,
historically acknowledged breeding-grounds of the Chambrade M.-L., Crassard R. 2015
Armenian horse, were very common in the locations Unity and diversity of the kite phenomenon: A comparative
where the breeding of the famous Nisean horses was study between Jordan, Armenia and Kazakhstan. Arabian
taking place. The economic importance of Armenian Archaeology and Epigraphy, vol. 26: 144–161.
horse-breeding, and the high value of the Nisean horses, Bar-Oz G., Nadel D., Avner U., Malkinson D. 2011
could have been the incentive to build large installations Mass hunting game traps in the southern Levant: The Negev
serving the industry of high-quality horse-breeding. and Arava “desert kites”. Near Eastern Archaeology, vol. 74:
208–215.
To conclude, the unique burial dedicated solely to one
Bar-Oz G., Nahshoni P., Motro H., Oren E.D. 2013
adult horse within a monumental structure, as well as the Symbolic metal bit and saddlebag fastenings in a Middle
morphological characteristics of the horse and the bronze Bronze Age donkey burial. PLoS One, vol. 8: e58648.
ring in its mouth, are outstanding within the cultural Bendrey R. 2007
landscape of the Armenian Highlands. This is also the New methods for the identification of evidence for
area where hundreds of large stone-built enclosures are biting on horse remains from archaeological sites. Journal of
found, many constructed uphill and with sophisticated Archaeological Science, vol. 34: 1036–1050.
annexed cells and installations (Ibid.; Nadel et al., 2015). Bocchieriyan S. 2016
The finds seem to support the historical texts that this is The Achaemenid Satrapy of Armenia. Undergraduate
Honors: PhD Thes. Univ. of Colorado at Boulder.
the region where the Nisean horse was bred. We hope that
Boessneck J., Driesch A., von den. 1974
this interpretation will be further reinforced in additional The excavations at Korucutepe, Turkey, 1968–1970:
studies and that future research will also address specific Preliminary report. Journal of Near Eastern Studies, vol. 33:
genetic traits that will allow the rejuvenation of the 109–112.‫‏‬
ancient and now lost breed of the Nisean horse. Bökönyi S. 1968
Data on Iron Age Horses of Central and Eastern Europe.
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Acknowledgments Collection; pt. I).
Bökönyi S. 2010
We would like to thank Pavel Avetisyan—the Director of the Archaeozoology at Pantanello and five other sites. In The
Institute of Archaeology and Ethnography of the National Chora of Metaponto 2, L. Bartosiewicz, E. Gal (eds.). Austin,
Academy of Sciences of the Republic of Armenia—for long- TX: Univ. of Texas Press, pp. 1–34.
standing assistance and support of the project. The funds for Castelluccia M. 2017
the 2008 excavations in Aghavnatun were provided by the Transcaucasian Iron Age metal horse bits. In Iran and the
Gfoeller Renaissance Foundation (USA). We are also grateful Caucasus, vol. 21: 1–12.
to Nina Manaseryan for allowing us to examine the horse bones, Charles M.B. 2015
and to architect Koryun Ghafadaryan for the drawing of the Achaemenid elite cavalry: From Xerxes to Darius III. The
Aghavnatun tomb; to Dmitri Arakelyan, Narine Mkhitaryan, Classical Quarterly, vol. 65: 14–34.
and Garik Prevyan for artifact illustrations; to Professor Clutton-Brock J. 1992
Makoto Arimura (Tokai University, Japan) for obtaining the Horse Power: A History of the Horse and the Donkey in
14
C date; and to Sariel Shalev for examining the metal ring. We Human Societies. London: Natural History Museum.
acknowledge the memory of our passed away colleague Firdus Darling K., Giffin J.M. 2014
Muradyan, who was an important member of the Aghavnatun Veterinary Guide to Horse Breeding. London: Lulu Press.
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doi:10.17746/1563-0110.2021.49.3.051-059
M.O. Tarasenko1 and Z.V. Khanutina2

1
Krymskyi Institute of Oriental Studies,
National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine,
Hrushevskoho 4, Kyiv, 01001, Ukraine
E-mail: niktarasenko@yahoo.com
2
State Museum of the History of Religion,
Pochtamtskaya 14, St. Petersburg, 190000, Russia
E-mail: zoe_gmir@inbox.ru
Scarab Amulet-Beads from 1st–2nd Century Children’s Burials

at a Necropolis on the Iluraton Plateau, Eastern Crimea
We describe a group of Egyptian faience scarabs unearthed from the necropolis on the Iluraton Plateau, Eastern
Crimea, by the expedition from the State Museum of the History of Religion (St. Petersburg) in 1987–1990. Artifacts
made of so-called Egyptian faience were found in eight of the sixty-two burials—those of girls aged below 1.5, dating
to the 1st to early 2nd centuries AD. The most numerous among the faience items were beads in the form of scarabs.
The analysis shows them to fall into three groups in terms of presence and nature of images on the reverse side:
those without images (3 spec.), those with abstract images (3 spec.), and those with anthropo-zoomorphic images
(2 spec.). In two cases, representations point to specific Egyptian workshops. Scarabs in girls’ burials of the Roman
period elaborate on the thanatological imagery, which originated among the Scythian-Saka tribes of Eurasia in the
mid-1st millennium BC.
Keywords: Necropolis, Iluraton Plateau, children’s burials, Egyptian faience, amulets, scarabs.
Introduction and various pendants-amulets numbering, in total,

13 artifacts* and 20 beads**.
This article describes a group of Egyptian faience Penetration into the Northern Black Sea region of
scarabs discovered during the archaeological study of a the Egyptian (primarily faience) items*** made in
necropolis on the Iluraton Plateau (Eastern Crimea) by
the Expedition of the State Museum of the History of
Religion (GMIR, St. Petersburg) under the leadership *For the catalogue and typological analysis of the finds
of V.A. Khrshanovsky. Sixty two burials from the from the Northern Black Sea region, see (Alekseeva, 1972,
1978). For the study summarizing the evidence from the Crimea,
1st–2nd centuries AD, including 36 children’s burials,
see (Stoyanova, 2006).
were discovered at that necropolis in 1986–1993. In **Some glass items were obviously also Egyptian in origin,
eight of these burials were found items made of so- but their attribution is a topic for a special study.
called Egyptian faience, which are the most important ***For general information on the Egyptian items found
examples of Egyptian imported items for this necropolis in the Northern Black Sea region, see (Touraїeff, 1911;
(finds of 1987–1990). The finds included scarab beads Korostovtsev, 1957; Piotrovsky, 1958; Hodjash, 1992b); in the
© 2021 M.O. Tarasenko, Z.V. Khanutina
51
52 M.O. Tarasenko and Z.V. Khanutina / Archaeology, Ethnology and Anthropology of Eurasia 49/3 (2021) 51–59
Naucratis began in the 6th century BC and is known figure of a jackal (Anubis?) on its reverse side, which
from the finds on Berezan Island, Olbia, Tyras, and also has no pictorial parallels in the Northern Black Sea
Chersonesus (Turaev, 1911; Matthieu, 1926; Bolshakov, region (cf. (Ibid.: Pl. 9–10, 13))*. On the one hand, this
Ilyina, 1988; Boriskovskaya, 1989; Levina, Ostroverkhov, quite definitely indicates the Egyptian production of the
1989; Hodjasch, 1992a; Okhotnikov, Ostroverkhov, items; on the other hand, the choice of these images for
1993; Hodjash, 1999: 193–198; Chepkasova, 2011; the purposes of the funeral rite can be explained by the
Ostroverkhov, Nazarov, 2013). On the Bosporus, these religious and eschatological ideas of the Iranian-speaking
appeared in large numbers only in the Hellenistic period*, nomads. For example, the ram was associated among the
which was initially associated with strong economic Iranian peoples with the idea of hvarno (Vertiienko, 2015:
and cultural ties between the Bosporan Kingdom and 92–95), while the dog played an important role as a guide
the Ptolemaic Kingdom in the 3rd century BC (Treister, to the afterworld**.
1985; Edakov, 1990; Litvinenko, 1991; Skrzhinskaya, A significant number of the Egyptian faience items of
2010: 88–95). In addition to numerous archaeological the Roman period from various regions of the Northern
finds, onomastic evidence also testifies to the Egyptian Black Sea region and Ciscaucasia have already been
influence on the Bosporus (Matkovskaya et al., 2009: described***, but the group of finds from the Iluraton
312–314). In Egypt, the “Black Sea footprint” can be seen necropolis, despite their value, have remained practically
in the legend about the origin of the cult of Serapis from unstudied until now—although this topic has been touched
Sinope (Plutarch, De Iside, 27–28; Tacitus, Historiae, upon in a number of papers (Gelfman, 1994; Tarasenko,
83–84), although today this is considered unlikely 2013; Vertiienko, Tarasenko, 2014; Vertiienko, Tarasenko,
(Zelinsky, 2010: 360, 451, n. 39–41). 2018) and articles (Khrshanovsky, 2010). We will focus
In the Roman period, connections between Egypt on scarab beads and consider them against the background
and the Northern Black Sea centers resumed with new of broader territorial, cultural, and chronological parallels.
intensity, although the range of products imported from All the items under consideration from the Iluraton
Egypt to the Bosporus at that time was somewhat less necropolis were found in children’s burials (children
diverse than in the Early Hellenistic period. Quantitatively, under 1.5 years of age), which have been dated according
imports significantly increased, and Egyptian products to their grave goods to the period from the 1st to the early
found new markets in the nomads of both the Northern 2nd century AD. It is not possible to establish the sexes
Black Sea region and more remote forest-steppe regions of the buried persons accurately, but in all likelihood
(Piotrovsky, 1958: 24–25). At the same time, if in the these were girls. This assumption is also supported by
pre-Roman period, the items made of faience were of the comparison with other contemporaneous children’s
Egyptian origin, in the Roman period there were already burials in the Crimea, with a similar composition of
several production centers of the “Egyptian faience”, grave goods; for example, the burial grounds of Tiramba,
for example, in Egypt, Iran, and even China (Ibid.: Phanagoria, Opushki, etc. (Korovina, 1972: 105;
25–26). Some scholars believe that such centers could Stoyanova, 2012: 74–75).
have also existed directly in the Northern Black Sea
region (Korovina, 1972: 111; Vysotskaya, 1994: 127).
However, in that area, production of items in the Egyptian *In the late 1980s, a scarab figurine with the inset
style was clearly not on a mass scale (Piotrovsky, 1958: image of an ibis (Thoth) was found at the Sarmatian burial
26). It is curious that on two occasions, the faience ground of Sady (1st–2nd centuries AD), in the vicinity of
amulet-beads found in the burials on the Iluraton Plateau Voronezh (Medvedev, 2008: 186, fig. 35, 10).
**In the Iranian Zoroastrian representations, dogs
show features that link them precisely with the Egyptian
accompany the gatekeeper of the afterlife Daena (Videvdat,
center of production: first is an image of a ram (Ovis 19.30) or act as independent guards of the Chinvat Bridge
platyra aegypticus) lying on a pedestal, which has no (Videvdat, 13.9). Dogs played an important role also in the
direct parallels (cf. (Alekseeva, 1978: Pl. 11–13))** from ritual realm of the Scythian tribes (see, e.g., (Vertiienko, 2017:
burial 98 (Fig. 1); second is a scarab-bead from burial 9, n. 7)).
114 (find of 1990, inv. No. A-1255/33-II) with an incused ***See (Symonovich, 1961; Vinogradov, 1968; Alekseeva,
1972; Korovina, 1972; Korpusova, 1973; Anfimov, 1982;
Burkov, Mirzoyants, 1987; Gushchina, Zatseskaya, 1994:
context of their penetration into the steppe zones of the region, 20–21, pl. 31, 33, 34, 41, 46; Vysotskaya, 1994: 125–127; 125,
see (Parmenter, 2019), cf.: (Vertiienko, Tarasenko, 2018). fig. 39; pl. 6, 9, 14, 15, 19–23, 28, 30, 31, 45, 46; Pyankov, 1996;
*Although it should be mentioned that images of scarabs Medvedev, 2008: 45–46; 114, fig. 23, 11–46; 184, fig. 33, 8; 186,
dated to the 7th–5th centuries BC have been found in Kerch fig. 35, 7, 10; 200, fig. 49, 1–10; pl. 2, a, b; Khrapunov, Muld,
(Piotrovsky, 1958: 23–24). Stoyanova, 2009: 16–17, fig. 25–27, 29–31, 34; Mosheeva,
**An animal with horns bent downwards, corresponding to 2010; Voronyatov, 2011; Stoyanova, 2012: 74–75; Dzneladze,
the iconography of the sacred ram of Amun of Thebes (Kees, 2013, 2016; Burkov, 2013, 2015, 2016; Burkov, Gadalrab,
1977: 78−81). 2017); cf. also (Saenko, 2018).
M.O. Tarasenko and Z.V. Khanutina / Archaeology, Ethnology and Anthropology of Eurasia 49/3 (2021) 51–59 53
Fig. 1. Faience bead in the form of a ram from burial Fig. 2. Beads in the form of scarabs from burial 114 (after
98 (1.8 × 0.6 cm, find of 1989, inv. No. A-1253/50-II). (Khrshanovsky, Khanutina, Kruglikova, 2007: 47)).
© State Museum of the History of Religion (GMIR), © GMIR.
St. Petersburg.
Fig. 3. Bead in the form of scarab from burial 58.

© GMIR.
Descriptions of faience scarabs
The finds can be divided into three groups.

Group I. Scarabs without images on the reverse
side (3 spec.):
1. Bead in the form of scarab from burial 98 (find of 2
1989, inv. No. A-1253/49-II). Its size is 1.3 × 1.0 cm. The
color is blue. The type is 45b (after (Alekseeva, 1978: 41; Fig. 4. Beads in the form of scarabs from burials 76 (1)
pl. 10, 5)). and 98 (2). © GMIR.
2, 3. Two identical scarab-shaped beads from burial
114 (find of 1990, inv. No. A-1255/31-II and A-1255/32-
II) (Fig. 2). Their sizes are 2.5 × 2.2 and 2.6 × 2.2 cm. 1989: 26–27; Khrshanovsky, 2010: 593–595, fig. 8, 8)
The color is turquoise. The type is 50c (after (Ibid.: (Fig. 3). Its size is 2.0 × 1.6 cm. The color is light blue.
42; pl. 10)). The type is 45b (after (Alekseeva, 1978: 41; pl. 10, 5)).
Group II. Scarabs with abstract images on the 5. Bead in the form of scarab from burial 76 (find of
reverse side (3 spec.): 1988, inv. No. A-1252/21-II) (Kublanov, Khrshanovsky,
4. Bead in the form of scarab from burial 58 (find of 1989: 24; 25, fig. 9) (Fig. 4, 1). Its size is 1.4 × 1.1 cm. The
1987, inv. No. A-1244/8-II) (Kublanov, Khrshanovsky, color is violet-blue. An inset image of snake with a groove
1 2
Fig. 5. Beads in the form of scarabs from burials 79 (1) and 114 (2). © GMIR.
is on the reverse side. The type is 45b (after (Alekseeva, hardly any doubts that in a new cultural environment,
1978: 41; pl. 10, 7)). Egyptian items received a semantic status that was
6. Bead in the form of scarab from burial 98 (find of extremely different from their original meaning and
1989, inv. No. A-1253/48-II). Its size is 1.9 × 1.5 cm. was associated with the local magical, religious, and
The color is light green. An inset image of a snake with a mythological realities (cf. (Vysotskaya, 1994: 124;
groove is on the reverse side (Fig. 4, 2). The type is 48b Batizat, 2007)). These items should be viewed in the
(after (Ibid.: Pl. 10, 22)). context of indigenous funeral traditions. The present-day
Group III. Scarabs with anthropo-zoomorphic interpretations of their meaning are highly ambiguous.
images on the reverse side (2 spec.): For example, in the most general manner, many scholars
7. Bead in the form of scarab from burial 79 (find of have mentioned that the Egyptian faience items acted
1988, inv. No. A-1252/70-II) (Kublanov, Khrshanovsky, as amulets-apotropes or averters (Korostovtsev, 1957:
1989: 27) (Fig. 5, 1). The size is 1.5 × 1.2 cm. The color 80–81; Piotrovsky, 1958: 24; Vysotskaya, 1994: 124;
is light turquoise. An inset image of a human figure is on Falkovich, 1992; Pyankov, 1996: 99; Medvedev, 2008:
the reverse side. The type is 50c (after (Alekseeva, 1978: 46; Mosheeva, 2010; Stoyanova, 2012: 91). However,
42; pl. 10, 9a)). this does not explain their absence in the adult burials
8. Bead in the form of scarab from burial 114 (find at the Iluraton necropolis. I.N. Anfimov believed that
of 1990, inv. No. A-1255/33-II) (Fig. 5, 2). Its size is these items played an ambiguous role in the religious
1.3 × 1.0 cm. The color is turquoise. An image of a seated and magical beliefs of this population: “Amulets in the
jackal (Anubis ?, cf.: (Motouk, 1977: 382–383)) is on the form of scarabs, genitals, frogs, bunches of grapes, and
reverse side. This image has no parallels in the Northern doubled small cylinders were associated with the cults
Black Sea region. The type is 50c (after (Alekseeva, 1978: of fertility and childbearing. Figurines of lions, Bies, and
42; pl. 10, 9a)). pendants in the form of a fist with a fig sign served as
apotropes” (1982). Such a functional division can only
be conditional. According to A.V. Pyankov, the items
Discussion discovered were related to healing magic (1996: 99)
(cf. (Vysotskaya, 1994: 124)). However, those buried
We will avoid the problem of the ethnic and cultural with these items did not seem to have needed medical
affiliation of the persons buried with the items made treatment. A.K. Korovina proposed a hypothesis that
of Egyptian faience. A.V. Simonenko pointed to the the presence of Egyptian amulets in children’s burials
presence of these items at the “Sarmatian, Meotian, Late testified to adherence of their parents to the Egyptian
Scythian, as well as Greek Antiquity necropolises”, yet cults (1972: 111) (cf. (Chekhovskaya, 2011)). There is
emphasized that “on the territory of the Ukraine, beads a fairly large amount of data on the distribution of the
and pendants made of Egyptian faience prevail in the cults of Egyptian deities, primarily Serapis and Isis, in
main burials of the ‘Eastern wave’… these amulets are the city-states of the Northern Black Sea region since
a part of the cultural complex of migrants, brought with the Hellenistic period (see (Solomonik, 1973; Saprykin,
them from their original places of habitation” (2011: 2009: 160–178)). Yet it is hardly possible to assume such
116). Relying on the available research, S.V. Voronyatov a situation for the Sarmatian population of the Roman
observed: “…Egyptian faience beads are one of the period, including the people who left their graves on the
constituent features of the Middle Sarmatian culture” Iluraton Plateau. T.M. Gelfman focused on the image
(2011: 96). The role of such things in the spiritual life of Horus the Child/Harpocrates, depicted with a finger
of this population is more important for us. There are at his mouth (1994: 87). It is known that in the Greco-
Roman world he turned into a god of silence, which the same time served as a sacrifice to the gods of the
seems quite natural for a funeral cult. However, only chthonic world. It is quite possible that the Egyptian
two such amulets have been found at the necropolis of items possessed exactly this semantic status among the
Iluraton so far, while eight scarab beads were discovered nomads of the Eastern Crimea.
there*. In addition, it is unknown to what extent the Scholars have long noted that beads made of Egyptian
Greco-Roman perception of this image was spread faience were found in the complexes of the Roman period
among the so-called Barbarian tribes. only among the goods of children’s (mostly girls’) and
At the same time, the soteriological aspect of female burials (Touraїeff, 1911: 31–32)*, which quite
the semantics of the Egyptian scarab (Keller, 1913: clearly reveals the gender aspect for including these
409–413; Bonnet, 1952: 720–722; Giveon, 1984) as an items into the realm of “female subculture” (Voronyatov,
image of reviving and creative energy of the morning 2011: 97). Preconditions for this can be seen at the
sun, may have found a certain place in the beliefs of the earlier stages of using Egyptian images, in particular the
Black Sea Greeks and nomads (Bogdanova, 1980: 86) scarab, in the funeral rite of the nomadic aristocracy in
(however, cf. (Vinogradov, 1968: 52)). In Ancient Egypt, the Northern Black Sea region. In fact, the items made
the first scarab images** appeared in the Middle Kingdom of Egyptian faience have been often found in women’s,
(2040–1650 BC) and continued to be used until the less often in children’s**, Scythian kurgan burials in the
Greco-Roman period. The scarab was considered a sacred steppe part of the Northern Black Sea region (Nosaki,
animal of the Sun, also embodying its special hypostasis Rogachik burial ground, Gyunovka, etc.) (Kurganniye
of Khepri—a god of creation. At the same time, scarabs mogilniki…, 1977; Boltrik, Fialko, 2007; Ostroverkhov,
played an important role in the funeral and Osirian beliefs 2014: 43–45; 52, fig. 6, 1)***. In the forest-steppe area,
of the Egyptians (Stadler, 2001). the only known scarab of Egyptian faience (Late Period)
Of course, it is currently impossible to give a was discovered in 2019 in an undisturbed female burial at
definitive answer to the question of the semantics of the Belsk fortified settlement (the Skorobor burial ground,
Egyptian symbols in the context of the funeral rite 6th century BC)****.
revealed by the examined Iluraton graves. Apparently, Notably, the association of the scarab image with
the answers should still be sought not so much in Egypt, the female burials among the Iranian-speaking nomads
but in the role the child played in the worldview of shows examples that are quite remote from the Northern
archaic societies in general (Tulpe, 2002; 2012: 59–65). Black Sea region. For instance, a scarab-seal with
As is known, before reaching a certain age and going the cryptographic inscription “Amon” (Imn) was
through initiation, children were not considered full found in a Saka female burial 3, kurgan 2 (05) at
members of a community (that is, fully human) and had the Kyryk-Oba II cemetery, in Western Kazakhstan
a kind of borderline status between life and death, order (Eder, 2012: Pl. I, 125, 1, 2)) (Fig. 6). This burial is
and chaos. In the event of death of a child, this inevitably dated to the 5th century BC, and the scarab-seal to the
required different actions during the performance 7th–6th centuries BC (Ibid.: 191).
of funeral rituals, and special grave goods, which at
Conclusions
*Generally, the available statistical data suggest that
precisely the scarab figurines were the most common type of The semantics of representations on the reverse sides of
beads in the burial complexes under discussion (Vysotskaya, the scarab beads under discussion is generally associated
1994: 126; Simonenko, 2011: 115).
**These were originally used as seals (Newberry, 1906:
61–85; Petrie, 1917: 2–8). This function persisted for a long *In addition, B.A. Turaev observed that even in his time
time and spread far beyond the borders of Egypt, including the the beads of Egyptian faience, accidentally discovered in the
Northern Black Sea region. B.A. Turaev noted that before the Crimea, definitely became women’s adornments.
14th century, rings with shields of engraved stone seals were **For example, three scarabs made of Egyptian faience
called “zhukovina” (from zhuk – ‘bug, beetle’) in Russian were recorded in a children’s burial near the village of
language (especially in the Crimea) (Touraїeff, 1911: 35). In the Kut in the Dnepropetrovsk Region (kurgan 7, burial 3,
charters written in the Old Russian language, this term was used 4th–3rd centuries BC) (Berezovets, 1960: 51).
until the 16th century to designate the rings that had a carved ***Such finds are extremely rare at the Scythian fortified
stone insert (Krysko, 1990: 270; Nelyubov, 2002: 4). According settlements of the Northern Black Sea region. As an example,
to the etymological dictionary of M. Vasmer, the meaning of we can mention the faience scarab found at the Annovka fortified
“zhukovina” as a ring with a stone also survived in the Ukrainian settlement (Kherson Region) of the Late Scythian period
language (“ring with a stone in a frame”) (1986: 64). From the (Gavrilyuk, 2013: 552; 555, fig. 9, 10, 12).
end of the Middle Kingdom of Egypt, scarab figurines were ****We would like to thank the site’s researchers
used as amulets (Quirke, 2003), and since the New Kingdom of I.B. Shramko and S.A. Zadnikov (Kharkiv) for the information
Egypt, their production became widespread. on this important find.
0 3 cm
Fig. 6. Scarab-seal from burial 3, kurgan 2, at Kyryk-Oba II (after (Eder, 2012: Pl. I, 125, 2)).
with the feminine principle and idea of fertility, which Acknowledgments

well correlates with the idea of chthonicity of women
among the Iranian-speaking nomads of Eurasia (see We are grateful to V.A. Khrshanovsky, the head of the
expedition, for the kind opportunity to consult the reports and
(Bessonova, 1991: 95)), and with the soteriological
photographs of the expedition, and for his permission to study
concept of the scarab symbolism. The interrelation this evidence.
of these two concepts in the form of the scarab beetle
probably led to its perception in the Northern Black Sea
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doi:10.17746/1563-0110.2021.49.3.060-074
R.H. Suleimanov
National University of Uzbekistan,
Universitetskaya 4, Tashkent, Uzbekistan
E-mail: sr39@mail.ru
Traces of the Dahaean and Sarmatian Cultural Legacy

in Ancient Turan and Old Rus
This study examines the migrations of the Dahae and Sarmatians—the two related early nomadic peoples of Middle
Asia and Eastern Europe—directed to the south and west of their homeland. Archaeological, written, and folkloric
sources make it possible to trace the migrations of the Dahae and Sarmatians over several centuries preceding the
spread of Islam in Central Asia and of Christianity in Old Rus. The study focuses on mortuary monuments, temples, and
sanctuaries, cross-shaped in plan view, of migrants and their descendants. A detailed analysis of the major southward
migration of Dahae from the Lower Syr-Darya in the late 3rd to early 2nd BC is presented. This migration had a
considerable effect on ethnic and cultural processes in Middle Asia. The migration aimed at conquering the lands
of Alexander the Great’s descendants, who were rapidly losing control over them. Features of Dahaean culture are
noticed in town planning, architecture, mortuary rites, armor, etc. over the entire territory they had captured. Southward
migration of the descendants of the Dahae—people of the Kaunchi and Otrar cultures—from the Syr-Darya, led by
the Huns, was part of the Great Migration. The Kaunchi people headed toward the oases of Samarkand and Kesh,
the Otrar people toward the oasis of Bukhara, and those associated with the Dzhetyasar culture toward the Qarshi
oasis. It is demonstrated that while the cross-shaped plan view of religious structures turned into the eight-petaled
rosette, the funeral rite did not change, remains of burials and charcoal are observed everywhere. Relics of the Scytho-
Sarmatian legacy are seen in the culture of Old Rus. For instance, remains of the sanctuaries of Perun are walls and
ditches arranged in a cruciform or eight-petaled fashion, filled with charcoal and bones of sacrificed animals, with a
statue of the supreme Slavic deity, in the center. Early sanctuaries of Perun in Kiev and Khodosovichi were cruciate in
plan view, while later ones on the banks of the Zbruch and the Volkhov rivers had octopetalous plans. Apparently they
were influenced by the architectural traditions of Dahae and Sarmatians, who took part in the ethnogenetic processes
in both Old Rus and Turan.
Keywords: Mortuary rites, traditions, migrations, cults, archaeological cultures, ecology.
Introduction of the Jaxartes (Turan). On the basis of archaeological

evidence, it has long been established that the Syr Darya
According to the tradition of the Avesta and Shahnameh, was the southern border of the steppes, and the interfluve
the lands of the sedentary Aryans were in the basin of the of the Amu Darya and the Syr Darya (Sogdiana) often
southern Amu Darya – the upper reaches of the Vakhsh – turned out to be the region of rivalry and interaction
Oxus (Iran and Khorasan (from “Khors”, “Khorshid” – between the cultures of the agricultural and nomadic
the Sun)), and the lands of the wandering Turs were in peoples of Central Asia. Something similar happened in
the basin of the Syr Darya – Tanais and the upper reaches Eastern Europe and southern Siberia, where the southern
© 2021 R.H. Suleimanov
60
R.H. Suleimanov / Archaeology, Ethnology and Anthropology of Eurasia 49/3 (2021) 60–74 61
foothills and northern forest-steppe of the middle latitudes and Sarmatians, whose movements can be traced through
were separated by the so-called steppe belt. archaeological finds, had a similar material culture and
Bounded on the northwest by the Aral Sea, the delta of mythology; at least the majority of them spoke similar
the Syr Darya—a vast alluvial plain surrounded by semi- dialects of the Eastern Iranian language group.
desert steppe and sands of the Kyzylkum Desert—had The Khorezm Archaeological and Ethnographic
traditional connections with Khorezm, the Volga region, Expedition has established that after the defeat of Cyrus
and the steppes of Kazakhstan. Sedentary agricultural by the army of nomadic tribes and peoples led by the
urbanized culture of the population inhabiting the Lower Massagetae by the mid first millennium BC, the Chirik-
Syr Darya region emerged in the mid first millennium BC Rabat and Dzhetyasar archaeological cultures emerged
under the influence of the urbanization of Khorezm and on in the area of the ancient delta channels of the Syr Darya.
the basis of the cultures of the nomads who were engaged After two centuries of successful development, the Chirik-
in seasonal agriculture along ancient the delta channels of Rabat culture found itself in a crisis. The movement of
the Syr Darya. tectonic plates in the Turan Depression had caused serious
The migration of ancient societies entailed carrying changes in the landscape—the hypsometric slope of the
the entire complex of their ethnic features, which could entire Eastern Aral Sea region constantly increased from
take root or eventually disappear under the influence of south to north, which resulted in reduction of the volume
ethno-genetic processes in a new ecological and ethno- of water inflow from the middle river channel into the
cultural environment, depending on specific conditions. southern channels in the ancient delta of the Syr Darya.
We know mainly about migrations in ancient periods In the 3rd century BC, the river in its lower course broke
from fragmentary information in written sources. into a new northern channel and flowed from the northeast
The comprehensive analysis of burial structures and into the Aral Sea. This led to ultimate drainage in the
sanctuaries, as well as traces of cultic rituals, makes it territory of the Chirik-Rabat culture, which originated
possible to supplement this information and reconstruct in the 5th–4th centuries BC. B.I. Weinberg reasonably
the customs and rituals of particular peoples. In ancient considered this culture to belong to the Dahae mentioned
times, rituals were closely associated with mythology in the written sources (1999). Specific aspects of their
and language. An exchange of mythological subjects, culture have been analyzed in a number of studies by
as well as religious beliefs and vocabulary, took place B.I. Weinberg and L.M. Levina (Weinberg, Levina, 1993;
during the periods when migrants settled down and ethnic Weinberg, 1999). The Dahae left their homeland in the
boundaries in certain ecological zones became stabilized. lower reaches of the Syr Darya gradually, as the crisis
In material culture, exchange of production techniques, unfolded.
styles of fine art, types of weaponry, coins, etc., occurred. The Dahae are mentioned in the Frawardin-Yasht of
The emergence of a special nomadic type of cattle- the Avesta, together with the Arya, Tura, Sairima, and
breeding resulted in annual large-scale and long-term Saina (Weinberg, 1999: 207). The appearance of the
seasonal migrations as a lifestyle of population in vast Dahae and Sairima in the same list (it does not matter
expanses of the Eurasian steppes, while the formation of whether the latter are compared with the Sauromates
local cultures of the sedentary agricultural population was or Sarmatians) confirms that these peoples at that time
sometimes interrupted by new waves of nomads. represented independent political entities, although their
material culture was very close, and the weaponry from
the burials was identical. From the 4th century BC, the
Migration of the Dahae to the south Dahae were known as warriors, first of the Achaemenid
of Middle Asia troops and then of the army of Alexander the Great.
Genetically, the Dahae were related to the Sauromates
Large migration of the Dahae from the lower reaches and Sarmatians in the south of the Urals. The Ural River
of the Syr Darya in the late 3rd to early 2nd century BC is the medieval Yaik and Ptolemy’s Daik. This name
made a great impact on the ethnic and cultural genesis of is related to the ethnic name of the Dahae or Daae. In
the population living in Middle Asia. Numerous but very the 4th–2nd centuries BC, the Dahae are mentioned
brief reports about this event have survived in various among the population of the territories located south of
written sources. The nomadic peoples of the steppes were the Amu Darya—Khorezm, Uzboy, and Atrek, as well
heterogeneous, but had similar archaeological complexes. as the Zarafshan basin. Their archaeological complex
The Greco-Roman sources call them the Sauromates, is genetically related to the Prokhorovka culture of the
Sirmats, and Sarmatians, although occasionally the Dahae southern Urals (Balakhvantsev, 2016).
are named among the nomads. The Chinese sources According to the Greco-Roman sources, the Parni,
mention the Kangju land. The Persian sources inform who were a part of the Dahae union, led by Arsaces
us about the Dahae. This ethnonym in the form of daya and Tiridates, captured Parthia. Under Mithridates the
also appears in the Greco-Roman sources. The Dahae Great, the rulers of Parthia expanded their borders to
62 R.H. Suleimanov / Archaeology, Ethnology and Anthropology of Eurasia 49/3 (2021) 60–74
Mesopotamia in the southwest, and exerted pressure spaces to the west of the Aral Sea and the Urals began
on the Kushans in the east; in the north, they owned the in the 3rd century BC.
lands up to Turiva – Tarab and Kazbion – Kaspi on the In the south, one part of the Dahae invaded Parthia,
southwestern frontiers of Sogd. The history of Parthia is while another part, passing Sogd and Bactria and crossing
an individual and vast topic. the Hindu Kush, occupied the lands up to the Helmand
After the Dahae left their homeland at the turn of the Valley and the middle reaches of the Indus, where the so-
3rd–2nd centuries BC, the life along old channels of the called Indo-Scythian or Indo-Parthian kingdoms existed
Kuvan Darya, Inkar Darya, and Jana Darya came to a in the first centuries BC. These kingdoms minted their
standstill. Land cultivation began along the northern, new own silver coins, from which the names of the rulers such
lower part of the river, but there were no settlements there as Vonones, Maues (Mahvash?), and Azes are known.
until the 2nd century BC. Roman written sources report that Bactria was taken
The earliest among the sites of the Chirik-Rabat away from the Greeks by the Asii, Pasiani, Tokhari, and
culture is the Chirik-Rabat settlement in the place of Sakarauli. It may be assumed that these were the names
the first capital of these people. It is now represented by of the main tribal unions of the Dahae. Zhang Qian paid a
ruins with burial structures of the leaders who lived in the diplomatic visit to the Da Yuezhi, who settled in the upper
5th–4th centuries BC. The settlement is surrounded by an reaches of the Amu Darya after being driven out by the
oval defensive wall. The Babish Molda settlement was Huns and Wusuns from Eastern Turkestan; he called the
the second in time. This was a fortress-type structure in land they recently occupied “Daha”. It may be the case
the form of a monumental, square-shaped high fortress, that the Tocharians of the Greco-Roman historical tradition
surrounded by a defensive wall around the perimeter with correspond to the Yuezhi from the Chinese sources.
an impregnable high tower at the entrance, which was Thus, by the first century BC, a large cultural
connected to the fortress by a swing bridge. Weinberg community, which occupied the territory from the lower
dated the castle to the 4th century BC and believed that reaches of the Volga and Ural Rivers to the lower and
it was built as the seat of a satrap after incorporating middle reaches of the Syr Darya, had emerged in the
the lands of the Dahae into the Empire as allies of the steppe zone of Middle Asia. In the west, it bordered with
Achaemenids. The fortress remained unfinished, because the lands of Greek colonies. This is reflected in Greek
already in the late 4th century BC, Khorezm, and with it sources informing us about the arrival of the Sarmatians,
the Dahae, gained independence. The land of the Dahae, who were known as the Dahae or Daae in the south of
through which large and small channels of the Syr Darya Middle Asia. Chinese sources call them “Kangju”. The
delta flowed, had been inhabited and cultivated, but in the population of these areas is distinguished by a common
process of the endogenous ecological disaster mentioned archaeological complex. Since the beginning of the
above, it became depopulated. Common Era, red-clay mugs with the side handle in the
The Dahae roamed and went on campaigns in Middle form of a lamb with twisted horns have been a marking
Asia in the earlier time, since the 5th–4th centuries BC. feature of this cultural community (Podushkin, 2015).
This is revealed by the evidence from numerous burial These large-scale migrations and ethno-cultural
grounds of the undercut and catacomb types, located in processes resulted in profound changes in the material and
the middle reaches of the Syr Darya, Zarafshan, and in spiritual culture of the population living in Middle Asia.
the Kyzylkum. In the Aral Sea region, the Dahae were These changes are reflected primarily in the monetary
preceded by the Saka people, related to the Sauromates economy of this vast region. After new rulers of each
(Smirnov, Petrenko, 1963: 5). Almost all scholars separate possession declared their sovereignty, they began
believe in the common origin of the Dahae and the to mint coins in their own names. Not all rulers had an
Sarmatians, and the unity of their material culture. With opportunity to issue full-fledged silver coins, but they
all resemblance to the Scytho-Sarmatian world of the tried to adhere to the weight and nominal standards of the
early nomads, the Dahae, who left the lower reaches of Greek drachma and chalkos whenever possible. In most
the Syr Darya in the 2nd century BC, had two hundred possessions, with the exception of the Parthian State,
years of experience in sedentary agricultural, cattle- coins quickly lost their weight and quality, and silvered
breeding and, moreover, urbanized culture, as evidenced drachmas appeared. Coins vary in typology; all copper
by two hundred-year history of the Chirik-Rabat culture. coins are imitations of Greek coins of various types. The
The last and final movement of the Dahae to the south new thing was that the clan tamgas of the rulers appeared
and east at the turn of the 3rd–2nd centuries BC became on the coins, while the image of a deified ancestor, often
the impetus for the migration of other nomadic peoples, on horseback, was represented on the reverse. These
which swept away the last Greek rulers (the heirs of are already the undoubted symbolic features of the
Alexander the Great) in the 2nd century BC and laid the sovereignty of the nomads.
foundation for new dynasties of autochthonous origin. Initially, the Dahae (represented by their warlike
It is no coincidence that the Sarmatian movement in the clans, which were inclined to nomadism) occupied the
vast fragmented territories of the heirs of the Empire;

but over time, when the last wave of migrants had left
the lands in the middle reaches of the Syr Darya, which
their ancestors had developed, the Dahae began to
populate these lands. This was also an exodus from the
homeland by those communities of the Dahae who had
long been sedentary and were engaged in sophisticated
cattle-breeding and agricultural economy. They moved
upstream the Syr Darya along the right bank, which was
partially irrigated by small rivers running down from
the southern slopes of the Karatau Ridge. In the process
of slow migration, these Dahae communities began to
appropriate the lands suitable for agriculture. Later, some 0 5 cm
of the Dahae went to Semirechye, as indicated by the
pottery complexes of the first half of the first millennium
Fig. 1. Mug with the lamb-shaped handle.
BC discovered there. As a result, two new ethno-cultural 2nd–3rd centuries AD. Yangiyul (URL: http://
communities represented by the Otrar-Karataus and uza.uz/oz/society/yangiy-ldan-yangi-tarikhiy-
Kaunchi archaeological cultures well-studied for a long topilma-17-09-2020).
time, emerged in the basin of the middle reaches of the
Syr Darya in the 2nd century BC. The groups of the
Dahae who settled in Semirechye spread their original cultures constituted the union of the Dahae. In the
early urban culture to the right bank of the Syr Darya. 3rd century BC, owing to the drying up of their oasis in
In the 2nd–1st centuries BC, the founding of large and the delta of the Syr Darya, all Dahae were set in motion,
small towns such as Sygnakh, Sauran, Yassi (Turkestan), and some of them entered the territory of the Sauromates.
Otrar, Chimkent, Tashkent, and Taraz, as well as After merging with the newcomers, the Sauromates could
fortified settlements located between them, took place. have begun to be called “Sarmatians”.
The evidence of long-term excavations carried out in The influence of the Dahae on the urban planning and
Tashkent, Chimkent, and Taraz has confirmed their age culture of Sogd is also manifested in Nakhshab, in the
of over two thousand years. lower reaches of the Kashkadarya. A new grand fortified
These movements were fundamentally different town of the fortress type Qal’ayi Zahhoki Moron—the
from the previous movements of the nomadic Dahae, Castle of Zahhak the Snake (Dahak)—was built 10 km
which corresponded to the traditional model of nomadic south of the capital fortified settlement of Yerkurgan in
migration. Now the Dahae became united and, thanks to the 2nd century BC. It was a colossal square fortress with
their mobility and military superiority and despite their 100-meter long sides and height exceeding 15 m; it was
small numbers, they captured wealthy but defenseless surrounded by three rows of walls: the first row measured
agricultural areas in order to receive tribute. In this 210 × 210 m; the second 400 × 400 m, and the third
case, the Dahae acted as occupiers; in the role of new 1500 × 1500 m (its walls have not survived). Walls
lords, their aristocracy infiltrated the urban centers of the up to 8 m high and up to 10 m wide at the base have
conquered territories. been preserved. Previously, there were such structures
Wherever the Dahae appeared, they left the signs neither in Sogd nor in Bactria. Qal’ayi Zahhoki Moron
of their culture, manifested in urban planning and reproduces all the fortification features of Babish Molda—
architecture, funeral rites and weaponry, and art and an unfinished residence of the 4th century BC, belonging
religious traditions. At the same time, the material culture to the Satrap of the Dahae in the Aral Sea region, in the
of the Dahae retained the features inherent not only lower reaches of the Syr Darya—but has exaggeratedly
in the Prokhorovka culture, but also in the Sarmatian enlarged sizes and three times as many walls. The fortress
culture of Eastern Europe. This has been observed by and second row of walls in Qal’ayi Zahhoki Moron on
the researchers of burial mounds in the valley of the Syr its southern façade have massive protrusions similar
Darya and Zarafshan, and on the right bank of the Amu to the Babish Molda gatehouse. It can be assumed that
Darya (Yagodin, 1982; Podushkin, 2015). Sarmatian precisely this fortress town of the Dahae was the center
mugs with the lamb-shaped handle are also typical of of power for the new lords of the land. The very name
the Kaunchi culture of the Tashkent oasis of the 1st–4th Zahhak or Dahak indicates its connection with the ethnic
centuries AD (Fig. 1). name of the Dahae. Judging by the grand sizes of Qal’ayi
In my opinion, the emergence of the Chirik-Rabat and Zahhoki Moron, the power of the owners of the new
Prokhorovka cultures happened not only synchronously, Dahae residence in Nakhshab extended far beyond the
but also syngenetically: the carriers of both archaeological boundaries of Nakhshab proper and Sogd. The formerly
Hellenized capital of Nakhshab (the fortified settlement various combinations of a cross, circle, and square in their
of Yerkurgan) might have been assigned the role of the planning. However, outside their homeland, the Dahae
trading and artisanal center of the oasis. It is important continued to reproduce only one layout model of their
to mention that the settlement of Kat was located in the commemorative structures in a form of a cross surrounded
fortified settlement before the latter was consumed by the by a round or square wall (Fig. 2).
modern town of Qarshi; old-timers remembered this still In the early first millennium AD, a religious building
in the second half of the 20th century. Kat is a traditional of the cruciform layout with four towers was built one
name of towns and fortifications of the Eastern Aral parasang upstream of the Salar River, on the site of the
region, including the name of the capital town and Early settlement of Minguryuk (the territory of Tashkent).
Medieval Khorezm; most likely, the word is associated The towers are not rectangular, as is the case with the
with the Dahae language. buildings in Shashtepa, but semicircular; because of that,
The construction of such large ancient towns of the the structure had the form of a four-petaled rosette in
Fergana Valley as Akhsikath and others happened at that plan view (Filanovich, 2010: 131ff). During the transition
same time. period from Antiquity to the Early Middle Ages, this
In addition to the fortress center Qal’ayi Zahhoki model for religious buildings was widespread in Middle
Moron, a monumental Zoroastrian Tower of Silence Asia. Referring to G.V. Grigoriev and A.I. Terenozhkina,
was built outside the walls of the Yerkurgan settlement who discovered the Kaunchi culture, M.I. Filanovich
in ancient Nakhshab (the Qarshi oasis). The town was wrote that the pottery of the Kaunchi stage 2 (1st–2nd
surrounded by a second outer wall with semicircular centuries AD) with mugs with handles of horned lamb
flanking towers. The Tower, which turned out to be inside was similar to Sarmatian pottery. Kaunchi 3 or the Dzhun
the town wall, was mured up. culture dates back to the time of the Hunnic movement
The town of Samarkand under the Dahae was going (3rd–5th centuries AD), while the pottery of Kaunchi 1
through hard times; at that time, less than half of its shows parallels with the pottery of the Chirik-Rabat
area was inhabited. Small fortified towns with citadels culture (Filanovich, 1983: 112).
were built in the Samarkand, Bukhara, and Kesh oases A burial of the leader dressed in laminar steel armor
(Poykent, Varakhsha, Dabusia, Kitab, etc.), in the Fergana was discovered by S.P. Tolstov in the center of the Chirik-
Valley, and in the south of Kazakhstan. Rabat settlement. Such armor is associated with the
In the 2nd–1st centuries BC, on the lands newly beginnings of the semi-sedentary early urban culture and
captured by the Dahae, temple structures of previously statehood of the Dahae in the lower reaches of the Syr
unknown types were built: in the form of a large cross Darya. The discovery has made it possible to establish
in plan view, with rooms inside, surrounded by a wall the origins of the famous cavalry of the cataphracts from
rounded or square in plan view. Central Asia. Iconographic evidence clearly links this
A classic example of such a religious complex is the aristocratic type of warrior with the Dahae, Sarmatians,
oldest temple complex—Shashtepa, of the 2nd century as well as with the armies of Kangju and Parthia. Images
BC in Tashkent. The structures Arktepe and Bilovurtepa in of warriors-cataphracts are represented on a belt buckle
the Fergana Valley of the same period, as well as the Early from the Orlat burial mound dated to the turn of the
Parthian Shahr-i Qumis VII and Shahr-i Qumis XIII in Common Era, which in fact are a documentary illustration
northeastern Iran, have a similar layout. All of these bear of Plutarch’s narration about the cataphracts encased in
traces of cultic and commemorative rituals that go back iron armor and serving the Parthian leader Surena, who
to the rituals of the Eastern Aral Sea region and burial defeated the Roman army of Crassus. However, the horses
rites of the Sarmatians. The Early Scythian mausoleums shown on Orlat’s plates are not protected by armor, since
at the cemetery of Northern Tagisken and the Chirik- in the vast expanses of Middle Asia there was no need
Rabat culture in the lower reaches of the Syr Darya reveal for that. Mobility and speed were much more important
Fig. 2. Map of pagan cultic and commemorative sites of Ancient Turan and Old Rus.
1 – mausoleums of the Northern Tagisken burial ground, 10th–8th centuries BC (after (Itina, Yablonsky, 2001)); 2 – mausoleums of the Chirik-Rabat
culture of the 5th–3rd centuries BC (after (Weinberg, Levina, 1993)); 3 – Shashtepa, 2nd century BC–4th century AD (after (Filanovich, 2010));
4, 5 – Shahr-i Qumis, 2nd century BC–2nd century AD (after (Filanovich, 2010)); 6 – Bilovurtepe, 1st–3rd centuries AD (after (Zadneprovsky,
1985)); 7 – Ark Tepe, 1st–3rd centuries AD (after (Gorbunova, 1994)); 8 – Minguryuk, 1st–4th centuries AD (after (Filanovich, 2010)); 9 – Kzyl-
Kainar-Tobe, 1st–4th centuries AD (after (Mershchiev, 1970)); 10 – Chol-Tobe, 1st–4th centuries AD (after (Mershchiev, 1970)); 11 – Setalak I,
3rd–6th centuries AD (after (Suleimanov, Mukhamedzhanov, Urakov, 1983); 12 – Kultobe, 1st–4th centuries AD (after (Smagulov, Erzhigitova,
2013)); 13 – Khair Khaneh, 5th–6th centuries AD (after (Hachkin, Carl, 1936)); 14 – Tepe-5, 3rd–6th centuries AD (after (Gorbunova, 1985));
15 – sanctuary of Perun on Mount Bogit near the Zbruch River, the beginning of the Common Era–9th century AD (after (Rybakov, 1987; Ivanov,
Toporov, 1982)); 16 – sanctuary of Perun in Kiev, 8th–10th centuries AD (after (Sedov, 1982)); 17 – sanctuary of Khodosovichi, 10th–11th centuries AD
(after (Sedov, 1982)); 18 – sanctuary of Perun in Novgorod, 9th–10th centuries AD (after (Sedov, 1982)); 19 – eight-tower structure in Garry-Kyariz I,
7th–6th centuries BC (after (Pilipko, 1984)).
2
1
3
4 5
6
8
9
10 11
13 14
12
16
15 17
18 19
in the small skirmishes of steppe dwellers with each It is known that the patriarchal pantheon corresponds
other. Armor and complex of weaponry, similar to those to Zoroastrianism; it included only two female
depicted on the Orlat buckle, also appear on the coins of characters—the goddess of water and fertility Aredvi
the Indo-Scythian rulers, Roman bas-reliefs, and on a few Sura Anahita and goddess of the earth Spenta Armaiti.
iconographic finds from Parthia. Later, military armor of The main character in the pantheon was the male
this type would be depicted on the coins of the rulers of deity Ahura Mazda. In this respect, the pantheon of
the Kushan, and in Early Medieval paintings in Sogd and Zoroastrianism did not differ from the Greek and
Eastern Turkestan. Roman pantheons presided over by Zeus and Jupiter,
In pottery production, the appearance of large respectively. After the appropriation of the entire
spherical flasks flattened on the sides in the oases of heritage of the Achaemenids and Alexander the Great
Middle Asia, as well as bell-shaped goblets in Sogd and by the early nomads in the first centuries BC, female
Bactria, are associated with the influence of the Dahae- deities returned to the cultic pedestals. Sculptural
Sarmatians; some specific features of the Dahae pottery representations of female deities appeared in the urban
are known from the evidence of the Chirik-Rabat culture. temples of Khorezm and Bactria, in Parthia, and in the
Decorating pots and jugs with streaks of brown engobe is south of Sogd. Written sources report about the temple
a distinctive feature of the Dahae pottery. of Cybele in Samarkand. Images of Asian goddesses are
Several examples of painting and sculpture from the rendered in the traditions of the Hellenistic art, showing
temples of Middle Asia of the first centuries BC to the a fusion of Asian goddesses with Greek imagery.
beginning of the Common Era, as well as compositions However, the fact that these deities were of local origin
on toreutics from the famous burials of Tillya-Tepe of is confirmed by the phrase of Clement of Alexandria: in
the 1st century BC in Northern Afghanistan, testify to Bactras, there was a statue of Aphrodite Tanais, that is,
the spreading cult of female deities of the tribes of the the goddess of the Syr Darya (Trever, 1940: 21).
Daho-Sarmatian circle. The traditionally high position An important difference between Aphrodite and
of women and mothers was undoubtedly the legacy of Zoroastrian Anahita was her companions—representatives
the earlier Sauromates, among whom the Greek sources of the water element: fish, dragons, snakes, and frogs. In
mentioned gynecocracy. The Sauromates contributed to the Zoroastrian bestiary, these were considered unclean
the emergence of the culture of both the Sarmatians and beings from the world of evil; but in most myths of the
the Dahae. peoples of Antiquity, these creatures were companions of
The history of female deities in Central Asia is worth aquatic female deities. Earlier, we have examined in detail
considering in some detail. Patriarchy had developed the image of a female deity embodied in the sculpture
since the Chalcolithic in ancient agricultural societies of the goddess, located in the temple of Yerkurgan (the
in connection with the development of economy, ancient capital of Southern Sogd), along with a metal
accumulation of wealth, and militarization of lifestyle. In figurine of a snake and an image of a frog carved of
the steppe zone, this process happened more slowly—the agate. An imprint of a seal of the country’s ruler was
role of women was too high in nomadic societies, since found in the same location, in potters’ quarter. The ruler
for most of the year men grazed cattle in vast steppes or is depicted sitting on a dragon with a whip in his hand,
participated in long military campaigns to foreign lands. and the figure of a goddess holding out a goblet to him
The role of the woman and her cult persisted for a very is represented opposite him (Fig. 3). It was the classic
long time in sophisticated cattle-breeding and agricultural investiture composition typical of the proclamative art
societies in Central Asia, the Northern Caspian and Aral of the Ancient East and Scythia. It is possible that the
Sea regions, and the basin of the Syr Darya, Semirechye, image of a female deity was introduced to the oases in the
and the foothills of Eastern Turkestan. basin of the Amu Darya by the Daho-Sarmatian peoples,
who crushed the power of Alexander the Great’s heirs
(Suleimanov, 2000: 274).
We should also discuss the image of the dragon
Azhdar. According to the conclusion of A.D.H. Bivar,
Azhdar or Azhi Dahāka of Avesta means the Dragon of
the Dahae (Dandamaev, 1991). The mythological Azhi,
Slavic Yassi, and Yashcher (Lizard), as well as Indian
Ahi are associated with the water element. For the Dahae,
this was the image of the sacred sturgeon—the largest
Fig. 3. Stamp representing the investiture of a ruler.

3rd century AD. Yerkurgan (Suleimanov, 2000).
predator of the Aral-Caspian basin. It can be assumed

that Astrakhan/Ashtarkhan in the north of the Caspian
Sea, and Astrabad in the south had been the places of
worshipping this fish since prehistoric times. A gold
plaque from one of the female burials that accompanied
the ruler’s burial in Tillya-Tepe in Northern Afghanistan
depicts the goddess of water holding a large sturgeon
in each hand (Fig. 4). Among the Dahae, the sturgeon
was considered a companion of the Great Goddess of
the water element, who gave life. In the territories of
the Dahae remote from the sea, the sturgeon turned into
the mythical dragon azhdar. In Shakhrisabz, until the
20th century, there was a cult of the grave of Saint Malik
Azhdar or Ashtar. According to N.S. Nyberg, Anahita
could originally have been a river nymph among the Saka
people of the Syr Darya (1938: 261).
The dragon (mythical serpent and inhabitant of the
three elements) is popular in the mythology of all peoples
of the world. These images are of different origins. In
Middle Asia, it was originally a fish. The earliest images
of azhdar known from the Tillya-Tepe toreutics retain all
Fig. 4. Plaque representing the goddess of water.
the anatomical features of fish. 1st century BC. Tillya-Tepe (Sarianidi, 1985).
Migration of the Dahae descendants Chinese, Indian, Sogdian, Iranian, and Roman written
under the auspices of the Huns, Kidarites, sources report the invasions of the Huns.
and Hephthalites The drought forced the majority of the substrate of
other steppe (including sedentary) cattle-breeding and
The second major migration from the basin of the Syr agricultural peoples to migrate along with the Huns.
Darya to the south happened in the 4th century BC. The Ammianus Marcellinus wrote that the Huns or
migrants were distant descendants of the Dahae (the Chionites fought in the army of the Sassanids as their
carriers of the Kaunchi and Otrar-Karatau cultures), allies against the Romans. The Chionites had white
who were displaced from their homeland as a result of complexions, showed high culture, and observed the
the movement of the Chionites, superimposed by the law no worse than the Romans. All this distinguished
invasions of the Kidarites from Eastern Turkestan, and them from the rest of the Huns. These Chionites might
later the Hephthalites from the Altai. The ethnonym have been the descendants of the ancient population
of “Daha” completely disappeared from the sources living in the middle reaches of the Syr Darya, which
of this time. became involved in the general movement of migrants
Analyzing the reasons for the Great Migration, under the banner of the Huns. They might have been the
L.N. Gumilev came to a well-grounded conclusion that carriers of the Kaunchi and Otrar-Karataus cultures—
the impetus was a century-long drought, which swept the descendants of the ancient Dahae. The burial rite of
through the middle latitudes of the Eurasian continent the deceased son of the Chionite leader, described by
in the 3rd century AD. At this time, all ancient states Marcellinus, was accompanied by lighting a fire, similarly
underwent a crisis. First, the Parthian State collapsed in to the Sarmatians and Dahae.
the early 3rd century. In the 4th century AD, the Roman Archaeological evidence, primarily massive pottery
Empire, weakened by internal contradictions, became complexes, reveals the influence of pottery traditions
divided into two parts, with the subsequent degradation of typical of the Kaunchi and Otrar-Karataus archaeological
its western part. The Kushan and Han states disappeared cultures of the middle Syr Darya on the pottery production
from India and China. However, it was especially hard for of Sogd, Khorezm, Merv, and Bactria. After the 4th
the steppe nomads: the absence of herbaceous vegetation century AD, bell-shaped goblets disappeared from the
led to a massive loss of livestock and widespread famine typology of pottery in the oases in the basins of the
among the Huns, who dominated the entire steppe belt Zarafshan and Kashkadarya; these became replaced by
from Mongolia to the lower reaches of the Danube at that wide bowls with vertical rims, typical for the pottery of the
time. The entire population of the steppe zone was forced 3rd–6th centuries AD. Spherical mugs with loop-shaped
to migrate south to the areas of traditional agriculture. handles appeared in the Samarkand and Shakhrisabz
oases. Their earlier prototypes again can be found among was rebuilt and expanded several times. Back in 1936,
the pottery of the lower and middle Syr Darya. However, photographs were published of the remains (discovered
if in the former case, the handles of the mugs were made near Kabul) of a small monolithic tower structure, cross-
in the form of a lamb; on the products of Sogd, the animal shaped in plan view, which belongs to the complex of
head was turned into a small molded button on the upper the Sun temple—Khair Khaneh of the 5th–6th centuries.
part of the loop-shaped handle. Home production of rough However, the cross in this case is of a different design—it
molded kitchenware—cauldrons, pots, braziers, etc.— is represented by four towers at the corners of the square
became widespread. The material culture of Nakhshab (Hachkin, Carl, 1936: Pl. I). Importantly, the modern
(Ancient Nakhshab) also manifests a strong influence of toponym “Khair Khaneh” is translated as the “House of
the Dzhetyasar culture from the lower reaches of the Syr Sacrifices” (see Fig. 2).
Darya. During this period, most of the carriers of that It should be mentioned that the Early Medieval
culture settled in the lower reaches of the Kashkadarya archaeological complexes of Sogd, Fergana, and
and in the areas adjoining the borders of Khorezm. Semirechye preserved until the emergence of Islam their
Cessation of life in the ancient urbanized settlement of own techniques and typological features (especially in
Shashtepa, located in the southwestern part of the present- pottery), which had developed in the 4th–5th centuries.
day Tashkent along the ancient channel of the Salar, was Sculptural and pictorial images of female deities in
associated with that time. In Minguryuk, life was also urban temples of Nakhshab at the fortified settlement of
interrupted. Yerkurgan, Penjikent, Shahristan, and Dilberjin indicate
The migration of the Chionites along with the major that in the 4th–7th centuries these deities remained the
part of the agricultural and cattle-breeding population main mediators between heaven and earth prior to Islam.
of the Middle and Lower Syr Darya to the south
resulted in the building of distinctive small and strongly
fortified castles by the newcomers in the newly occupied Relics of the Scytho-Sarmatian heritage
territories—mainly in the peripheral zones of the oases. in the culture of Old Rus
Migrants preserved not only the traditional features of
their material culture, but also their ideological life, with The Sarmatians migrated to the west from the Northern
rituals and religious paraphernalia; they built their temples Caspian Sea region and Aral Sea region. Roman sources
in accordance with the sacred prototypes left behind in report their wars with the Dacians of Decebalus in the 2nd
their homeland. These temples corresponded to the model century BC. Trajan’s Column depicts the Dacian cavalry
of the temple in Minguryuk. The Setalak I temple on the with the banner of a dragon-fish with an open mouth.
western outskirts of the Bukhara oasis, which I excavated S.P. Tolstov pointed out the similarity of the Dahae from
in the 1970s, is very close to it in time and structure. First, the Aral Sea region and the Dacians of the Western Black
a temple structure square in plan view was built there; then Sea region (1948: 186). It is possible that after leaving
it was mured up, and monolithic semi-oval towers were their homeland in the lower reaches of the Syr Darya,
attached to it on four sides, following the model of the some part of the Dahae together with the Sarmatians went
temple in Minguryuk (Suleimanov, Mukhamedzhanov, far to the west and established their possessions on the
Urakov, 1983). Similar monolithic temple structures (the borders with the Roman Empire.
complexes of Chol-Tobe and Kzyl-Kainar-Tobe) were The Sarmatians have been most often mentioned in
built in Semirechye near Taraz. The former complex the Greco-Roman sources. In the 2nd century BC, they
contains two small rooms without entrances; the second were the true lords of the Northern Black Sea region,
complex has a narrow corridor-like room in which a conquering the Scythian Kingdom on the Crimean
warrior with weaponry of the Hunnic type was buried Peninsula. According to B.A. Rybakov, the Proto-Slavs
(Mershchiev, 1970). The Tepe-5 temple near the Kerkidon (Scythians – “plowmen” of Herodotus) had contacts
reservoir in the Fergana Valley (see Fig. 2) is an example with the Sarmatians at the turn of the Common Era in the
of similar structure. It was built in the form of a monolith Northern Black Sea region (1987: 219–220). It is known
with a small closed room in the center (Gorbunova, 1972). that ancient Slavs and Sarmatians together with Goths
In the course of subsequent rebuilding, four more similar participated in the formation of the Chernyakhov culture
towers were constructed between the four semicircular of Eastern Europe. After the migration of the Huns to the
towers, which resulted in the eight-petaled rosette in plan west, the carriers of the Chernyakhov culture participated
view (see Fig. 2). in the emergence of the Eastern Slavic group of tribes. The
In recent years, a similar cruciform cultic structure sanctuaries of the Chernyakhov culture also had a form of
has been excavated by E. Smagulov in the center of the square grounds with idols; bonfires were made on them
town of Turkestan—Ancient Yassi. The structure is dated (Vinokur, 1972, 1983).
to the 3rd–4th centuries by a Huvishka’s coin, although In the Late Sarmatian period (3rd–4th centuries
the coin might have also gotten there later. The building AD), as a result of the advance of the Huns to the west,
skeletons with circular deformation of the skull appeared with traces of fire were found in the interior spaces of
in Sarmatian burials. Notably, Sarmatian cemeteries the cruciform structures of Shashtepa in Tashkent and
extended to the north into the interfluves of the Volga, Shahr-i Qumis in Northeastern Iran. These skulls might
Khoper, and Don Rivers. In the forest-steppe regions have belonged to priests or revered people whose lives
and in the upper reaches of the Volga and the Don, the could have been associated with these sanctuaries. The
Sarmatians mixed with the Veneti, and became a part oldest prototypes of the structures under discussion are
of the emerging groups of Eastern Slavs (Berestnev, represented in the lower reaches of the Syr Darya by
Medvedev, 2015). These observations are of fundamental the Scythian mausoleums of Northern Tagisken of the
importance for understanding the genesis of paganism in 10th–8th centuries BC and adobe mausoleums of the
Old Rus. Chirik-Rabat culture of the 5th–3rd centuries BC. On
It is known that after the Christianization of Rus the ground plans of all these structures, we may see the
in the 10th century, ancient temples and sanctuaries of same composition—the combination of circle, square,
the Slavs were destroyed. Information from the written and cross—the symbols of heaven, earth, and the sun
sources about the destruction of temples of Perun in (see Fig. 2). These commemorative cultic structures
Kiev and Novgorod, as well as the idol on the Zbruch reflect the evolution of burial practices—transition from
River, is confirmed by archaeological research (see cremation in Northern Tagisken to inhumation in Chirik-
Fig. 2). It has been established that all idols were thrown Rabat with ritual burning of the mausoleum. Ritual
into the rivers. In Kiev and Novgorod, idols of Perun were burials at the sanctuaries of Old Rus may also constitute
made of wood. A four-faced stone statue carved of local the burials of priests of ancient Slavic cults, and their
limestone stood in the sanctuary of Zbruch (Rusanova, funeral rite testifies to a transition from archaic Indo-
Timoshchuk, 1986). European cremation to inhumation yet accompanied
For our topic, it is important to discuss the structure by the ancient rite of making a bonfire. It is known that
of such sanctuaries with the sculpture of an idol in the traces of fire have been found in all Sarmatian burials.
center. These were elevations round in plan view, with The reports of Christians may be a sheer slander against
eight round depressions encircled by embankments the pagans, like many ridiculous accusations by the early
along the perimeter. On the Zbruch and in Peryn near Muslims against the population of Sogd, which adhered
Novgorod, the structures looked like a symmetrical to their old religion.
eight-petaled rosette in plan view. Similar in plan to the As far as the eight-partite structures of the outer
Early Medieval cultic structures of the Fergana Valley peripheries in the two above mentioned sanctuaries
and comparable in sizes, all of them date back to the of Old Rus and the Early Medieval structure in the
Early Middle Ages. However, in the Fergana Valley, such Fergana Valley are concerned, these could have been
sanctuaries were monolithic adobe structures, while in the embodiment of the natural development of the idea
the sanctuaries of the Zbruch and Peryn, the hill with on the symmetry of the cross. Transition from the four-
the idol was surrounded by eight pits, where bonfires petaled to eight-petaled ground plan is manifested in
were kindled and animal sacrifices were made. This was the cultic building in the Fergana Valley. The corners of
a traditional ritual of sacrifice rooted in common Indo- the central square structure protruding between the four
European archaic times. Ash pits identical in content semicircular towers in this cruciform structure were
have been found at all of the above-mentioned cruciform transformed into semicircular towers, which resulted
structures in Middle Asia. Similarly to the monuments of in a monolithic cultic tower or high platform, eight-
Middle Asia mentioned above, remains of people buried petaled in plan view (see Fig. 2). This is certainly a
in pits around the idol have been found in the sanctuaries conjecture. The evolution of ancient Slavic sanctuaries,
of Old Rus. The authors of the excavations at the Slavic initially represented by round and square elevated
shrine on the Zbruch considered them to be human platforms on which idols stood and bonfires burned,
sacrifices (Ibid.). Christian authors of Old Rus accused might have followed the same trends. There were
the pagans of rituals of human sacrifice (Ibid.). Human shrines and sanctuaries in the form of the cross in
burials also appear in the cruciform structures in Middle Old Rus. The central structure of the temple of Perun
Asia mentioned above. For example, the bones of a male excavated by V.V. Khvoiko in Kiev, which had the form
of middle age were laid in anatomical order in large ash of an oval superimposed on the cross in plan view, was
pit under a clay mound near the entrance to the building built of stone blocks in the 8th century. Semicircular
of the 5th–6th centuries at Setalak in the Bukhara oasis. pits were dug in the four cardinal directions at the
A small rectangular chamber, where a warrior with sanctuary of the 10th century in Khodosovichi, which
weaponry of the 5th–6th centuries AD was buried, was was cruciform in plan view. Bonfires were made in the
found in the continuous adobe masonry of the cruciform pits, and bones and other waste from collective meals
structure of Kzyl-Kainar-Tobe near the town of Taraz were thrown there in honor of the deity (Sedov, 1982:
in Kazakhstan (see Fig. 2). Burials of human skulls 286–287). The fact that the eight-petaled structures
also had their own history is evidenced by the eight- of a guest to an autochthonous virgin. The same legend
tower structure Garry-Kiariz I of the 7th–6th centuries speaks about the origin of the Scythians from Hercules,
BC in Turkmenistan (see Fig. 2). Its function raises who married the serpentine maiden, the daughter of
questions (Pilipko, 1984). It is known that the eight- the Borysthenes River. According to the Shahnameh,
pointed star or eight-petaled flower was a symbol of Rustam (the hero of the Sako-Sogdian epics) married
the Great Aquatic Goddess—the goddess of love and Takhmina, but he himself was the grandson of the dragon
childbirth. Her planet Venus (Aphrodite, Cholpan, Zahhak (Dahak) on the side of his mother, a pagan who
Zuhra) appears for eight months as the evening star and did not know the doctrines of Zarathushtra.
for another eight months as the morning star, which has The legend of Mother Anbar (Anbar Ena) has survived
been known since prehistoric times. to this day in Khorezm, where a dynasty of people from
All of these sanctuaries were usually built on river the Daho-Sarmatian environment has ruled since the
banks. Fragments of legends about the complex of river 2nd century AD. Mother Anbar was the patroness of
deities have survived. The main deities among them motherhood and origin of life. According to a legend,
were the archaic river Nymph and her two companions, as a result of a conflict with his father, her son Sultan
including the river dragon or sacred fish. The most Khubi or Yubi—the Sultan of the waters (“ob”, “ov” –
famous narrative on this topic in Rus is the Novgorod ‘water’)—went to live under the waters of the Amu
tale about Sadko. The legends about Sadko written down Darya, where even today he rescues the drowning and
from various storytellers do not coincide in details, but grazes schools of fish. Legend has it that Anbar Ena is
have their plot, storyline, and protagonists in common. still looking for her son. Until the 20th century, she was
In the earliest pre-Christian version of this epic tale, the worshiped by the boatmen and fishermen of the Amu
events unfolded around three main characters—Sadko, Darya; the bows of their ships were decorated with
the Virgin Whitefish, and the King of the Sea. In later the figure of Mother Anbar carved of wood (Snesarev,
versions, a Christian saint guiding Sadko’s behavior 1969: 232ff). The video of the Azov Museum “Treasures
appeared in the plot. The female character is represented of the Sarmatians”, recently posted on the Internet,
by two images—the mother Virgin Whitefish and her reports a pottery vessel with the representation of a man
daughter Charnava, identified with the Chernava River grazing a school of fish (https://www.youtube.com/
which flows into the sacred Lake Ilmen. According to watch?reload=9&v=dMXHSeO6kEI).
this most common version, Sadko was a lonely stranger, The advance of the late Sarmatians to the north could
popular gusli player; he played music on his multi- have accelerated after their defeat by the Huns in 375 in
stringed gusli entertaining the sea king. After he gained the steppes of the Northern Black Sea region. Part of the
the support of the king, Sadko made a bet with the Sarmatians (the Ases) entered the Hunnic union, while the
merchants of Novgorod that he could catch the Fish of irreconcilable part left to the north.
the Golden Feather and become richer than them. The As mentioned above, in the second century BC the
sea king did not disappoint Sadko, and after catching Dahae occupied not only the entire Amu Darya basin,
the fish, Sadko quickly became rich. The king of the but also the lands in the middle reaches of the Indus
sea demanded payment for this wealth. Sadko sank to and Afghanistan, after crossing the Hindu Kush. There,
the bottom of the sea and enchanted everyone with the in Gandhara, the archaic hymns of Mithra (Avestian
music he played on the gusli. The king of the sea also “Mihr” – ‘deity of the treaty’, Russian “Mir”), Aredvi
started to dance, so that a hurricane raised on the sea Sura Anahita, and Hvarn have been preserved; later, they
and the waves sank all the ships. Only the appearance entered the canon of Zoroastrianism, even though they
of St. Nicholas the Wonderworker, who insisted on tear contradicted the doctrine of Zarathushtra reflected in his
the strings of the gusli, before Sadko, saved everyone. sermons-gathas (Lelekov, 1992: 247–255). This, the so-
Peace and tranquility at started to pervade the sea again. called, Drangiana tradition of the Avesta is associated with
The contented sea king invited Sadko to become his the tradition of the Helmand River valley—repeating the
relative. At the bride show, following the advice of the hydronym of the sacred Lake Ilmen. “Helmand” means
Virgin Whitefish, Sadko chose Charnava, the daughter ‘depositing clay, silt’. The water in the river and lake into
of the king, out of hundreds of girls of the underwater which it flowed was muddy, like in Lake Ilmen and in the
kingdom. The newlyweds miraculously returned to Volkhov River flowing from it.
Novgorod. According to another version of the epic tale, In his book The Paganism of Old Rus, Rybakov made
the newlyweds sailed away to the Khvalynskoye Sea an exhaustive analysis of the cultic and mythological
(Caspian Sea) on ships donated by the sea king; this is an semantics of idols on the Zbruch and in the sanctuary
allusion to the fact that by origin Sadko was associated of Perun on Lake Ilmen and in Novgorod (1987). He
with the Sarmatian lands. emphasized that the idol on the Zbruch was set at a
This Novgorod epic tale has preserved the oldest and, sanctuary which appeared in distant Scytho-Sarmatian
in fact, matriarchal mythologeme about the marriage times, and from there it was thrown into the river in the
10th century. Rybakov identified that stone idol from deity Jassa—Yasha, Lizard. As Rybakov observed, in
the sanctuary with the most ancient deity of the Slavs— the southern Kiev triad of Yashcher (Lizard), Lada, and
Rod-Svyatovid, the same as Svarog or Stribog (Ibid.: her daughter Leya, Lizard corresponded to old Slavic
172–173). In Novgorod, the idol of Perun—the patron “Rod” (clan). According to V.V. Sedov, the Slovenes
deity of the Prince and his retinue, the god of thunder and were genetically related to the Lechid tribe of Poland
lightning of the Slavic pantheon—was set up by Dobrynya (1982). There is another version: the Slovenes came
Nikitich in 980, and stood for only eight years until Prince from the banks of the Danube. Fibulae were decorated
Vladimir decided to convert to Christianity. All these eight with lizard heads among the Slavs of the Dnepr region of
years, the unquenchable fire burned near Perun similarly the 6th–7th centuries AD. Later, the dragon image often
to the cultic temples of the Parthian rulers—descendants appeared in the decoration of the Christian architecture
of the Dahae and Sarmatians. Avestan Farn or Sogdian of Novgorod in the 10th–13th centuries. Rybakov came
Parn was also associated with celestial fire. During to the conclusion that the history of the sanctuary in
forced Christianization, the people (Slovenes) led by their Peryn could be divided into three stages: the first stage
pagan priest Bogomil-Solovei rebelled against Dobrynya was associated with the pagan cult, lake, river, and fish
Nikitich. The image of Solovei (the oldest water deity) (led by Yashcher), the second stage with the artificial
is associated with the snake or lizard of ancient Russian introduction of the cult of Perun, and the third stage with
mythology. The source reports that the slogan “It is better forced Christianization (1987).
to die than to give our gods over to mockery” raised five The Sarmatian sanctuaries of the first century AD
thousand residents of Novgorod to protest; but Dobrynya were square or round areas in the open air, on which
defeated the pagans, and in 988 threw the idol of Perun large bonfires were lit. The sanctuaries of the carriers
into the Volkhov River. of the Chernyakhov culture and ancient Slavic places
Rybakov cited a legend about the emergence of the of worship, where the stone idol stood, were the same
Slovenes, written down in the 17th century on Lake Ilmen: (Vinokur, 1972, 1983).
“Two tribal leaders left their old lands in ‘Scythenopontos’ According to Sedov, t wo more round platforms,
and began to search for ‘favorable places’ ‘in the world’; which could have been dedicated to two female deities
‘like sharp-winged eagles they flew over the desert’; of the Slavic triad, stood (one on either side) by the
after forty years of wandering, they reached the Great sanctuary of Perun in the place where the idol of the
Lake named after Sloven’s sister Ilmera. On the bank of Yashcher (the deity of the Volkhov River) had previously
the Volkhov River (‘then called’ “muddy”’), the town of been (1982).
Slovensk the Great (‘and now Novgrad’) was built. And It is important for our research topic that a pair of
after that time, the Scythian newcomers began to be called sacrificial knives was discovered in the famous Chernaya
Slovenes…” (Ibid.: 179). We should mention that the Mogila burial mound, where one of the pre-Christian
muddy Karasu River—‘Black Water’, the Sogdian name Kiev princes of the 10th century was buried according
Matrud—‘muddy, dim river’—also flows near Samarkand to the cremation rite (Rybakov, 1987: 216). The earliest
and is also considered sacred. pairs of bronze sacrificial knives have been found in
According to Rybakov, earlier, before the idol of the Scythian burial mounds in the Northern Black Sea
Perun was set there, a sanctuary of the ancient deity region. Apparently, bronze knives quickly became blunt
of the Volkhov River had been in that place (Slavic during sacrifices of large animals among the Scythians,
Veles + ov, ob – Iranian ‘water’. Cf. the name of the and therefore it was the custom to prepare two knives for
most ancient Aryan town of Balkh on the Balkhob ritual celebrations. Even today, when cutting carcasses,
River)—a water lizard that the Christian chronicler butchers usually use not one knife, but several, and often
called “Korkodel” (Ibid.: 180–190). Rybakov cited sharpen them. Paired knives have been also found in
an Old Russian text that Ov (“someone”) conducted the inventory of a royal person of the first century BC,
magical rituals of worshiping the goddess of the river buried in Tillya-Tepe (Fig. 5). Two identical knives were
and god-beast living in it. Ov made a sacrifice for a rich inserted into a golden scabbard (Sarianidi, 1985: Ill. 162;
catch (Ibid.: 180). This archaic text preceded the legend 1989: 98–101). The information about this find given by
of Sadko. This classical triad reappears in the hymn of V.I. Sarianidi in his 1985 book was somewhat incorrect. At
the Avesta about the goddess of the river Aredvi Sura the invitation of Sarianidi, I participated in the expedition,
Anahita with the dragon Gandharva living in her waters, and excavated and unearthed this royal burial, and I know
and a protagonist who worships this river. that two identical narrow knives were inserted into the
Rybakov pointed out that the ancient gusli discovered same scabbard. A similar scabbard with paired ritual
during the excavations of the 12th century Novgorod knives was also present on the belt of one of the khalats of
in the form of a wooden trough with strings, had a the Emir of Bukhara, which was exhibited in the museum
handle with representation of the head of a dragon or collection of the Ark of Bukhara in the 1960s. The Emir’s
lizard—the king of the sea. This is the Slavic water purple velvet robe was embroidered with silver thread; a
Mies kazanlar kainadi, apa kel, apa

kel. – Copper cauldrons have boiled up,
Fig. 5. A pair of kosh pichak knives. 1st come, sister, come, sister.
century BC. Tillya-Tepe (Sarianidi, 1985).
Kosh pichaklar kairaldi, apa kel, apa
kel. – The kosh pichak knives have been
sharpened, come, sister, come, sister…
At that very moment, the sister breaks
in with a mug in her hand; she rushes to
the kid, and pours water from the sacred
spring into his mouth. A miracle happens,
and the kid turns back into her brother. The
Kalmyks, struck by the miracle, let them
go unharmed.
The Russian fairy tale about Sister
Alyonushka and Brother Ivanushka has
a similar plot. Such coinciding plots
belonging to peoples who seem to be remote
in space and time, are called “wandering”
by folklorists. Archaeology, to the best of its
capacity, makes it possible to trace the paths
and times of migrations of these subjects,
associated with specific types of material
culture of particular ethnic groups in place
0 5 cm and time.
silver scabbard, from which the turquoise handles of two Conclusions

identical knives protruded, was attached to his wide silver
belt. The memory of a pair of sacrificial knives “kosh Cyrus’ historical campaign against the nomads was
pichak” has survived until this day in Uzbek folklore: caused by the need to secure the northeastern borders of
the characters of fairy tales sharpen “kosh pichak” before the Kingdom of Kingdoms he was building, in which he
sacrificing an animal. was Shahan Shah—the King of Kings—before his distant
In this regard, the following plot of the Uzbek fairy campaign to Egypt. Cyrus knew the Scythians who found
tale can be summarized. An older sister and her brother themselves within the boundaries of his rapidly expanding
go into the field to gather “mother-kaymak” (dandelions). Empire, yet he underestimated the powerful mobilization
When they return to the house, ashes await them: the capacity of the nomadic tribes of the Great Steppe,
Kalmyks have ravaged and burned the village. The which at that time were also creating extensive military
children go to search for at least anyone who has survived. and political entities. Cyrus became a victim of his own
The sun is scorching mercilessly. The brother asks for a mistake. After he was defeated by the united coalition of
drink; the sister persuades him to be patient. There is no the nomads from Middle Asia, two early state formations
water anywhere, and suddenly, the brother sees a hoof- of the Dahae and Massagetae emerged. Their oases
print filled with water on the ground, and drinks from it. It appeared in vast delta of the Syr Darya. The example
is goat-urine, and the boy turns into a kid. After the sister was the southern neighbor—the Ancient Khorezm, which
realizes what has happened, she leaves her brother there appeared in the Amu Darya delta a hundred years earlier,
and runs to the sacred spring for miracle-working water. in the Median time. Khorezm could certainly not avoid
At this time, the Kalmyks have set up a camp nearby, and fighting with Cyrus together with the nomads, although
a son has been born to their leader. The leader has ordered there is no information about this in the sources.
the organization of a “beshik-toi” (a feast in honor of the The Dahae settled in the southwestern part of the delta
swaddling of a newborn in a cradle) for the people. Those of the Syr Darya and formed their semi-sedentary early
who were sent on a hunt to bring meat for the feast find urban culture. Two hundred years after the disastrous
the kid. Preparations for the feast at the Kalmyk camp draining of the delta channels in their oasis, they migrated
are already in full swing. The brother bleats loudly and mainly to the south and east, and created their own larger
calls his sister: and smaller states there. It is no coincidence that precisely
Altyn beshik boulandi, apa kel, apa kel. – They have at this time, the carriers of the Prokhorovka culture, who
tied the golden cradle, come, sister, come, sister. continued to roam in the Southern Urals, migrated to the
west and invaded the lands of the Sauromates, as a result gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Ser 4. Istoriya. Regionovedeniye.
of which the ethnic name “Sarmatian” appeared. A part of Mezhdunarodniye otnosheniya, vol. 20 (2): 7–17.
the Dahae might have left for the steppes of Kazakhstan, Dandamaev M.A. 1991
where they mixed with the Massagetae and Saka people, Review of Acta Iranica. Encyclopedie permanente des
Etudes iraniennes. Deuxième série, XVII (28). A Green Leaf.
who remained in the steppe in the second century BC,
Papers in Honour of Professor Jes P. Asmussen. Leiden:
originating the strong state of Kangju, mentioned in the E.G. Brill, 1988. Vestnik drevnei istorii, No. 3: 209–215.
Chinese sources. Filanovich M.I. 1983
The Sarmatians constituted the western wing of this Tashkent. Zarozhdeniye i razvitiye goroda i gorodskoy
large ethnic and cultural community of the early nomads, kultury. Tashkent: FAN.
which may have been a confederation, and migrated west Filanovich M.I. 2010
starting in the 3rd century BC. They moved on the paths Drevnyaya i srednevekovaya istoriya Tashkenta v
by which the Scythians had passed five hundred years arkheologicheskikh istochnikakh. Tashkent: FAN.
before. Like the Dahae in Middle Asia, the Sarmatians Gorbunova N.G. 1972
V Drevney Fergane. Tashkent: FAN.
dominated the steppes in the south of the present-day
Gorbunova N.G. 1985
Russia until the appearance of Huns in the 3rd century. Pamyatniki Kerkidonskoy gruppy v Yuzhnoy Fergane.
In the 3rd–4th centuries AD, owing to the subsequent ASGE, iss. 26: 45–70.
aridization of climate and advance of the Huns to Gorbunova N.G. 1994
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ETHNOLOGY
doi:10.17746/1563-0110.2021.49.3.075-082
S.F. Tataurov and S.S. Tikhonov

E-mail: tatsf2008@rambler.ru; semchi957@gmail.com
Shovels Used by Russians in 17th–18th Century Siberia
The study describes types of the shovel—one of the most widely used and multifunctional tools in 17th–18th century
Russian culture of Siberia. The principal collection includes more than twenty intact and fragmented specimens
unearthed during 13 field seasons of excavations at Tara, in the Omsk Region. Shovels found elsewhere in Western
Siberia are also described, and the role of this tool in the households of Russian pioneers in Siberia is assessed. Judging
by the drawings in Semen Remezov’s chronicle and excavation records from Tara, Mangazeya, and Nadym forts, we
conclude that shovels were specialized for various kinds of work, and that they varied with the season. There were
diverse types used for constructing fortifications, dwellings and utility structures, for digging graves, tillage, clearing
snow, handling bulk materials, and baking bread; children’s toy shovels are also described. Information is provided on
shapes of shovels and the types of wood Siberians used for making them.
Keywords: Tools, shovels, history, Siberia, material, form, subsistence.
Introduction Tara Fortress, and establishing the role of this tool in the
subsistence system of the Russians of Siberia.
Archaeologists carefully study various types of finds,
including weaponry and tools, pottery, items of portable
art, etc. However, some of them, such as wooden shovels, History of research into wooden shovels in
very rarely come to attention of scholars. This can be Russian scholarship
explained by the absence of a series of such items:
at the majority of archaeological sites, wooden items As a tool for loosening and removing soil, and moving
very rarely survive in a state suitable for research. The bulk materials, shovels have been used in Northern
evidence obtained from studying the first Russian towns Eurasia at least since the Neolithic. In the early
in Siberia may fill this gap. Excavations at the location 20th century, at the Shigir peat-bog, near the village
of the historical center of Tara—one of the first Russian of Neivo-Rudyanka (Sverdlovsk Region), 32 items
towns in Western Siberia—yielded materials making it made of coniferous wood were discovered. These were
possible to reconstruct not only the town’s planigraphy identified as shovels with support, which were used
and wooden architecture, but also almost all aspects of for soil loosening (Tolmachev, 1916: 36–37, 41–42,
life among Tara’s residents, including their use of wooden pl. I). In 1937–1939, at the Modlona site, in Kirillovsky
shovels in everyday life. (formerly Charozersky) District of the Vologda Region,
This study is aimed at presenting the shovels of the in the layer of the Volosovo culture of the second half of
17th–18th centuries, found during the excavations of the the 3rd millennium BC, a shovel with slanting shoulders
© 2021 S.F. Tataurov, S.S. Tikhonov
75
76 S.F. Tataurov and S.S. Tikhonov / Archaeology, Ethnology and Anthropology of Eurasia 49/3 (2021) 75–82
was discovered (Bryusov, 1951: 39, fig. 11, 2). The made it possible to increase significantly the corpus
same kind of item was found in 1960 by G.M. Burov of sources with items made of organic materials—
during the excavations at the Vis I site (the mouth of the leather, wood, and vegetable and woolen fibers. In
Simva brook, the Sindor Lake system, Knyazhpogostsky terms of numbers, these collections are comparable to
District of the Komi Republic). Burov did not identify those from the most famous sites of European Russia,
the artifact as a shovel, but considered it to be similar such as Novgorod, Ladoga, etc. The reason for the
to the finds of Bryusov (Burov, 1966: 162). In 1954, good preservation of such artifacts is special natural
S.I. Rudenko found seven shovels in the Tuekta burial conditions: low temperatures in Mangazeya (Vizgalov,
mound 1 (Altai Republic) (1960: 112, fig. 61; 113). Parkhimovich, 2008, 2017; Kardash, 2009), or a specific
The amount of information about shovels discovered type of the cultural layer; for example, in Tara it was
at archaeological sites has increased with the appearance accumulated during two centuries within the fortress
of studies discussing the evidence from excavations walls, and frequent large fires contributed to its intensive
of Russian sites, primarily in Novgorod. In 1968, formation up to 4 m thick (Tataurov, Chernaya, 2015;
B.A. Kolchin described wooden items from the Nerevsky Aleksandrovsky et al., 2019).
excavation area in Veliky Novgorod, Among these, Good preservation of wooden architecture at Siberian
there were shovels made of oak. According to Kolchin, sites makes it possible to correlate the finds with specific
24 intact shovels and about 150 shafts and blades were housing and economic complexes, which enhances
found (1968: 15–17, fig. 5, 1–6, 11–14). He divided more accurate attribution of the items discovered. For
the shovels into groups according to their function: for example, kitchen spatulas and tools for calking log cabins
placing bread into the oven, for doing earthworks, for with moss are similar in shape. In order to establish the
working with loose materials, and for removing snow. functions of the tools, one needs to have information on
According to Kolchin, Novgorod shovels had a platform the locations of the finds. Shovels and oars are not only
for the foot only on the right side, which gives us a clue quite similar in shape, but were often used for purposes
on the technique of earthworking: a person pressed on other than those intended: people might row in boats with
the shovel with his right foot, while the right hand was shovels, and shovel bulk materials with oars.
usually placed on the shaft of the shovel below the left Drawings from the Remezov Chronicle, made at
hand; the soil was dumped forward to the right, sidewise the turn of the 17th–18th centuries, help us to establish
to the right, or backwards to the right. In an earlier study, specialized purposes of shovels (Remezovskaya letopis…,
the scholar only mentioned wooden shovels and iron 2006). In our opinion, the tools shown there have
fittings found in Novgorod, Kyiv, and Suzdal (Kolchin, remained practically unchanged during the first century
1953: 88–89, fig. 51). A.V. Chernetsov, A.V. Kuza and of the Russian possession of Siberia. It is important that
N.A. Kiryanova, the authors of the section “Zemledeliye the images of items (weaponry, tools, dishware, etc.) are
i promysly” (‘Agriculture and Crafts’) from the rendered in detail.
monograph Drevnyaya Rus (‘Old Rus’), published in the In the Remezov Chronicle, shovels are mentioned in
series Arkheologiya SSSR (‘Archaeology of the USSR’), several articles, which also provide detailed drawings
used the findings of Kolchin and gave a description of of them. For example, article 36 contains information
the shovels, where they mentioned that their blades about the victory of the Cossacks and capturing a large
had a rectangular, trapezoidal, or triangular shape amount of booty: “…and so much booty was captured
(Drevnyaya Rus…, 1985: 224, 237, pl. 85, 1–8). In the that they could not take it on the boats. And they hid
1990s, the publications by A.P. Borodovsky (1994) and that booty in the ground at the mouth of the Tura River”
S.S. Tikhonov (1994) showed the opportunities of (Remezovskaya letopis…, 145), which is supplemented
studying wooden shovels and iron fittings on the by the drawing depicting a sentry and three diggers
basis of a wide range of material and written sources with shovels, making a mound over the treasures
(Borodovsky, 1994: 67; Tikhonov, 1994: 63–66). (Fig. 1, 1). One shovel is drawn in sufficient detail: it has
Wooden shovels do not appear in the studies of Russian a long, straight shaft almost as tall as human height, equal
scholars as often as pottery or artifacts made of metal, straight shoulders and a metal fitting, extending towards
bone, etc., but these works have laid the foundation for the working edge. The fitting is fixed to the shovel with
further research of this category of finds. staples.
Article 42 mentions the opposition of Khan Kuchum
to the advance of Yermak’s unit: “He made a tree
Siberian evidence and purpose entanglement near Chuvashy on the Irtysh, fortifying
of wooden shovels the town with trenches…” (Ibid.: 151), and provides a
drawing showing two diggers and a lumberjack, holding
Evidence from excavations of Russian archaeological shovels with long straight shafts. Notably, these tools are
complexes of the 17th–18th centuries in Siberia has without fittings.
S.F. Tataurov and S.S. Tikhonov / Archaeology, Ethnology and Anthropology of Eurasia 49/3 (2021) 75–82 77
Article 81 provides information about the first losses

of Yermak: “Yermak returned back and buried his people
at the Sauskan promontory, at the royal cemetery on the
edge of the promontory, so as to remember the place”
(Ibid.: 178). The drawing shows the process of burying
the killed Cossacks in the mass grave (Fig. 1, 3). Three
diggers are throwing earth into the grave, using large 2
shovels. Two more shovels with long shafts, straight,
equal shoulders, and fittings along the working surface 1
are lying on the ground.
Article 98 reports: “Yermak… went up the Irtysh
towards the Bukharans, and in the Agit bow he dug across
the portage” (Ibid.: 193). The drawing shows the camp
of the Cossacks, fenced off by a sufficiently wide and
deep ditch into which the water of the Irtysh was brought
(Fig. 1, 4). There are no shovels, but the amount of
work done suggests that almost the entire unit did the 4
earthworks, and therefore a lot of shovels were available.
Article 112 mentions the burial of Yermak by the
Tatars at the Begishevo cemetery (Ibid.: 202). The 3
drawing shows two diggers making a mound over the
grave; they are holding tools with long, straight shafts and
slightly sloping shoulders (Fig. 1, 5). The shovels have
rounded blades without fittings.
Analysis of the drawings allows the conclusion to be
drawn that both Russians and Tatars used shovels with
long, straight shafts and well-marked shoulders. Tatar
shovels did not have metal fittings, and had rounded
edges. All Russian diggers had shovels with fittings and 5
straight edges. These tools were used for digging and
filling grave pits, and for constructing fortifications. Fig. 1. Shovels in the drawings of the Remezov Chronicle
On the basis of the evidence found during the (Remezovskaya letopis…, 2006).
1 – Cossacks bury treasures on the Tura River (Ibid.: 145); 2 –
excavations of the Tara Fortress, as well as finds from diggers of Khan Kuchum (Ibid.: 151); 3 – burial of Yermak’s
Mangazeya and Fort Nadym, we attempted to distinguish soldiers (Ibid.: 178); 4 – ditch with embankment created across
the shovels of Siberia in accordance with such features as the portage by Yermak (Ibid.: 193); 5 – burial of Yermak by the
the purpose of the tool, its shape, and its material, relying Tatars (Ibid.: 202).
on the typology developed by Kolchin (1968: 15–17). We
should note that we do not claim to be innovative, since An iron fitting was attached to the shovel blade. The
this typology does not require revision. drawings in the chronicle of S.U. Remezov show all
Several types of shovels have been identified in Russian shovels with fittings. However, only a few such
accordance with their intended purpose. tools are present in archaeological collections; the fittings
Shovels for earthworks (Fig. 2, 2, 8, 9; 3, 8, 13–14). could have been recycled in forges or, if the wooden base
These have long (at least 1 m) shafts. The end of each became broken, they were reused on a new tool. For
shaft has the shape of spherical knob or is flat (sawn example, the specimen from Tara is well-worn. The iron
off), with a hole for rope. The blade is relatively small fitting was made of thick rod (Fig. 3, 7), in which a deep
(35–45 cm long, no more than 30–35 cm wide), which cut was made with a chisel, and then each side was forged
made it easier to dig soil. The working edge of a shovel using a sharp insert. This is a rather laborious method;
without fittings can be either straight or rounded. more often, the fitting was made of two plates joined with
Shoulders in the shovels of this type are straight for welding by a smith.
convenient resting of the foot, or slightly slanting; Shovels for earthworks were used for planting,
when working with such tools, one could rely only on processing, and harvesting vegetables: for example,
the strength of the arms. The Tara shovels were made turnips. A large pot with turnips was found during the
of birch—its timber was considered one of the toughest excavations in Tara. Turnips and cabbages were the most
in this forest region. The Mangazeya and Nadym tools common vegetables among Russians in Siberia of that
were also made of birch. period (Tataurov, Tikhonov, Chernaya, 2016). Another use
1
0 10 cm
9
0 10 cm
2 8
3
0 10 cm 0 10 cm
0 10 cm
4 5 6 7
5 cm 0 10 cm 0 10 cm
0 0 10 cm
Fig. 2. Wooden shovels from excavations at Mangazeya (1–7) and Fort Nadym (8, 9).
1, 3 – for snow removal; 2, 8, 9 – for earthworks; 4 – for baking bread; 5–7 – kitchen spatulas.
of shovels was associated with the need to store food—for An important part of Tara’s life was the construction
digging cellars. Cellars were divided into compartments and maintenance of defensive structures. The powder
with ice for storing meat and fish in the warm season, magazines under the fortress and fortress towers were
and compartments for storing vegetables (Tataurov, 3 sazhens (over 6 m) deep into the ground. The fortress
Chernaya, Borilo, 2018). Tara, like any other fortress, had walls consisted of gorodni—cribworks filled with soil
several sources of water supply. The town had both public and palisades; a ditch was dug in front of them along the
(fortress and monastery) and private wells. Digging tools entire perimeter of the town. Shovels for earthworks were
were needed for their making and routine cleaning. One indispensable.
of the wells was excavated in 2012. Stirring shovels. Small shovels, which served rather
Several clay pits for pottery and brick production as stirrers (Fig. 3, 11, 12), were used for mixing solutions.
have been found during the excavations of the town. Their length did not exceed 1 m; in some cases, the
The town dwellers extracted raw materials within shovel’s blade constituted over a half of the item. The
fortress walls, using shovels for earthworks. Such blade’s width reached 20 cm. The working edge could
shovels were also used to clean sheds where livestock be either straight or rounded. The shoulders were weakly
were kept in winter. expressed.
1 2
0 10 cm
4
6
0 10 cm 0 10 cm
3
5
0 10 cm
0 10 cm
7
0 10 cm
13 14
8 9 10 11 12
0 10 cm 0 10 cm 0 10 cm 0 10 cm 0 10 cm 0 10 cm 0 10 cm
Fig. 3. Shovels (1–6, 8–14) and iron fittings (7) from excavations at the Tara Fortress.
1 – kitchen spatula; 2 – toy shovel; 3–6, 10 – shovel for snow removal; 8, 13, 14 – shovel for earthworks; 9 – shovel for baking bread;
11, 12 – stirring shovels. 1–6, 8–14 – wood; 7 – iron.
Snow shovels (see Fig. 2, 1, 3; 3, 3–6, 10) were the items in collections. Unlike other tree species, aspen had
most numerous category among the shovels discovered the largest trunk diameter, so it was most often used to
during the excavations of Russian sites in Siberia. In make wide shovels for snow removal. A person who had
Tara, all tools for removing snow were carved of aspen— command of an axe needed a piece of log and half an
the softest and most fragile timber, with the exception of hour to make it.
one shovel (see Fig. 3, 3) made of cedar pine. It is not Snow shovels did not differ in length from digging
surprising that aspen shovels often broke (usually the shovels, and had the same long straight shaft. However,
edges of the blade broke off); it is very rare to find intact they had larger blades, over 40 cm in width and up to
60 cm in length. The working edge was usually straight, used whorls to stir the prepared dish (in terms of quantity,
but it could also be rounded. Of interest is a cedar pine whorls are comparable with the Mangazeya spatulas). The
shovel (see Fig. 3, 3); it is larger than others (ca 3 cm Tara spatula (see Fig. 3, 1) might not only have been used
thick), and has shoulders with protrusions (like modern for stirring: it served as a cutting-board, as evidenced by
spades); its working edge is not straight, but slanting. The numerous knife traces. Spatulas do not exceed 50 cm in
absence of wear traces suggests that the shaft broke at length; their shoulders are strongly slanting; the working
the very beginning of the tool’s operation. The shoulders edge is straight; the width of the blade is 10–12 cm. The
are usually strongly slanting, but there are specimens spatulas used for plugging the cracks in cribworks with
with straight shoulders. One of the shovels bears the moss are very similar to these items; their purpose can be
inscription: “oCh” (see Fig. 3, 4); this is probably a mark established more accurately only by using the data on the
of belonging to a certain area of the town, or the stamp of location of such artifacts.
the manufacturer or owner of the tool. Toy shovels (see Fig. 3, 2). The toys discovered during
Shovels for baking bread (see Fig. 2, 4; 3, 9). The the excavation of Tara included several children’s shovels.
heads of excavations in Mangazeya identified a shovel As was shown in the study on this category of finds from
with a short shaft as “bread” shovel (see Fig. 2, 4) Tara, they reproduced the tools used by adults (Chernaya,
(Vizgalov, Parkhimovich, 2017: 97). The short shaft was Tataurov, 2019: 87, fig. 3, 9). For example, the children’s
probably made taking into account specific features of shovel shown in Fig. 3, 2 was an almost exact replica of
the Mangazeya ovens: these had short hearthstones, and the above-described cedar pine shovel for moving snow.
there was no need to insert loaf-tins or sheets with bread Sizes and proportions of shovels (ratio of the shaft’s
deep into the oven. Stoves in Tara and in the surrounding length to the blade, and ratio of the blade’s length to
settlements had long hearthstones, sometimes reaching its width) show that shovels for placing bread into the
2 m (Adaptatsiya russkikh…, 2014: 264, fig. 63, 1; 266, oven were the longest. Shovels for earthworks and snow
fig. 65), so shovels with long shafts were needed for removal were almost 0.5 m shorter than those. The shortest
baking bread (see Fig. 3, 9). A bread shovel differed from were kitchen spatulas (see Table). Snow shovels had the
a digging or snow shovel in shape and thickness: its shaft widest blades, while bread and kitchen shovels had the
was thinner and had a spherical or T-shaped knob at the narrowest blades (see Table). With the accumulation of
end, which made it easier to pull the tool with bread out of new evidence, it will be possible to establish the purposes
the oven. The blade was made in the form of an elongated of shovels from their sizes and proportions with more
oval with a sharp working edge. Its small thickness (no confidence. It would be useful to describe some features
more than 2 cm) and width (ca 20 cm) corresponded to of the ends of shafts and blades. A shaft ended with a
the purpose of the shovel to pull out bread, and not to lift knob or hole in a shovel designed for earthworks. A bread
it; such a shovel could be easily slipped under a sheet or shovel had a T-shaped or spherical knob at the end of
tin with bread. If necessary, the same shovel could be used the shaft; the thickness of the oval blade did not exceed
for raking charcoals and pulling out pots from the oven. 2 cm. A kitchen spatula was characterized by numerous
Oven-forks appeared simultaneously with cast-iron pots knife cuts on the blade and the presence of hole in the
only in the 19th century. shaft, through which a rope was threaded for hanging the
Kitchen spatulas (see Fig. 2, 5–7; 3, 1). The material utensil. As far as the slope of the shoulders is concerned
evidence from Mangazeya includes dozens of these (the angle between the shaft and the shoulder), this
kitchen utensils (Vizgalov, Parkhimovich, 2017: 171). indicator was confidently identified only for the shovels
Among the finds from Tara, such spatulas were less intended for earthworks or snow removal—135–160°. We
numerous; this can be explained by specific features of did not measure the parameters of the children’s shovels,
northern cuisine, or by the fact that the Tara-dwellers since they were adjusted for the hand of a child.
Parameters of the shovels discovered in Tara

Proportion
Amount,
Shovel Shaft length, m Blade length, m Blade width, m shaft length blade length
pcs.
to blade length to blade width
For earthworks 6 ≥1 0.35–0.45 up to 0.35 2.2–2.85 1.0–1.3
For stirring 2 ca 0.5–0.7 up to 0.5 ≤ 0.2 1 ca 2.5
For removing snow 7 1 0.6 0.45 1.5 1.5
For baking bread 3 up to 1.6 0.4–0.5 0.2–0.3 3.2–4.0 ca 2
Kitchen spatulas 3 ≤ 0.5 ca 0.2 up to 0.2 1 0.2–0.25
Conclusions working with soil, manure, etc. These kitchen spatulas

should be distinguished from tools for calking log cabins,
It is difficult to find an aspect in the life of an inhabitant whose blades were 3–15 cm wide. The latter were used
of Siberia that would not entail the use of shovel. People together with a mallet, so they often have typical marks of
cultivated land using shovels, dug cellars for storing mallet strikes on the shafts. Such finds occur outside the
harvest and ditches surrounding fortress walls, set up dwellings, and are not considered in this study.
defensive obstacles, and created the gorodni cribworks. Shovels show traits of both specialization and
This tool was also used to dig grave pits. In winter, the versatility. A wooden shovel was one of the simplest
life of a town in Siberia was inconceivable without snow tools to make; only a suitable log and axe—an even more
removal. Kitchen spatulas were indispensable in cooking. necessary tool in the life of a Siberian dweller—were
The study of shovels that were found during the needed to do it. Shovels were made of various types of
excavations in the Tara Fortress has shown that shovels wood and were given different shapes; iron fittings were
were used at different times of the year, indoors and used for ensuring their sharpness and durability.
outdoors, and for specific works. The tools differed in
the length of the shaft, the design of their ends, the width
and possibly thickness of the blades, and the presence References
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from a thin tree trunk, were found. Stirring shovels were
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ETHNOLOGY
doi:10.17746/1563-0110.2021.49.3.083-092
L.V. Tataurova and V.P. Mylnikov

E-mail: li-sa65@mail.ru; mylnikov@archaeology.nsc.ru
Hunting Equipment of Russians Living near Tara on the Irtysh

in the 17th and 18th Centuries
This article describes Russian hunting tools unearthed from several sites near the town of Tara on the Irtysh:
Ananyino I, Izyuk I, Tara, and Fort Bergamak. The functions of tools are assessed on the basis of archaeological
parallels from the Baraba forest-steppe, ethnographic examples relating to the culture of the Irtysh natives, materials
from Fort Albazin and Fort Sayansk, and much earlier burials dating to the Xianbei-Rouran time in the Altai
Mountains. The variety of 17th–18th century hunting tools is best represented at Mangazeya, Fort Alazeya, and Fort
Stadukhin. Apart from typological comparisons, technological analysis was carried out for several wooden and metal
artifacts. Results are helpful for revealing continuities between the 17th–18th century Russian hunting tradition at
Tara and that practiced in Old Rus and in the 15th–17th century Russian state, as well as for comparing it with the
Siberian native traditions.
Keywords: Russian population, Irtysh River, Tara in 17th–18th centuries, hunting equipment, bow, arrows, typology,
chronology.
Introduction The village of Ananyina (the Ananyino I site in

Tarsky District, Omsk Region) is one of the first Russian
Archaeological evidence from Old Russian sites and settlements founded near Tara. It was built on the southern
written sources contains various information about shore of Lake Ananyino—an oxbow of the Irtysh. To the
hunting devices and methods (Tretyakov, 1951: 55, southwest of the settlement, there is a cemetery. This one-
73–75; Malm, 1956: 108–116; Medvedev, 1966: house village has been known from the written sources
11–12; Niederle, 1956: 322; Chernetsov, Kuza, Kiryanova, since 1624. In 2005 and 2010–2020, L.V. Tataurova
1985: 232–233). Depending on the methods, all items and researched 2320 and 684 m2 of the area of the settlement
means used for hunting animals and birds are usually and cemetery, respectively, uncovering 81 burials and nine
divided into tools for active hunting (bows, arrows, and housing complexes of eight three-chamber log houses
guns) and passive hunting (snares, leghold and shooting and one single-chamber house (Tataurov et al., 2019:
traps, etc.) (Gerasimov, 1990: 54–58). 200–204; Tataurova, 2020; Tataurova, Krikh, 2015).
This research is based on archaeological evidence The remains of the cultural layer at Fort Bergamak
discovered at rural complexes of the Russians of the 17th– (the Bergamak I site in Muromtsevsky District, Omsk
18th centuries in the Omsk Region (the sites of Ananyino I, Region) have been found on a rock terrace above the Tara
Bergamak I, Izyuk I, and the town of Tara). River, on the northern edge of the present-day village
© 2021 L.V. Tataurova, V.P. Mylnikov
83
84 L.V. Tataurova and V.P. Mylnikov / Archaeology, Ethnology and Anthropology of Eurasia 49/3 (2021) 83–92
of Bergamak. The fort was built in 1668 on the border Research materials and methods
with the Baraba Tatar volosts on the left bank of the Tara
River. In 1996–1998, L.V. Tataurova and S.F. Tataurov Equipment for active types of hunting practiced by
excavated 300 m2 in the part of the site which was the the Russian population of the Tara Irtysh region in the
most susceptible to destruction by the river. During the 17th–18th centuries includes saadaks, and, since the
excavations, four buildings, as well as the remains of a 18th century, also firearms (which are not considered in
cellar and wooden structures possibly associated with this article). Composite bows and various types of arrows
a fortification system, were discovered (Tataurov et al., from the Russian saadak set were used in the region.
2019: 206–207). A fragment of a wooden core (the middle part of a bow
The village of Izyuk (the Izyuk I site in Bolsherechensky shaft) was found at the Ananyino I settlement under the
District, Omsk Region) is located on the right bank of flooring of a three-chamber log house, which, according
the Irtysh River, opposite the present-day village of to its set of things, pertains to the 18th century (Fig. 1, 1).
Evgashchino; it was founded not earlier than the 1660– The core is 50 cm long; the width of the limbs at the edges
1670s. In 1999–2004, Tataurova researched the settlement is 3.7 cm and 4.0 cm, and thickness is 0.7 cm. The handle
and burial complexes of the site and unearthed 1805 m2 is 17 cm in length, and 1.8 cm in width and thickness.
of the area. Five out of nine excavated features were Three types of arrows have been discovered at the
residential, including a log house, five-walled house with settlement complexes of the Tara Irtysh region: tomars
wooden addition, and three three-chamber log houses of solid wood, bone arrowheads, and iron arrowheads
(Ibid.: 204–206). At the cemetery, 261 burials were (Fig. 1, 2).
examined (Tataurova, 2010). Tomars of solid wood include 3 items. One of them,
The Tara Fortress, founded in 1594, is the first from Fort Bergamak, is represented by a 60 cm long
Russian fortress in the Omsk Irtysh region, located 300 fragment. The diameter of the shaft is 1 cm. The head
km north of Omsk, on the left bank of the Irtysh River. At (point) is 6 cm long; the width of the facets is 1.9 × 1.9 cm.
present, it is a district center, the town of Tara in Omsk In Tara, the upper parts of two tomars of solid wood
Region. Since 2007, excavations by S.F. Tataurov and with cone-shaped heads have been found (Fig. 1, 3, 4)
S.S. Tikhonov* have unearthed an area of over 2000 m2. (Tataurov et al., 2019: 333). Bone socketed heads of
The remains of the Prince’s Tower, which was a part of the tomars have also been discovered in the cultural layer of
fortification system, the household of a noble resident of Tara (see Fig. 1, 5).
Tara (presumably the Voevoda), shoe-making workshop, The collection of bone arrowheads is representative
cemetery of the 18th century, foundations of St. Nicholas and varied. Around thirty such points of various types
Cathedral, and a part of the church graveyard have been and three blanks have been discovered at the settlements
explored. Construction horizons of the late 16th–mid- of the Tara Irtysh region; points have been also found in
20th centuries, residential and utility complexes, and Tara (see Fig. 1, 6–17; 2, 1–23).
wooden pavements have been discovered in the cultural There are far fewer iron arrowheads on the explored
layer, which was about 4 m thick (Tataurov et al., 2019: Russian sites of the Tara Irtysh region (Fig. 2, 24–41).
253–392; Tataurova et al., 2014: 142–242). For example, only one item has been found in Tara
The hunting tool complex at archaeological sites, as (Fig. 2, 25).
well as in ethnographic collections, is made up of a small During the study, the methods of comparative-
set of items; therefore, it is very important to present such typological analysis for systematizing and dating the
artifacts to a wider scholarly audience. arrowheads, technical-technological and anatomical
This study intends to describe the saadak (Russian analysis of the wooden bow core, and microstructural
terminology according to (Markevich, 2005: 10, fig. 22)) or analysis for identifying manufacturing techniques of some
bow and quiver—the set of archer’s weaponry as a type of iron arrowheads were used.
inventory for active hunting among the Russian population
living in the Tara Irtysh region in the 17th–18th centuries.
The collections from Mangazeya and Forts Alazeya Description of the evidence
and Stadukhin are used as reference materials. The and research results
evidence from these sites is contemporaneous with the
collections from the Tara Irtysh region and gives some Bows
idea about the material culture of the Russians in the
17th–18th centuries. The fragment of the bow core found in Ananyino I is
not the only find related to hunting tools in the material
*The authors of this article are grateful to S.F. Tataurov and evidence from the sites of the 17th–18th centuries in
S.S. Tikhonov—the authors of the excavations in Tara—for the Siberia. The referential collections from Mangazeya
opportunity to use their research materials. contain parts of bow cores, nastrugi (specialized scrapers
L.V. Tataurova and V.P. Mylnikov / Archaeology, Ethnology and Anthropology of Eurasia 49/3 (2021) 83–92 85
Fig. 1. Hunting equipment of Russians

living in the Tara Irtysh region in the
17th–18th centuries.
1 – bow core; 2–4 – tomars; 5 – socketed point of
a tomar; 6 – socketed arrowhead; 7–17 – tanged
arrowheads. 1, 6–8, 11, 12, 14–17 – Ananyino I;
2, 9 – Bergamak I; 3–5 – Tara; 10, 13 – Izyuk I.
1–4 – wood, 5–17 – bone.
for producing arrow shafts), arrows,

and protective onlays on bows (Belov,
Ovsyanikov, Starkov, 1981: 74, pl. 64; 1
0 1 cm
Vizgalov, Parkhimovich, 2008: 62–63,
Fig. 85, 4; 2017: 94, 163, 177, etc.). The
material evidence from Fort Stadukhin
contains cores of composite bows,
end inserts and nastrugi scrapers; that
from Fort Alazeya includes protective
shields made of horn (Alekseev, 5
1996: 41–42).
A bow core similar in shape to
the find from Ananyino I appears in
4
the collection of finds from the Tatar
cemetery of the 16th–18th centuries
at the Abramovo-10 site in Baraba
(Molodin, Sobolev, Solovyev, 1990:
13, 46–47). The design of these bows 3
is typical of the indigenous peoples 16 17
of Siberia both in the time preceding 8 15
the arrival of the Russians and in the 13 14
subsequent period up to the early 20th 10
12 0 1 cm
11
century (Simchenko, 1976: 132–133; 2
9
Solovyev, 1987: 25–27; Molodin, 7
6
Sobolev, Solovyev, 1990: 47–48;
Remeslenniye protsessy…, 2011).
In the Late Middle Ages, bows were made of various carved using the blade of a sharpened knife. First, the
types of wood. limbs were formed, then the handle. Wood from the inner
According to the analysis of the anatomical wood planes of the limbs was removed with small, frequent
structure, the bow core from the settlement of Ananyino I movements, cutting off thin shavings. The chipping of
was made of cedar pine (Pinus sibirica Du Tour*). each limb was carried out evenly, symmetrically, with a
Technical and technological analysis of the bow decrease in thickness from the beginning of the handle to
core from Ananyino I has made it possible to recreate the ends of the reflective planes. At the end of each limb,
the process of its manufacturing. Judging by the at a distance of 3–4 cm, small oblique grooves were cut
anatomical structure of the wood, the core was made for attaching the bowstring. The handle for the hand of
of a young cedar trunk 6–7 cm in diameter. The timber the archer was shaped after completing the limbs. The
was harvested in the late autumn or late winter when wood was cut symmetrically on all sides, so it would
a minimal amount of natural moisture remained in the be as comfortable as possible to be held by the archer’s
tree trunk. The basis of the future weapon was made closed hand. After the handle was made, the artisan
soon after harvesting the wood, while it was soft and gradually brought the bow limbs to optimal parameters
pliable, and was easier for processing. The bow was by periodically checking their flexibility and elasticity.
Then the blank without the bowstring was dried to
*Identification of wood species was made by some equilibrium humidity in the open air, avoiding
I.Y. Slyusarenko, for which the authors express to him their direct sunlight, which negatively affected the flexibility
gratitude. of the product.
9
6
7
4 5
10
1
3
2
11 12
19
20
13 21 23
14 22
16
15 18
17
37
28 33
34 35
29 36
31
27 30 32
26
24
0 1 cm 39
25 38 40 41
Fig. 2. Tanged arrowheads of Russians living in the Tara Irtysh region in the 17th–18th centuries.
1–4, 6, 7, 10–16, 19–24, 26, 27, 30, 31, 34, 36, 37, 39, 40 – Ananyino I; 5, 8, 9, 17, 18, 25 – Tara;
28, 29, 32, 33, 35, 38, 41 – Izyuk I.
1–23 – bone, 24–41 – iron.
In our opinion, the bow that was found in the dwelling (Bagrin, Fomin, 2019: 234, fig. 2.7.5). A fragment of the
was an original weapon, and not a copy. Since the bow bow core of such a weapon is a part of the collection from
core was found under the flooring, it can be assumed that that site (Mylnikov, 2019: 288, fig. 2.11.3, 2).
the weapon (perhaps already unfit for use) was placed In terms of anatomical structure, shape, and design,
there specially as a talisman to protect the home. the find from Ananyino shows similarities with the bow
In the Tara Irtysh region and in other regions of Siberia, core with remains of reflective limbs from kurgan 31 of
in the 17th–18th centuries, the saadak sets were used not the Xianbei-Rouran period at the Yaloman II cemetery
only by hunters, but also by service people. A similar in the Altai Mountains (Tishkin, Mylnikov, 2016: 57–58,
bow may be represented in a pictorial reconstruction of fig. 72). Additional information on its manufacturing
the appearance of a service Cossack from Fort Albazin technique was provided by the reconstruction based
on the finds from kurgan 31 by G.L. Nekhvedavichus (Medvedev, 1966: 87–88, pl. 22, 25, 30). According to the
(Ibid.: Fig. 73). typology by A.F. Medvedev, the socketed bone arrowhead
The bows from Mangazeya and Forts Alazeya from Tara belongs to type 5, or blunt, massive arrowheads
and Stadukhin differ from the bow from Ananyino. (Ibid.: 87, pl. 30, 106), dating to the 10th–14th centuries.
The Mangazeya bows have wide (from 5.6 to 6–6.5– Tomars were used for hunting fur animals.
7.8 cm) reflective limbs, indicating a greater lethal Bone arrowheads. Scholars have proposed several
force of the weapon, and handles with different design classifications of bone arrowheads from the Russian
(Belov, Ovsyanikov, Starkov, 1981: 74, pl. 65; Vizgalov, sites of the Middle Ages and Modern period: for Old
Parkhimovich, 2008: 62; 2017: 94, fig. 42, 3). The bows Rus (Ibid.: 88–89); for Forts Alazeya, Stadukhin, and
from Forts Alazeya and Stadukhin (Alekseev, 1996: Sayansk (Alekseev, 1996: 42–43, pl. 62–65; Skobelev,
41–42, pl. 58, 4) belong to the Yakut type of Eastern 2002), and for Tobolsk (Balyunov, 2014: Vol. 1: 84–85;
Siberian composite bow (Simchenko, 1976: 114, 116, vol. 2: 5, pl. 3).
fig. 7). The Yakut bow, like Western Siberian bows, was The typology of bone arrowheads from the complexes
made of two types of wood, but the end plates of bone of the indigenous population of the 16th–18th centuries
(from reindeer antler in the Forts) were glued into slits (Molodin, Sobolev, Solovyev, 1990: 56–62) served as a
in the middle of the ends of the limbs (Ibid.: 133, fig. 7; basis for analyzing evidence of the Turkic population of
Alekseev, 1996: Pl. 58, 4). In Western Siberian bows, “the the Tara Irtysh region, carried out by A.V. Shlyushinsky
curved end was glued with its wedge-shaped part between (2007: 129–133). Comparison has revealed similarities
the plates which form the back and inner part of the bow” between the collection of arrows from the Russian
(Simchenko, 1976: 133). complexes and from the sites of the indigenous population
In addition to these items, the material evidence from of Siberia. We used the same model. Two types of
Mangazeya contains a leather bow case with embossed arrowheads were distinguished according to the shape of
ornamentation (Belov, Ovsyanikov, Starkov, 1981: their bodies.
74–75); six quivers with arrows were found in Tobolsk Class I – socketed arrowheads. There is one diamond-
(Matveev, Anoshko, 2019: 70, fig. 3, 3). shaped tetrahedral, and pyramidal item from Ananyino I,
Scholarly literature contains information that sets of measuring 10.0 × 1.8 cm. This arrowhead can also be
bow and quiver in 1655/56 were sold for 1.5 rubles per attributed to type III (Fig. 1, 6).
piece at the Tobolsk marketplace (Vilkov, 1967: 95). Class II – tanged arrowheads. It includes all other
arrowheads analyzed in this article (Fig. 1, 7–17; 2, 1–23).
Most of them can be described as group 3 (diamond-
Arrows shaped), types I and VI.
Type I – elongated rhombic arrowheads (12 items).
Tomars. Whole tomars, similar in shape to those from The sides of the blades vary from straight to slightly
the Irtysh region, with bowstring earlets at the end, are convex.
known from the evidence of Mangazeya (Vizgalov, Variant 1 – the penetrating part prevails over the
Parkhimovich, 2008: 202, fig. 86, 5, 7) and Verkhoturye bearing part. There are three items—one item from each
(the length of the item is 42 cm) (Korchagin, 1998: 69, basic site (Fig. 1, 9, 10, 12). Their sizes are 14.0 × 8.0 ×
73). Solid wood tomars of other shapes, bone tomar × 1.5 cm; 12.7 × 7.0 × 1.8 cm, and 12.4 × 7.2 × 1.6 cm.
heads, arrow shafts, bone and iron arrowheads of various It is possible that two more broken arrowheads from
types, and arrow balance weights have also been found Ananyino I belong to this variant. The blade is 8.2 and
in Mangazeya. 8.0 cm long, and 1.5 cm wide (see Fig. 1, 8, 17).
The collections from Forts Stadukhin and Alazeya Items of similar shape are known from the evidence
include tomars of three types: those made of solid wood, of Fort Sayansk and Tobolsk (Skobelev, 2002: Fig. 1, 14;
those made of bone with flat working parts, and those Adamov, Balyunov, Danilov, 2008: Fig. 33, 5), and from
with lobed working parts. In addition, there are bone the indigenous population of the Tara Irtysh region and
tomar heads, other (mainly tanged) arrowheads made Baraba (Shlyushinsky, 2007: Fig. 69, 28, 31; Molodin,
of bone (eight types) and iron (three types), and arrow Sobolev, Solovyev, 1990: 56–63).
shafts (Alekseev, 1996: 42–43, pl. 61). Tomar tips have Variant 2 – the penetrating part is less than or equal
been found in Tomsk (Chernaya, 2015: 248, fig. 149), to the bearing part. Six items are from the settlement of
Tobolsk (Adamov, Balyunov, Danilov, 2008: 66, fig. 33, Ananyino I, and one item from Izyuk I (see Fig. 1, 7, 11,
8, 9; Balyunov, 2014: Vol. 1: 84–85; vol. 2: 5, pl. 3), and 13–16). The length of the arrowheads from Ananyino I
Berezovo (Vizgalov, Kardash, 2012: 155). varies from 15.4 to 8.3 cm; the length of the penetrating
On the basis of the evidence from the sites of Old Rus, part ranges from 7.2 to 3.5 cm; the blade width ranges
five types of bone tomar tips have been identified. Their from 1.8 to 1.2 cm. The size of the arrowhead from Izyuk I
emergence is associated with the 10th–12th centuries is 10.0 × 5.5 × 1.8 cm.
Similar items appear among the evidence of the About seventy arrowheads of this type have been
Turkic population in the Tara Irtysh region (Bolshoi Log, found in Forts Alazeya and Stadukhin. In Mangazeya,
Okunevo VII) and the sites of Baraba (Shlyushinsky, similar arrowheads have pronounced facets (Vizgalov,
2007: Fig. 69, 32–34; Molodin, Sobolev, Solovyev, 1990: Parkhimovich, 2008: Pl. 87, 1, 2). A similar arrowhead
56–63). appears in the Tomsk evidence (Chernaya, 2015: 149,
Type VI – oblong-rhomboid arrowheads with concave fig. 159, 8).
sides and shoulders. Arrowheads of this type include two Among the bone arrowheads found at the Russian
variants in the evidence from the Tara Irtysh region. sites of the Tara Irtysh region, in addition to awl-shaped
Variant 1 is the classical form, which served as arrowheads, four new types can be distinguished that do
the basis for identifying the type (Molodin, Sobolev, not appear at the sites of the indigenous population.
Solovyev, 1990: 58–59, fig. 45, 4, 5). The arrowhead from Type 1 – keeled arrowheads with a flat tang. These
Ananyino I (Fig. 2, 7) measures 11.5 × 5.6 × 2.2 cm. items correspond to Old Russian bone arrowheads of
Variant 2 – massive long bases and bodies almost type 11 according to the classification of A.F. Medvedev
equal in width with the bases. There are two items from (1966: 88, pl. 30, 107), and include two items from
Tara (Fig. 2, 8, 9), measuring 8.0 × 3.5 × 1.0 cm and Ananyino I and two items from Tara. The “classical”
10.0 × 4.7 × 1.6 cm. Sub-variant 1 is the arrowhead from arrowhead from Ananyino I, measuring 12.8 × 7.0 × 2.2 cm,
Ananyino I, measuring 15.1 × 7.5 × 1.9 cm, which has a has a diamond-shaped body, in cross-section longer than
massive, long tang and even (not concave) blade smoothly the base (see Fig. 2, 15).
passing into the base (Fig. 2, 10). Three other arrowheads are variations of this type.
Group 4 – flattened hexagonal arrowheads. Variant 1 – keeled arrowheads with flat tang without
Type II – elongated rhombic arrowheads; both shoulders. In one item, the blade smoothly passes into
planes are flattened. One item is from Tara and one is the base; the body and base are equal in length (Fig. 2,
from Ananyino I (Fig. 2, 5, 6). They differ in size and 16). Its size is 11.3 × 6.0 × 1.4 cm. This item was found
measure 13.8 × 6.6 × 2.1 cm from Tara and 9.3 × 1.3 cm in Ananyino I.
from Ananyino I. The latter arrowhead has no clear Variant 2 – keeled arrowheads with flat tang; the body
boundary between the body and base; the edges of the is shorter than the base; the blade is diamond-shaped in
body disappear when passing into the base. cross-section (see Fig. 2, 17, 18). The sizes of the items
Type III differs from the described arrowheads are 17.0 × 7.5 × 2.3 cm and 16.6 × 7.4 × 2.5 cm. Two
(Molodin, Sobolev, 1990: 58–59) by only one flattened of them were found in Tara. According to Medvedev,
side with a medullary cavity (Fig. 2, 1–4). The length of arrowheads of this type were widespread in Russia in the
the body is equal to the length of the base. In one case, 13th century (1966: 88).
the blade is indicated only by facets, which disappear In the Siberian evidence of the Modern period,
when passing into the base (Fig. 2, 3). The sizes vary from such arrowheads are compared with iron arrowheads of
14.0 × 6.0 × 1.6 cm to 19.0 × 9.5 × 1.8 cm. type 15 – elongated triangular without support, according
There is a hole on the tang, below the border with the to the classification by A.I. Solovyev (1987: 38), which,
blade (Fig. 2, 1), on one item of this type, which measures in turn, correlate with the typology of iron arrowheads of
16.1 × 9.5 × 1.3 cm. This makes it possible to identify this Medvedev – type 46, diamond-shaped arrowheads of the
point as a projectile for a shooting trap. Novgorod type (1966: 67, pl. 30, 42).
Group 7 – rod-shaped arrowheads (Fig. 2, 11, 12). In addition to sites of the indigenous population, metal
Type II – awl-shaped arrowheads. They were arrowheads of this type are known from Mangazeya
identified using the evidence from Forts Alazeya and (Solovyev, 1987: 38; Belov, Ovsyanikov, Starkov, 1981:
Stadukhin (Alekseev, 1996: 42–43, pl. 62, 63). In the Pl. 67, 14). They correspond to type 7 – rhomboid-
collection from the Russian sites of the Tara Irtysh region, wedge-shaped arrowheads, in the typology proposed by
this type appears in two variants. There are no arrows like O.V. Dvurechensky (2007: 285). Their iron prototypes
these in the collections of the indigenous population of existed until the second half of the 17th century in
the region. the European part of Russia and until the period of
Variant 1 (type I according to A.N. Alekseev (Ibid.: ethnographic modernity in Siberia (Solovyev, 1987: 38).
42)) has a pointed working part. It consists of a long Type 2 – triangular, flat arrowheads of bone. There
(21.5 cm) rod-like point, rounded (1.5 cm) in cross- are two items from Ananyino I, measuring 11.1 × 6.3 ×
section (Fig. 2, 11). × 2.7 cm and 9.8 × 6.0 × 2.0 cm (Fig. 2, 13, 14). The body
Variant 2. Sub-variant 1 (identified in the Irtysh is diamond-shaped in cross-section and is longer than the
region) is an arrowhead with a pronounced, scapular body, base; the facets are convex; the shoulders are well defined.
hexagonal in cross-section, in the center rounded in cross- In the typology of metal arrowheads elaborated
section, with an awl-shaped base (Fig. 2, 12). The size is by Dvurechensky, this shape corresponds to type 16 –
21.0 × 5.0 × 1.2 cm. triangular, flat, dissecting, and wide-lobed arrowheads
(2007: 288, fig. 15). According to Dvurechensky, iron Type 16 – combat arrowheads with a support. There
points of this type have been found in Koporye, Pskov, are three items: two from Izyuk I and one from Ananyino I
Moscow, and Siberian towns, such as Old Kungur (Ibid.: (Fig. 2, 33–35).
288). Iron arrowheads of similar shape are known from the Variant 1 are arrowheads with a diamond-shaped
evidence discovered in Mangazeya (Belov, Ovsyanikov, body. One of those items measuring 6.3 × 4.5 × 0.9 cm
Starkov, 1981: Pl. 67, 14; Vizgalov, Parkhimovich, 2008: is from the Izyuk I site, and another one measuring
Fig. 89, 7). 8.2 × 5.4 × 0.7 cm is from Ananyino I (Fig. 2, 33, 34).
Type 3 – sub-rhomboid, flattened arrowheads with According to the typology of Dvurechensky, they belong
elongated oval-shaped short base, named by analogy with to type 1 – awl-shaped and faceted, variant 1b – square
the evidence from Fort Sayansk (Skobelev, 2002: 180–181, or rhombic in cross-section with a simple support (2007:
fig. 1, 11). There are two items from Ananyino I, measuring 282, fig. 5, 20). Among the Old Russian items, they
7.2 × 4.0 × 1.0 cm and 11.0 × 2.3 × 1.8 cm (Fig. 2, 19, are parallel to the arrowheads of type 90, according to
20). One of them is an unfinished product or broken blank the classification by Medvedev, which are dated to the
(Fig. 2, 20). Similar arrowheads appear among the finds period from the beginning of the Common Era until the
from Mangazeya (Vizgalov, Parkhimovich, 2008: 63, 203, 14th century (1966: 83). According to Dvurechensky,
fig. 87, 3; 2013: 27, fig. 13, 3), as well as Forts Alazeya and such armor-piercing points with a perforating effect
Stadukhin (Alekseev, 1996: 42, pl. 58, 3; 59, 5). were in use until the second half of the 17th century
Type 4 – wide, sharp-leaved, tetrahedral arrowheads (2007: 282).
represented by a bone point from Ananyino I (Fig. 2, 22), Variant 3 – arrowhead with a wide, rhomboid body.
measuring 9.5 × 4.3 × 1.3 cm. No close parallels to this item There is one item measuring 7.5 × 4.5 × 1.5 cm from the
are known. In terms of the shape of the body with barbs and Izyuk I site (see Fig. 2, 35). Such arrowheads were in use
wide base, the points of type 20 are the most similar to it until the second half of the 17th century (Dvurechensky,
among iron arrowheads, according to the classification of 2007: 286). Among Old Russian material evidence, there
Dvurechensky (2007: 291, fig. 17, 36). A similar iron item are similarities with the items of type 51 (Medvedev,
was found in Mangazeya (Belov, Ovsyanikov, Starkov, 1966: 65).
1981: Pl. 67, 11). Yet, with iron arrowheads, the blade is Solovyev believed that arrowheads of this type
triangular and shorter, like in the iron point discovered reached different regions of Siberia before the arrival
in Ananyino I (Fig. 2, 39). A bone arrowhead has been of the Russians and were in use in the southern regions
found at a Khanty cultic complex near Fort Kazym, which including Tuva before the ethnographic period (1987: 38).
was similar to the iron arrowheads and to the Ananyino Type 17 – combat arrowheads without a support.
arrowhead (Kazymskiy arkheologo-etnograficheskiy There are two items from Ananyino I (Fig. 2, 36, 37),
kompleks, 2018: 97, fig. 119). Two bone items from measuring 9.5 × 5.0 × 0.7 cm and 6.0 × 3.5 × 0.6 cm.
Ananyino I (Fig. 2, 21, 23) can be considered blanks. In the Tara Irtysh region, such arrowheads have been
Bone arrows were used for a long time over a wide found at the Bergamak II cemetery (Shlyushinsky, 2007:
area. They were in demand for hunting and warfare Fig. 67). According to Solovyev, items of this type were
(Molodin, Sobolev, Solovyev, 1990: 62–63). typical of the forest population of the region; the scholar
Iron arrowheads (Fig. 2, 24–41). The collection is dated them to the last centuries of the first millennium AD
based on the typology by A.I. Solovyev (1987: 35–49). to the 17th century (1987: 38–39).
The same classification was used by the researchers of Type 18 – combat arrowheads with spikes.
Mangazeya (Vizgalov, Parkhimovich, 2008: 63–65). The Variant 1 – small. There is one item from Ananyino I
types of arrows from the Russian sites of the Tara Irtysh (Fig. 2, 39), measuring 5.3 × 2.0 × 1.5 cm. Such points are
region were compared to those from the sites of Old known from Mangazeya (variant 2) (Belov, Ovsyanikov,
Rus and the Russian State of the 15th–17th centuries, Starkov, 1981: Pl. 67, 11) and Baraba (group 1, type III)
which made it possible not only to examine the finds on (Molodin, Sobolev, Solovyev, 1990: 50). In the typology
a regional scale and compare them with the items of the of arrowheads of Muscovy and the Russian State of
indigenous population, but also to trace the connection the 15th–17th centuries, they correspond to type 20 –
with the shared Russian culture. two-spike arrowheads (Dvurechensky, 2007: 291–292,
The material evidence from the Russian sites of the fig. 17). Among the Old Russian evidence, this type is
Tara Irtysh region contains not all of the types and variants similar to type 29 – two-spike arrowheads without a
of arrowheads indicated in the typology by Solovyev, so support, which existed from the beginning of the Common
we will mention only those items which appear among Era until the 14th–15th centuries (Medvedev, 1966: 62),
our finds. and are later known only from Mangazeya.
All metal projectiles from the region in period Most of the arrowheads from the Russian collection
under consideration are a part of group III—flat tanged of the Irtysh region (8 items) belong to type 20 – large
arrowheads (Solovyev, 1987: 37). rhombic arrowheads with a support (see Fig. 2, 25–32).
Variant 1 – wide arrowheads. One item from Tara variants were used by the Mangazeya dwellers (Belov,
(Fig. 2, 25) measures 16.0 × 10.5 × 4.4 cm. In the evidence Ovsyanikov, Starkov, 1981, pl. 67, 1, 1; 5, 7; Vizgalov,
from Baraba, the arrowheads of this variant represent Parkhimovich, 2008: 64, 204, fig. 88, 2). Such items
type XIII – diamond-shaped, of the “Gnezdovo type”, appear among the evidence from Fort Sayansk (Skobelev,
with convex sides and concave shoulders (Molodin, 2002: Fig. 1, 3) and the sites of the indigenous population
Sobolev, Solovyev, 1990: 50). The Tara arrowhead is of Baraba (Molodin, Sobolev, Solovyev, 1990: 53).
larger than the Baraba finds. Splay-bladed arrowheads were used for hunting birds
Variant 2 – narrow arrowheads. There are four items and animals, and for military operations in the 10th–14th
from Ananyino I (from 9.7 to 11.0 cm long; the length of centuries (Medvedev, 1966: 73; Dvurechensky, 2007:
the body ranges from 4.5 to 6.5 cm and width from 1.4 289, 291). According to Solovyev, they were in use from
to 2.3 cm) (Fig. 2, 26, 27, 30, 31), and three items from the 6th until the 19th centuries; their bone imitations have
Izyuk I (10.0 × 5.0 × 1.5 and 8.0 × 5.0 × 1.7 cm, with the also been discovered (1987: 43).
body 4.7 cm long) (Fig. 2, 28, 29, 32). Microstructural analysis of the splay-bladed arrowhead
According to Medvedev, arrowheads of this type (Fig. 2, 38) and rhombic point of type 20, variant 2
(type 41 in his classification) were widespread in Russia (Fig. 2, 32) from Izyuk I has revealed that the former
from the 8th until the 14th century (1966: 65). In Western arrowhead was made using the technique of welding two
Siberia, they are known from the materials of Mangazeya strips of iron and steel, while the latter arrowhead was
(Vizgalov, Parkhimovich, 2008: 64, 205, fig. 89, 5) and forged entirely of raw steel (Zinyakov, 2005: 279, 289).
among the indigenous people, for example, those living One iron arrowhead from Ananyino I site does not
in Baraba (Solovyev, 1987: 39; Molodin, Sobolev, appear among the evidence of the indigenous population
Solovyev, 1990: 50). In the Tara Irtysh region, such of Western Siberia (see Fig. 2, 24). Its size is 13.5 × 8.6 ×
arrowheads appear among the Late Medieval material × 1.7 cm. In terms of shape of the body, the arrowhead is
evidence from the Okunevo archaeological area, and were similar to type 38 (keeled, variant 4). Medvedev associated
dated to the 17th century (Shlyushinsky, 2007: Fig. 67; that variety with the Mongolian influence and dated it to
Matyushchenko, Polevodov, 1994: 198). Solovyev dated the 13th–14th centuries (1966: 64, pl. 23, 18). The tip of
them to the 17th–18th centuries (1987: 39). variant 3 of this type appears in the collection from
Taking into account the parallels and dimensional Mangazeya, having a tang, like in the item from Ananyino I,
features of the bodies, the arrowheads of type 20, variant 2 but smaller, with triangular shoulders drooping downward
(narrow) from the settlements of Ananyino I and Izyuk I (Vizgalov, Parkhimovich, 2013: 26, fig. 12, 4).
can be dated to the 17th century.
Type 47 – stepped arrowheads, flattened-rhombic in
cross-section. There are two items, one from Ananyino I Conclusions
and one from Izyuk I (Fig. 2, 40, 41), measuring 6.5 × 3.0 ×
× 1.7 cm and 8.2 × 4.0 × 1.5 cm. Items of similar shape have Analysis has shown that the studied hunting equipment
been found in Mangazeya: type 2 with a triangular blade was traditional both for the Russian and indigenous
and subtype 2 with a steep ledge at the base of the blade, population of the Tara Irtysh region of the 17th–
measuring 5.8 × 2.5 × 1.8 cm (Vizgalov, Parkhimovich, 18th centuries, the adjacent territories, and Siberia as a
2008: 64, 205, fig. 89, 7). In Medvedev’s typology, this whole. Some types of items find parallels only among
type is called “sharp-leaved”. In the collections from the the evidence from the European part of Russia, which
sites of Eastern Europe, arrowheads of this type were indicates the continuity of links and uninterrupted
dated to the 11th–14th centuries (Medvedev, 1966: 73, tradition of Russian Siberian culture.
pl. 12, 41). In the Tara Irtysh region, they appear among Technical-technological and comparative typological
the evidence from Okunevo VII (Shlyushinsky, 2007: analysis has revealed that the bow core from the
Pl. 67, 27). Solovyev established the time when they were Ananyino I settlement was almost identical in form and
in use as being the 17th–18th centuries (1987: 44). manufacturing methods to the core from kurgan 31 of the
Another iron point from the Izyuk I site belongs to Xianbei-Rouran period (3rd century BC–5th century AD)
type 42 – forked splay-bladed arrowheads (Fig. 2, 38). at the Yaloman II cemetery, in the Altai Mountains.
Variant 1 has concave lateral and convex cutting edges (see This means that the traditions of selecting raw materials
(Solovyev, 1987: 43)). According to Dvurechensky, these and specific methods of manufacturing certain types of
are splay-bladed arrowheads of type 19, but there was no hunting tools were rooted in the distant past of Siberia.
such variant in his classification. Such items are dated to According to scholars, hunting tools similar in structure
the 10th–11th centuries. Dvurechensky also observed that and purpose were common among the majority of the
at a later period they appeared only in Mangazeya (2007: peoples of Siberia. Their design reflects the experience of
289, 291). The size of the find from Izyuk I is 6.0 × 3.5 × the indigenous population and Russian settlers (Minenko,
× 1.9 cm. Similar splayed arrowheads of the first and other 1991: 146–147, 154; Korovushkin, 1997; Tyurki…,
1991: 42–51; Ryndina, 2003: 78–80; Vizgalov, 2005: 98; Korovushkin D.G. 1993
Selkupy, 2013: 77–87; and others). This observation is Russkiy okhotnichiy promysel v Zapadnoy Sibiri. In
also confirmed by the written sources (Lepekhin, 1771: Dukhovnoye vozrozhdeniye Rossii. Omsk: Om. Gos. Univ.,
30–34; Patkanov, 1999: Vol. 1: 56–59; vol. 2: 138–144; pp. 127–129.
Korovushkin D.G. 1997
and others). In hunting practice, such items have been
Kross-kulturniye zaimstvovaniya v promyslovoy kulture
in use since the Late Middle Ages up to the present russkikh i aborigennykh okhotnikov lesostepnoy polosy
time among the Russian and indigenous population Zapadnoi Sibiri (k postanovke problemy). In Rossiya i Vostok:
(Korovushkin, 1990, 1993, 1997; Ryndina, 2003; Traditsionnaya kultura, etnokulturniye i etnosotsialniye
Kosintsev, 2006; Shukhov, 1928: 114–119; and others). protsessy. Omsk: [s.n.], pp. 46–48.
Kosintsev P.A. 2006
Ekologiya srednevekovogo naseleniya severa Zapadnoy
Sibiri: Istochniki. Yekaterinburg, Salekhard: Izd. Ural. Gos.
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Tikhomirov K.N., Tikhonov S.S. 2014
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Omsk: Izdatel-Poligrafist. Received in revised form June 1, 2021.
ETHNOLOGY
doi:10.17746/1563-0110.2021.49.3.093-100
K.N. Tikhomirov and M.N. Tikhomirova

E-mail: ktikhomirov@gmail.com; marinat24@mail.ru
Location of Tatar Settlements

in the Middle and Lower Tara Region According
to 18th Century Maps
Тhis article discusses the location of Tatar settlements in the lower and middle reaches of the Tara on maps of the
Tarsky Uyezd (1784 and 1798) and on topographic plan of the Kartashevskago and Bergamotskaya districts of the Tarsky
Uyezd (1798). These maps had not been previously used for reconstructing the history of the region. To test their accuracy,
other sources are used, including the Inventory Book of the Tarsky Uyezd, Gerhard Miller’s itineraries, etc., as well as
the results of archaeological and ethnographic studies. Based on the analysis of maps, patterns in the locations of Tatar
settlements are reconstructed. They were situated between the mouth of Tara and its confluence with the Chertalinka River
on the right bank, and between the Chertalinka and Kalinka rivers on the left bank. The reliability of the late 18th century
maps as sources of information about the winter and summer settlements of the Tatars of the Middle and Lower Tara is
assessed. These maps do not suggest that the settlements were still seasonal rather than permanent at that time. The winter
camps were situated on the Tara high terrace, away from the valley, and summer camps were on the flood plain, close to
the villages. The general pattern was that people settled along the river, often close to the places where the Tara tributaries
flowed into it. Place names are suggestive of seasonal settlements. Comparison with modern maps suggests that the current
settlements pattern on the Lower and Middle Tara emerged in the late 18th century.
Keywords: Western Siberia, Middle and Lower Tara, 18th century maps, Tatar settlements, ethnography, archaeology.
Introduction of the territory of their settlement remains unexplored.

Notably, the largest part of the sites that have been studied
This work is devoted to the analysis and comparison are flat-grave burial grounds. Thus, we have only a one-
of cartographic materials of the 18th century that were sided knowledge of the cultural history of this population.
not previously used in the research associated with the The settlements of the Tatars, and the huge layer of culture
locations of the Tatars’ settlements. Nowadays, there is a associated with them, remain practically unknown. The
significant bias in the study of the early history of the Tatars main reason for this situation is the difficulty of detecting
and their ancestors who lived in the territory of the Omsk and researching such objects. This is due, for the most part,
Region. Almost all the studied archaeological complexes to the lack of cartographic materials in circulation.
that are associated with the Tatar population of the Middle The sources for the study of the early history of the
Irtysh region are located on the Tara River. They belong to Tatars living on the banks of the Tara River were the
the 16th–18th centuries—the beginning of the formation maps of the territory of the Tarsky Uyezd from 1780,
of the modern cultural appearance of the Tatars. The rest 1784, and 1798, which contain information about the
© 2021 K.N. Tikhomirov, M.N. Tikhomirova
93
94 K.N. Tikhomirov and M.N. Tikhomirova / Archaeology, Ethnology and Anthropology of Eurasia 49/3 (2021) 93–100
location of Russian and Tatar villages. These documents, Drafting Book of Siberia by S.U. Remezov” (hereafter—
differing in the degree of reliability, are not as accurate Chorographic Drafting Book) (Khorograficheskaya
nor as informatively rich as modern maps. Nevertheless, chertezhnaya kniga…, 2011), the “Inventory Book
they make it possible to obtain new information about the of the Tarsky Uyezd of 1701” (hereafter—Inventory
places of Tatar settlements, hydronyms, the locations of Book of 1701), published in part in the monograph by
watermills, the boundaries of districts, etc. S.N. Korusenko (2006), and records by G.F. Miller (Sibir
The present study concerns the extant abandoned XVIII veka…, 1996). Unfortunately, these sources do not
settlements located on the banks of the Tara River, in the indicate the exact location of the settlements.
area including the mouth (Tarsky District), the middle When conducting a study, cartographic materials of
course of the river (Muromtsevsky District of the Omsk the 18th century were compared to the modern maps. For
Region), and the village of Almenevo on the border of this, the atlas of the Omsk Region 1 : 100,000 (Omskaya
the middle and upper reaches of the Tara (Kyshtovsky oblast, 2010) and satellite images posted on the open
District, Novosibirsk Region). The choice for the study Internet resource Bestmaps (Bestmaps, (s.a.)) were used.
of this zone was determined by the fact that, according The information recorded in the indicated sources
to the documents of the 17th–18th centuries, it was the was corrected during the expeditions. One of the
territory of the Ayalynskaya Volost (district), compactly authors examined a large number of settlement sites and
inhabited by a group of Tatars. As a result of many years cemeteries of the Tara Tatars, took photographs of the
of research by ethnographers and archaeologists, a large objects, performed preliminary excavation of the cultural
source base was formed on the history of the population of layer and surface collection, and created site plans. This
this region in the 17th–20th centuries (Korusenko M.A., made it possible to make new assumptions about the
Zdor, Gerasimov, 2015; Korusenko S.N., 2006; Titov, specific location of the settlements.
2007; Tomilov, 1996; Etnografo-arkheologicheskiye The names of the settlements in the above-mentioned
kompleksy…, 2014, 2016; and others). cartographic materials of the 18th century differ;
This study was based on previously unused therefore, in the illustrations and in the text the names are
published and unpublished cartographic materials given indicated in the sources.
of the 18th century: “Map of the Tarsky Uyezd… 1784”
(hereafter—Map of 1784) (Karta Tarskogo uyezda…,
1784) from the “Geographic Atlas of the Tobolsk The history of mapping the region
Vicegerency”, “Map of the Tarsky Uyezd… 1798” in the 18th century,
(hereafter—Map of 1798) on a scale of 1 inch : 15 versts*, archaeological and ethnographic research
and the “Topographic Plan of the Kartashevskago Village of the Tatars settlements
(on River Irtysh) District and Bergamotskaya Sloboda (on
the Tara River, without the mouth area) District of the For the first time, the settlements of the Tatars in the
Tarsky Uyezd” (hereafter—Topographic Plan of 1798) on Middle and Lower Tara region in the 18th century
a scale of 1 inch : 3 versts from the “Atlas of the Tobolsk were recorded on the maps of the Chorographic Book
Governorate” (Atlas…, 1798; Konovalova, Popov, 2010). created in 1697–1711 (Khorograficheskaya chertezhnaya
The Topographic Plan of 1798 contains information on kniga…, 2011: 93), and of the Drafting Book compiled
the exact location of Tatar settlements along the Tara, in 1699–1701 (Chertezhnaya kniga…, 1701). These are
from the Bergamotskaya yurts to the Almenevo yurts, as valuable resources on the topic at hand, but should not
well as the number of lands (and their types) allocated be idealized, as they are full of inaccuracies; in some
to each settlement, the names of small rivers and lakes. places, they contradict each other and later cartographic
It should be noted that some data on the Map and the materials. For example, the maps of the area of interest
Topographic Plan of 1798, compiled by land surveyor to us, on fol. 93 and on the insert on fol. 93, are more
Vasily Filimonov, diverge. The main sources also include reminiscent of very rough schemes, and the data on them
the map “Tabula Exhibens Cursum…” (hereafter— differ. Unfortunately, the settlements are marked on them
Map of 1780), created in 1780 by I.I. Islenyev (Tabula without precision. These are tied only to rivers locations
Exhibens Cursum…, 1780)**. (Khorograficheskaya chertezhnaya kniga…, 2011:
Additional sources were used for the analysis: the Fol. 93, ins. on fol. 93; Chertezhnaya kniga…, 1701).
“Drafting Book Compiled by the Tobolsk Boyar’s Son Twenty-three years after the completion of works on the
Semyon Remezov in 1701” (hereafter—Drafting Book) production of the “Chorographic Drafting Book of Siberia”,
(Chertezhnaya kniga…, 1701), the “Chorographic G.F. Miller wrote travel notes that significantly clarified
and supplemented the Chorographic Book’s data. These
*1 English inch equals 2.54 cm, 1 verst equals 1,066.9 m. indicate not only the geographical objects located near the
**There is also a version of this map in Russian, but it was settlement (lake, etc.), but also the distance between them
not available to us, so we used the version in Latin. in versts (Sibir XVIII veka…, 1996: 92–93).
K.N. Tikhomirov and M.N. Tikhomirova / Archaeology, Ethnology and Anthropology of Eurasia 49/3 (2021) 93–100 95
In 1768, I.I. Islenyev made an instrumental- veka…, 1996: 92). The same was reported in 1772 by
mathematical determination of the coordinates of Siberian J.P. Falk (1824: 384–385). At present, the village of Ust-
towns, and in 1780, he made a map of the Irtysh River in Tara is located in this place (Fig. 1, 7). On the Map of
the section from Omsk to Tobolsk, which includes the 1784, the Russian village Ust Tarskoye is marked on the
territory of interest in our study (Gnucheva, 1946: 250; right bank, and next to it (above) Tatar settlements “Ust
Tabula Exhibens Cursum…, 1780). Tarskiye”. It should be noted that it is here that the sign of
In 1782, instead of the Siberian Governorate, the the district with the inscription “Aelynska volost” stands
Tobolsk Vicegerency was formed, with the Tobolsk and (Fig. 1, 3). On the Map of 1798, the villages of Ustarskoye
Tomsk regions; therefore, in 1784, the “Geographical and Ustarskiye are recorded to be in the same locations.
Atlas of the Tobolsk Vicegerency, Consisting of XVI It also bears the sign of the district with the inscription
Uyezds” was created. The administrative reform of “Ayalynskaya” (Fig. 1, 6). The western border of the
1796 led to the formation of a Tobolsk Governorate. Ayaly district was probably here. Its eastern border ran
This required new cartographic work. As a result, the along the corresponding border of the Tarsky Uyezd. The
“Topographic Atlas of the Tobolsk Governorate” was territory of the next district located on the Tara, Tunuyska
developed (Konovalova, Popov, 2010: 126). (judging by the corresponding sign), began at the Tatar
Atlases of the late 18th century include the first settlement Chokovski (modern Chekiaul? – Author).
detailed, professionally compiled maps, which reliably On the Map of 1798, the border of the Tunuyska district
reflect the location of the Tara Tatars’ settlements. is marked in the same location. Materials of the burial
Targeted search for the locations of the Tara Tatars ground of the Tatar ancestors of the 17th–18th centuries
settlements were not carried out until the end of the discovered in the village of Ust-Tara (Tikhomirov,
20th century. The most significant contribution to the 2016: 115) point to the fact that Tatars had already been
study of the Tatars’ settlements on Tara was made by established in this area during the indicated period.
S.N. Korusenko, N.A. Tomilov, and E.V. Titov. Their In the Drafting Book, upstream of the Tara, on its
research was based on documents from archives, materials right bank, opposite the lake Beloye, a Tatar settlement
from ethnographic expeditions, published results of is indicated (Chertezhnaya kniga…, 1701). According
scientific research, official statistics, and local history to the Chorographic Drafting Book, in this place, the
works (Tomilov, 1981, 1996, 2011; Korusenko S.N., Chaplyasovy (Khorograficheskaya chertezhnaya kniga…,
2006; Korusenko S.N., Tomilov, 2011; Korusenko M.A., 2011: Fol. 93) (Fig. 1, 5) / Cheplyakovy (Ibid.: Ins. on
Korusenko S.N., 2019). However, the works of these fol. 93) (Fig. 1, 2) was located. In the Inventory Book, there
researchers contain no data on locations of settlements; is a mention of the location of the “village of Chiplyarovy
an exception is the article by M.A. Korusenko and yurts” in this area (Korusenko S.N., 2006: 119). G.F. Miller
S.N. Korusenko that reflects an attempt to identify the recorded Tschupljar-aul on the right bank of the Irtysh,
location of the village of Guzenevo in the past (2019). “2 versts distance from Loginov village”. The researcher
The question of the location of the settlements of noted that this was a former summer village, “winter
the Tara Tatars was researched by S.S. Tikhonov (2004, dwellings… under the same name are located on the Tara
2009). His research was based on the fragments of the River, 10 versts from… the river’s mouth. But a few years
Drafting Book and the Chorographic Drafting Book by ago, they (Yasak Tatars. – Author) also built summer
S.U. Remezov, diary entries of G.F. Miller, and materials dwellings opposite the winter village (modern Cheplyarovo
of archaeological excavations. Some of his conclusions village. – Author), and left this older place” (Sibir XVIII
are not sufficiently substantiated. veka…, 1996: 93). On the Map of 1784, on the right bank
of the Tara, in this area, the Chiplyarovski are marked
(Fig. 1, 3). On the Map of 1798, opposite this place, on the
The locations of Tatars settlements left bank of the Tara, the Chiplyarovy is indicated (Fig. 1, 6).
in the Middle and Lower Tara At present, the village of Cheplyarovo is located on the
in the 18th century low left bank of the river (Fig. 1, 7), but, according to local
residents, earlier it was located opposite—on the high right
At the mouth of the Tara, the Inventory Book bank. In the same place, archaeologists have discovered
indicates “the village of Ust-Tarskaya (aka Tartamak)” a flat-grave burial ground of the 17th–18th centuries,
(Korusenko S.N., 2006: 114). The Chorographic Cheplyarovo XXVII (Korusenko M.A., 2013), and the
Drafting Book in this area also indicates the Ust Tarska / contemporaneous settlement of Cheplyarovo XXVIII
Usttarskaya (Khorograficheskaya chertezhnaya kniga…, (Arkheologicheskaya karta…, 2000: 86).
2011: Fol. ins. on fol. 93) (Fig. 1, 2, 5). According to In the Chorographic Drafting Book, on the right bank
G.F. Miller, there was “Tar-tamak-aul or the village of of the Tara, below the mouth of the Intsis River, the Intsis
Ust-Tarskaya” here, with a mixed population: “Inhabited yurts are indicated (Khorograficheskaya chertezhnaya
partly by Russians, partly by Yasak Tatars” (Sibir XVIII kniga…, 2011: Fol. 93, ins. on fol. 93) (Fig. 1, 2, 5). The
1
0 3 km 2
0 16 km
0 2 km
7
а c f
d g
b
0 16 km 6 0 11 km 4 e
Fig. 1. Tatar settlements in the area from the mouth of the Tara River to Yulgonka River on maps of the 18th century.
1 – Topographic Plan of 1798; 2, 5 – Chorographic Drafting Book; 3 – Map of 1784; 4 – Map of 1780; 6 – Map of 1798; 7 – a diagram of
the location of settlements (the modern ones and those indicated in the cartographic materials of the 18th century) in the Middle and Lower
Tara region: a – the names of the districts on the Maps of 1784 and 1798; b – modern names of settlements; c – in the Chorographic Drafting
Book; d – on the Map of 1780; e – on the Map of 1784; f – on the Map of 1798; g – on the Topographic Plan of 1798.
Inventory Book notes “the village of Intsis yurts (aka on the right bank of the Tara, below Bergamak, Let:
Abaytomak Seitkulova)” (Korusenko S.N., 2006: 120). (Letniye) (‘summer’) Bergamatski is indicated (Fig. 1, 3).
G.F. Miller mentions the village of Inzis (Intsis) on the Now, in this place, there is a locality called Staryie Yurty—
Tara as a winter settlement of Tatars who lived in Isuk- the settlement of Bergamak XXIII (Arkheologicheskaya
aul (on the Lake Izyuk, in the Irtysh valley). He notes the karta…, 2000: 46). Upstream of the Tara, from the mouth of
seasonal nature of the settlement: “Only in the summer the Bergamak River, Zi: (Zimniye) (‘winter’) Bergamatski
(Isuk-aul) is inhabited by Yasak people who in winter are indicated (Fig. 1, 3). Perhaps this is a settlement
live in the village of Inzis on the Tara River” (Sibir XVIII known today as the archaeological complex Bergamak III,
veka…, 1996: 93). On the Map of 1784, on the right containing materials from the Late Middle Ages (Ibid.: 34;
bank of the Tara, above the mouth of the Intsis River, the Tikhomirov, Nikonova, 2016). On the Map of 1798, on the
Inchinski are marked (Fig. 1, 3); at present, the village of right bank of the Tara, below the mouth of the Bergamak,
Intsiss is located here (Fig. 1, 7). On the Map of 1798, on only one of them is indicated: Bergamatskiye (Fig. 1, 6). On
the right bank of the Tara, above the mouth of the above- the Topographic Plan of 1798, Yur: (yurts) Bergamatskiye
mentioned river, the Intsyski are shown (Fig. 1, 6). are indicated on the right bank of the Tara River, on the right
Upstream of the Tara, on the right bank, at the mouth bank of the Bergamak River, above its mouth, in the area
of the Bergamak River, the Chorographic Drafting Book where the now abandoned village of Kordon Bergamak was
indicates the Chirkasovy yurts (Khorograficheskaya located (Fig. 1, 1).
chertezhnaya kniga…, 2011: Ins. on fol. 93) (Fig. 1, 2). In the Chorographic Drafting Book, above the
The Inventory Book mentions “the village of Birgamatsky village of Chirkasovy, on the right bank of the Tara,
yurts” (Korusenko S.N., 2006: 121). On the Map of 1784, the Bakisyakovy is indicated (Khorograficheskaya
chertezhnaya kniga…, 2011: Ins. on fol. 93) (Fig. 1, 2). (at present, its middle and lower reaches are called the
Such a village is currently unknown. Even higher on the Berezovka River) ChertanlinskiYe is indicated (Fig. 1, 6).
right bank of the Tara, above the mouth of the Tunuska Perhaps, this is an 18th century settlement Chertaly I,
River (this is probably a mistake, since the present-day which, together with the contemporaneous burial
Tunuska River is located much farther to the east. – ground Chertaly III-IV, was identified and studied by
Author) the Sabancheevy is indicated (Fig. 1, 2). Above B.V. Melnikov (Arkheologicheskaya karta…, 2000:
the modern village of Muromtsevo, on the right bank of 19); later, excavations were carried out there by
the Tara, opposite the mouth of the Sychkakova River, the M.А. Korusenko and M.Y. Zdor (Korusenko M.A., Zdor,
settlement of Sychkakovy is indicated (Fig. 1, 2). Gerasimov, 2015). On the Topographic Plan of 1798,
On the left bank of the Tara, above the indicated opposite this place, on the left bank in the floodplain of
settlement, the Chorographic Drafting Book mentions the the Tara, below the mouth of the Chertalinka, Yur: (yurts)
Chertanly (Khorograficheskaya chertezhnaya kniga…, Chertanlinskiye is indicated (Fig. 1, 1). The modern
2011: Ins. on fol. 93) (Fig. 1, 2). Opposite it, on the right village is located to the southeast of this place, on the
bank, the Kalmakovy is indicated (Ibid.) (Fig. 1, 2). terrace (Fig. 1, 7). Above it, on the left bank of the Tara,
According to the Inventory Book, the “Kozhbakhta below the mouth, the Map of 1784 marks the Saunchiny
Sarybaeva (aka Chertanlinskaya)” was located in this (Fig. 2, 3). On the Map of 1798, on the right bank of
area (Korusenko S.N., 2006: 122). On the Map of the river, opposite this settlement, below the village of
1784, the Chertailinski settlement is shown on the left Samokhvalovo, the Suyunchiny is shown (Fig. 2, 5). On
bank of the Tara (Fig. 1, 3). On the Map of 1798, on the Topographic plan of 1798, this settlement is indicated
the right bank of the Tara, above the Shaitanka river on the left bank of Lake Chernoye (Fig. 2, 1).
1
0 3 km
3
0 16 km
4
0 11 km
а c e
0 2 km b d f 5
6
0 16 km
Fig. 2. Tatar settlements in the area from the mouth of the Yulgonka River to the mouth of the Kalinka River on the maps
of the 18th century.
1 – Topographic plan of 1798; 2 – Chorographic Drafting Book; 3 – Map of 1784; 4 – Map of 1780; 5 – Map of 1798; 6 – a diagram of the
location of settlements (the modern ones and those indicated in the cartographic materials of the 18th century) in the Middle and Lower Tara
region: a – modern names of settlements; b – in the Chorographic Drafting book; c – on the Map of 1780; d – on the Map of 1784; e – on
the Map of 1798; f – on the Topographic Plan of 1798.
The Inventory Book indicates the “Temshenyakova Bol. Uyaly River to the mouth of the Kailiairi (Kalinka)
(aka Mantabarova Kukunova)”, which was probably River, the following settlements are indicated: Yur:
located higher upstream of the Tara (Korusenko S.N., 2006: (yurts) Almenevy, Yur: (‘yurts’) M: (‘small’) Almenevy
123). On the Map of 1784, at the mouth of the Bolshaya Letniye, Yur: (yurts) Verkhni Almenevy Letniye. Today,
Teluska River (present-day Verkhnyaya Tunuska), on the in this area, there is the village of Almenevo (Kyshtovsky
right bank of the Tara River, upstream of the Tara River, District of the Novosibirsk Region) (Fig. 2, 6).
the Mangashevy is marked (Fig. 2, 3). On the Map of 1798, The next Tatar village upstream of the Tara River
on the right bank of the Tara, upstream from the mouth in the 18th century was located on the territory of the
of the Verkhnyaya Tunuska, the Taslarskiye is shown, Tunusskaya district.
also known as Ï. Mangashevy (Fig. 2, 5). At present, the
village of Lnozavod of the Muromtsevsky District, Omsk
Region, is located here (Fig. 2, 6). On the Topographic Findings
Plan of 1798, the Taslarskye is indicated on the left bank
of the Tara, in the area of Lake Sagartly, but with the name As a result of the analysis of cartographic materials,
of Yur: (yurts) Mangashevy, also known as Itaslarskiye some patterns were revealed in the location of the Tatar
(Fig. 2, 1). A.F. Palashenkov marked the site of Nizovoye I settlements in the Middle and Lower Tara region in the
in this place, pertaining to the Middle Ages. In his opinion, 18th century:
the Tatar town of Tunus was located here, in the Tatarsky 1. The settlements were located on the right bank of
Ostrov locality (Arkheologicheskaya karta…, 2000: 17; the Tara, in the area from its mouth to the Chertalinka
Korusenko M.A., 2002). River. All known flat-grave burial grounds are also located
On the Map of 1784, the settlement of Kozenevy is on the right bank: Ust-Tara LXX, Cheplyarovo XXVII,
indicated on the left bank of the Tara, upstream, near the Bergamak II, Chertalinsky burial ground, etc. (with the
drain of the lake that is now called Lebyazhye (Fig. 2, 3). exception of Okunevo VII) and settlement complexes:
On the Map of 1798, in the same area, the M: (Malyie) Bergamak XXIII, Bergamak III, Chertaly I, which,
(‘small’) Kuzenevy is indicated, and on the northeastern according to researchers, belonged to the ancestors of the
shore of the same lake B: (Bolshiye) (‘big’) Kuzenevy Tara Tatars (Etnografo-arkheologicheskiye kompleksy…,
(Fig. 2, 5). The Topographic Plan of 1798 gives the 2014; and others). In the section from Chertalinka to the
second name “Yur: B: Kuzevevy – aka Itaslarskiye” mouth of the Kalinka, Tatar settlements are concentrated
and indicates the exact location of these settlements on the Tara’s left bank.
(Fig. 2, 1). The fact that in the 20th century local residents 2. On the maps of the late 18th century, summer and
were finding ceramics, bones, and arrowheads on arable winter settlements of the Tatars in the Middle and Lower
land near the lake, suggests that the Bolshiye Kuzenevy Tara region are indicated. However, based on these
yurts were located here (Korusenko M.A., Korusenko S.N., materials, we cannot be sure that at the time the maps were
2019: 218). The modern village of Guzenevo, created, these settlements were still seasonal in nature, and
Muromtsevsky District, Omsk Region, is located away were not permanently inhabited. Information gathered
from the mentioned lake, on the Tara River. (Fig. 2, 6). by G.F. Miller about the winter aul Inzis (Intsis) and the
The next settlement on the right bank of the Tara River, summer settlement Isuk-aul (Izyuk-aul), the summer
near a large lake, in the Chorographic Drafting Book is the and winter settlements Tschupljar-aul allow us to speak
settlement of Alemetevy (Fig. 2, 2) (Khorograficheskaya confidently of the existence of the seasonal settlements
chertezhnaya kniga…, 2011: Ins. on fol. 93). Currently, in the first half of the 18th century (Sibir XVIII veka…,
there is only one large lake between the Tunuska and 1996: 93).
Cheka rivers, Urmannoye, which is located near the 3. According to cartographic sources, winter
village of Malaya Skirla (Kyshtovsky District of the settlements were located on a high terrace away from
Novosibirsk Region) (Fig. 2, 6). It was probably on this the Tara valley, and summer settlements were located
lake that this settlement was indicated. In the Inventory in the floodplain on the river bank, near other villages.
Book, in this area, the “Sabancheyeva (aka the village of Moreover, as follows from the Topographic Plan of 1798,
Almeneva)” is indicated (Korusenko S.N., 2006: 123). On arable land was located on terraces.
the Map of 1780, the settlement of Almetowa is shown Cartographic materials can be used to reconstruct
on the right bank of the Tara (Fig. 2, 4), and on the Map the history of relocation of settlements. For example,
of 1784, on the left bank of the river called Almenevy the location of the village of Intsiss is marked at some
(Fig. 2, 3). On the Map of 1798, on the right bank in point above the mouth of the homonymous river (modern
this area, at the confluence of the Uyaly River in Tara, location), and at other times below the river mouth; the
the Almenevy is marked; upstream of the Tara River, village of Chertaly is indicated sometimes on the right, then
there is Letni Almenevy (Fig. 2, 5). On the Topographic on the left bank of the Tara, where it is located today. In the
Plan of 1798, from the mouth of the right Tara tributary Chorographic Drafting Book, the Alemetevy settlement is
recorded on the right bank of the Tara, near the lake, and Atlas. Tobolskaya Guberniya. 1798
at present, the modern village of Almenevo is located on RGIA. F. 1350, Inv. 312, D. 43–44.
the left bank, etc. The Tatar settlement of Yurt-Bergamak Bestmaps. (s.a.)
changed its location several times (from the Bergamak URL: https://bestmaps.ru (Accessed April 24, 2021).
Chertezhnaya kniga, sostavlennaya tobolskim synom
River to the left bank of the Tara River, in the area of the
boyarskim Semenom Remezovym v 1701 g. 1701
Okunevo village) (Landik (Tikhomirova), 1998). URL: https://archive.org/details/
RemezovCHertezhnayaKnigaSibiri (Accessed February 15,
2021).
Conclusions Etnografo-arkheologicheskiye kompleksy narodov
Tarskogo Priirtyshya: Prirodnaya sreda, etnosy,
Analysis of cartographic materials from the end of the istochniki. 2014
18th century and comparison of them with other sources M.L. Berezhnova, S.N. Korusenko, A.V. Matveev,
has made it possible to reveal the unique informational S.F. Tataurov, L.V. Tataurova, K.N. Tikhomirov, S.S. Tikhonov,
N.A. Tomilov. Omsk: Izdat. dom “Nauka”. (Etnografo-
potential of the Map of 1784, the Map of 1798, and the
arkheologicheskiye kompleksy: Problemy kultury i sotsiuma;
Topographic Plan of 1798. The data recorded in them fairly vol. 13).
reliably reflect the historical situation in the Lower and Etnografo-arkheologicheskiye kompleksy narodov
Middle Tara by the end of the 18th century (administrative Tarskogo Priirtyshya: Mogily, mogilniki, pogrebalniy
division, location of Tatar and Russian settlements, types obryad i mir mertvykh v svete etnoarkheologicheskikh
of settlements: seasonal, single-yard, etc.). rabot. 2016
When comparing the maps of the indicated period and M.L. Berezhnova, M.A. Korusenko, A.V. Polevodov,
modern maps, supplemented by archaeological research L.V. Tataurova, K.N. Tikhomirov, S.S. Tikhonov. Omsk: Izdat.
data, one can draw conclusions about the settlement dom “Nauka”. (Etnografo-arkheologicheskiye kompleksy:
Problemy kultury i sotsiuma; vol. 14).
system at the end of the 18th century: the Tatar settlements
Falk I.P. 1824
were located according to the riverine type. Some of their Polnoye sobraniye uchenykh puteshestviy po Rossii,
settlements gravitated towards the estuarine sections of izdavayemoye Imperatorskoy Akademiyey Nauk, po
the Tara tributaries; names on maps, such as Zimniye predlozheniyu yeyo prezidenta, s pril., izyasn. i dopoln.
Bergamatski and Letniye Bergamatski yurts, Malye Vol. 6: Zapiski puteshestviya akademika Falka. St. Petersburg:
Almenevy Letniye, and Verkhni Almenevy Letni yurts, Pri Imp. AN.
correspond to seasonal settlements. Gnucheva V.F. 1946
A comparison of the maps of the period under Geograficheskiy departament akademii nauk XVIII veka.
consideration to modern ones allows us to conclude that Moscow, Leningrad: Izd. AN SSSR. (Trudy Arkhiva AN SSSR;
iss. 6).
the modern system of settlement of the Tatars of the
Karta Tarskogo uyezda s polozheniyem mest s okrugoy
Lower and Middle Tara region was mostly formed in i s obyasneniyem vsekh seleniy bolshikh i malykh
the 18th century (changes in the location of settlements dereven i zhivykh urochishch s razdeleniyem volostey
were insignificant and were carried out within the same po novomu obrazu poryadka ustanovlennykh
district). Based on the data obtained, it is possible to find na pokazanii obrochnykh statey i drugikh kazennykh
the locations of specific settlements more effectively and imushchestv, sochinennaya po opisaniyu 1784 goda
explore the early history of the Tatars on the banks of the uyezdnym zemlemerom podporuchikom
Tara River. Kammerom. 1784
In Geograficheskiy atlas Tobolskogo namestnichestva,
sostoyashchiy iz XVI uyezdov [Atlas]: Sochinen po opisaniyu
Acknowledgements uyezdnykh zemlemerov. Tobolsk: Tobolskaya Chertezhnya,
p. 16.
This study was performed under the R&D Project No. 0329- Khorograficheskaya chertezhnaya kniga Sibiri
2019-0005 “The Population of the Southern Taiga and Forest- S.U. Remezova. 2011
Steppe Zones of Western Siberia and Northern Kazakhstan: Tobolsk: Obshchestv. blagotvorit. fond “Vozrozhdeniye
Historical and Cultural Reconstruction and Modernity”. Tobolska”.
Konovalova E.N., Popov V.A. 2010
Atlasy Tobolskoy gubernii vo vtoroy polovine XVIII–XIX
v. Geo-Sibir, vol. 6: 125–130.
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ETHNOLOGY
doi:10.17746/1563-0110.2021.49.3.101-111
A.A. Mikhaylova
Russian Museum of Ethnography,
Inzhenernaya 4/1, St. Petersburg, 191186, Russia
E-mail: alena-muzej@yandex.ru
From the Serbian Fair to the Russian Museum:

On the Ethnographic Relevance
of the Gingerbread Collection from 1902
Serbian figured gingerbreads owned by the Russian Museum of Ethnography are described, the history of the
collection is provided, and its cultural meaning is evaluated. Ethnographic parallels are analyzed, and archaic
examples are cited. The custom of baking gingerbread results from the commercialization of the agricultural tradition
of baking ritual bread. In terms of cultural anthropology, the question may be raised whether the replacement of
destroyed originals by plaster replicas preserves the information potential and ethnographic value of the collection.
Its interpretation is relevant to national identity in new Balkan nations such as Slovenia, Croatia, and Serbia. Another
problem is if and how a craft shared by several peoples can be an ethnic marker. In terms of ethnographic museology
in the globalizing world, the prospects of acquiring recent collections are discussed. The role of such collections in
constructing new national identities may be considerable.
Keywords: Exhibit, craft, identity, replica, fair, Balkans, tradition.
Introduction exposition, the multidimensionality of the information

potential of items and collections is often lost owing to
Museum items convey various messages to descendants their diversity and thematic-descriptive engagement.
about accumulated human achievements, and various A detailed study of museum items through scientific
facets and shades of life in the past. Each item represents methods makes it possible to identify their informational
a separate historical narrative. However, its contents are and cultural value. That is why figured gingerbread,
not always obvious. This is the most important aspect of which made up the first collection of the Serbian
the process of comprehending museum exhibits, which traditional culture in the Russian Museum of Emperor
makes scholars search for methods of revealing their Alexander III in the early 20th century, deserves
information potential and valuable content in the context a special study.
of cultural heritage. This paper examines the collection of Serbian figured
The depositories of the Russian Museum of gingerbread in terms of its information content, museum
Ethnography (REM) contain more than 700,000 items— and cultural value. In this regard, it is important to refer
inanimate witnesses to historical epochs and human to the history of the collection’s formation, its exposition
destinies. They are the result of someone’s thoughts, in the museum, ethnographic information about the
knowledge, skills, collective and personal worldview existence of such items in culture in the past and present,
foundations. However, in the existing practice of as well as to analyze modern trends in the interpretation
© 2021 A.A. Mikhaylova
101
102 A.A. Mikhaylova / Archaeology, Ethnology and Anthropology of Eurasia 49/3 (2021) 101–111
of museum heritage in the context of geopolitical shifts (REM, collection No. 217-1, 3, 4, 10, 24, 29). Foreseeing
and the desire of ethnic communities to use the old the fate of the remaining items, museum specialists came
items as a tool for updating their identity. This issue to the conclusion that it was necessary to create plaster
belongs to the framework of ethno-museological and replicas identical in shape, size, and color (this decision
source study discourse, and relies upon a comprehensive concerned not only the Serbian collection, but also
analysis of the collection. This analysis is based on the similar cultural artifacts of other peoples—Russians,
cultural-anthropological, structural-semiotic, functional, Belarusians, Ukrainians, and others) (Smusin, 1974:
comparative-typological, and other approaches. The 158). The replicas were made in a museum workshop
source base of the study included collection items, and recorded under the numbers of the originals, which
museum records, early minutes of the museum council meant an authorized replacement of the originals.
meetings, and other archival documents. In general, However, time turned out to be merciless to plaster as
the chosen strategy makes it possible to reveal the well: many models split and lost the paint layer, which
multifaceted nature of ethnographic objects, to determine made them unsuitable for exhibition. However, this
their place in the museum collection, and to extend did not lead to the final loss of information about the
a kind of logical thread from the past to the present originals. Data on the contents of the collection have
through updating the evidence of the bygone era. been preserved in the inventory compiled by P.P. Slavnin
(1878–1957) in January 1903.
Slavnin arrived in St. Petersburg in 1902 after
The problem of material and preservation graduating from the Tobolsk Theological Seminary
of the exhibits (Ioganzen, 1962). In the capital, the future Tomsk local
history expert and ethnographer became an external
The interpretation of artifacts is among the most important student at the Imperial University and the Archaeological
factors of heritage actualization in museum practice. It is Institute. In the Ethnographic Department of the Russian
of fundamental importance in cases when the items have Museum, he worked part time as a registrar and was one
lost their expositional attraction, yet they still bear the of those who happened to hold in his hands the elegant
function of recording ethnographic facts. The problem Serbian gingerbread pieces in their original form. In the
is that even under specialized storage conditions, the collection inventory, he briefly recorded their external
items are hardly protected from decay. Over time, they features (color, shape, and decoration), but did not give
are destroyed and loose much of the information they any information about their use in the Serbian traditional
could convey to descendants. Museums react to this culture. In those years, the museum was intensely
process by making replicas, which do not record all the forming collections, and owing to haste and lack of
characteristics of the originals, and only conditionally registrars, many artifacts were described formally. In
convey the information about their external features. In addition, there was no experience in describing such
this regard, the scientific coverage of the information items; Serbian gingerbread was the first massive addition
potential of fragile items made of impermanent materials of such artifacts to the collection. However, now, more
seems to be a particularly important task. than a century later, it is exactly the inventory that allows
Owing to the ethnographic specialization of the us to reconstruct the appearance of the lost originals and
museum, its collections at the early stages of their continue to consider them an integral part of the collection
formation included items made of rapidly decaying (REM, inv. No. 217).
materials, in particular, samples of ritual food—loaves, Having been included into museum collections,
gingerbreads, sweets, etc. Irreversible organic processes ordinary items acquire semantic value and are
led to the loss of the originals; so, the practice appeared memorialized as cultural phenomena. Nowadays,
of replacing them with plaster models. This was the museologists admit that the material side of a museum
case with the first collection on the traditional culture item is not its only and key component (see, e.g., (Suvorov,
of the Serbs—30 figured gingerbreads brought to the 2017: 76)). The item conveys important information
museum when it still had the status of the Ethnographic about itself as a component of culture, thereby enriching
Department (ED) of the Russian Museum of Emperor the informational capacity of the collection. Within
Alexander III. the framework of ethnographic collection, the most
In 1902, these vivid and colorful products of various important function of each item is to add a feature to the
shapes and ornamentation, an attribute of the Serbian fair general image of the culture of a particular ethnic group.
“vashar”, were purchased in Belgrade by the first head Thus, the collection of things forms a kind of dossier on
of the ED, the outstanding ethnographer D.A. Klements the ethnic community, and characterizes the specificity
(1848–1914). As a result of biochemical processes, of its material code. Consequently, the fact of including
several gingerbreads had already been lost by 1935; in the set of gingerbreads in the museum collection
1955, they were excluded from the accounting records suggests that this attribute of the Serbian traditional
A.A. Mikhaylova / Archaeology, Ethnology and Anthropology of Eurasia 49/3 (2021) 101–111 103
culture was important for its appropriate representation Researchers note that the material sets the grammar
in the museum. (structure) of the thing: any manufacturing technology
In this regard, the role and place of plaster replicas invented by people, like also the methods of decoration, is
in the history of this collection is of considerable determined by the material’s nature (Baranov, 2016: 36).
interest. The idea of a “non-standard” appearance of For instance, the technology of making plaster casts does
“affected” artifacts allows us to consider replicas as a not provide for high-temperature thermal processes; so,
material reincarnation of the originals and as a part of their texture differs from baked dough in the absence of
their biography (Leonov, Grusman, 2019: 67). At the internal air. Also, a cast does not convey the lightness and
same time, these casts can be considered a separate sophistication of sugar patterns. The semantic properties
narrative, telling about a certain stage in the work of the of items are lost as well: folk ideas about the magical
museum itself. The casts, keeping a semantic connection properties of bread, honey, and dough are inapplicable to
with the originals, continue to function as a conditional plaster replicas.
source of information. Correlation of museum data on Different compositions of input materials and
the collection items with the information presented in manufacturing technology give rise to other differences.
ethnographic literature, as well as with similar items from The shaping of the plaster mass does not use kinetic
other collections and the current state of tradition, makes codes associated with the muscular memory of a skill
it possible to reconstruct many historical and semantic that has been passed down from generation to generation
aspects of figured gingerbread in the Serbian culture; in traditional culture. Neither does the motivation for
and their scientific coverage allows for the presentation creating plaster models stem from certain functions in the
to the public of an unexposed part of the REM collection life of the ethnic community. It is determined by the need
(Mylnikov, 1987). for a visual and symbolic demonstration of the object for
Thanks to the replicas, the collection extended its informational purposes. All these factors ultimately affect
visual functionality for a while. However, from the the strokes, rhythm, plasticity of items and placement
point of view of source study, its ethno-marking function of creative accents in their pictorial details. No matter
has become doubtful. When considering gingerbreads how obvious it may be, it should be noted that in the
as three-dimensional sources of information, the Serbian traditional culture of the second half of the 19th
relationship between the original and the replica in to early 20th century, there circulated no products made
recognizing them as historical documents becomes of painted plaster that would outwardly resemble figured
fundamentally important (Andreeva, 2017: 13). gingerbread.
Discrepancies are found primarily in the material The thesis that the shells of things hide the ideas inside
and the circumstances of manufacturing these items. makes it possible to consider originals and replicas the
Replacement of dough with plaster means the change personification of meanings that are completely different
of the information carrier; not only did it entail the loss in nature (Nikonova, 2006: 11). Plaster models do not
of the original “text”, but also provoked the appearance carry the inner thought that was fundamentally important
of attributes that have no common features with the for depositing things into an ethnographic museum.
originals. Approximately repeating the sizes and They have become part of a completely different cultural
outlines of the originals, the replicas did not coincide history. However, despite all the losses and distortions,
with them in weight. The difference in the material these timely made models provide an idea of the
determined different texture, taste, color, smell, and Belgrade gingerbread tradition of the late 19th to early
other characteristics that ensured the morphology and 20th centuries.
semantics of items (Balash, 2015: 42; Baiburin, 1981).
A plaster cast does not provide information on whether
the gingerbread was mint-flavored or toasted; it does not History and content of the collection
cause the visual and gustatory sensations that a person
has when looking at an edible object. From a cultural Preservation of various samples of archaic forms of
and anthropological point of view, the sensual perception the traditional culture under the conditions of the
of properties of the observed items is important. Thus, modernizing world was one of the priority tasks of the
the replacement of material leads to the loss of a whole young museum. Its leader D.A. Klements paid particular
block of initial information that makes it possible to attention to the conceptual side of the acquisition of
characterize these items as a cultural phenomenon. exhibits. In particular, he believed that the museum
The material of goods is of great importance for the collection should reflect the ethnography of not only
museum’s representation of ethnic culture (Rudenko, the peoples of the Russian Empire, but also “all Slavic
2017: 21). The reference exhibits for the ethnographic tribes, regardless of political boundaries” (Dubov, 1998:
museum are the items made in natural economy, from 116). Particular emphasis was placed on the ethnography
natural materials, and using traditional techniques. of the Balkan Peninsula, thus highlighting the strong
ties and cultural kinship between the Balkan peoples decorated with paper pictures and sugar patterns,
and the Slavs of the Russian Empire (Makarenko, and sprinkled with almonds. In their artistic design,
1917: 19). This approach was in line with the current characterized by slender lines, bright colors, and
political moment: in that situation of the Slavophilic sophisticated decoration technology, they differed from
sentiments, Russia acted as the patroness of the Slavs of Russian gingerbread products. However, the images of
the Habsburg and Ottoman empires, as well as the young the figurines were thematically similar to those found
Balkan countries. among other peoples of Eurasia, which is supported by the
Especially close historical ties developed between gingerbread collections of other museums (Shkarovskaya,
Russia and Serbia. Having attained independence in 1988: 255; Gantskaya, 1972: 257). For example, the
the last third of the 19th century, Serbia sought to gingerbread from Belgrade included stylized figurines of
establish itself in the international arena in various women, men, children, horses, lions, rosettes, and hearts.
ways, including representation of the traditional culture. Similar anthropo- and zoomorphic, as well as rosette-like,
In particular, at the First International Exhibition of motifs of gingerbread products and backing pans are noted
Historical and Contemporary Costumes, which opened in the East Slavic, Baltic, and Far Eastern REM collections
in November 1902 in the Tauride Palace, the Serbian of the 20th century (e.g., coll. No. 524 (Belarusians),
queens Natalija and Draga Obrenović personally No. 625 (Ukrainians), No. 1264 (Russians)). Heart-shaped
presented the collections of Serbian traditional clothes gingerbreads are recorded in the Czech (coll. No. 8542),
(Kael, 1902: 5). The head of the Ethnographic museum Polish (coll. No. 8541), Lithuanian (coll. No. 8291), and
in Belgrade S. Trojanović (1862–1935) took an active Hungarian (coll. No. 8543) collections*. In other words,
part in the preparation for the exhibition from the the shapes of the gingerbread presented in the Serbian
Serbian part (Menković, 2002: 169). The professional collection were quite typical for this kind of product,
contacts between S. Trojanović and D.A. Klements which existed in the culture of other peoples, while
seem to have been established at that time. According the decor and manufacturing technologies had regional
to archival sources, in February 1902, at the meeting differences.
of the ED council, Klements reported that the Serbian The specificity of the images and decoration of
envoy and head of the Belgrade Museum Trojanović the gingerbread is sustained in the traditions of the
proposed to assemble ethnographic collections for the licider (or licitar) craft, which was widespread in those
Russian Museum (REM Archive. F. 1, Inv. 1, D. 13, years in the eastern part of Austria-Hungary. The word
fol. 25). However, the proposal was not accepted, “licider” in Serbian language comes from the Austrian
owing to the objections of a member of the museum “lebzelter” – ‘gingerbread baker’. It comes from the
council E.A. Lyatsky, who said that collecting Serbian Latin “libum” – ‘sacrificial bread’. The phenomenon
ethnography for the museum was a “leisurely” task, and of ritual bread in one form or another existed in the
therefore it could be postponed. traditional culture of all agricultural peoples of Eurasia.
Contrary to this position, the Serbian ethnographic This suggests that the gingerbread tradition among the
collection was soon on display in the St. Petersburg Balkan Slavs had a ritual-ceremonial nature (Andreјić,
museum. In the summer of 1902, Klements visited the 1977). For example, among the Serbs, figured ritual
Ethnographic Museum in Belgrade (Ibid.: Fol. 59). From bread (flatbreads in the form of livestock, household
there, he brought a collection of figured gingerbread, features, and solar symbols) were baked at Christmas
which marked the beginning of the museum’s collection and presented to carolers (Kostić, 1971: 76). However,
of items from the Serbian traditional culture, currently the question of whether the licider craft was a substitute
totaling about 800 units (Mikhaylova A.A., 2013: 196). for older local traditions remains open.
Today, the Serbian collection of REM is quite rich and The licider craft was based on processing beekeeping
varied in content. It includes several dozen outfit sets and products, from which wax candles, votive figurines
separate items of traditional clothing, jewelry (including (sacred figurines in the form of parts of the body,
silver items), specimens of weaving, embroidery, humans, or livestock), mead, gingerbread with honey,
ceramics, ritual items, household utensils, and labor
tools. Many of the exhibited items are unique, have no
parallels in other museums, and are of constant interest *In the 20th century, REM acquired more than
among foreign specialists (Niškanović, 2005: 82). Thus, 2.5 thousand gingerbreads, with three quarters of them
being a part of the famous N.D. Vinogradov collection. The
the gingerbread collection, despite the loss of the original
overwhelming majority of the items represent the Russian
content, is still among the most valuable attributes, since gingerbread tradition, one fifth that of other peoples:
it was the first acquisition, from which the collection of Ukrainians, Belarusians, Serbs, Poles, Czechs, Lithuanians,
the heritage of world-wide significance began. Latvians, Jews, Uzbeks, Azerbaijanis, and Chinese. Very few
Descriptions made by Slavnin indicate that the original items have survived; some of them were replaced by
gingerbreads were coated with multi-colored icing, plaster replicas, the others are irretrievably lost.
and other sweets were made (Belančić, 2016: 53). streets from a distribution tray or in a mobile shop. Until
Gingerbreads with honey were known to the Balkan the onset of the 20th century, only men were liciders; the
Slavs even before the advent of this craft. Their semantic craft skills were kept in strict secrecy and were inherited
functions were associated with the magical properties from father to son or passed on to apprentices (Biškupić-
attributed to honey, including love magic, symbolism of Bašić, 2001: 195). In the late 19th century, in Belgrade,
immortality, fertility, divine principle, etc. (Valentsova, there lived eight master-liciders (Marјanović, 2009: 73).
1995). However, as a handicraft product with a specific Perhaps one of them baked the items of the collection
recipe and a recognizable brand, gingerbread became brought to St. Petersburg.
widespread thanks to Austrian and German liciders. In the folk culture of the 19th-20th centuries,
One of the distribution centers of gingerbread business fi gured gingerbread most often acted as a gift. The
was Styria (Biškupić-Bašić, 2002: 120). With the gingerbreads were presented to relatives, lovers,
development of trade relations in southeastern Europe friends, and children, for whom the sweet present
in the 18th century, gingerbreads were introduced served as both a delicacy and a toy. People took
into the fair culture of Pannonia. The archives have gingerbread with them when they were going on a
preserved clear evidence of how the licider craft visit, brought them from a trip, or presented them as
penetrated Vojvodina—the Austrian territory adjacent to an expression of high regard. The holidays of the Glory
Serbia, with a mixed population, including Serbian. In of the Cross (Serbian Slava), weddings, Christmastide,
particular, one of the documents reports that on April 17, and others could have been a reason for making such a
1769, the licider Michael Schmidt appeared in the city of gift (Ŝutić, 2008: 189). Gingerbreads served as a ritual
Subotica; he got from the city “permission to settle and meal if they were handed out at a commemoration for
a six-year exemption from taxes and other payments, as the repose of the soul of the deceased (Trajković, 2012:
well as guarantees that other visitors would be prohibited 23). The possibility of long-term storage of gingerbread
from selling the same products in the local market and in also made it a convenient supply.
its vicinity” (Ulmer, 1995: 156). Austrian Serbs quickly There is no information about the use of products of the
mastered the technology of production and decoration licider craft in ritual practices*. The figured gingerbread
of honey gingerbread, and from the second half of the was not baked in the household. It was a commercial
18th century began to sell them in small tents at urban production, and the masters who manufactured the
and rural fairs, as well as in monasteries on cherished figured gingerbreads obeyed the workshop rules
holidays (Gavrilović S., 1984: 80). governing the procedure of making products and selling
In the 19th century, liciders of Serbian origin them. To buy gingerbread, discretionary income was
also appeared in Serbia itself. Their professional required, something always lacking in peasant life. Such
terminology consisted of distorted German vocabulary, a product, therefore, was acquired on a special occasion
which emphasized the alien character of the craft. and presented as a gift and an expression of high regard.
Serbia n craftsmen acquired gingerbread molds and Thus, in the late 19th to early 20th century, figured fair
tools in large cities in Austria, which explains the gingerbread served as a communication tool. Although
repetition of types of figurines reproduced throughout the craft itself had features of modernization, the use
the region. Thus, we can conclude that for the Serbian of its products as a gift was functionally associated
folk culture, the licider products were a sign of its with archaic practices aimed at strengthening friendly
modernization and Europeanization rather than a relations between the parties of communication (Moss,
symbol of archaism. At the same time, they soon 2011: 165).
became its organic component. The ethnographic literature provides descriptions of
In the second half of the 19th century, gingerbread recipes and technology for making such gingerbread.
baking flourished in many parts of Europe. Exactly at The dough consisted of honey and flour, eggs, water,
that time, the phenomenon of collecting gingerbread potash, baking powder (ammonium bicarbonate), as well
boards, metal molds, and the products themselves as spices—cloves, anise, ginger, or pepper (Marјanović,
emerged. In ethnographic collecting, these items were 2009: 74; Trajković, 2012: 26; Radulovački, 2005: 314;
valuable not only as attributes of a peasant holiday, Kašpar, 1980: 79). It was quite stiff, which made it
but also as a kind of folk art (Galueva, 2003: 35). In possible to form a figured biscuit by embossing “kalup”
purchasing a collection of gingerbreads for the museum, molds, carved from apple or pear trees or cast from clay
Klements considered these a fairly representative (printed gingerbread). In the late 19th century, gingerbread
attribute of Serbian ethnicity, and the museum council
considered the collection to correspond to the profile and *It is known from ethnographic materials that it was
purpose of the museum. customary for Russians to bake ritual cookies for certain
In Serbia, gingerbreads were a favorite folk fun and calendar holidays: “kozuli” on Yegoryev’s day or Semik,
an attribute of the holiday. These were sold mainly in the “ladders” on Ascension, and others (Propp, 2000: 33–36).
boards were replaced by aluminum “stecher” molds, with a mirror while standing behind the girl, so that she could
which the dough was figuratively cut according to one see there the reflection of her “betrothed”. Researchers
pattern (silhouette gingerbread) (Šarić, 2013: 119). The believe that the tradition of making heart-shaped
finished products were painted with special red, yellow, gingerbread came to the Balkans in the 17th century from
blue, and white confectionery paints, and decorated with Northern Europe, together with religious ideas about the
sugar paste, skillfully squeezed out in a thin layer onto the heart of Christ (Kus-Nikolajev, 1928: 135). Anyway, at
surface in the form of rosettes or a “lace” border. Colored present, gingerbreads of this particular form are the most
paper, forming various motifs, could also be a component widespread at Serbian fairs.
of the decor. Analysis of the description inventory allows us to
In the late 19th to early 20th century, gingerbreads conclude that the content of the collection coincided with
were decorated with colored pictures printed on paper, the “classic” assortment of gingerbreads sold at Serbian
which enhanced the art image. The silhouettes of fairs in the late 19th to early 20th centuries (Fig. 1). Ten
anthropomorphic forms of gingerbread were rather figured gingerbreads were shaped like horses standing on
arbitrary—only the outlines of the head and shoulders the grass (REM, coll. No. 217-1–10). Given the differences
were clearly shown; the limbs often merged with the in the orientation and position of the horses’ legs, it can
body in a trapezoid or an oval. To give the gingerbreads be assumed that at least three different silhouette metal
a more expressive look, pictures with a male or female molds were used to make these cakes. “Horses” differed
face were pasted on the upper part, and the lower part from each other in their decoration features: “gingerbread
was painted with confectionery paints and decorated in the form of a horse, the upper part is covered with a red
with a sugar border. The image of a man was usually paint layer, decorated with white and yellow patterns, and
conveyed in the Baroque style—with long hair and a purple paper saddle decorated with zigzags and flowers
a hat, in an elegant coat with a fur collar, and striped is glued on the back”; “gingerbread-horse, covered
trousers; that of a woman was shown in traditional with fine patterns and decorated with pieces of colored
outfit—an ornamented shirt, sleeveless jacket, apron, paper in the form of an asterisk and two tassels” (REM,
and headdress. Gingerbreads in the form of a male inv. No. 217), etc. One of the gingerbreads, figured as a
figure were presented to men, and those in the form of a lion, was “coated with yellow paint with short red lines
female figure to women. The girls were presented with representing mane and tail; colored paper tassels descend
gingerbreads in the form of a baby in swaddling clothes. from the neck” (REM, coll. No. 217-11).
The paper pictures with painted children’s faces in lace The collection contains only one piece of gingerbread,
caps were pasted thereon. Boys often got gingerbread stylized as a male figure (REM, coll. No. 217-12). Its
in the shape of a horse with paper images of the muzzle plaster replica shows the outlines of long curly hair and
and saddle, standing on the grass, i.e. resting his feet a voluminous collar. The gingerbread was decorated
on a rectangular base with floral patterns. Gingerbreads with fine sugar patterns and pieces of colored paper.
with religious and dynastic symbols (angels, crosses, There were six female figures in the collection (REM,
faces of saints) were also widespread. They were usually coll. No. 217-13, 14, 16–19); three different molds were
presented to older people. Thus, an important attribute used to make them. One of the figures, like the male one,
of gingerbreads as a tool of intracultural communication had no distinct anatomical features except the head and
was their sex and age targeting and symbolism, based on shoulders, and ended in an oval at the bottom. The gender
the folklorization of the ideas about the gender-social symbolism of this form of gingerbread was conditional
structure of society and the archaic-traditional need to and was indicated by a picture of a woman’s face. Two
emphasize the social identity of community members in other specimens had more vivid features of the female
the public space. figure—waist, skirt, arms, and legs. Another gingerbread
There were no two identical gingerbreads, since each piece depicted a baby, as was indicated by a picture on it,
was decorated by hand. Sometimes a cake was decorated showing a child’s face in a cap.
with a piece of mirror. After the end of the 19th century, The rest of the gingerbreads were manufactured
such gingerbreads were used for decorative purposes. in the form of circles and hearts of various sizes
However, according to ethnographic records, the southern (Fig. 2). Slavnin described one of them as a “white
Slavs had a tradition of decorating ceremonial bread with rosette-shaped gingerbread, decorated with yellow paint
a mirror for protection from the evil eye (Tolstaya, 1995). with red dots at the edges” (REM, coll. No. 217-20);
Among the licider products, mirrors occurred most often the other three samples he designated in the inventory
in the heart-shaped gingerbreads, which were presented as as “flatbread” (REM, coll. No. 217-21, 23 a, b). On the
a sign of sympathy. When giving it to the girl, the young surface of the plaster replicas that replaced them, there
man meant that the one to whom his heart was given is a decoration in the form of embossed concentric
would see her reflection in the mirror. According to the circles. Features of the shape and decoration suggest
other tradition, a guy held out his heart-shaped gift with that the prototype of such products was Christmas
1 2 3
Fig. 1. Plaster replicas of gingerbreads in the form of zoo- and anthropomorphic figurines (1–3) and with solar
symbols (4, 5) (REM, coll. No. 217-5, 12, 16, 20, 23). Photo by O.V. Ganichev.
Fig. 2. Plaster replicas of heart-shaped gingerbreads (REM, coll. No. 217-25, 26, 28). Photo by O.V. Ganichev.
crispbread with solar symbols. The “oblong gingerbread the end of the 19th century, they did not bear deep
sprinkled with almonds on top” (REM, coll. No. 217-22) semantics any longer.
had a simple shape, but apparently tasted delicious. The Yugoslav licider gingerbreads reached their
Seven heart-shaped gingerbreads were decorated with peak of popularity in the period between the two world
mirrors, colored glaze, sugar patterns, and colored wars. At that time, new cake forms appeared, such as
paper appliqués (REM, coll. No. 217-24–28). One cars, pistols, handbags, shoes, etc. Colorful gingerbread
gingerbread bore a portrait of the Serbian king Alexandar figures were made with strings and used as Christmas
Obrenović (1889–1903), who ruled at that time, the other tree decorations, neck decorations, and home decor
a picture of the Virgin Mary with baby Jesus (REM, items. In the second half of the 20th century, licider
coll. No. 217-24, 25). Portrait of the king on the figured craft gradually fell into decay owing to the emergence
gingerbread served as a symbol of Serbian independence. of other types of confectionery products and their mass
As for the image of the Virgin Mary, noteworthy is production (Traјković, 2012: 28). At present, there are
her special veneration by the Catholic population of few liciders left in Serbia. They still run their workshops,
Slavonia, from where the licider craft came to Serbia; mainly owing to the existing programs for the protection
but at the same time, this image emphasizes the natural and revival of old crafts (Stari zanati…, (s.a.)), and sell
closeness of her cult to Orthodox Serbs. their products in vashar fairs and in souvenir shops
Despite their conventionality and schematicity, the (Mikhaylova A.A., 2015: 333). Over the past 100 years,
symbolism of the images presented in the collection the production technology has remained practically
attracts attention. When considering the issue of ethnic unchanged; gingerbreads are still made by hand, but with
markedness of figured gingerbreads as ethnographic the use of modern tools and brighter edible colors. It is
artifacts and their connection with Western culture, this symptomatic that the variety of forms has disappeared.
quality seems to be important. Some features point to the The heart has become the dominant type of figured
correspondence of the symbolic and semantic content gingerbread. Today, the licider heart is not only a
of gingerbread images to the archetypes of Serbian favorite fair souvenir and delicacy, but also an attribute
traditional culture; while commercial orientation and of a wedding celebration: it is often presented as a gift
technology of production represent purely borrowed symbolizing love and strong marriage. Nowadays, when
components. producing these commemorative items, liciders add
Researchers of the phenomenon of dough figurines sand and other composites to the dough, which ensure
in folk culture strive to find archaic meanings in these durable storage. Thus, the emergence of inedible items
products, relying on folklore heritage and pre-Christian that perform an exclusively decorative and symbolic
beliefs (Galueva, 2003: 37). For example, it has been function, but retain their traditional form, has become a
proposed that in Slavic mythology, the figure of a horse characteristic feature of this craft today.
symbolized the sun, and this was semantically close to
the image of lion—a solar archetype that conquers evil
and darkness. The female fi gure could represent the Significance of the collection
deified mythical ancestor—Mother-raw-earth (see, e.g., in the context of modernity
(Shkarovskaya, 1988: 243)). Experts are unanimous (instead of conclusion)
in the opinion that in agricultural cultures, ritual flour
figurines were most often associated with the magic of The trend towards transformation of the most striking
fertility (Propp, 2000: 34). By presenting the girls with elements of the material code of the pre-industrial era
gingerbread in the form of a baby, the prospect of their into souvenirs and symbols in the post-Yugoslav space
procreation was indicated. S. Marković connects the is quite widespread. Reproduction of well-recognizable
origin of the baby motif in the gingerbread tradition images of the past, including products of old crafts,
with the Christmas mysteries and the image of the allows ethnic culture to legitimize its connection with
newborn Christ (2011). Religious themes (images of ancestors and history. Theoretically, this can be attributed
angels, crosses, and saints) penetrated the gingerbread to the phenomenon of ethnocultural neo-traditionalism,
tradition around the 18th century (Scheybalová, 1974: which has been studied intensely in re cent decades,
158). Thus, it can be concluded that the ritual nature and which is a kind of reflection of ethnic culture on
of figured gingerbreads has lost its primacy with their the strengthening globalization processes (Popkov,
transformation into a product of craft and a component Tyugashev, 2012). The popularization of images of
of fair culture (Sergeeva, 2014: 49). Exactly the fair as traditional culture, withdrawn from their original
a mass commodity-consumer phenomenon determined cultural context, associated with this phenomenon,
the decorative look of these products and made them is called folklorization, and the resulting objects are
the subject of special aesthetics in the folk culture. called folklorisms (Kurinskikh, 2016: 252). The desire
Despite the archaic roots of gingerbread images, by of certain ethnic groups to brand the attributes of
their cultural heritage as symbols of national identity, be said that it recorded a certain stage in the development
despite the translocal nature of many such symbols, of the gingerbread tradition, at which the craft, having
has become a side effect of folklorization in the 21st unified the basic technological principles and the forms
century (Mikhaylova N.G., 2011: 266). For example, that were in demand in folk culture, turned the latter
in 2010, with the support of UNESCO, the licider craft into a recognizable product. This, in turn, allowed
has received the status of intangible cultural heritage the tradition not to dissolve under the influence of
of Croatia. Slovenia also claims the right to consider modernization and, with some changes, survive in the
this craft its national treasure. In 2018, the Croatian 20th and 21st centuries. In the last 50 years, the Serbian
Ministry of Culture offi cially recognized this status REM collections have practically not been replenished,
for the figured gingerbread craft (Nesnovna dediščina, which fact is associated with both political factors and
(s.a.)). Such competition for cultural heritage among the weakening of the Slavophil rhetoric in general,
the young Balkan countries is associated with the and also with the peripheral (in relation to the rest of
unfinished process of constructing their national the collection) place of Balkan ethnography in the
identities. The attributes of the past, which awaken conceptual basis of the museum. However, they do not
nostalgia and are close and understandable to the lose their importance as sources for a comparative study
general public, become convenient tools for the of the common Slavic cultural fund and modern ethnic
ideological consolidation of society in the absence processes in the Balkans. In this regard, another polemic
of new stable symbols (Gavrilović L., 2012: 48). The question in ethnomuseology becomes important, about
Western European origin of the licider craft is another the expediency of replenishing the museum fund with
factor in its actualization as a phenomenon of national modern exhibits—objects-symbols and folklorisms
significance. In the desire of the Balkan countries for participating in the process of constructing new identities.
economic integration into the European Union, the As the collecting practice of the last century shows, the
emphasis on cultural kinship with Western Europe adoption of this strategy would make it possible not only
helps to justify these ambitions. to replenish the Balkan collections, but also to record the
In the light of the described tendencies, the transformations of ethnic consciousness during periods
importance of ethnographic museum collections as a of crises and their overcoming.
source of reliable facts about the traditions of certain
peoples is growing significantly. Material exhibits
testify to the origins of cultural phenomena, their
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T.Y. Sem
Russian Museum of Ethnography,
Inzhenernaya 4/1, St. Petersburg, 191186, Russia
E-mail: semturem@mail.ru
Tungus-Manchu Traditional Beliefs.

Part 1: Fertility Cult and Images of Divine Ancestresses
This article explores the traditional beliefs of the Tungus-Manchu peoples and is based on the hermeneutic and
comparative analysis of the fertility cult. Some of its aspects are related to images of divine ancestresses, the tree of life,
the hearth cult, ancestral lineage, and animistic beliefs. For the first time, cults of fertility, as well as those of divine
ancestresses, are regarded as an integral whole. This analysis demonstrates that images of ancestresses are preserved
in mythology, rituals (specifically domestic ones), tribal culture, and cultural features related to birth, shamanism,
ludic culture, and applied art. Also, they relate to the hearth cult, fire rites, the tree of souls or tree of life, creation,
and shamanism as part of folk medicine and rites of passage. The conclusion is made that the Tungus-Manchu fertility
cult is an inherent religious system, relevant to the mentality, archetypal cultural values, ethno-cultural specificity, and
contacts with other peoples.
Keywords: Tungus-Manchu, traditional beliefs, rituals, fertility cult, divine ancestresses, symbolism.
Introduction the study of both of these components. Therefore, it is

important to investigate the general and the particular
The study of ritual cult practice in traditional societies is in the fertility cult. This topic was researched using
a relevant theme in today’s ethnographic science, starting specific materials from various peoples of the world.
with the classical works of J. Frazer, W. Turner, A. van The cult of fertility among the Tungus-Manchu peoples
Gennep, A.K. Bayburin. Numerous studies of academic has been poorly studied; only discrete elements of it
scientists have been devoted to it (Pamyatniki kultury…, have been considered. S.M. Shirokogorov studied the
1977). The fertility cult is considered in the literature Evenk system of shamanic spirit-helpers (1919: 14–19);
from various angles. S.A. Tokarev wrote about it at the I.A. Lopatin briefly described the cult of the tutelary
level of early forms of religion as a family-clan hearth spirit, Dzhulin, in the culture of the Nanai (1922:
cult, as well as within the agrarian cult (1964: 252– 222–223); A.F. Anisimov considered the image of the
265, 378–392). B.A. Rybakov investigated the fertility spirit of fire, Togo-mushun, among the Evenks, as a
cult at the level of the image of the divine ancestress separate element of the belief system (1958: 93–97).
among the Slavs (1981: 438–470). E.A. Torchinov A.V. Smolyak investigated the system of the shaman’s
considered it in primitive sacerdotal societies/tribes as spirit-helpers among the Nanai, having included the deity
the cult of the Great Mother Goddess (1998: 108–131). of fertility therein (1991: 13). S.V. Bereznitsky compared
In each ethnic community, the cult of fertility connects a broad array of materials on the peoples of the Amur
to universal human ideas and values, as well as specific region, and studied various aspects of beliefs in order to
historical features. Ethnography as a science combines identify ethno-cultural influences (2003). I considered
© 2021 T.Y. Sem
112
T.Y. Sem / Archaeology, Ethnology and Anthropology of Eurasia 49/3 (2021) 112–118 113
the issues of the fertility cult among the Tungus-Manchu ancient Chinese mythology, a musical string instrument
peoples from the standpoint of various characters. For the made from the world tree Fusan is also used during
first time, a typology of fertility deities is proposed (Sem, the creation of the world (see (Shishlo, 1991: 200)).
2013: 114–178). This study continues the analysis of these According to the beliefs of the Trans-Baikal Evenks of
images included in the complete set of all the components the 18th century, the supreme heavenly deity Buga had
of the cult, as different parts of its integral whole. a harp/gusli for the creation of the world, which was
The aim of this work is to study the general features ruined by his brother, the demon Buninka, the creator
and the ethnocultural specificity of the fertility cult among and owner of the lower world (Spassky, 1822: 44).
different Tungus-Manchu peoples in their traditional Presumably, the image of the string musical instrument
belief system, using the semantic analysis of the images of the Evenks was associated with a female womb. Such
of the divine ancestresses. The connection of these images representations were also known among the Ainu people.
to ideas about the creation of the world, the ancestral tree Among the Amur Evenks, the act of creating the world
of life (the tree of souls), the souls of people and the soul- in the New Year’s ritual is indicated by the cry of a loon,
embryo is considered, along with the cult of the family which, according to the cosmogonic myth, participated
hearth and matrilineal succession. The complex of ideas in the extraction of grains of sand and silt from the
about the cult of fertility and the divine ancestresses bottom of the world ocean (Varlamova, 2002: 29–30;
among the Tungus-Manchu peoples is researched for Vasilevich, 1936: 29–30). In the Evenk mythology, there
the first time as an interconnected integral whole. This are also some plots where the Earth appears as the result
research includes the analysis of folkloric data, beliefs, of singing (Folklor evenov…, 2005: 206).
and rituals, shamanism, applied art, and ludic culture. This The image of the goddess of fire and the hearth.
work uses comparative, comparative-historical, systemic, According to materials of the late 19th to mid-20th
semantic, hermeneutic, and iconographic methods. centuries, there are Tungus-Manchu images of the
divine ancestresses associated with the cult of fire and
the ancestral tree of souls. The Nanai and Udege people
Research materials carved their images from wood. The most ancient
version, made of stone, was found in the garden of
The image of the divine ancestress, and the creator one of the Nanai of the Lower Amur. It is dated to the
of the world and people. In the system of beliefs of 6th–12th centuries (Okladnikov, 1981: 30). The idols
the Tungus-Manchu peoples, the cult of fertility was were 8-shaped, without legs.
associated with the images of the mythological divine The concept of the fire goddess dates back to the
ancestress, family-clan, childbirth, and shamanistic rites. Jurchen era. During the excavations of the Shaiga fortified
Its origins are preserved in the myths about the creation settlement, 8-shaped metal figurines were found, open at
of the world and human beings. For example, during large the bottom, similar to intertwined snakes. Their placement
(burial) commemorations, the Nanai perform a shamanic was at the hearth of the dwelling, on the basis of which
song, in which the great goddess Mamelji creates the E.V. Shavkunov suggested their relationship to the cult
world, stirring the waters of the rivers flowing from the of fire and associated them with the fire goddesses (1990:
world ocean in the form of snakes, and creates the earth, 269). The Uilta of Sakhalin, a peripheral Tungus-Manchu
the surface of which her husband, the fertility deity ethnic group, has a similar image. On the bone bow of
Guranta, helps to level (Lipskiye, 1936: Fol. 48). This a deer saddle, there was a carved ornament of figure
goddess creates the first people from a drop of her blood eight with open ends, resembling snakes, which were
(Lopatin, 1922: 237) interpreted by the local population as the goddesses of
According to Manchu mythology, the great goddess- fire (REM, col. 8761-8017, 11452).
ancestress, mistress of the Universe, Abuga-khekhe, The 8-shaped items are most clearly associated with
together with the goddess of the earth begotten by the image of the fire goddess among the Tungus-Manchu
her, Manga-khekhe, creates the world with a musical peoples of the Amur (Nanai, Negidals, Udege), the
instrument—a drum and a beater, which are associated Uilta of Sakhalin, the Evens of the Okhotsk coast of the
with the element of water chaos of the sky (the Far East, and the Evenks of Yakutia. The Nanai people
mythological feminine principle) and with the world made 8-shaped figures of Dzhulin—the ancestor of the
mountain (the mythological masculine principal). ancestors, the spirit-master of the hearth (Sem, 2003: 172–
Abuga-khekhe uses the willow to stir the waters; a world 173). Later, they began to be made in a flattened form with
mountain grows, while the sounds of a tambourine/ legs, a square body, and a round head, but the semantics
drum are heard as a symbol of the act of creation of the remained. The Negidals carved the image of the owner of
world by the goddess (Wang Hong-gang, 1993: 48). In the house, Masi, from a tree in the form of two balls and
this myth, the shamanic level associated with the music wrapped them in bear skin (REM, photocol. 4701-46).
of the spheres is recorded. According to M. Granet, in Among the shamans, he was considered patron spirit of
114 T.Y. Sem / Archaeology, Ethnology and Anthropology of Eurasia 49/3 (2021) 112–118
initiation (Na grani mirov…, 2006: 64). An 8-shaped Thus, among the Tungus-Manchu peoples, the
wooden figurine of the Udege ancestress, wrapped in divine ancestress was identified with the goddess of
shavings (a symbol of fire), was kept in a bark box. It has fire. However, among the Yenisei Evenks, these two
retained its most ancient appearance. According to the deities were separated. The fire goddess Togo-mushun
collection inventory of the Primorsk Museum of Local was considered to be the helper of the goddess Bugada-
Lore, this goddess was associated with the domestic enin—the mistress of the universe, ancestral mountains,
hearth and fire (Osokina, 1977: 100, fig. 5, 4). and the tree of souls: the latter grew the souls of people
On the Even women’s breast garments (an obligatory and animals on the ancestral tree, and the fire goddess
element of traditional clothing in combination with kept these souls and raised them in the ancestral hearth
an open-fronted caftan), an 8-shaped ornament was (Anisimov, 1958: 99–101). According to the beliefs of the
embroidered with beads, which was considered a symbol Udege, the mistress of the solar tree of souls, as well as the
of the goddess of fire, and it was combined with circles mistress of animals and vegetation, was Tagu-mama, who
symbolizing the sun. In the worldview of the Tungus- lived with her husband Kanda-mafa, the master of animals
Manchu people, these images were interconnected. Fire and the moon tree of the weather, on a huge mountain,
was considered to be a ray of the sun (Sem, 2015: 422, reaching the heavens (a symbol of the world mountain)
426, 429). A similar ornament was on the hem of the (Folklor udegeitsev…, 1998: 33, 469).
women’s caftans of the Yakut Evenks. The 8-shaped According to the ideas of the Trans-Baikal Evenks,
figures were at the level of the woman’s reproductive the soul of a shaman is born in a ritual hearth, the owner
organs. This position testified to their connection with of which is the first ancestor in the form of a bear, and
the divine ancestress. The name of this ornament among his guardian-helpers are four little people, the anyakan,
the Evens signified “immortality”, which, as I believe, the embodiment of the souls of the deceased ancestors,
was associated with the idea of the rebirth of souls (Ibid.: khanya (REM, col. 5093-147) (Na grani mirov…, 2006:
302, 306, 440). Thus, the 8-shaped figure on the clothes 119). Interestingly, among the peoples of the Amur and
of the Evens and Evenks is connected, on the one hand, Sakhalin (Udege, Uilta, Nanai), the bear was considered
with ideas about the human soul, and on the other, with the ancestor of the clan, the husband of the divine
the image of the divine ancestress. Among the Evens, her ancestress and mistress of fertility; the bear was the master
symbol was a spider, whose image was embroidered with of fire, whose figurines were also made of wood (REM,
beads on women’s handbags. The spider was considered col. 11429-7,8) (Sem, 2015: 285).
the grandmother-ancestress. A.A. Burykin compares The shamanic medicine kit of the Ussuri Nanai
these ideas with the mythology of the North American included wooden figurines of the goddess of fertility
Indians, where the spider was the creator of the world, Maidya-mama (who is also the divine ancestress, the
and sees an ancient substrate layer in Siberia therein mistress of the tree of life), wearing clothes made of the
(1985: 38, 41–44). skin of a roe deer or a musk deer, whose form she could
The Sakhalin Regional Museum of Local Lore contains take; as well as her husband Ayami in the form of a bear;
an old bridal Uilta breast garment of the early 20th century, and a figurine of their assistant Chadilangi, made of grass,
which has bronze pendants. Two of them are in the form of with a snake in her hand. All of them were associated
a circle with two curls and a leaf in the center—a symbol with the cult of fire. Maidya-mama, Ayami, or the deity
of the solar tree of life, of which the divine ancestress is of fertility Erkhiy-mergen were responsible for the birth
considered to be a mistress; another one has circles placed of children’s souls that grew up on the ancestral solar tree
in the form of a cross, symbolizing the four cardinal of life (Ibid.: 285, 296). In this regard, it is interesting
points and the sun. At the bottom of the breast garment, to compare the previously mentioned Negidal shamanic
six claw pendants are sewn, which, according to local initiation image of Masi, the master of the hearth. His
craftswomen, are symbols of the divine ancestress. In wooden 8-shaped figure was wrapped in the skin of a bear.
the center of the chest part, there is a 8-shaped pendant As we can see, there is a dual semantic of the connection
of a complicated form, with three small circles at the top, with fire.
denoting the head and the female breast—also a symbol of The image of the divine ancestress, associated among
the divine ancestress, probably associated with the hearth the Tungus-Manchu ethnic groups with the fire of the hearth,
(SOKM, col. 2338-24) (Prokofiev, Cherpakova, 2009: has analogs in the beliefs of the Turkic-speaking peoples
164). It is interesting to note that the 8-shaped ornament of Southern Siberia (Umai, May-ene) (Alekseev N.A.,
can be traced back to the Tungus population of South 1984: 162–163; Potapov, 1973: 275). Dzhulin of the
Sakhalin from the Jurchen era (9th–12th centuries). At Nanai people is comparable to Dzayachi, the creator god
the settlement of Belokamennaya-Chasi of the late period of the Turkic-Mongolian ethnic groups (Potapov, 1991:
of the Okhotsk culture, minami-kaizuka-type pottery was 200; Neklyudov, 1994).
found, which had an 8-shaped ornament combined with a Ancestral lineage. The image of musu, the ancestral
zigzag and circles (Shubina, 1996: 235). lineage, was preserved among the Tungus-Manchu
peoples in the ideas of the goddesses of fertility and the development of the human soul, for the collector
divine ancestresses. For example, among the Manchus, E.R. Schneider. The first is a C-shaped type of magatama,
the symbol of the divine ancestress (Fodo-mama) was a with a button in its center, depicting the soul-life of an
genealogical rope, depicting a tree of life, with pendants— erga; the second is in the form of a dragonfly without
tufts of hair, models of bows, pig’s metatarsal bones (Guo wings; the third is an anthropomorphic figure with wings
Shuyung, Wang Hong-gang, 2001: 141–142). And in the instead of hands, as the development of the omi soul
representations of the Nanai, her image looked like a (birds on the trees of souls) to the soul-shadow or double,
vertical line of figures of goddesses, following one after khanya (REM, col. 5656-180/1-3) (Na grani mirov…,
another. Such a multi-level image of the divine ancestress, 2006: 91). So, in the Amur region, the image of soul
represented as ancestral lineage, was found on a Nanai had a metaphorical development from an embryo to an
birch-bark vessel and on a woman’s headdress (Sem, insect and a bird-man.
2015: 291, 293). It is interesting that this image, in its In the traditional beliefs of the Tungus-Manchu
geometric representation, is found on the petroglyphs of peoples of the Amur (Nanai and Ulchi), Primorye
Mongolia and in the hieroglyphic writing of the ancient (Udege), and Siberia (Evenk, Even, and Orochon), there
Chinese (Novgorodova, 1989: 100–101). The Sungari were ideas about ancestral trees of souls, or trees of life
Nanai people set up poles with masks on the street next to (Lipskaya-Walrond, 1925: 6; Mazin, 1984: 11), whose
the house—symbols of the ancestral lineage (Lattimore, masters were a pair of fertility gods in the hypostasis of
1933: Fig. 6). Among the Yenisei Evenks, such symbols deer. An obligatory element of the wedding gowns of the
were multi-level anthropomorphic figures of Khomokon Nanai, Ulchi, Negidals, and Uilta are embroidered (with
(MAE, col. 1004-6) (Ivanov, 1970: 172). colored threads in the Nanai, and with reindeer breast
In the shamanism of the Nanai and Evenks, musu is hair in the others) images of ancestral trees of life with
understood as the power of nature’s fertility. The shamans birds that personify the souls of people on the branches;
of these peoples performed the uundi rite, the purpose of gods of fertility and their zoomorphic hypostases in
which was to obtain happiness for the participants from the form of two deer. In some cases, trees are depicted
the supreme gods of the sky, to renew and strengthen entwined with snakes—a symbol of the axis of the world
shamanic power. The shaman made a procession around (REM, col. 2566-20, 21; 7005-62). The embroideries are
the village, entered the dwellings of his relatives, and traditionally made in a curvilinear style. This tradition
circled around the fire, which was considered a place of is very enduring. At present, the plot of the ancestral
concentration of the souls of people. The participants in tree of souls is repeated on modern panel pictures (clan
the ritual held on to the shaman’s belt, to which a ten- symbolic artifacts of the Nanai) and on the dressing
meter-long buckskin strap was attached, in the form of a gowns of children’s dolls. These dolls are probably
snake’s torso and heads, and colored scraps of fabric were the personification of the great goddess, who sends the
suspended from it, giving it bird symbolism. Thus, the forces of fertility to people in the form of the embryos of
belt with an attached strap symbolized the bird-snake, the souls (Chadaeva, 1986: 39), symbols of family and clan
main shamanic patron-spirit. With his help, the shaman guardians (Rosugbu, 1998). In the New Year shamanic
drove away evil spirits and attracted the forces of nature’s ritual of the Evenks and Evens, the shaman, on behalf
fertility. Smolyak connects this rite with the ancestral of the participants, beseeches the supreme goddess for
lineage (1991: 173, 179). The Evenks also had ideas about the power of nature’s fertility for a whole year (Mazin,
musun—the power of movement inherent in any natural 1984: 91; Alekseev A.A., 1993: 17, 41).
phenomenon. The spirits-masters of various natural It is interesting that in the medieval burial of the
objects, elements, ritual items possessed that power. The Jurchens, the ancestors of the Tungus-Manchu peoples,
word musun is included in the names of the deities of archaeologists found a metal pommel on a horse’s head,
nature, for example, Togo-mushun—the goddess of fire in the form of a ancestral tree of souls, with birds on its
(Vasilevich, 1969: 227–228). branches (Shavkunov, 1990: 266). Apparently, it was put
Ideas about the soul-embryo and the ancestral on a horse, on which the bride rode to the groom’s house,
tree of souls. Among the Tungus-Manchu peoples, the where, having crossed the threshold, she stood on a horse
images of the divine ancestress, the first ancestor, the saddle belonging to the groom, thus joining the family of
deity of fertility are associated with the images of soul- her husband (Starikov, 1965: 681). The Evenks carried the
embryos, which are depicted in the shape of a comma, bride to the groom’s house on a wedding deer (Tugolukov,
like the East Asian magatama. Such curls are often 1980: 56).
found in the curvilinear ornament of the peoples of the Another interesting analogy is the Scythian pommel
Lower Amur (Nanai, Ulchi, Udege), next to images of from Lysaya Mountain in the form of ancestral tree
birds, trees of souls, and their mistress—the goddess of of life, with birds on its branches and the figure of the
fertility (Kraski…, 1982: 85, 94). In 1927, Kimonko, ancestor-elder Targitaus on the middle branch (Raevsky,
an Udege shaman, made three figures as symbols of 1977: 85). In Evenk folklore, the images of the ancestor-
elder, the blacksmith Torontai and the bear-ancestor with magatamas—the soul-embryos of people (Lim Sang
Torganey, are preserved. The names of these figures Jeong, 1980: Col. fig. 15). This is the earliest depiction
are comparable to those of the Scythians (Romanova, of the ancestral tree of souls in East Asia. Later Korean
Myreeva, 1971: 212). It is known that in ancient times materials testify to the continuation of the tradition. On
the ancestors of the Tungus-Manchu peoples contacted pillows and shawls, Koreans embroidered trees with birds
the Altai Scythians who advanced to Manchuria. This on the branches (Pojagi…, 1989: 9).
was reflected in the formation of Siberian shamanism, Thus, the ideas of the soul-embryos and the tree of life
which has many parallels with the religious beliefs of among the Tungus-Manchu ethnic groups have analogs
the Scythians (Kurochkin, 1994). On the carpet from 5th in the beliefs of the peoples of Central and East Asia
Pazyryk mound, a scene of the meeting of a goddess with (Scythians, Jurchens, ancient Koreans).
a horseman is depicted, with eight repetitions. These are
interpreted as images of the goddess of fire, Tabiti, and
the son of the great ancestor, Kolaksai, the sun deity, who Results and discussion
came to receive the gift. The goddess is depicted on a
throne, from the leg of which a tree with flowers seems to A systemic hermeneutic analysis of the religious and
grow. Therefore, she is interpreted as the mistress of the mythological beliefs of the Tungus-Manchu peoples
tree of life (Polosmak, Barkova, 2005: 146–147). showed that at the end of the 19th to 20th centuries they
According to the Nanai shamanistic beliefs and to a had a complex of ideas about the cult of fertility, associated
drawing of the great shaman Bogdan Onenko, the shaman with the image of the divine ancestress, characterizing the
flew to heaven to the goddess of fertility, where a tree of creation of the world and the first people, the mistress
souls with birds grew, for the soul of a child for her future of the hearth and fire, trees of souls and images of soul-
parents. On the way, he rested on a two-color red and blue embryos, the ancestral lineage. In the mythology of
stone, a symbol of life and death, and flew further into the the Manchus and Nanai, the divine ancestress was the
possession of the mistress of the solar tree (Sem, 2003: creator of the world and the first people. According to the
163–164). The Evens considered her as the wife of the traditional beliefs of all the Tungus-speaking peoples of
master of the sky, and both of them as the main supreme Siberia and the Amur, she was the mistress of the hearth
deities (Alekseev A.A., 1993: 17). According to the and fire. The 8-shaped image of the deity is presented
Evenk beliefs, the mistress of the solar tree of life was the in ritual sculpture and decorative and applied art of the
goddess Bugady-enin, who was also the mistress of the Nanai, Ulchi, Uilta, Negidals, Evenks, and Evens. The
ancestral mountains and forests, the souls of people and ancestral lineage found expression in the symbolism
animals; and her husband was the lunar elder, the master of the image of the divine ancestress herself. For the
of the weather tree. Some shamans have painted (for Manchus, this is a rope with pendants, symbolizing
A.F. Anisimov) a tree and two gods under it—a solar woman the ancestral tree of life; for the Amur Nanai, this is a
and a lunar man (Anisimov, 1958: 29, fig. 2). According to multi-level figure, which meant numerous women in
Udege mythology, Tagu-mama was the mistress of the childbirth; for the Sungarian Nanai and Evenks, this is a
sun mountain and the tree, and her husband, the old man column with masks. The Tungus-Manchu peoples of the
Kanda-mafa, was the master of the tree of frost and animals Amur had a special attitude to the matrilineal succession
(Folklor udegeitsev…, 1998: 455). The goddess of fertility of their ancestors, which was reflected in the New Year
was usually depicted at the base of a tree, in the form of a ceremonies uundi.
lyre-like figure, schematically rendering the woman’s chest, The image of the divine ancestress is associated with
thighs, and womb. The image of the male deity of fertility the ideas of the tree of life or the ancestral tree of souls and
was in the form of Jomon figures dogu and was located of the soul-embryos in the form of curls of the magatama
in the crown of the tree of souls. There is evidence that type, with their further development into images of birds
groups of the population from the mainland of East Asia, and men. They were widespread in the beliefs of the
Transbaikal, Mongolia, and the Amur migrated to Japan Evenks, Evens, Nanai, Ulchi, and Udege. The ancestral
in the Paleolithic, Neolithic, and in the Middle Ages; tree of souls was depicted with birds on the branches and
also, there were later migrations in the opposite direction two deer below—its symbolic masters. In the decorative
(Vasilyevsky, 1981: 153). Therefore, it is not surprising and applied art of the Nanai, Ulchi, and Udege, images
that a figure of the dogu type is found in the ornament of soul-embryos, known to Koreans and Japanese, have
of the Amur peoples (Nanai, Udege) as the preservation been preserved. These were depicted on wedding gowns,
of the cultural memory of the peoples of the nearby East family panels, birch-bark utensils, and dressing gowns for
Asian region. In this regard, the ancient Korean material dolls. The image of the ancestral tree of life has analogs in
is interesting. The golden crown of the Silla kingdom, the wedding rituals of the Jurchens, in the religious ideas
dating to the 5th century, depicts three ancestral trees of the Scythians.
Conclusion Folklor evenov Berezovki: Obraztsy shedevrov. 2005

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M.D. Simonov, V.T. Kyalundzyuga, M.M. Khasanova
of the fertility cult, associated with the images of the
(comp.). Novosibirsk: Nauka. (Pamyatniki folklora narodov
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about the mythological creators of the world and the Peoples Publishing House.
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of souls and the soul-embryo, and the ancestral lineage. Skulptura narodov severa Sibiri XIX – pervoy poloviny
These ideas, which make up an integral whole, have XX v. Leningrad: Nauka.
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malykh narodov Priamurya. 1982
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Lim Sang Jeong. 1980
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Acknowledgments
Lipskaya-Walrond N.A. 1925
Materialy k etnografii goldov. Irkutsk: Vost.-Sib. otd. RGO.
This study was supported by the Russian Foundation for
Lipskiye A.N. and N.A. 1936
Basic Research and the French National Centre for Scientific
Materialy ekspeditsii. Poleviye zapisi po teme: Bolshiye
Research, under Project No. 21-59-15002.
pominki. St. Petersburg. Arkhiv MAE RAN. F. 5, Inv. 2,
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ETHNOLOGY
doi:10.17746/1563-0110.2021.49.3.119-126
A.P. Chemchieva
E-mail: chemchieva@gmail.com
Urbanization Processes in the Indigenous Population

of the Altai Republic:
Stages, Factors, Prospects
This article explores the specificity of the urbanization process in the native population of the Altai Republic
and assesses its principal trends over the course of the years 1926–2020. The focus is on quantitative aspects such
as the growth of urban settlements and their population. I look at the ways the urban network has developed in the
Altai Mountains. The only urban administrative center shows a potential for agglomerative growth and continues to
accumulate the rural population. Townships that had emerged during the Soviet period were unattractive for natives.
Three stages in the urbanization process are described: 1926–1950s, 1960–1980s, and 1990 to the present. Over the
entire period in question, urbanization was extensive, i.e. caused by migration from rural areas. At the first stage,
the key factor was political (collectivization). In the second stage, the factors were socio-cultural (attractiveness of
urban lifestyle), economic (higher income and greater availability of jobs), and political (the abolition of “futureless”
villages). The main factor at the third stage was socio-economic crisis. A conclusion is made that the potential for
extensive urbanization in the native population of the Altai Republic has not yet been exhausted. The most attractive
places to migrate are still the region’s capital and its suburbs. However, migration to other cities of Russia is likely
to rise. A prediction is made that the role of intensive factors of urbanization in the indigenous population of the Altai
Republic will increase.
Keywords: Urbanization, migration, stages, factors, indigenous population, Altai Republic.
Introduction same. This concerns both the chronology of the beginning

of urbanization and the rates and levels it achieved at
Russia is a country with a high level of urbanization. different stages.
According to the 2010 census, 73 % of the country’s One of the Russian regions where the course of the
inhabitants live in urban areas. The urban transition (the urbanization process particularly differs from the average
excess of the urban population over the rural) in Russia Russian standard is the Altai Mountains, which lies within
as a whole took place in 1958, and in some areas of the the administrative boundaries of the Altai Republic.
European portion it took place in the first third of the The beginning of urbanization here dates back to the
20th century (Gorod…, 2001: 155, 161). At the same 2nd decade of 20th century. Since then, the urban
time, the process of urbanization in individual regions population in the region has steadily increased, but it is
of the country and among different peoples is not the still far from the magnitude of the urban transition. For
© 2021 A.P. Chemchieva
119
120 A.P. Chemchieva / Archaeology, Ethnology and Anthropology of Eurasia 49/3 (2021) 119–126
example, in the period from 1926 to 2010 it increased the main trends of urbanization in the republics of Altai,
10 times (from 5691 to 56,933 people), and the proportion Tuva, and Khakassia from 1945 to 2017, it is noted that
of urban dwellers increased from 5.7 % to 27.6 % in Soviet times the Altai Mountains region remained
(calculated after (Vsesoyuznaya perepis…, 1928: 60–61; poorly urbanized owing to economic specialization in
Natsionalniy sostav…, 2013: 8)). distant pasture animal husbandry, and in the post-Soviet
Urbanization in the territory of the Altai Mountains period the number of city dwellers in the region grew
has, to a greater or lesser extent, affected all the peoples on account of the internal migration of the population
of the region. Today, the share of city dwellers among (2018: 241, 251). According to the research by
Russians is 33.6 %, and among the indigenous population A.S. Breslavsky, in 1989–2019, the urbanization
of northern Altai (Kumandins, Tubalars, Chelkans) and processes in the republics of southern Siberia (Altai,
southern Altai (Altai-kizhi, Telengits, Teleuts) 18.8 %. At Buryatia, Tuva, Khakassia) covered mainly capital cities
the same time, in terms of urbanization, the Kumandins and their suburban areas, and relied on intraregional
surpass both the rest of the Altai ethnic groups and the migration (2019).
Russians, with 41.4 % (calculated after (Natsionalniy The analysis of urbanization of the indigenous
sostav…, 2013: 9, 13, 15, 17)). population of the Altai Mountains is presented only in a
The urbanization trends of the individual peoples of few works. Among them, a collective monograph devoted
the Altai Republic are of great interest from the point of to the problem of the development of the Western Siberia
view of studying the patterns and specifics of urbanization population stands out. It contains data on the dynamics
processes in the region. However, this problem remains of the number of urban Altai citizens in 1939–1989. It
practically unexplored, since the Russian science is noted that “the Altai population, albeit small in size,
traditionally pays more attention to the development of was drawn into the process of urbanization” and “at the
the population of large cities. This work contributes to the same time, the change in the proportion of the urban
study of urbanization processes in the Altai Mountains. population was gradual and smooth” (Naseleniye…,
It is dedicated to the identification of the features and 1997: 159–160). In the work of A.A. Cherkasov, devoted
main trends of urbanization among the indigenous to the typology of Russian ethnic groups by level of
population of the region. Notably, our attention will urbanization, the Altai peoples are attributed to the
be focused on quantitative indicators (growth of urban fourth type—with a failed urban transition (2018). The
settlements and urban population). Qualitative changes publication by Tinikova analyzes the ethnic composition
(urban lifestyle, culture) will not be not considered of the urban population of southern Siberia in 1945–
here. To achieve this task, it is necessary to study the 2017. Tinikova notes that the urbanization of the Altai
formation of an urban settlement network in the region, people began much later than that of the East Slavs. As a
to identify and substantiate the stages of urbanization of result, the Altai people remain a weakly urbanized ethnic
the indigenous population, and to identify the main factors group, in which the proportion of city dwellers has not
that determined the urbanization process. attained 50 % (Tinikova, 2019). Noteworthy is the study
by V.V. Nikolaev, which describes ethno-demographic
processes in the Altai in 2002–2010. The author notes
State of knowledge about the issue, sources that the level of urbanization and the history of the
formation of urban groups of the indigenous population
The issue of the urbanization of the indigenous differ significantly. The most urbanized people of the
population of the Altai Mountains cannot be considered Altai are the Kumandins (Nikolaev, 2017).
in isolation from studies relating to the analysis of the As one can see, the issue of urbanization of the
urban development of the region. In the works devoted population of Altai Republic, including the indigenous
to the classification of Russian regions according to population, did not receive comprehensive coverage in
an achieved level of urbanization, the Altai Republic the scientific literature. There are no generalizing studies
belongs to the group of extremely poorly urbanized among the works considered. Existing publications do
regions (Popov, 2005; Efimova, 2014). The problem of not cover many aspects of urbanization: the influence of
urbanization of the population of the Altai Mountains is the state on this process, the development of the urban
briefly addressed in the studies concerning the analysis network, the reasons for the resettlement of rural residents
of general trends in urbanization processes in Siberia. into the cities, etc.
For example, the monograph of V.A. Isupov indicates The source base of this work was the materials of
that in the period from 1939 to 1959 the number of six USSR population censuses (1926, 1939, 1959, 1970,
city dwellers in the Gorno-Altai Autonomous Oblast, 1979, 1989) and two Russian Federation population
a predominantly agrarian region, grew at a slow pace censuses (2002, 2010), characterizing the quantitative
(1991: 32). In the work of E.E. Tinikova, who reveals parameters of urbanization in the Altai.
A.P. Chemchieva / Archaeology, Ethnology and Anthropology of Eurasia 49/3 (2021) 119–126 121
Formation of urban settlements In different years, from 1700 to 3600 people lived in
in the Altai Republic each of the settlements under consideration (Gorniy Altai,
1990: 9–10). The resort settlement of Chemal remained in
The history o f the first (and so far the only) city in its new status until 1988, and the workers’ settlements of
the Altai Republic dates back to the beginning of the Aktash and Veselaya Seika upheld until 1994. Then, they
19th century. On the site of modern Gorno-Altaysk, there were again transformed into rural settlements. Therefore,
was a small Altai settlement, Ulala (Altaian, ‘Ulalu’). the population of Aktash was considered an urban one
Over time, Russian settlers began to move to the village, during the All-Union (USSR) censuses of 1959, 1970,
followed by Orthodox missionaries. In 1830, in Ulala, 1979, and 1989; Veselaya Seika of 1970, 1979, and 1989,
the main camp of the Altai spiritual mission was founded and Chemal only of 1979.
(Ulala…, 1997: 16–18, 130). At first, the population of
Ulala grew rather slowly, since not everyone who desired
to could live here: only newly baptized Altaians and Main stages and outcomes
Russian settlers who received permission from the head of the urbanization of indigenous population
of the mission. This state of affairs changed after the of the Altai Republic
abolition of serfdom in 1861 and the adoption of the 1865
law that allowed the peasants of the central provinces A clear idea of the scale of urbanization of the indigenous
to settle on the lands of the Altai Mountains region. population of the Altai Republic is provided by the
Ulala’s advantageous position led to an influx of peasant, materials of the censuses of 1926–2010, which make
handicraft, and commercial immigrants here (Satlaev, it possible to analyze the growth in the number and
1995: 121; Ulala…, 1997: 20, 24). By the end of the 19th proportion of the urban population. Notably, ethnic groups
century, the settlement was a regional center of the Altai of the northern and southern indigenous inhabitants of the
Mountains, performing commercial, economic, cultural, Altai in some censuses were counted as a single people, in
religious, and educational functions. others as separate ones. In this paper, they are considered
In June 1922, Ulala became the administrative center in their totality. Let us turn to the census materials
of the new Oyrot Autonomous Oblast (later, the Gorno- (see Table).
Altai Autonomous Oblast; now, the Altai Republic), and on Analysis of the data presented in the table makes it
February 27, 1928, it received the status of city. In the next possible to distinguish three stages in the urbanization
two decades, the city changed its name twice: on July 4, of the indigenous population of the Altai Mountains:
1932, it was renamed Oyrot-Tura, and on January 7, 1926–1950, 1960–1980, and from 1990 to the present.
1948, Gorno-Altaysk (Ulala…, 1997: 133–134, 138). The The main criteria for their identification were trends in
transformation of Ulala into a city marked the beginning the changing number of citizens (growth or decline) and
of urbanization processes in the Altai Republic. Over the factors determining these trends. The initial stage
time, several more urban-type settlements appeared (1926–1950s) was very complex and contradictory in
in the region. In 1957, the village of Aktash, and in its content: the growth in the number of citizens and
1966, the village of Veselaya Seika received the status the level of urbanization was extremely uneven. In this
of workers’ settlements. Then, in 1970, the village of regard, two periods can be distinguished: 1926–1930s
Chemal received the status of resort settlement (Gorno- and 1940–1950s.
Altayskoy avtonomnoy oblasti 60 let, 1982: 3). The In the first period (1926–1930s), an urban group
transformation of villages into workers’ settlements emerged as part of the indigenous population of the Altai
was associated with the industrial development of the Mountains. Although at the time of the 1926 census,
territories of the Altai Mountains. During the World Ulala was not yet a city; nevertheless, in the results of the
War II, in the vicinity of the village of Aktash, the census published two years later, Ulala residents were
cinnabar deposit began to be developed. Later, a already counted as city dwellers. Among them, there were
metallurgical plant was built here for the extraction 969 representatives of the indigenous population, which
and processing of mercury ore. In the early 1950s, near was 2.3 % of its total number. By 1939, the number of
Veselaya Seika, gold mining began to develop, and a Altaians in Ulala increased 2.9 times, and the level of
gold recovery plant was built. The development of the urbanization rose to 7.1 %. The increase in the number
mines led to an influx of qualified specialists and skilled of city dwellers was mainly due to the migration of the
workers, an increase in the population, and a change in population from rural areas.
the face of both settlements through extensive housing The active growth in the number of Altaians in Ulala
construction and the development of rural infrastructure. fell in the years of the first “five-year plans”, when the
The transformation of Chemal into a resort settlement country embarked on a course of forced industrialization
was associated with the establishment of an anti- and the demand for workers in the cities increased
tuberculosis sanatorium on its territory. significantly. During these years, Ulala also developed
Dynamics of the number of the indigenous population of the Altai Republic in the 20th–21st centuries
(according to population censuses)*
Urban Rural
Year Total
Number % Number %
1926 42,278 969 2.3 41,309 97.7
1939 39,285 2807 7.1 36,478 92.9
1959 38,019 2379 6.2 35,640 93.8
1970 46,750 3610 7.7 43,140 92.3
1979 50,203 4700 9.4 45,503 90.6
1989 59,130 6215 10.5 52,915 89.5
2002 67,886 10,947 16.1 56,939 83.9
2010 69,913 13,154 18.8 56,759 81.2
*Calculated according to: (Vsesoyuznaya perepis…, 1928: 60–62; 1992: 59; Itogi Vsesoyuznoy perepisi naseleniya 1959 goda…,
(s.a.): Fol. 110, 113–116; Itogi Vsesoyuznoy perepisi naseleniya 1970 goda…, (s.a.): 89–91; Chislennost…, 1984: 84; Natsionalniy
sostav…, 2005: 13–14; 2013: 9, 13, 17; Respublika Altai…, (s.a.): 59).
intensively. The number of industrial enterprises that of the state. It should be noted that this situation was
produced mainly consumer goods (bread-baking complex, observed in the 1930s throughout the country (Kessler,
meat-packing plant, brick factory, etc.) grew rapidly in 2003: 77; Nefedov, 2013: 48). Collectivization, the
the city. At the same time, changes in the organization transformation of peasants into donors at whose expense
of the production process took place: small handicraft the forced industrialization was ensured, contributed to
enterprises were replaced by large-scale state and the migration activity of rural residents. Mass migration of
cooperative ones, with partial replacement of manual labor the population from villages to cities was stopped only by
by machine technology (Baeva, Makoshev, 1994: 73–74). the tough measures of the Soviet leadership (deprivation
Along with this, the network of educational and cultural of rural residents of passports; registration system; a ban
institutions expanded in Ulala. In addition to new schools on leaving collective farm production without special
and a cinema, a veterinary school, a workers’ school, permission from the administration; criminal prosecution
a medical school, a pedagogical school were opened of those living in cities without registration and passports)
there (Ulala…, 1997: 93). Undoubtedly, Ulala attracted (Naseleniye…, 1997: 27).
rural dwellers with opportunities for employment in new In the second period (1940–1950s), the urbanization
enterprises and obtaining vocational education. However, development of the indigenous population of the Altai
the massive migration of the indigenous population to Mountains underwent negative changes. Since the
the city was only to a small extent due to the process of beginning of the 1940s, there appeared the tendency
industrialization of the country. The Altaians, who had of situational deurbanization, which persisted up to the
been engaged in agricultural labor for centuries, could end of the 1950s. By 1959, the number of the urban
not rapidly reorient themselves to non-traditional types Altai population decreased to 2379 people, the share of
of occupation. urban residents among the Altaians decreased to 6.2 %.
Analysis of the data in the table shows that the This was due to a number of social factors. With the
increase in the number of city dwellers in the 1926–1939 adoption of the aforementioned restrictive measures
period took place along with a decrease in the number of aimed at reducing migration from villages to cities, the
both the rural and the whole indigenous population of the inflow of the rural population to Gorno-Altaysk (former
region. The main reasons for this demographic decline Ulala) has significantly decreased. Most of the collective
were not structural, but political factors: primarily, the farmers could not leave their homes, since it was difficult
implementation of a policy of complete collectivization to get a certificate to leave for work in the city from
in the countryside. In the Altai Mountains, as early as the collective farm board. Living in the city without
March of 1930, peasants were almost without exception a passport and registration entailed the imposition of
driven into “communes” and stripped of all belongings a fine and expulsion by the police back to the village.
(Naseleniye…, 1997: 24). Forced collectivization Another significant factor was the World War II. It
was accompanied by dispossession and repressions, disrupted the regular reproduction processes among the
devastation and hunger. In this regard, for many Altai entire indigenous population of the Altai Mountains. The
people, moving from a village to a city was a forced misbalance of the sex/age population structure, caused
measure, an escape from the discriminatory policy by mass conscription of men into the army and their
death during the hostilities, led to a decrease in the birth type settlements did not have migration attractiveness;
rate and natural population growth. The consequences hence population size grew slowly there. According to
of the demographic catastrophe of the war years were our calculations based on the results of the censuses,
felt for a long time. Therefore, even by the end of the the number of Altai natives in urban-type settlements in
1950s, the number of the indigenous population of the 1970 was 301 people (Aktash, Veselaya Seika); in 1979,
Altai Republic did not reach the pre-war level. 828 (Aktash, Veselaya Seika, Chemal); and in 1989,
Notably, the transformation of village Aktash into 709 people (Aktash, Veselaya Seika) (calculated after
an urban-type settlement in 1957 had little effect on (Gorno-Altaysk…, 2013: 20–21)).
the dynamics of the number of city dwellers among the At the stage under consideration, the migration of the
Altai natives. Our calculations based on the results of rural Altai population to Gorno-Altaysk was driven by a
the 1959 census show that in Aktash, where 2300 people number of closely interrelated factors. Of these, primarily,
lived, representatives of the indigenous population were sociocultural factors should be noted. The city attracted
in the minority—161 people (calculated after (Gorno- villagers with a higher standard of living. In the capital of
Altaysk…, 2013: 20; Gorniy Altai…, 1990: 10)). the region, the quality of health care, housing conditions,
During the period under review, despite the war and and cultural services were significantly higher than in the
the difficulties of the post-war period, Gorno-Altaysk countryside. In addition, Gorno-Altaysk, being a scientific
continued to develop. A number of important socio- and educational center, attracted rural youth with
economic projects were implemented in the city, which opportunities for education and professional fulfillment.
further contributed to the increase of its role in the life Economic factors also became important reasons for
of the region and the growth of the urban population. For the migration of the indigenous population to the city:
example, in Gorno-Altaysk, a sewing (1941), curtain- a higher level of income and a variety of jobs (industry,
tulle (1954), weaving (1956) and shoe (1958) factories capital construction, transport, communications, etc.). The
were established; works were carried out on housing development of industry in Gorno-Altaysk contributed
construction and improvement of the city (Ulala…, to the gradual involvement of the urban Altai population
1997: 137; Pakhaev, Fedotov, Yablochkov, 1965: 35, in industrial labor. Some of the women, after moving
44–48). Qualitative changes have also taken place in the to the city, were employed at a weaving, curtain-tulle,
field of education. In 1949, the Gorno-Altaysk Teachers’ and sewing factories. Men worked at shoe and furniture
Institute was founded (in 1952, it was transformed into factories, brick factories, reinforced concrete products,
a Pedagogical Institute; in 1993, into the Gorno-Altaysk and electrical appliances.
State University) (Ulala…, 1997: 138). In the same year, Political factors also played a significant role in the
the Regional National Secondary School was created, migration growth of the urban group of the indigenous
designed to train qualified personnel from the indigenous population. In the 1960–1970s, the state policy of
population. For students who came from all over the systematic enlargement of the existing system of rural
Altai Mountains, a boarding school was opened at the settlements and the elimination of “unpromising” small
school (Istoriya gimnazii, (s.a.)). This school, unique villages was implemented in the country. As a result,
for the region, has been operating to this day (now, the approximately 90 settlements, or ¼ part of all settlements,
Republican gymnasium of Plakas), and continues to fulfill disappeared in the Altai Mountains region (Baeva,
its mission. Undoubtedly, the opening of the pedagogical Makoshev, 1994: 13). As a result of the elimination of
institute and the secondary school contributed to the “unpromising” villages, those rural residents who had not
movement of Altai youth to the city and their assimilation been disposed to change their place of residence before
into urban society. were involved in forced migration. Most of them moved
At the second stage (1960–1980s) of the urbanization to larger villages and regional centers. However, part of
development of the indigenous population of the Altai the villagers, bypassing the “promising” villages, rushed
Republic, a progressive growth of the urban group irectly to Gorno-Altaysk.
was observed. From 1959 (2379 people) to 1989 Notably, among the indigenous population, the
(6215 people), its number increased 2.6 times, and the Kumandins showed the greatest migration activity. Many
level of urbanization increased to 10.5 % (see Table). of them moved to Gorno-Altaysk and Biysk, as well as
The growth of the urban population at this stage was large settlements in the nearby Tashtagolsky District of the
accompanied by an increase in the number of the entire Kemerovo Region. The Kumandins migrated to Gorno-
indigenous population of the region. Nevertheless, in Altaysk not only from the villages of the Altai Republic,
these years, a trend towards a decrease in the share of but also from Krasnogorsky and Soltonsky districts of the
rural residents among the Altai people was already clear. neighboring Altai Territory. As a result, they became the
The main source of replenishment of the urban Altai most urbanized ethnic group in the region.
population was migration from the villages. The main flow The third stage (from 1990 to the present) of the
of rural residents was directed to Gorno-Altaysk. Urban- urbanization development of the indigenous population
of the Altai Republic is characterized by the continued (“northern” allowances) for the working residents. This
growth of the urban group. The table shows the growth became a financial incentive for attracting and retaining
in both absolute and percentage terms. During the period specialists, including those from the city, in rural
from 1989 to 2010, the number of city dwellers increased budgetary institutions of these districts. Nevertheless,
by a factor of 2.1, and the level of urbanization by the migration of the Altai population from the Kosh-
8.3 %. On the contrary, the proportion of the rural Altai Agachsky and Ulagansky districts to Gorno-Altaysk
population continues to decline. Moreover, in the period did not stop, and continues to this day. This is largely
of 2002–2010, for the first time in the past 50 years, facilitated by the implementation (since the early 2000s)
a decrease in its absolute number, albeit insignificant, of the federal program for the resettlement of citizens
was recorded. from the regions of the Far North and equivalent areas.
In the post-Soviet period, the number of urban Under this program, certain categories of residents are
dwellers among the indigenous population continued eligible for subsidies for the purchase of housing. By the
to grow owing to intraregional rural-urban migration. beginning of 2020, more than four thousand such citizens
However, the reasons for the migration activity of were registered (Obespecheniye zhilyem…, (s.a.)). In
villagers have changed a lot. One important reason different years, the total number of recipients of housing
became the economic factor, namely the severe socio- certificates can vary greatly—from 35 to 200 people. In
economic crisis of the 1990s. The Altai Republic, most cases, they try to buy housing in Gorno-Altaysk.
being an agricultural region, turned out to be especially Today, Gorno-Altaysk, as a regional capital, continues
vulnerable to market reforms. The elimination of the to accumulate rural population. At the same time, it
administrative system of the command economy, as develops more and more in an agglomerative form, and
well as the privatization of property, led to economic pulls into its orbit the nearby villages of Alferovo, Kyzyl-
destabilization in the region, the collapse of collective Ozek, Maima, Karlushka, Dubrovka. Many residents of
farms, unemployment, and a drop in the population’s these settlements are involved in commuting. Every day,
income. Gorno-Altaysk, which at that time became the they travel to the capital to work or study, and back. In
only urban settlement in the region, also found itself in connection with the current situation, the Government of
a difficult economic situation. Almost all large industrial the Altai Republic has announced the future adoption of a
enterprises in the city were gradually closed. In these decision to create the Gorno-Altaysk urban agglomeration
market conditions, only the concrete product plant (Sozdaniye i razvitiye…, (s.a.)). In recent years, more and
survived. However, despite all the economic difficulties, more inhabitants of the Altai have been settling in the
the level and quality of life of the population in Gorno- suburban area of the capital. Therefore, it can be predicted
Altaysk remained higher than in the countryside. As a that the next vector of urbanization development of the
result, the capital of the region continued to attract rural indigenous population will be its concentration within the
residents. Representatives of the indigenous population urban agglomeration.
migrated from village to city, realizing that here they Another important trend will be the increase in the
have more chances to find a job (including in the informal number of Altai natives in cities outside the region. This
sector), engage in commercial activities, have a stable is due to the fact that students studying in such cities are
income, and provide their family with an acceptable increasingly striving to remain there after graduation. In
standard of living. In addition to economic reasons, an addition, in the post-Soviet period, in the Altai Republic,
important motive for their move to Gorno-Altaysk was seasonal migrant labor became widespread. Inhabitants of
the desire to give their children a good education—not the region travel for work to large cities, as well as urban
only special or higher, but also secondary. and rural settlements, in the North and the Far East. Over
Rural residents who moved to the city were not time, some of the migrant workers decide to settle at their
always able to adapt to new forms of life. Owing to place of work, and move their families.
the inability to find work and the high prices for food
and housing, some of them returned to the village.
At the same time, adapting to modern realities, many Conclusions
rural households began to intensify their activities
in subsidiary farming. As a result, families often got At the present stage, the Altai Republic is a poorly
separated during the children’s study time: the mother urbanized region. Initially, there were no preconditions
and children lived in the city, while the father was for its rapid urbanization development. Alpine terrain,
engaged in animal husbandry in the village. difficult accessibility to transportation, and an economy
In some cases, the migration flow went from town centered on animal husbandry did not contribute to
to village. For example, in 1992, the Kosh-Agachsky the emergence of large industrial centers in the Altai
and Ulaganky districts were assigned to the regions Mountains. The first, and to this day the only, city in the
of the Far North, which led to an increase in wages region, Gorno-Altaysk, emerged and is developing as an
administrative, scientific, educational, and cultural center. Chislennost i sostav naseleniya SSSR:
None of the three urban-type settlements that appeared Po dannym Vsesoyuznoy perepisi naseleniya
in the region during the Soviet period became centers of 1979 goda. 1984
urbanization. All of them were eventually transformed Moscow: Finansy i statistika.
Efimova E.A. 2014
into rural settlements.
Regionalniye aspekty urbanizatsii v Rossii. Regionalnaya
In the last century, the quantity of the urban group of ekonomika: Teoriya i praktika, No. 43: 2–12.
the indigenous population of the Altai Republic has been Gorniy Altai: Vsesoyuznaya perepis naseleniya
gradually increasing, but has not yet reached the level 1989 g. 1990
of urban transition. Urbanization is proceeding in an Pt. 1. Gorno-Altaysk: [s.n.].
extensive way, on accounts of rural migration. It is closely Gorno-Altaysk: Sotsialno-demograficheskiye aspekty:
interconnected with social, economic, and political Stat. sb. 2013
processes in the country. Gorno-Altaysk: Altaystat.
The proportion of the urban population as part of Gorno-Altayskoy avtonomnoy oblasti 60 let:
Stat. sb. 1982
the indigenous population of the Altai Mountains region
Gorno-Altaysk: Gorno-Alt. otd-niye Alt. kn. izd.
will increase in the future. This is due to the fact that the Gorod i derevnya v Yevropeiskoy Rossii: Sto let
reserves of extensive development have not yet been peremen. 2001
exhausted. The most attractive city to move to will remain T. Nefedova, P. Polyan, A. Treivish (eds.). Moscow: OGI.
the capital of the region and its suburban area. At the same Istoriya gimnazii. (s.a.)
time, unequal wages in various regions will contribute to BOU RA Respublikanskaya gimnaziya imeni V.K. Plakasa:
increased migration of the indigenous population to the Sait. URL: https://resgimnaz.edusite.ru/p5aa1.html (Accessed
“rich” cities outside the republic. July 7, 2020).
The logic of the development of urbanization processes Isupov V.A. 1991
Gorodskoye naseleniye Sibiri: Ot katastrofy k vozrozhdeniyu
in the world suggests that in the future the role of intensive
(konets 30-kh – konets 50-kh gg.). Novosibirsk: Nauka.
factors of urbanization of the indigenous population of the Itogi Vsesoyuznoy perepisi naseleniya 1959 goda
Altai Republic will significantly increase. The quantitative po Gorno-Altayskoy avtonomnoy oblasti. (s.a.)
growth of the urban Altai population will be accompanied Kazennoye uchrezhdeniye Respubliki Altai
by the changes in its qualitative characteristics: increase “Gosudarstvenniy arkhiv sotsialno-pravovoy dokumentatsii
in the educational level, differentiation of the social and Respubliki Altai”. F. R-61, Inv. 9, Item 22.
professional structure, assimilation of the standards of Itogi Vsesoyuznoy perepisi naseleniya 1970 goda. (s.a.)
urban culture, system of values, and norms of behavior. Vol. IV: Natsionalniy sostav naseleniya SSSR. Pt. I:
Furthermore, urban lifestyles will increasingly spread to Raspredeleniye naseleniya SSSR, soyuznykh i avtonomnykh
respublik, krayev, oblastey i natsionalnykh okrugov po
rural areas.
natsionalnosti i yazyku, bk. 1. Moscow: Tip. Glavmekhscheta
Undoubtedly, the transition to the intensive stage TsSU SSSR, 1972.
depends on the solution of the social problems of the Kessler K. 2003
regional capital, associated with the increase in the level Kollektivizatsiya i begstvo iz dereven – sotsialno-
and quality of life of the population, the development ekonomicheskiye pokazateli, 1929–1939 gg. Ekonomicheskaya
of the cultural and educational sphere, the formation istoriya: Obozreniye, iss. 9: 77–79.
of a comfortable urban environment, the expansion of Naseleniye Zapadnoy Sibiri v XX veke. 1997
housing construction, etc. Nevertheless, there is no doubt Novosibirsk: Izd. SO RAN.
that urbanization will continue, and in this regard, the Natsionalniy sostav i vladeniye yazykami, grazhdanstvo:
Itogi Vserossiyskoy perepisi naseleniya 2010 goda. 2013
indigenous population of the Altai Republic is moving in
Vol. 4. Gorno-Altaysk: Altaystat.
the same direction with the rest of the world. Natsionalniy sostav naseleniya po Respublike Altai:
Itogi Vserossiyskoy perepisi naseleniya 2002 goda. 2005
Vol. 2. Gorno-Altaysk: Altaystat.
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doi:10.17746/1563-0110.2021.49.3.127-135
A.A. Kazarnitsky
Peter the Great Museum of Anthropology and Ethnography
(Kunstkamera), Russian Academy of Sciences,
Universitetskaya nab. 3, St. Petersburg, 199034, Russia
Institute of Physicochemical and Biological Problems in Soil Science,
Russian Academy of Sciences,
Institutskaya 2/2, Pushchino, 142290, Russia
E-mail: kazarnitski@mail.ru
The Ratio of Indigenous to Immigrant Populations

in the Western Steppe During the Bronze Age
(Based on Cranial Data)
Measurements of ~730 male crania from cemeteries associated with Bronze Age cultures of the steppe and forest-
steppe zone of Eastern Europe (Yamnaya, Catacomb, Poltavka, Babino, Lola, and Timber-Grave) were subjected
to multivariate analyses. D2 distances between sample centroids were calculated, and non-metric multidimensional
scaling was carried out. The results are used to evaluate the proportion of indigenous and immigrant groups during
four successive periods—Early Bronze Age, Middle Bronze Age, Middle to Late Bronze Age transition, and Late Bronze
Age. The differences between Yamnaya populations are comparable to those between recent groups inhabiting vast
territories of Eastern Europe, from Karelia to the Northern Caucasus. The role of the substrate component in the origin
of Early and Middle Bronze Age groups was considerable. However, virtually no continuity was observed at the Middle
to Late Bronze Age transition, when post-Catacomb cultures originated. Continuity with Middle Bronze Age groups is
observed in Late Bronze Age samples representing the Timber-Grave people, who combined features of the Catacomb
and post-Catacomb people. Factors accounting for such a process may include “pendulum migrations” and temporary
reversal of funerary tradition from kurgans to “invisible” flat burials.
Keywords: Physical anthropology, craniology, craniometry, Bronze Age, Eastern Europe, human populations.
Introduction convincingly confirmed, are probably not completely

unreasonable, as the admixed composition of most ancient
Ascertainment of the complexity of the composition of and modern populations has also been confirmed by the
populations of all historical periods is one of the most paleogenetic studies of the last two decades (Reich, 2020).
frequent conclusions found in Russian craniometric The aim of the present study is to detect only
studies (Shirobokov, 2019: 144). The multicomponent the substrate components of the Bronze Age steppe
nature of the population is often suggested even when populations of Eastern Europe. Thus, primary attention
studying cranial samples from a single archaeological is paid, not to the influence of new migrant populations
culture (Shevchenko, 1986, 1993; Batieva, 2010; and their origin, but to the role of the local inhabitants in
Balabanova, 2016; Khokhlov, 2017; Khokhlov, Kitov, the formation of new archaeological cultures and cultural-
2019; and others). Such conclusions, though not always historical communities.
© 2021 A.A. Kazarnitsky
127
128 A.A. Kazarnitsky / Archaeology, Ethnology and Anthropology of Eurasia 49/3 (2021) 127–135
The area of research includes the steppe and, partially, (Guttman’s algorithm). The statistical significance of the
forest-steppe zones of Eastern Europe, from the lower pair-wise interpopulation differences in single variables
Dnieper River in the west to the middle Ural River in the east. was assessed using Student’s t-test. This test was also
employed for comparing D2 means, whereas normality
of the distributions was tested via the Shapiro-Wilk test.
Material and methods Those three statistical procedures were carried out in
Statistica 12.0.
Individual measurements and sample means of ~730
male Bronze Age skulls were employed, including
the following craniometric variables: cranial length, Results and discussion
maximum cranial breadth, cranial height (basion-
bregma), bizygomatic breadth, minimal frontal breadth, At the first stage of the study, the influence of the
upper facial height, nasal height and breadth, orbital Chalcolithic groups (represented by cranial samples,
height and breadth, nasomalar and zygomaxillary angles, not single skulls) on the formation of the Early Bronze
simotic index, and nasal protrusion angle (Martin, Saller, Age population was assessed. This q uestion is of
1957; Alekseev, Debets, 1964). The measurements interest in the context of the relevant archaeological
of more than 1300 male skulls representing modern debates (Telegin, 1973; Merpert, 1974; Vasiliev, 1981,
populations were employed as well. As female cranial 2003; Ivanova, 2006; Ivanova, Nikitin, Kiosak, 2018).
samples are not available for many periods of the Bronze An aggregate sample was employed, including skulls
Age, and, if present, are substantially smaller, these from the following sites from the middle Dnieper and
were not analyzed in the study. Most data were taken Seversky Donets rivers: Igren, Kamennye Potoki, and
from previous publications, while the unpublished data Alexandriya (Gerasimov, 1955; Surnina, 1963; Zinevich,
from several skulls were obtained from the archive 1967; Potekhina, 1983). In craniological publications,
of the Department of Anthropology of the Peter the these sites are typically assumed to represent the Sredni
Great Museum of Anthropology and Ethnography RAS Stog culture. Two samples from the Khvalynsk I and
(hereinafter, DA MAE RAS). Khvalynsk II sites were used as well. The sites are
Intergroup comparisons of the cranial samples were located in the north of the Saratov Region and belong
carried out using squared Mahalanobis distances (D2), to the homonymous archaeological culture (Mkrtchyan,
with an adjustment for the sample size in CANON 1988; Vasiliev, 2003; Khokhlov, 2010, 2017). The
(Kozintsev, 2007). The distances were further visualized population of the Early Bronze Age is represented by
in two-dimensional plots by multidimensional scaling more abundant cranial collections, which were grouped
а b c d e f g
А B
Fig. 1. Chalcolithic and Early Bronze Age sites (A), and the distribution of respective cranial samples in the morphospace
of two axes of a non-metric multidimensional scaling of D2 between them (B).
a – Chalcolithic sites; b – Yamnaya culture sites; c – local groups of the Yamnaya culture; d – Chalcolithic cranial samples; e – Yamnaya
cranial samples; f – western (Lower Dnieper) Yamnaya samples; g – southeastern (Caspian) Yamnaya samples. See the main text for the
names of the numbered samples.
A.A. Kazarnitsky / Archaeology, Ethnology and Anthropology of Eurasia 49/3 (2021) 127–135 129
into 14 samples according to their geographic location (Fig. 1, B, 1) exhibits the strongest dolichocrany, the
(Fig. 1, A): 1 – Ural (Tamar-Utkul), right bank of the most clinognathic face, and the widest and tallest
Ural River (Khokhlov, 2017); 2 – Ural (Tamar-Utkul), piriform aperture. Notably, the sample from the opposite
left bank of the Ural River (Ibid.); 3 – Samara, left bank bank of the Ural (Fig. 1, B, 2) displays morphology more
of the Volga River, around and to the south from the typical of the Yamnaya groups from the Don and Volga,
Samara Bend (Debets, 1936; Fierstein, 1967; Khokhlov, located in the central part of the plot (Fig. 1, B, 3–7).
2017); 4 – Lower Volga, left bank of the Volga River The southeastern groups from the Northwestern Caspian
(Debets, 1936; Ginzburg, 1959; Glazkova, Chtetsov, region (East Manych, Kalmykia, and Astrakhan samples
1960; Fierstein, 1967; Balabanova, 2016; Khokhlov, (Fig. 1, B, 12–14)) are separated along the y-axis owing
2017); 5 – Volga-Don, interfluve of the Volga and Don to the large transverse dimensions of their face and
rivers (Balabanova, 2016; Khokhlov, 2017) (Archive of cranial vault.
the DA MAE RAS); 6 – Lower Don, right bank of the Thus, the widely accepted conclusion regarding
Don River (Batieva, 2010); 7 – Lower Don, left bank the population diversity of Yamnaya culture groups is
of the Don River (Ibid.); 8 – Lower Dnieper, eastern confirmed (Shevchenko, 1986; Kruts, 1997; Ivanova,
(Zinevich, 1967; Kruts, 1984); 9 – Lower Dnieper, 2015; Khokhlov, 2017). How wide this diversity
southern (Kruts, 1984); 10 – Lower Dnieper, western actually is can be assessed against a background of
(Ibid.); 11 – Ingul (Ibid.); 12 – cemeteries of the East the craniometric variation of modern populations of
Manych River (Shevchenko, 1986; Kazarnitsky, 2012); various origins (Fig. 2). Two comparative analyses were
13 – Kalmykia (cemeteries of northern and central carried out. The first included samples from a very vast
Kalmykia) (Shevchenko, 1986; Kazarnitsky, 2012); area from the Baltic region to Transbaikalia (Alekseev,
14 – Astrakhan (Shevchenko, 1986; Kazarnitsky, 2012). 1969, 1974; Ismagulov, 1970; Shirobokov et al., 2017),
The cranial type of the Khvalynsk and Sredni Stog while the second only employed Eastern European data
samples finds direct analogs only among the westernmost (Fig. 3). The mean and median sizes of the modern
Yamnaya culture groups from the lower Dnieper and and Yamnaya samples were 30 and 15 individuals,
Ingulets rivers (Fig. 1, B, 8–11). The common cranial respectively.
features are dolich ocrany, and a relatively narrow The mean D 2 among modern Eurasian groups is
nose and face. The range of variation of other Early 8.115, among European 3.556. The same value inside
Bronze Age populations is substantially wider. The the regional groups of closely related populations
Yamnaya culture sample from the right bank of the Ural ranges from 1.5 to 2.3. The mean D2 among the samples
а b c d e f g
Fig. 2. Locations of the cranial samples of the Yamnaya culture and recent populations.
a – Yamnaya culture people; b – Ossetians and Ingush; c – Russians and Latvians; d – Karelians and Finns; e – Chuvash, Mari, Mordva,
Udmurt; f – Kazakh; g – Buryat.
а
b
c
d
e
f
g
А B
Fig. 3. Multidimensional scaling of D2 among the Yamnaya samples as compared to the recent Eurasian (A) and European
(B) samples.
a – Yamnaya culture people; b – Ossetians and Ingush; c – Russians and Latvians; d – Karelians and Finns; e – Chuvash, Mari, Mordva,
Udmurt; f – Kazakh; g – Buryat.
of the Yamnaya culture is 4.059. Therefore, the plots of (Fig. 4, A, 1), and from several territorial groups belonging
the scaled Mahalanobis distances show that the range of to the Catacomb cultural circle (Fig. 4, A): 2 – Volga-
the coordinates of the Yamnaya samples is less than the Don; 3 – Lower Don, right bank; 4 – Lower Don, left
differences between the Asian and European samples bank (Kazarnitsky, 2012); 5 – Zaporozhye; 6 – Kherson;
(Fig. 3, A). But it is about the scale of variation of the 7 – Ingul (Kruts, 1984); 8 – Samara-Orel (Melnik,
modern European groups, which speak languages of 1982; Kruts, 2017); 9 – Crimea (Dyachenko, Pokas,
several families and populate a huge area from Karelia 1986; Kruts, 2017); 10 – East Manych, southern; 11 –
to the Caucasus and from the Baltic Sea to the Middle East Manych, central, and 12 – East Manych, northern
Volga and Urals. Clearly, cranial morphology varies (Kazarnitsky, 2012). The mean and median sample size
widely among these modern European populations was 18 individuals.
(Fig. 3, B). This analysis has shown the population continuity
Thus, the relatively higher morphological diversity between the Poltavka and Catacomb cultures and
of the Yamnaya groups than that of the Chalcolithic between the Don-Volga (Fig. 4, B, 3–6) and Lower
populations precludes ascertaining the people of the Dnieper (8–11) groups of the Yamnaya culture. The
Khvalynsk-Sredni Stog burial traditions as a substrate scales of their variation are similar in general, but often
for the whole Early Bronze Age steppe population differ at the local level. For instance, the Poltavka and
(Vasiliev, 1981; Khokhlov, 2017). A substantial influence Lower Don Catacomb groups (1–4) display a clear
of the Khvalynsk-Sredni Stog groups is traceable mainly similarity with the geographically proximate Don-
in the western part of the Yamanaya culture area. In the Volga samples of the Yamnaya culture, but the Yamnaya
other Yamnaya populations, individuals of a different (8–11) and Catacomb (5–9) groups from the Lower
origin prevail. Among these, there are at least three Dnieper are much less similar. This observation suggests
regional clusters: Don-Volga (including the left bank the appearance of large new groups of migrants of
of the Ural), Caspian, and Ural (right bank). Did all of different origins in the Northern Black Sea region during
them take part in the formation of the population of the the Middle Bronze Age.
next historical period? The Caspian groups of the Catacomb culture
In order to answer this question, the following analysis (Fig. 4, B, 10–12), though inhabiting a relatively small
was carried out, excluding the Chalcolithic samples, but area, exhibit a high level of morphological variation
including those from the Middle Bronze Age*. These displaying features similar to both the Don-Volga and
are samples from the Poltavka culture (Khokhlov, 2017) Lower Dnieper, but not Caspian, Yamnaya samples
(Fig. 4, B, 12–14). Thus, the Northwestern Caspian region
*Such a grouping of the skulls from Middle and Late Bronze (vicinity of the Ergeni Upland) experienced the most
Age burials was employed earlier; for more details on the sample intense population turnover during the Middle Bronze
composition, names of the cemeteries, and field abbreviations, Age. The Caspian and Ural (right bank) Yamnaya groups
see (Kazarnitsky, 2020)). likely did not leave a noticeable trace in the composition
а b c d e f g
А B
Fig. 4. Early and Middle Bronze Age sites (A), and the distribution of respective cranial samples in the morphospace of two
axes of non-metric multidimensional scaling of D2 between them (B).
a – local groups of sites of the Yamnaya culture; b – Middle Bronze Age sites; c – local groups of sites of the Middle Bronze Age; d –
Yamnaya samples; e – western (Lower Dnieper) Yamnaya samples; f – southeastern (Caspian) Yamnaya samples; g – Catacomb and Poltavka
samples. See the main text for the names of the numbered samples.
of the later population of the respective regions. This also Catacomb and post-Catacomb cultures reach a high level
probably led to the lower level of craniometric variation of statistical significance (p < 0.01). Apparently, in this
among the Catacomb and Poltavka samples: the mean period, the role of substrate groups in the formation of
D2 between them is only 1.964, which is comparable the population of the new historical era was minimal for
to the degree of similarity of modern closely related the entire Bronze Age (Kazarnitsky, 2020). However, the
populations. cranial features of the steppe populations of the Middle
The post-Catacomb (Babino and Lola) archaeological Bronze Age did not disappear without a trace in Eastern
cultures, which emerged in the area of the Catacomb Europe.
cultural-historical community later, belong to the next The skulls from the burials belonging the Timber-
chronological period. Though this period is described as Grave culture, the final stage of the Bronze Age, were
a junction between the two historical eras, it was only combined into 13 local samples (including two special
slightly shorter than each of those eras (Litvinenko, 2011; chronological samples from Early Timber-Grave sites)
Mimokhod, 2013, 2018). The post-Catacomb population (Fig. 6, A): 1 – Bashkiria, 2 – Samara, northern and
is represented by relatively small cranial samples (mean central, 3 – Samara, northwestern and southwestern,
and median size is 9 individuals), which were combined 4 – Samara, early, 5 – Ulyanovsk and Tatarstan,
into seven groups (Fig. 5): 1 – Babino Dnieper-Prut 6 – Saratov, 7 – Volgograd, northern, 8 – Volgograd,
and/or Dnieper-Don (local groups disregarded), 2 – western and southern, 9 – Rostov, 10 – Rostov, early,
Babino Dnieper-Prut, 3 – Babino Dnieper-Don, 4 – 11 – Astrakhan, 12 – Kalmykia, 13 – Lower Dnieper
Babino Dnestr-Prut, 5 – Babino Volga-Don, 6 – Lola, (Batieva, 2011; Debets, 1954; Gerasimova, 1958;
eastern (Kalmykia), 7 – Lola, western (Stavropol- Zinevich, Kruts, 1968; Kazarnitsky, 2012; Kruts,
Rostov) (Kruts, 1984; Batieva, 2011; Velikanova, 1975; 1984; Shevchenko, Yusupov, 1991; Fierstein, 1967;
Gerasimova, Kalmykov, 2007; Khokhlov, Mimokhod, Khokhlov, 1998, 2017; Khokhlov, Mimokhod, 2008)
2008; Kazarnitsky, 2010, 2020). (Archive of the DA MAE RAS). The mean and median
The post-Catacomb samples display a high level sample size is 16/17 individuals.
of diversity, which can be related not only to their true All the Late Bronze Age samples, excluding the two
population differences but to the low sample size as Early Timber-Grave groups, differ from the populations
well. All these samples differ from the steppe population of the Catacomb culture in the same variables as are
of the preceding periods by longer and narrower skull typical of the post-Catacomb groups but to a lesser
vaults, a narrower and more clinognathic face, and degree (Fig. 6, B). Paradoxically, the differences from
taller nose and orbits (Fig. 5, B). The differences in the the preceding populations of the Middle Bronze Age
variables listed above between aggregate samples of the have decreased over time rather than increased. The
а b c d e f g h i j
А B
Fig. 5. Sites of the Early and Middle Bronze Ages and of the Middle to Late Bronze Age transition (A), and the distribution of
respective cranial samples in the morphospace of two axes of a non-metric multidimensional scaling of D2 between them (B).
a – local groups of sites of the Yamnaya culture; b – local groups of sites of the Catacomb and Poltavka cultures; c – sites of the Babino
culture; d – sites of the Lola culture; e – Yamnaya samples; f – Catacomb and Poltavka samples; g – post-Catacomb samples; h – range of
variation of the Yamnaya samples; i – range of variation of the Catacomb and Poltavka samples; j – range of variation of the post-Catacomb
samples. See the main text for the names of the numbered samples.
а b c d e f g h i
А B
Fig. 6. Late Bronze Age sites (A), and the distribution of respective cranial samples in the morphospace of two axes of a non-
metric multidimensional scaling of D2 between them against a background of the Catacomb and post-Catacomb samples (B).
a – sites of the Timber-Grave culture; b – early sites of the Timber-Grave culture; c – local groups of the sites of the Timber-Grave culture;
d – Catacomb and Poltavka samples; e – post-Catacomb samples; f – Timber-Grave samples; g – Early Timber-Grave samples; h – range
of variation of the Catacomb and Poltavka samples; i – range of variation of the post-Catacomb samples. See the main text for the names
of the numbered samples.
morphological diversity of the Timber-Grave samples, The hypothesis of “pendulum migrations”, according
according to the mean D 2 , is significantly higher to which the vectors of population movements change
(p = 0.03) than that of the Catacomb and Poltavka systematically down to the opposite (Ivanova, Nikitin,
populations. Notably, the number and size of the samples Kiosak, 2018), can potentially explain this apparent
are similar between the two periods. paradox. As an alternative, it may be hypothesized that
the substrate populations abandoned the tradition of References

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doi:10.17746/1563-0110.2021.49.3.136-146
Z.V. Marchenko1, M.S. Kishkurno1, A.E. Grishin1,

S. Reinhold2, and F.V. Zhuravkov3
1
E-mail: afrika_77@mail.ru; kishkurno_maria@mail.ru; grishin@archaeology.nsc.ru
2
German Archaeological Institute,
Im Dol 2–6, 14195 Berlin, Germany
E-mail: sabine.reinhold@dainst.de
3
Novosibirsk Regional Clinical Hospital,
Nemirovicha-Danchenko 130, Novosibirsk, 630087, Russia
E-mail: 4ernoknij@mail.ru
A Digital X-Ray Analysis of Middle Bronze Age Skeletal Samples

from the Baraba Forest-Steppe
We present the results of a comparative analysis of skeletal and dental pathologies in Middle Bronze Age individuals
buried at Late Krotovo and Andronovo (Fedorovka) cemeteries in southwestern Siberia. This was the period when
the Andronovo steppe tradition in Northern and Central Asia expanded in various directions, including the forest-
steppe. Growth arrest lines on tibiae (Harris lines) and dental pathologies (enamel hypoplasia and caries) were
recorded. To evaluate developmental anomalies in the bone tissue, digital X-ray analysis was used. The principal
sample includes representatives of various sex and age groups buried at the largest cemetery in the region, Tartas-1
(Baraba forest-steppe). Harris lines and enamel hypoplasia result from a broad range of factors such as infections,
occasional malnutrition, traumas, vitamin deficiencies, etc. Caries is caused by a high amount of carbohydrates in
the diet, accompanied by low standards of oral hygiene. These pathologies occur at different ages: Harris lines and
enamel hypoplasia evidence adverse factors during infancy and adolescence, whereas caries is typical of adulthood.
Late Krotovo and Andronovo groups differ in terms of occurrence and combination of pathologies. Enamel hypoplasia
is less frequent in the Andronovo sample, indicating a lesser stress level in children. Harris lines are less frequent in the
Late Krotovo group, suggestive of lower stress level during adolescence. These differences may be tentatively attributed
to various models of subsistence and cultural adaptation.
Keywords: Digital X-ray analysis, Harris lines, enamel hypoplasia, Tartas-1 cemetery, Andronovo (Fedorovka)
culture, Late Krotovo (Cherno-Ozerye) culture.
Introduction bone surface may provide information on occupational

or craft activities, as well as on trauma and diseases
Human skeletal samples are a unique biological archive striking bone tissue. The internal structure of bones
of individual features of life-long trends in health and is also a valuable source of information about morbid
development in ancient populations. Changes in the conditions and the status of physiological development.
© 2021 Z.V. Marchenko, M.S. Kishkurno, A.E. Grishin, S. Reinhold, F.V. Zhuravkov
136
Z.V. Marchenko et al. / Archaeology, Ethnology and Anthropology of Eurasia 49/3 (2021) 136–146 137
This structure is studied using various diagnostic growth of the body, i.e. the first year of life, 5–7 years,
techniques: X-ray, magnetic resonance imaging 11–12 years (girls) and 15–16 years (boys). This is a
(MRI), and 3D computed tomography (CT). All these physiological reaction of bone tissue on a spectrum of
methods are non-invasive and thus are broadly applied negative factors (Gindhart, 1973). According to some
in the study of normal and pathological conditions clinical studies, Harris lines can disappear in adults and
in mummified human remains from Egypt, China, elderly people as a result of remodeling of the cortical
Europe, and South America (Murphy et al., 2003; layer (Garn, Schwager, 1967).
Jackowski, Bolliger, Thali, 2008; Mai et al., 2016; The link between the appearance of Harris
Licata, Pinto, 2020). lines and adverse developmental conditions was
The fixation of transversal (or Harris) lines of established clinically, thus providing a theoretical
growth arrest in the cortical layer of the long bones, base for X-ray studies of this marker in archaeological
mainly at the distal tibia, is a popular method of collections. The lines ha ve been assumed to be
studying the health and physiological development “indicators or ‘memory’ of previous growth
of ancient populations. The lines can be detected only disruption and stress in an archeological population”
via radiation diagnostics. They have been observed (Goodman, Clark, 1981: 35) and were employed for
on X-ray images starting from the late 19th century, assessing the health conditions of skeletal individuals
predominantly in patients who suffered rickets (Hughes, during their childhood and adolescence (McHenry,
Heylings, Power, 1996). A special study of the lines 1968; Goodman, Clark, 1981; Hughes, Heylings,
was carried out by H.A. Harris during the First World Power, 1996; Buzhilova et al., 2013; Mednikova,
War. The researcher called them “tombstones” that Engovatova, Tarasova, 2015). Thus, Harris lines have
point to the illness suffered by the individual in the past been used as markers of dietary and/or physiological
(Ibid.). The factors leading to the appearance of Harris stress. The number and frequency of the lines in the
lines—systemic disorders, nutritional and vitamin tibia can be utilized to determine the time of their
(A, C, D) deficiency, physiological and psychological formation during growth and to model the periods
stress—have been subsequently studied using various of physiological stress in individuals (Hummert, Van
experimental and clinical methods (Park, 1964; Huss- Gerven, 1985; Byers, 1991; Ameen et al., 2005).
Ashmore, 1981; Hughes, Heylings, Power, 1996). It In a study comparing the ancient and modern
was shown that the time of the influence of a negative populations of the same area of Switzerland (Ameen
factor, i.e. the period during which the individual was et al., 2005), Harris lines were present in individuals
stressed, rather than simply its presence, was the more older than 50 years in both samples. On the basis of
influential on the formation of the lines. However, a this observation, the authors of the study hypothesized
number of studies have shown that Harris lines can be that the lines could form later in life (not during
present even in the absence of those adverse conditions. childhood or adolescence) and be related, not to
In such cases, these can be considered sensitive growth arrests, but to chronic diseases (degenerative
signals during normal growth (Alfonso, Thompson, changes in the cortical layer, including osteoarthritis,
Standen, 2005; Papageorgopoulou et al., 2011). The osteoporosis, etc.) or trauma (lower limb fractures,
experiments on the influence of nutritional deficiency etc.) (Ibid.). That study only reported the fact
on the formation of transversal lines in rabbits have of detection of Harris lines in adults, but not the
demonstrated that the frequency of their appearance mechanism of their formation in such cases. Later, a
was higher in the group of periodically starving animals comparison of X-ray images of the modern people of
as compared to the permanently malnourished group the Republic of Korea and the Joseon dynasty skeletal
(Alfonso-Durruty, 2011). collection (16th–18th centuries AD) revealed a higher
From a histological point of view, Harris lines prevalence of the marker in the medieval sample
are formed during the periods when cessation of (Beom et al., 2014). The frequency of Harris lines was
growth in the epiphysis coincides with the continuing higher in females, which was related to their poorer
growth of the diaphysis (dissociation of the rates of nutrition due to lower social status (Ibid.).
chondroplasia and osteogenesis). With time, after the Notably, the assessment of health status in ancient
traumatic or stress episode, the pace of growth of both populations should not be based solely on tracing
elements eventually recovers (Follis, Park, 1952). As Harris lines (Hughes, Heylings, Power, 1996), but other
a result, the medullar trabeculae form condensations of stress markers as well. These include dental diseases,
increased mineral density. The formation of the lines e.g. enamel hypoplasia (Clarke, 1982; Alfonso,
is associated with three periods of the most intense Thompson, Standen, 2005), which forms as a reaction
138 Z.V. Marchenko et al. / Archaeology, Ethnology and Anthropology of Eurasia 49/3 (2021) 136–146
to morbid conditions or malnutrition (El-Najjar et al., system (Ameen et al., 2005). But in our opinion,
1976; El-Najjar, De Santi, Ozebek, 1978; Goodman, such an interpretation is poorly based at present, and
Armelagos, Rose, 1980; Duray, 1996). comprehensible additional studies of the postcranial
The skeletal stress-indicators are employed in skeleton are required. Thus, the main aim of the present
archaeological studies of the adaptive strategies in study was to describe the paleopathological markers
populations with various modes of subsistence. For in the skeletons of the samples representing the Late
example, two populations from Central Europe, Krotovo (Cherno-Ozerye) and Andronovo (Fedorovka)
representing the Neolithic and Bronze Ages, were archaeological cultures of the Baraba forest-steppe
analyzed in order to detect the biological changes in the from the Tartas-1 cemetery in the Vengerovo District
human body during the transition to agriculture (Krenz- of the Novosibirsk Region. The study protocol included
Niedbala, 2014). The population of the Linear Pottery various pathological manifestations of physiological
culture (Neolithic) was purely agricultural, while the stress and dietary disturbances associated with changes
population of the Corded Ware culture (Bronze Age) in a subsistence economy, both at the individual and
was practicing a mixed subsistence economy based population levels.
on agriculture, pastoralism, hunting, and gathering.
The analysis of Harris lines, enamel hypoplasia, and
cribia orbitalia has shown a higher prevalence of the Tartas-1 site
pathological markers in the agriculturalists. This can be
explained by the influence of adverse social conditions The site has been studied since 2003 by the Institute of
(high population density and a relatively sedentary Archaeology and Ethnography SB RAS, in cooperation
lifestyle led to the rapid spread of infections) and poor with the German Archaeological Institute, under the
nutrition (invariability of diet, dependence on a single leadership of V.I. Molodin from the Russian part
food source). (Fig. 1). At present, it is the largest multi-temporal
Thus, while there are different views on the factors burial ground in Western Siberia (about 800 burials);
in the formation of Harris lines, the polyetiology of this the majority of graves belong to the Middle Bronze Age
lesion is broadly accepted. Many researchers suggest (Molodin et al., 2020). The studied sample of human
that physiological stress suffered during childhood, remains includes two cultural groups that formed at
a maladaptive process, is the main cause. But Harris Tartas-1 their separate necropolises: the Late Krotovo
lines have also been interpreted as a marker of dietary and Andronovo (Fedorovka) groups.
disturbances and subadult injuries. The presence of The Late Krotovo (Cherno-Ozerye) culture was
the lines in elderly individuals (>50 years of age) was identified by V.I. Molodin and described by him as
hypothesized to be explained by recent traumatic lesions the latest form of existence of the autochthonous
(fractures) and other pathologies of the musculoskeletal Krotovo culture, developed under the influence of
0 200 km
0 200 km
Fig. 1. Location of the Tartas-1 site.

the Andronovo steppe realm, which was reflected 1986: 32). However, in the burials of the group at
in the appearance of products of the Timber Grave- Tartas-1, the use of fish in burial practice was noted in a
Andronovo affinity (bronze weapons and jewelry) significant number of cases, which indirectly indicates
(2014). In the anthropological features of the population their consumption by the Baraba pastoralists (Molodin
and their ritual practice, this influence is not so vivid et al., 2015). The Andronovo (Fedorovka) burials of
(Ibid.; Chikisheva, 2012: 109–110). In the spatial the cemetery date back to the 18th–15th centuries BC
distribution of graves at the Tartas-1 cemetery, two (Molodin et al., 2012).
clusters of the Late Krotovo burials are distinguished: Craniological materials from other Baraba burial
northern and southern (Marchenko et al., 2021). grounds contemporaneous with Tartas-1 indicate that
Hypothetically, this reflects different micropopulations the population that left this necropolis experienced
within the same cultural group. The Late Krotovo a difficult situation reflecting the “ethno-racial
burial practice is characterized by shallow graves, interaction of migrants and groups of the autochthonous
most often individual ones. The buried were placed population” (Chikisheva, 2012: 116, 117). The female
in an extended supine position, with their heads to the subgroup of the Baraba forest-steppe is the most
northeast. Ceramic vessels were placed in graves quite polymorphic as compared to all other Andronovo
rarely. Men were usually accompanied by weapons groups* (Ibid.: 116).
(bronze daggers, dart-heads, bone arrowheads); women
with bronze ornaments and awls. Horse phalanges and
metacarpals of small ruminants have been occasionally Material and methods
found in burials.
The Late Krotovo people practiced a complex The Late Krotovo sample includes 17 individuals
economy. The populations of the Baraba settlements (9 males, 6 females, 2 sub-adults) of which 11 are
of Vengerovo-2 and Preobrazhenka-3 were engaged the burials of the southern cluster. The Andronovo
in breeding small ruminants; cattle and horses to a (Fedorovka) sample includes 27 individuals (16 males,
lesser extent (Molodin, Mylnikova, Nesterova, 2017). 9 females, 2 sub-adults). The sexes of the deceased
Isotope analysis of anthropological materials showed a were determined on the basis of pelvic and cranial
significant proportion of fish in the structure of human morphology (Alekseev, 1966: 27); the age-at-death
protein nutrition (Marchenko et al., 2021). The Late was determined by the degree of cranial suture fusion
Krotovo burials at Tartas-1 date back to the 19th– and tooth wear (in adults), and the dental eruption
17th centuries BC (Molodin et al., 2012). status (in sub-adults) (Meindl, Lovejoy, 1985; Scott,
The Andronovo (Fedorovka) group is the largest 1979). The main age cohorts followed the standard
at the cemetery (ca 50 %) (Molodin et al., 2020: 486); gradations (Alekseev, Debets, 1964: 39): Infantilis I
it is characterized by the widespread use of ceramic (before the eruption of the first permanent molars,
vessels of the Andronovo or “syncretic” types in the ca 6–7 years); Infantilis II (before the eruption of
ritual practice (Molodin, Mylnikova, Ivanova, 2014); the second permanent molars, ca 11–12 years);
the dead were placed in a flexed position on their Juvenis (before the fusion of the spheno-occipital
sides (Molodin, 2011). Completely cremated remains synchondrosis, ca 20 years); Adultus (younger than 35
are less common; some graves revealed cremated years); Maturus (younger than 50–55 years); Senilis
and non-cremated remains. The spatial distribution (older 55 years). The skeletal specimens were examined
of the Andronovo (Fedorovka) burials is different for the presence of Harris lines in the tibia, and some
in different parts of the cemetery: in dense rows, or dental pathologies (caries, enamel hypoplasia).
sparsely, or with traces of the kurgan organization Harris lines are transversally oriented strips
of space (Molodin et al., 2020). The following observed in the growth zones of the long bones
features atypical of the Andronovo tradition have metaphyses and diaphyses. This lesion is
been recorded: a significant percentage of communal polyetiological and can be a result of a stress episode in
graves, placing bronze daggers and horn dishes in childhood, as well as of disturbances of endocrine and
graves, and the use of fish as funeral food (Ibid.). All metabolic processes (Alfonso, Thompson, Standen,
these features together reflect the “barbarization” of 2005; Shalina, Yarmolinskaya, Abashova, 2018). The
the Andronovo culture in the Baraba forest-steppe
and the heterogeneity of this population group at the *A description of the anthropological characteristics of
cemetery (Ibid.). Cultures of the Andronovo affinity the Andronovo population that left burials at Tartas-1 is in
are traditionally considered pastoralist (Kuzmina, preparation.
X-ray images of the tibia were obtained using the probability of the appearance of Harris lines fall on
PRDU-02 device (CJSC “Eltech”, St. Petersburg) at the first year of life and 9–12 years of age (Alfonso,
the Institute of Archaeology and Ethnography of SB Thompson, Standen, 2005). Unlike these, carious
RAS under the following protocol: voltage 45 kV, lesions can form at any age. Therefore, the pathological
amperage 0.07 μA, exposition time 10 s. Visualization indicators employed in the present study can be viewed
of the images was carried out in QuantorMed, as a proxy for the individual biological adaptation to
ver. 2.0, using the FireCR scanner. Both tibiae of the the changes in occupational activity or environment
individuals were examined at the distal and proximal throughout life. The prevalence of these indicators in
ends, without magnification. The observed Harris different cultural groups can help, in turn, to determine
lines were not counted, only their presence or absence features varying at the population level.
and severity (weak, medium, strong) were assessed.
The results of the assessment were additionally
checked by a practicing radiologist. Results and discussion
Caries is a lesion of hard dental tissue (enamel,
dentine, cement). The main cause of caries is the Harris lines in the tibia of the Late Krotovo sample
infectious cariogenic microflora (Borovsky et al., 2001: were detected in 5 cases (29 %), in the metaphyseal
190; Newbrun, 1982). The conditions stimulating area of the proximal and distal ends of the bones, which
the development of caries lesions are various. The points to their formation mainly during late childhood.
main of these is the frequent consumption of food The number of the lines varies from one to three,
rich in carbohydrates, in particular fast (e.g. sucrose) severity is weak.
(Newbrun, 1982; Larsen, Shavit, Griffin, 1991), The dental pathologies of the Late Krotovo sample
and a low level of oral hygiene. An increasing layer from Tartas-1 were thoroughly analyzed previously
of dental calculus stimulates the reproduction of (Kishkurno, 2019). The sample employed in the present
bacteria and the decrease in the strength of the tooth study displays a very high prevalence of caries (75 %).
enamel. Other factors favoring the development of The lesions were mainly located on the occlusal surface
caries are hypomineralization of enamel, decrease of the upper and lower molars, less frequently on the
in the antimicrobial functions of saliva, general buccal surface, and only in single cases on the distal
immunodeficiency of the body (Newbrun, 1982), and lingual surfaces (Table 1). Carious cavities were
diseases of the gastrointestinal tract, and, in general, absent in five individuals: two from the southern cluster
serious metabolic disorders (Borovsky et al., 2001: (55–60-year-old female and a 9 ± 2-year-old sub-adult),
210–211; Kanchan et al., 2015). and three from the northern cluster (30–40-year-old
Enamel hypoplasia is a deficit of the enamel layer males, Adultus–Maturus). The prevalence of enamel
due to a decreased activity of ameloblasts during hypoplasia in the Late Krotovo sample is very high
the secretory phase of enamel formation (Skinner, (94 %). Linear type dominated in the anterior teeth, but
Goodman, 1992). The pathology develops under the single lesions were detected in the molars. Point type
influence of various diseases during the formation of is much less common and only found on the canines.
permanent teeth enamel (El-Najjar, De Santi, Ozebek, In five individuals, enamel hypoplasia and Harris
1978; Borovsky et al., 2001: 134; Groshikov, 1985: lines were observed simultaneously (Table 2): three
38). The main reasons for these morbid conditions are of these cases were males (from 20 to 45 years of
nutritional imbalance, deficiency of vitamins A, C, D, age), one female (20–25 years), and one adolescent
infections and hypocalcemia causing severe diseases (12 ± 2.5 years). In all five individuals, carious lesions,
(El-Najjar, De Santi, Ozebek, 1978; Borovsky et al., mainly on the occlusal and buccal surfaces, were
2001: 82). present as well. Much more often, hypoplasia and
All the pathological dental and skeletal conditions Harris lines were not observed in the same individuals
analyzed in the present study do not appear (65 %), but in only one case were both markers absent
simultaneously under the influence of a single factor, (male, Adultus–Maturus). Harris lines were detected
since the time of the formation of each of the markers only in the skeletons from the southern planigraphic
is different. Enamel hypoplasia of permanent teeth cluster (see Table 1), while enamel hypoplasia was
develops at the age of 7–8 years, during the period equally frequent in both parts of the necropolis.
of amelogenesis of the permanent incisors, canines, In the Andronovo (Fedorovka) sample, Harris
premolars, first and second molars. The most active lines were detected in 14 cases (52 %), up to 3–4 in
growth of the long bones and, accordingly, the highest one individual. The lines were weakly developed
Table 1. Individual distribution of the frequency of the pathological markers

in the Late Krotovo sample
Caries
Burial/ Enamel hypoplasia
Age,
skeleton Sex Surface Harris lines
years
No.
occlusal buccal distal lingual linear point
Southern cluster
8 Fem. 30–35 +UМ1 +LМ1, LМ2 0 0 +UI1, UI2, +LC 0

UC, LI1, LI2,
LC
11 Male 20–25 +LM1 +LM1, LM2 0 0 +UC, LI2 0 +
19 Fem. 20–25 +M1, M2 0 0 0 +I1, I2, C 0 0
20 " 20–25 +UM2 0 0 0 +UM1 0 +
25 Male 25–30 +LM1, LM3 +LM1, LM2, +LM1 +UM3 +UI1, UC, LC 0 +
LM3
29 – 9 (± 2) 0 0 0 0 +UI1, UC 0 0
36/1 Male 25–30 +UM2, +LM2 0 0 +UC, UP1, 0 0

UM3, LM3 LI2, LC
36/2 Fem. 55–60 0 0 0 0 +UI1, UC, 0 0

UM1, LI1, LI2,
LC, LM1
39 Male 40–45 +LM3 0 0 0 LC 0 +
78 – 12 (± 2.5) +UP2, M2 0 0 0 0 +UC, LC +
94 Fem. 20–25 +UM1 0 0 0 +UM2 +LC 0
Northern cluster
251 Male Maturus +LM3 +LM2 0 0 +LC 0 0
315 " 20–25 +UM1 0 0 0 0 +LC 0
318/2 " 35–40 0 0 0 0 +UI2, UC 0 0
325/1 " 30–35 0 0 0 0 +LI1, LC 0 0
325/2 " Adultus– +LM1 0 0 0 0 0 0

Maturus
374/2 Fem. Adultus– +LM3 0 0 0 +LC 0 0

Maturus
Table 2. Summary data on the three pathological markers

Individuals
Enamel Harris lines HL and Hypoplasia HL without without
Cultural group Caries
hypoplasia (HL) hypoplasia without HL hypoplasia HL and
hypoplasia
Late Krotovo (n = 17) 13 (76 %) 16 (94 %) 5 (29 %) 5 (29 %) 11 (65 %) 0 1 (6 %)
Andronovo
(Fedorovka) (n = 27) 19 (70 %) 16 (59 %) 14 (52 %) 8 (30 %) 8 (30 %) 6 (22 %) 5 (19 %)
а b
Fig. 2. X-ray images of the tibiae with Harris lines (orthogonal projection).
a – distal parts (burial 324); b – proximal parts (burial 287).
and typically observed in the metaphyseal area of the of pathological markers between the Late Krotovo
distal end of the bone (Fig. 2, a). Single cases of lines and Andronovo (Fedorovka) samples (see Table 2).
of medium or strong severity were also found in both In the latter, the prevalence of caries is slightly
metaphysis and diaphysis of both proximal and distal lower (70 vs. 76 %), and of hypoplasia substantially
ends of the bone (Fig. 2, b). lower (59 vs. 94 %). This can be attributed to the
The frequency of caries in the Andronovo influence of various factors, but we preliminarily
(Fedorovka) sample is high (71 %). The cavities are suggest that this observation points towards better
typically located on the occlusal tooth surface, rarely dental health in the Andronovo population. In our
on the buccal side, and only in single cases on the previous work (Kishkurno, 2019) we hypothesized
lingual and disto-vestibular surfaces (Table 3). Enamel that the environmental conditions of the Late Krotovo
hypoplasia was detected in 16 individuals (59 %). population were extreme owing to some economical
Unlike the Late Krotovo sample, this marker occurs or ecological changes, which led to an increase
on the incisors and canines only. The lineal type is in the proportion of plants in their diet. The high
prevalent, while the point type was found in just three prevalence of enamel hypoplasia in this sample
individuals. suggests physiological stress or severe illness suffered
Eight cases (30 %) of the combination of hypoplasia during childhood. Some researchers point to the link
and Harris lines (see Table 2) were observed: in three between early weaning and this marker in traditional
males (from 35 to 55 years of age), four females (from societies (Masterson, Sabbah, 2015). The same could
20–25 years of age to Senilis), and one sub-adult apply to the development of caries as well.
(10 ± 2.5 years of age). The prevalence of individuals Notably, the frequency of Harris lines in the tibia
displaying hypoplasia without the lines was slightly manifests an opposite trend, being much higher in
higher (30 %) than the prevalence of those with an the Andronovo (Fedorovka) sample: 52 vs. 29 %. In
opposite combination (22 %). In five skeletons, both the Late Krotovo individuals, this marker is always
markers were absent (19 %): three males from 20 to accompanied by enamel hypoplasia (Table 2), while
35 years of age, female (Juvenis), and a sub-adult in the Andronovo sample it is found both with (30 %)
(10 ± 2 years of age). and without (22 %) hypoplasia. No clear association of
Stable isotope studies have shown that the protein the pathological markers with sex or age was detected
part of the diet of the Late Krotovo population, as well in either population.
as that of the preceding Odino culture groups, was
still acquired by the consumption of fish and the meat
of forest-steppe mammals. No substantial increase Conclusions
in the proportion of vegetable proteins was detected
(Marchenko et al., 2016, 2021). The present study The results of the present study led us to the following,
has demonstrated some differences in the distribution mainly preliminary, conclusions. A high prevalence
Table 3. Individual distribution of the frequency of the pathological markers

in the Andronovo (Fedorovka) sample
Caries
Burial/ Enamel hypoplasia
Age,
skeleton Sex Surface Harris lines
years
No.
occlusal buccal distal lingual linear point
182/1 Male 45–55 +LM3 0 0 0 0 +UI1, LC +
188 " 25–30 +UM1, UM2, 0 0 0 0 0 +

LM2, LM3
196 " 25–30 +UP2, UM2, +LM1 0 0 0 0 +
UM3, LP2,
LM2, LM3
263 – 10 (± 2) 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
281 Male (?) 16–18 0 0 +UM2 0 +UC 0 0
287 Fem. 15 (± 3) 0 0 0 0 0 +UI2 +
299 " 35–40 +UM1, UM2, 0 0 0 0 +UC 0

UM3, LM1,
LM2, LM3
302 Male 20–25 0 +LM2 0 0 +UI1, UI2, 0 0
UC, UP2
307 " 16–18 0 0 0 0 0 0 +
311 " 35–40 +LM3 0 0 0 +UI1, UI2, 0 0

UC
312 Fem. 20–25 0 +LM2 0 0 +UC, LC, 0 +
LP1
314 " 20–25 +UP2, UM1, 0 0 +UM1 +LC 0 0
UM2, UM3,
LM1, LM2
324 " Senilis 0 0 0 0 +LI2 0 +
338 " 25–30 +LM1 0 0 0 + LI1,LI2, 0 0

LC
343 " 18–20 +UМ3 0 0 0 0 0 +
401 – 10 (± 2.5) 0 0 0 0 +LI2, LC, 0 +
LP1
455 Male Senilis 0 0 0 0 +LC 0 0
470 " 30–35 +LM3 0 0 0 +UI1, UI2, 0 0
LI1, LI2
480 " 20–25 +LM2, LM3 0 0 0 0 0 0
522 " 25–35 +LM1 +LM1 0 0 0 0 0

525 Fem. 20–25 +UM1, UM2, 0 0 0 +UI2, UC, 0 +
LM1, LM2 LI1, LI2, LC
547/1 Male 20–25 0 0 0 0 0 0 +

547/2 Fem. (?) Juvenis 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
548/1 Male 20–25 +UM1, UM2 0 0 0 0 0 0
586 " 45–50 +UM1, UM2, 0 0 0 +LC 0 +

LM1
613 " 35–40 +UM1, LM2, +LM1 0 0 +LC 0 +
LM3
636 " 17–20 +LM2 0 0 0 0 0 +
of the studied stress markers was observed in Ameen S., Staub L., Ulrich S., Vock P., Ballmer F.,
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Acknowledgements
Dental indicators of stress and reduced age at death in
prehistoric Native Americans. American Journal of Physical
This study was supported by the Russian Foundation for Basic Anthropology, vol. 99: 275–286. URL: https://doi.org/10.1002/
Research and the German Research Foundation, Projects No. (SICI)1096-8644(199602)99:2<275::AID-AJPA5>3.0.CO;2-Y
18-509-12067a and DFG RE2688/3-1/2. We are grateful to El-Najjar M., Ryan D., Turner C.H.,
V.I. Molodin for the access to the skeletal collections from Lozoff B. 1976
Tartas-1, and to T.A. Chikisheva for her consultations while The etiology of porotic hyperostosis among the prehistoric
carrying out the study and writing the article. and historic Anasazi Indians of Southwestern United States.
American Journal of Physical Anthropology, vol. 44: 447–488.
doi: 10.1002/ajpa.1330440311.
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doi:10.17746/1563-0110.2021.49.3.147-156
A.V. Zubova1, N.I. Ananyeva2, 3, I.K. Stulov2,

L.M. Dmitrenko1, and E.V. Andreev2
1
Peter the Great Museum of Anthropology and Ethnography (Kunstkamera), Russian Academy of Sciences,
Universitetskaya nab. 3, St. Petersburg, 199034, Russia
E-mail: zubova_al@mail.ru; jakovlevaljuba@mail.ru
2
Bekhterev National Research Medical Center for Psychiatry and Neurology,
Bekhtereva 3, St. Petersburg, 192019, Russia
E-mail: ananieva_n@mail.ru; symrak.spb@mail.ru;
ev.andreev94@gmail.com
3
Saint Petersburg State University,
Universitetskaya nab. 7/9, St. Petersburg, 199034, Russia
Cranial Traumas in a Sample from the Pucará de Tilcara Fortress

(Jujuy Province, Argentina)
We analyze injuries in the cranial sample from the Pucará de Tilcara fortress, dating to the time of the Inca conquest.
Analysis of violence markers, carried out by visual examination and computed tomography, and the comparison of
results with those relating to samples from the Regional Development Period of the Quebrada de Humahuaca valley,
suggest that although the violence level remained high, its nature could have changed after the arrival of the Inca.
The female sample reveals just two perimortal injuries, no trophy skulls were found, and the frequency of nasal bone
fractures is higher than in earlier samples. This may indicate lower level of between-group fighting for control over
resources, and higher risk of interpersonal violence. The observed pattern suggests that having arrived in the Quebrada
de Humahuaca region, the Inca eased political tension by establishing control over trade routes and the distribution of
arable land areas, which had previously been the main cause of local armed clashes. The influence of artificial cranial
modifications on the pathological and traumatic status of individuals was also analyzed. Two types of modification were
recorded in the sample—fronto-occipital tabular oblique and fronto-occipital tabular straight. None of them caused
pathological changes or a decrease in the thickness of cranial bones.
Keywords: Pucará de Tilcara, Regional Development Period, Inca period, interpersonal violence, bioarchaeology,
computed tomography.
Introduction de Humahuaca valley (modern Jujuy Province).

The results of the analytical attribution of the
This article continues the series of publications of archaeological and anthropological collections from
the results of the bioarchaeological study of the this site were published previously (Dmitrenko,
cranial sample from the Pucará de Tilcara fortress Zubova, 2020), as well as a description of a case of
from the collection of the MAE RAS. The fortress surgical extraction of a lower third molar of one of
is located in Northwestern Argentina, the Quebrada the individuals (Zubova, Pikhur, Obodovsky et al.,
© 2021 A.V. Zubova, N.I. Ananyeva, I.K. Stulov, L.M. Dmitrenko, E.V. Andreev
147
148 A.V. Zubova et al. / Archaeology, Ethnology and Anthropology of Eurasia 49/3 (2021) 147–156
2020), and the data on the prevalence of chronic the upper (“prestigious”) part of the hill where
maxillary sinusitis in the inhabitants of the fortress luxury workshops and some administrative
(Zubova, Ananyeva, Moiseyev et al., 2020). The buildings became concentrated. A square of
main aim of the present study was to analyze the typical Inca architecture was located nearby, at
prevalence and distribution of cranial trauma in the the northernmost boundary of Pucará de Tilcara
sample and their association with the socio-political (Zaburlín, 2009: 94–95).
situation in the region.
The Pucará de Tilcara fortress is one of the
main archaeological complexes of the Quebrada de Material and methods
Humahuaca valley. The stratigraphic context of the
site is rather complex, owing to the long history of The main sample employed in the present study
its habitation and development. First settlements at is the collection of skulls sent to the Kunstkamera
the location of the fortress were established by the in 1910 by the Argentinean archaeologist
Omaguaca Indians no earlier than the 8th century AD. J.B. Ambrosetti, who had carried out the excavation
By the end of the 15th century, the territory of of the Pucará de Tilcara fortress in 1908–1910.
Northwestern Argentina had been colonized by the Inca, The exact location of the specimens and their
and in 1536 occupied by the Spanish conquistadors led stratigraphic context are unknown. But owing
by Diego de Almagro (Zaburlín, 2009; Greco, Otero, to the study of field documentation (Zaburlín,
2015). The functioning of the Pucará de Tilcara fortress Otero, 2014: 207) and register notes (General
belongs to the Regional Development Period (1000– Catalogue of the Ethnographic Museum of Buenos
1430 AD) and Inca colonization (Seldes, Botta, 2014; Aires, notes 4100–7600) it was firmly established
Sprovieri, 2013: 26). that all the materials—both anthropological and
This period was one of the tensest in the history archaeological—obtained during the 1909–1910
of the Quebrada de Humahuaca region. It was a expeditions were from the northwestern part of the
time of rapid social and political changes due to the site. This part was inhabited after the Inca conquest,
complication of political structures, intensification which is suggested by its layout and the presence of
of agriculture and trade, and change in the ceramics of the Inca type (Otero, 2013: 107), stone
population dispersal model. Besides traditional knives “tumi”, various copper medical instruments,
conglomerates of small villages localized near etc. in the archaeological record (Marino, Gonzales-
sites of concentration of natural resources, fortified Portillo, 2000: 947).
settlements were emerging and becoming the The sample includes 20 artificially deformed
centers of political control and trade. Population skulls: 18 adult (7 female, 11 male), one 6–8 years
density and the competition for resources were old subadult, and one 14–15 years old adolescent
growing accordingly. Thus, the number of military (Zubova, Ananyeva, Moiseyev et al., 2020: 146).
and interpersonal conflicts was also increasing, as The skulls were visually assessed for fixing ante-
suggested by both written sources and analysis of and perimortem lesions of the bones of the face
traumatic lesions in the skulls from the Yakoraite, and cranial vault. The descriptions of the lesions
Los Amarillos, and La Huerta sites in the northern included the anatomical locations of the traumas
part of the valley (Seldes, Botta, 2014: 88). These with respect to the closest cranial sutures; size; and
settlements were densely populated during the presence or absence of penetration into the cranial
Regional Development Period; but with the advent cavity, or signs of healing.
of the Inca, Los Amarillos was abandoned, the Computed tomography scans of all the individuals
population density at Yakoraite decreased, and only were obtained at the St. Petersburg Bekhterev
La Huerta retained its status as one of the regional Psychoneurological Research Institute, using a
centers of the empire. medical 64-channel scanner Philips Brilliance CT
The Pucará de Tilcara fortress did not lose its (PB64), under the following protocol: X-ray tube
significance after the conquest by the Inca led by voltage 120 kV, amperage 100 μA, no filter, slice
Túpac Yupanqui. Until the Spanish invasion in thickness 0.9 mm. Postprocessing of the images was
1536, the fortress was an administrative center of carried out using a workstation Extended Brilliance
the Inca Empire in the region. The Inca occupied Workspace for multiplanar (MPR) and volume (VR)
A.V. Zubova et al. / Archaeology, Ethnology and Anthropology of Eurasia 49/3 (2021) 147–156 149
reconstructions. The localization of the detected popular tool for generating portraits of various
traumas with respect to the brain structures and the styles, and is not originally intended for making
pattern of possible damage to the brain tissues were facial approximations. Even at the stage of
described using the CT images. These data were uploading an original image, the facial traits
employed to reconstruct possible clinical outcomes can be slightly but unpredictably biased. During
of the trauma for the individual. working with a portrait, the number of such errors
In order to detect the influence of artificial grows substantially, which often leads to significant
deformation on the vulnerability of different skull distortions of individual traits. Therefore, the
regions to trauma, the thickness of the temporal, image produced in Artbreeder was afterward
parietal, frontal, and occipital bones was measured. modified in Adobe Photoshop in order to achieve
As the data on the variation of the skull bones’ a maximum similarity between the original and
thickness for the native populations of Argentina new portraits. Such similarity was assessed by the
were absent in the literature, we used various superimposition of reference landmarks.
anthropologically contrasted samples from Eurasia No significant association between cranial
as a reference, including: modern Nepalese (Thulung deformation and any pathological conditions
et al., 2019) and Malaysians (Mahinda, Murty, observed in the CT images was detected. Two
2009), Russians of the Tula Region (Plitnichenko, individuals displayed digital impressions on the
Telkov, 2011), and a population from the Lower endocranial surface, while three others exhibited a
Volga region, which also practiced artificial skull deepening of the vascular grooves, mainly those of
deformation (Pererva, 2015). The following total the diploic veins. But such changes are commonly
ranges of variation were accepted: for the frontal found in many samples without an artificial cranial
bone – 3–12 mm, temporal – 2.0–6.7 mm, parietal – deformation; thus, these modifications cannot be
4–12 mm, occipital – 4–13 mm. a source of negative influence on the brain in the
sample from Pucará de Tilcara.
The thickness of the calvarial bones in most skulls
Results did not deviate from the norm: the deformation had
only affected their shape. Skull No. 5148-7 was an
The influence of artificial deformation on the exception, displaying a local thinning of the parietal
cranial vault’s bone thickness. Two types of bone by up to 1.5 mm, but this was not associated
artificial modification are observed in the skulls from with a cranial modification. The thickness in the
Pucará de Tilcara: fronto-occipital tabular straight individuals with cranial traumas was normal.
and oblique, of which the latter is prevalent. In Description of the traumatic lesions. As the
individuals with oblique deformation, the occipital sample is not large, we provide the descriptions of
part of the skull skews distally with respect to the all the individual cases.
vertical axis of the body, almost parallel to the axis 5148-2. Sex undetermined, juvenilis. A nasal
of inclination of the frontal part (Fig. 1). This variant bone fracture at the deepest point of the nasal
is observed in 65 % of all the cases, while straight bridge is observed. The blow was struck from the
deformation was found in eight male skulls. left side. Bone tissue at the location of the blow
A facial approximation of one of the individuals is sclerosed, while a right-side deviation of the
displaying oblique tabular deformation was internasal suture can be seen at the deepest point
carried out by D.V. Pozdnyakov from the Institute of the nasal bridge.
of Archaeology and Ethnography of the SB 5148-3. Male, maturus. Signs of a completely
RAS (Zubova, Pikhur, Obodovsky et al., 2020: healed fracture of the right nasal bone, without
Fig. 1). This approximation was elaborated by inflammation, are visible. A crushing perimortem
I.G. Shirobokov (MAE RAS), using Artbreeder fracture of the frontal bone was detected above
and Adobe Photoshop, to a photorealistic color the left browridge (Fig. 2). The traumatic defect
portrait*. The Artbreeder neural network is a is of a pentagonal shape and widens from the
superciliary arch to the middle of the orbital
*The authors express their gratitude to I.G. Shirobokov for margin. The compact layer is crushed across the
these data. whole area of the defect and broken down into
Fig. 1. Drawing of a skull with a tabular oblique deformation (No. 5148-9), and a facial approximation of the same individual.
15 fragments of an irregular shape, attached to the toward the margin of the right orbit, and another
lower layer of the bone. The maximum length of crosses the left superciliary arch, terminating at
the defect is 33 mm, width 12 mm. Five fissures the superorbital foramen.
radiate from the lesion. The largest pass through The blow was caused by a blunt object and
the browridge: one via the right superciliary arch likely through a headdress, since the fracture did
not penetrate deep inside the bone, the radiating
fissures are short, and there are no manifestations
of direct contact with the tool at the surface of the
bone. An accompanying lesion of the right frontal
sinus—a linear defect of the right half of its posterior
wall—was detected in the CT scan (Fig. 3). Signs of
healing are absent, thus the individual died shortly
after being injured.
Theoretically, this trauma could have had
different consequences for the individual. If the brain
was crushed or meningeal hematomas emerged,
the injury might have been accompanied by loss
of consciousness, and have ultimately led to death
because of an axial interception of the brain
complicated by the hematoma and impairment of its
functions. If the brain was not seriously damaged,
the trauma might have provoked pseudocerebellar
static and coordination disorders—dizziness and
difficulty concentrating. These would have made
the individual less defensive, and then he could
have received another trauma that led to death. This
probable additional trauma could not be detected,
Fig. 2. General view of the lesion of the frontal bone owing to the absence of postcranial remains from
of skull No. 5148-3. Pucará de Tilcara in the collection of the MAE RAS.
Fig. 3. Computed tomography scan of skull No. 5148-3 (the area

where the line of the fracture reaches the posterior wall of the
right half of the frontal sinus is marked).
5148-8. Male, maturus. An oval traumatic

penetration is visible in the right parietal bone,
at the interface with the coronal suture, and 2 cm
from the sagittal suture (Fig. 4). This trauma was
caused by a weapon with a sharpened striking part.
The external size of the lesion is 20 × 15 mm,
internal is slightly larger. A bone-crushing and
a semicircular fissure that mark the point of the
initial application of force are observable on the
right side of the penetration. A 1 cm long oblique
fracture radiates from the left side of the perforation
toward the sagittal suture. No manifestation of
healing was detected, so the individual died shortly
after the injury.
An extensive cleavage accompanied by the tubercle. This is a healed trace of a blow caused by
introduction of a bone fragment into the cranial an item with a convex impact surface. No signs of
cavity is visible at the endocranial surface in the left trauma are present in the internal compact layer.
part of the lesion (Fig. 5). Depending on the depth Thus, the brain likely was not damaged. A blow to
of penetration into the cranial cavity of the weapon this area might have led to contusion of the right
that caused the injury, the cause of death could have parietal lobe of the brain and, as a consequence,
been either an interception of the brain, complicated provoked symptoms of irritation, paresthesia, loss
by intracerebral and meningeal hematomas, or direct over time, partial seizures, and concussion.
damage to vital centers of the brain stem, with 5148-20. Male, adultus. A post-traumatic
respiratory and cardiac arrest. deformation of the right nasal bone is present. This
5148-11. Female, senilis. A crushing injury deformation occurred long before the death of the
20 × 15 mm in size was detected in the right parietal individual. A crushing injury of an irregular shape
а c
Fig. 4. General view and details of the lesion of the parietal bone of skull No. 5148-8.
a – bone lesions at the margins of the perforation; b – general view of the trauma from the outside; c – general view of the trauma
on the endocranial surface.
а b
Fig. 5. Computed tomography scan of skull No. 5148-8.

a – lateral norm; b – occipital norm.
without signs of inflammation is visible in the center spearheads, stone or bronze club-heads, stone axes,
of the lower margin of the lesion. balls for boleadoras or slingshots are all typical of the
sites of the Omaguaca Indians (Handbook…, 1946:
627–628). The weaponry of the Inca was analogous,
Discussion differing only in the variety of shapes and skill of
making throwing-balls and pommels of battle-clubs
Traumatic lesions were detected in 5 out of the (Marino, Gonzales-Portillo, 2000: 944). Stone six-
20 skulls (25 %) from Pucará de Tilcara. In one pointed or round tops of war clubs (Zaburlín, Otero,
case, a perimortem trauma of the cranial vault was 2014: 171, 200), bone arrowheads (Ibid.: 195), and
accompanied by an earlier injury of the nose. Most stone weights for boleadoras (MAE, No. 1800-57,
of the lesions were antemortem (4 cases, 80 % of 58) are represented in the archaeological complex
the total number of traumas), and in only two cases of Pucará de Tilcara.
(40 %) were perimortem wounds that might have The trauma detected in specimen No. 5148-3
been the cause of death detected. definitely could not have been caused by any item
The antemortem traumas include nasal bone leaving penetrating wounds of the head, e.g. arrows,
fractures (three cases, 50 % of the total number of spears, sharp-pointed maces, etc. This injury was
traumas), and parietal bones injuries, which were struck by a weapon with a flat impact surface, such
struck with relatively little force, from the back, as bolas, boleadoras (Fig. 6), or stone axes (Fig. 7).
perhaps without the use of military weapons but The traumatic perforation observed in specimen
with an object to hand. This allows the assumption No. 5148-8 is similar to wounds caused by a pick-
of domestic conflicts with no relation to warfare. axe (Borodovsky et al., 2010: 41, 63), but the
Two of the antemortem traumas were detected in irregular margins of the defect and the presence
male skulls, while one was observed in a female of short radiating fissures suggest that the striking
skull, and one in an adolescent individual of surface was fairly flat and rather blunt. It is highly
undetermined sex. likely that the injury was caused by a war-club with
Both perimortem lesions were found in males a pointed stone pommel or some similar weapon.
older than 35 years. It is difficult to determine The comparison of the cranial collection from
precisely the tools by which their traumas were Pucará de Tilcara with the aggregate sample from
caused, since some of the various types of weapons the Quebrada de Humahuaca valley, including the
known from the archaeological complexes of the skulls from the sites belonging to the Regional
Quebrada de Humahuaca valley can leave wounds Development Period (Yakoraite, Los Amarillos,
of similar shape. Stone or bone arrowheads and and La Huerta), has shown that the proportion
0 3 cm
Fig. 6. Bolas stone cannonball (MAE, No. 1800-57) from

the excavations of the fifth expedition of the Faculty of
Philosophy and Literature at Pucará de Tilcara in 1909
(according to the General Catalogue of the Ambrosetti
Ethnographic Museum).
of skulls with traumas differs little between the

two samples: 25 % (including the subadult skull;
subadult individuals were included in the reference
samples as well) vs. 34.6 % (Table 1). The value of
the χ2 criterion is 0.74; thus, the difference is not
significant.
0 3 cm
The distribution of the lesions among parts of the
skull is, nevertheless, specific in the Pucará de Tilcara
collection as compared to the Regional Development Fig. 7. Stone double-faced axe (MAE, No. 1800-55),
Period samples (Table 2). First, the prevalence of probably fastened in the central part by clamping in a
split wooden handle. From the excavations of the sixth
nasal bone injuries is increased at Pucará de Tilcara: expedition of the Faculty of Philosophy and Literature
three cases (50 % of the total number of traumas) at Pucará de Tilcara in 1910 (according to the General
vs. one case at Yakoraite (4 %) and no cases at Los Catalogue of the Ambrosetti Ethnographic Museum).
Table 1. Distribution of cranial traumatic lesions in the samples

from the Quebrada de Humahuaca valley
Total number Skulls with traumas Skulls without traumas Trophy skulls
Sample
of skulls Number % Number % Number %
Los Amarillos* 60 13 21.7 42 70 4 6.7
La Huerta* 49 15 30.6 23 46.9 11 22.4
Yakoraite* 44 25 56.8 18 36.7 2 4.5
Aggregate* 153 53 34.6 83 54.2 17 11.1
Pucará de Tilcara 20 5 25 15 75 0 0
*Here and in Tables 2 and 3 data are according to (Seldes, Botta, 2014).
Table 2. Distribution of various types of cranial traumas in the samples

from the Quebrada de Humahuaca valley
Type of trauma Los Amarillos La Huerta Yakoraite Aggregate Pucará de Tilcara
Antemortem 12 (92.3) 9 (56.2) 22 (78.6) 43 (75.4) 4 (66.7)
Perimortem 1 (7.7) 7 (43.7) 6 (21.4) 14 (24.6) 2 (25)
Fractures 11 (84.6) 15 (100) 19 (70.4) 45 (81.8) 6 (100)
Cutting wounds 2 (15.4) 0 8 (29.6) 10 (18.2) 0
Traumas of the bones:
frontal 4 (33.3) 11 (52.4) 4 (16) 19 (32.8) 1 (16.7)
parietal 7 (58.3) 5 (23.8) 13 (52) 25 (43.1) 2 (33.3)
occipital 1 (8.3) 4 (19) 3 (12) 8 (13.8) 0
maxilla 0 1 (4.75) 0 1 (1.73) 0
zygoma 0 0 1 (4.0) 1 (1.73) 0
nasal 0 0 1 (4.0) 1 (1.73) 3 (50)
temporal 0 0 3 (12) 3 (5.18) 0
Note. In parentheses, the percentage from the total number of skulls with traumas is given.
Table 3. Sex-specific distribution of cranial traumas in the sample from Pucará de Tilcara
and the aggregate sample from Los Amarillos, La Huerta, and Yakoraite
Undetermined
Males Females (including children and
Sample adolescents )
Total With traumas Total With traumas Total With traumas
Pucará de Tilcara 11 3 (27.3) 7 1 (14.3) 2 1 (50)

Aggregate 88 28 (31.8) 43 16 (37.2) 24 9 (37.5)
Note. In parentheses, the percentage from the total number of the corresponding skulls is given.
Amarillos and La Huerta. Second, injuries to the that the arrival of the Inca to Pucará de Tilcara had
occipital bone, which are typical of the Yakoraite, led to some social changes that directly affected
Los Amarillos, and La Huerta samples, were not the pattern of military and domestic traumatism in
found at Pucará de Tilcara. this group. The general level of violence remained
Some differences are also observed in the number high; however, in the later stages of the existence
of female skulls with traumas: their percentage of the fortress, the number of mass military affairs
in the Pucará de Tilcara collection is almost 2.5 involving the whole population decreased, while the
times lower than in the aggregate sample (Table 3). prevalence of interpersonal violence, not associated
Though this difference is not statistically significant, with warfare, increased. This is suggested by the
this may indicate less involvement of women in absence of trophy skulls in the sample, a decreased
armed clashes. Notably, the percentage of male (as compared to the aggregate sample) percentage
skulls with traumas is roughly equal in both samples. of injured female skulls, a lower number of cranial
It is also of note that trophy skulls, which are present traumas in the general profile of traumatization of
in all the other samples, are absent in the Pucará de the population, and the prevalence of antemortem
Tilcara collection (see Table 1). lesions of the nasal bones. Indirect evidence is also
Judging by the distribution of traumatic lesions the absence of occipital bone traumas typically
in the studied sample and the pattern of differences received when fleeing from an armed enemy.
with the cranial samples from the sites belonging to Irrespective of the colonizing policy of the
the Regional Development Period, it seems possible Inca, the number of combat weapons suitable
for inter-tribal warfare had not decreased in employing more numerous materials, since the
Inca’s archaeological complexes as compared to skulls used in the present study do not represent a
Omaguaca sites (Pérez Pieroni, Becerra, 2018). proper sample from the Pucará de Tilcara population.
The materials from the Pucará de Tilcara fortress, However, as a first approximation, anthropological
nevertheless, suggest a social character of the data support this view.
colonization related to the interest of the Incas
in the extraction of mining raw materials and the References
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The advent and long-term presence of the Incas Borodovsky A.P., Zubova A.V., Pozdnyakov D.V.,
at Pucará de Tilcara led to the emergence of a Tabarev A.V., Cheremisin D.V. 2010
Arkheologiya nasiliya (interpretatsiya materialov
new social layer of specialized craftsmen working
arkheologicheskikh, antropologicheskikh i izobrazitelnykh
at administrative centers and providing luxury kompleksov): Ucheb.-metod. posobiye. Novosibirsk: Novosib.
goods to the elite (Zaburlín, 2009: 99–100). This Gos. Univ.
is suggested by the architecture and archaeological Dmitrenko L.M., Zubova A.V. 2020
complexes excavated by J.B. Ambrosetti named Collection related to the Omaguaca Indians from the Pucará
de Tilcara Fortress, Northwestern Argentina, at the Museum of
“House of the Jeweler” and “Copper House” (“La Anthropology and Ethnography RAS, St. Petersburg: Tentative
Casa del Joyero” and “La Casa de los Cobres”) Findings. Archaeology, Ethnology and Anthropology of Eurasia,
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were likely emancipated from participation in mass Greco C., Otero C. 2015
The chronology of settlements with pre-inca and inca
warfare, which might have affected the pattern and
occupations superimposed: The case of Pucará de Tilcara
prevalence of the traumatic lesions of the skulls (Humahuaca Gorge, Argentina). Archaeometry, vol. 58 (5):
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Handbook of South American Indians. 1946
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Printing Office, 1946. (Smithsonian Institution Bureau of
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fortress suggest that at the late stages of its history,
Marino R., Gonzales-Portillo M. 2000
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that can be considered combat-related were detected, Suramericana/Arqueología Sul-Americana, vol. 6 (1/2): 87–111.
trophy skulls are absent, and the prevalence of Pererva E.V. 2015
nasal bone fractures is increased as compared to the Rentgenologicheskoye issledovaniye deformirovannykh
cherepov zolotoordynskogo vremeni s territorii Nizhnego
samples belonging to the Regional Development
Povolzhya (paleoliticheskiy aspect). Vestnik arkheologii,
Period. These observations may evince a decrease antropologii i etnografii, No. 2: 98–114.
in the number of mass warfare encounters aimed Pérez Pieroni M.J., Becerra M.F. 2018
at establishing control over resources, and a shift Archaeology of Northwestern Argentinean Puna. In
toward domestic conflicts. Encyclopedia of Global Archaeology, C. Smith (ed.). New
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region eased social tension and contributed to some u zhiteley Tulskoy oblasti i vliyaniye ikh na obrazovaniye
stabilization of the political situation. These were perelomov. Vestnik novykh meditsinskikh tekhnologiy,
vol. XVIII (3): 314–316.
achieved through establishing control over trade
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routes and fertile areas, which were previously the Violence indicators in Quebrada de Humahuaca, Jujuy,
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2014). This hypothesis requires further testing perspective. Anthropological Review, vol. 77 (1): 87–109.
Sprovieri M. 2013 Zubova A.V., Ananyeva N.I., Moiseyev V.G.,

El mundo en movimiento: Circulación de bienes, recursos Stulov I.K., Dmitrenko L.M., Obodovsky A.V.,
e ideas en el valle Calchaquí, Salta (Noroeste Argentino): Una Potrakhov N.N., Kulkov A.M., Andreev E.V. 2020
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No. 2487). maxillary sinusitis: Based on crania from the Pucará De Tilcara
Thulung S., Ranabhat K., Bishokarma S., Fortress, Argentina. Archaeology, Ethnology and Anthropology
Gongal D.N. 2019 of Eurasia, vol. 48 (3): 143–153.
Morphometric measurement of cranial vault thickness: Zubova A.V., Pikhur O.L., Obodovskiy A.V.,
A Tertiary hospital based study. Journal of Nepal Medical Malyutina A.A., Dmitrenko L.M., Chugunova K.S.,
Association, vol. 57 (215): 29–32. Pozdnyakov D.V., Bessonov V.B. 2020
Zaburlín M.A. 2009 A case of surgical extraction of the lower third molars
Historia de ocupación del Pucará de Tilcara (Jujuy, in a cranial series from the Pucará de Tilcara Fortress (Jujuy
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Zaburlín M.A., Otero C. 2014 of Eurasia, vol. 48 (2): 149–156.
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In Investigaciones del Instituto Interdisciplinario Tilcara.
Buenos Aires: Editorial de la Facultad de Filosofia y Letras,
pp. 161–220. Received December 15, 2020.
ABBREVIATIONS
AN SSSR – USSR Academy of Sciences

ASGE – Archaeological Collection of the State Hermitage Museum
BAR – British Archaeological Reports
GANIIIYaL – Gorno-Altaysk Research Institute of History, Linguistics, and Literature (Gorno-Altaysk)
GIM – State Historical Museum (Moscow)
IA RAN – Institute of Archaeology, Russian Academy of Sciences (Moscow)
IAET SO RAN – Institute of Archaeology and Ethnography, Siberian Branch, Russian Academy of Sciences
(Novosibirsk)
IIFF SO AN SSSR – Institute of History, Philology, and Philosophy, Siberian Branch, USSR Academy of Sciences
(Novosibirsk)
IIMK RAN – Institute for the History of Material Culture, Russian Academy of Sciences (St. Petersburg)
KSIA – Brief Communications of the Institute of Archaeology, Russian Academy of Sciences
MAE RAN – Peter the Great Museum of Anthropology and Ethnography (Kunstkamera), Russian Academy of Sciences
(St. Petersburg)
MIA – Materials and Investigations on Archaeology in the USSR
REM – Russian Museum of Ethnography (St. Petersburg)
RGIA – Russian State Historical Archive
SAI – Collection of Archaeological Sources
SOKM – Sakhalin Regional Museum of Local Lore (Yuzhno-Sakhalinsk)
TIE – Transactions of the Institute of Ethnography
157
CONTRIBUTORS
Ananyeva N.I., Department Head, Bekhterev National Research Medical Center for Psychiatry and Neurology,
Bekhtereva 3, St. Petersburg, 192019, Russia; Professor, Saint Petersburg State University, Universitetskaya
nab. 7/9, St. Petersburg, 199034, Russia. E-mail: ananieva_n@mail.ru; https://orcid.org/0000-0002-
7087-0437
Andreev E.V., Junior Researcher, Bekhterev National Research Medical Center for Psychiatry and Neurology,
Bekhtereva 3, St. Petersburg, 192019, Russia. E-mail: ev.andreev94@gmail.com; https://orcid.org/0000-0003-
3495-9036
Bar-Oz G., Professor of Archaeology, Zinman Institute of Archaeology, University of Haifa, 199 Aba-Hushi Avenue,
Haifa, 3498838, Israel. E-mail: guybar@research.haifa.ac.il; https://orcid.org/0000-0002-1009-5619
Chemchieva A.P., Researcher, Institute of Archaeology and Ethnography, Siberian Branch, Russian Academy of
Sciences, pr. Akademika Lavrentieva 17, Novosibirsk, 630090, Russia. E-mail: chemchieva@gmail.com; https://
orcid.org/0000-0003-3090-859X
Dashkovsky P.K., Professor, Department Chair, Laboratory Head, Altai State University, pr. Lenina 61, Barnaul,
656049, Russia. E-mail: dashkovskiy@fpn.asu.ru; https://orcid.org/0000-0002-4933-8809
Dmitrenko L.M., Junior Researcher, Peter the Great Museum of Anthropology and Ethnography (Kunstkamera),
Russian Academy of Sciences, Universitetskaya nab. 3, St. Petersburg, 199034, Russia. E-mail: jakovlevaljuba@
mail.ru; https://orcid.org/0000-0003-1748-0138
Filatova I.V., Senior Researcher, Institute of Archaeology and Ethnography, Siberian Branch, Russian Academy of
Sciences, pr. Akademika Lavrentieva 17, Novosibirsk, 630090, Russia; Associate Professor, Amur State University
for Humanities and Pedagogy, Kirova 17, bldg. 2, Komsomolsk-on-Amur, 681000, Russia. E-mail: inga-ph@
mail.ru; https://orcid.org/0000-0001-6945-9096
Frolov Y.V., Director, Museum of Archaeology and Ethnography of Altai, Altai State University, pr. Lenina 61, Barnaul,
656049, Russia. E-mail: frolov_jar@mail.ru; https://orcid.org/0000-0001-7259-2840
Garazhian O., Independent Researcher, Alice Babs gata 3A, 393 60 Kalmar, Sweden. E-mail: Garazhian.omran@
gmail.com; https://orcid.org/0000-0003-1829-8872
Gasparyan B., Leading Researcher, Institute of Archaeology and Ethnography, National Academy of Sciences of the
Republic of Armenia, Charentsa 15, Yerevan, 0025, Republic of Armenia. E-mail: borisg@virtualarmenia.am
Grishin A.E., Senior Researcher, Institute of Archaeology and Ethnography, Siberian Branch, Russian Academy of
Sciences, pr. Akademika Lavrentieva 17, Novosibirsk, 630090, Russia. E-mail: grishin@archaeology.nsc.ru; https://
orcid.org/0000-0001-8367-2272
Kazarnitsky A.A., Senior Researcher, Peter the Great Museum of Anthropology and Ethnography (Kunstkamera),
Russian Academy of Sciences, Universitetskaya nab. 3, St. Petersburg, 199034, Russia; Acting Researcher, Institute
of Physicochemical and Biological Problems in Soil Science, Russian Academy of Sciences, Institutskaya 2/2,
Pushchino, 142290, Russia. E-mail: kazarnitski@mail.ru; https://orcid.org/0000-0002-2990-7939
Khanutina Z.V., Senior Researcher, State Museum of the History of Religion, Pochtamtskaya 14, St. Petersburg,
190000, Russia. E-mail: zoe_gmir@inbox.ru; https://orcid.org/0000-0003-0448-3559
Kiryushin K.Y., Associate Professor, Altai State University, pr. Lenina 61, Barnaul, 656049, Russia. E-mail:
kirill-kirushin@mail.ru; https://orcid.org/0000-0003-3122-1423
Kiryushin Y.F., Emeritus Professor, Altai State University, pr. Lenina 61, Barnaul, 656049, Russia. E-mail:
kirill-kirushin@mail.ru; https://orcid.org/0000-0001-5474-3502
158
Archaeology, Ethnology and Anthropology of Eurasia 49/3 (2021) 159
Kishkurno M.S., Junior Researcher, Institute of Archaeology and Ethnography, Siberian Branch, Russian Academy of
Sciences, pr. Akademika Lavrentieva 17, Novosibirsk, 630090, Russia. E-mail: kishkurno_maria@mail.ru; https://
orcid.org/0000-0002-0309-7413
Marchenko Z.V., Senior Researcher, Institute of Archaeology and Ethnography, Siberian Branch, Russian Academy
of Sciences, pr. Akademika Lavrentieva 17, Novosibirsk, 630090, Russia. E-mail: afrika_77@mail.ru; https://orcid.
org/0000-0002-4729-8575
Medvedev V.E., Department Head, Institute of Archaeology and Ethnography, Siberian Branch, Russian Academy of
Sciences, pr. Akademika Lavrentieva 17, Novosibirsk, 630090, Russia. E-mail: medvedev@archaeology.nsc.ru;
https://orcid.org/0000-0002-4087-0364
Mikhaylova A.A., Leading Researcher, Russian Museum of Ethnography, Inzhenernaya 4/1, St. Petersburg, 191186,
Russia. E-mail: alena-muzej@yandex.ru; https://orcid.org/0000-0001-7457-2309
Mylnikov V.P., Leading Researcher, Institute of Archaeology and Ethnography, Siberian Branch, Russian Academy
of Sciences, pr. Akademika Lavrentieva 17, Novosibirsk, 630090, Russia. E-mail: mylnikov@archaeology.nsc.ru;
https://orcid.org/0000-0002-7532-9607
Nachmias A., M.A. Student, Zinman Institute of Archaeology, University of Haifa, 199 Aba-Hushi Avenue, Haifa,
3498838, Israel. E-mail: amnon22@gmail.com
Nadel D., Professor of Archaeology, Zinman Institute of Archaeology, University of Haifa, 199 Aba-Hushi Avenue,
Haifa, 3498838, Israel. E-mail: dnadel@research.haifa.ac.il; https://orcid.org/0000-0001-7736-1830
Petrosyan L., Leading Researcher, Institute of Archaeology and Ethnography, National Academy of Sciences of the
Republic of Armenia, Charentsa 15, Yerevan, 0025, Republic of Armenia. E-mail: galstyan-1966@mail.ru
Reinhold S., Researcher, German Archaeological Institute, Im Dol 2–6, Berlin, 14195, Germany. E-mail: sabine.
reinhold@dainst.de; https://orcid.org/0000-0002-8107-6300
Sabori H., Ph.D. Student of Archaeology, Art University of Isfahan, Hakim Nezami St., P.O. Box 1744, Isfahan, Iran.
E-mail: hadisabori79@yahoo.com; https://orcid.org/0000-0002-1839-0663
Sadraei A., M.A. Graduate of Archaeology, Researcher, The Ronin Institute, 127 Haddon Pl., Montclair, NJ 07043,
USA. E-mail: ali.sadrayi@ronininstitute.org; https://orcid.org/0000-0002-6134-9543
Schmidt A.V., Department Head, Museum of Nature and Man, Mira 14a, Khanty-Mansiysk, 628011, Russia. E-mail:
tison172@mail.ru; https://orcid.org/0000-0002-0321-9214
Sem T.Y., Leading Researcher, Russian Museum of Ethnography, Inzhenernaya 4/1, St. Petersburg, 191186, Russia.
E-mail: semturem@mail.ru; https://orcid.org/0000-0003-3306-3481
Solodovnikov K.N., Senior Researcher, Institute of Northern Development, Tyumen Scientific Center, Siberian
Branch, Russian Academy of Sciences, Malygina 86, Tyumen, 625026, Russia. E-mail: solodk@list.ru; https://
orcid.org/0000-0003-0925-7219
Stulov I.K., Roentgenologist, Bekhterev National Research Medical Center for Psychiatry and Neurology, Bekhtereva
3, St. Petersburg, 192019, Russia. E-mail: symrak.spb@mail.ru; https://orcid.org/0000-0002-5776-1252
Suleimanov R.H., Professor, National University of Uzbekistan, Universitetskaya 4, Tashkent, Uzbekistan. E-mail:
sr39@mail.ru; https://orcid.org/0000-0002-5279-8769
Tarasenko M.O., Senior Researcher, Krymskyi Institute of Oriental Studies, National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine,
Hrushevskoho 4, Kyiv, 01001, Ukraine. E-mail: niktarasenko@yahoo.com; https://orcid.org/0000-0001-6779-2258
Tataurov S.F., Senior Researcher, Institute of Archaeology and Ethnography, Siberian Branch, Russian Academy of
Sciences, pr. Akademika Lavrentieva 17, Novosibirsk, 630090, Russia. E-mail: tatsf2008@rambler.ru; https://orcid.
org/0000-0001-6824-7294
160 Archaeology, Ethnology and Anthropology of Eurasia 49/3 (2021)
Tataurova L.V., Senior Researcher, Institute of Archaeology and Ethnography, Siberian Branch, Russian Academy
of Sciences, pr. Akademika Lavrentieva 17, Novosibirsk, 630090, Russia; Associate Professor, Dostoevsky Omsk
State University, pr. Mira 55, Omsk, 644077, Russia. E-mail: li-sa65@mail.ru; https://orcid.org/0000-0003-
4829-7619
Tikhomirov K.N., Senior Researcher, Institute of Archaeology and Ethnography, Siberian Branch, Russian Academy
of Sciences, pr. Akademika Lavrentieva 17, Novosibirsk, 630090, Russia. E-mail: ktikhomirov@gmail.com; https://
orcid.org/0000-0003-1159-1603
Tikhomirova M.N., Researcher, Institute of Archaeology and Ethnography, Siberian Branch, Russian Academy of
Sciences, pr. Akademika Lavrentieva 17, Novosibirsk, 630090, Russia. E-mail: marinat24@mail.ru; https://orcid.
org/0000-0001-8271-8451
Tikhonov S.S., Senior Researcher, Institute of Archaeology and Ethnography, Siberian Branch, Russian Academy of
Sciences, pr. Akademika Lavrentieva 17, Novosibirsk, 630090, Russia. E-mail: semchi957@gmail.com; https://
orcid.org/0000-0001-6909-0727
Zhuravkov F.V., Roentgenologist, Novosibirsk Regional Clinical Hospital, Nemirovicha-Danchenko 130, Novosibirsk,
630087, Russia. E-mail: 4ernoknij@mail.ru; https://orcid.org/0000-0002-0785-5664
Zubova A.V., Senior Researcher, Peter the Great Museum of Anthropology and Ethnography (Kunstkamera), Russian
Academy of Sciences, Universitetskaya nab. 3, St. Petersburg, 199034, Russia. E-mail: zubova_al@mail.ru; https://
orcid.org/0000-0002-7981-161X

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SIBERIAN BRANCH OF THE RUSSIAN ACADEMY OF SCIENCES

INSTITUTE OF ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOGRAPHY

ARCHAEOLOGY, ETHNOLOGY & ANTHROPOLOGY OF EURASIA

doi:10.17746/1563-0110.2021.49.3 Published in Russian and English

PALEOENVIRONMENT. THE STONE AGE

THE METAL AGES AND MEDIEVAL PERIOD

ANTHROPOLOGY AND PALEOGENETICS

Volume 49, No. 3, 2021 EDITORIAL BOARD

© Siberian Branch of the Russian Academy of Sciences, 2021

A. Sadraei1, O. Garazhian2, and H. Sabori3

First Evidence of Pleistocene Archaeology on the Neyshabur Plain

Introduction In Kuldara, southern Tajikistan, an 800,000-year-old

it can be stated that in all four assemblages

Fig. 2. Sources of stone raw material in Paleolithic sites of Neyshabur plain.

Fig. 5. Some lithic artifacts found in Paleolithic sites of Neyshabur plain.

Fig. 6. Some of the most important Lower

V.E. Medvedev1 and I.V. Filatova1, 2

Materials from Dwelling 2 on Suchu Island, the Lower Amur

Introduction at a dwelling located on the western elevated end of the

Fig. 3. Clay (1–7, 9) and lithic (8) artifacts.

Fig. 4. Voznesenovskoye ceramics.

Derevianko A.P., Chuo You Zhuon, Medvedev V.E.,

K.Y. Kiryushin1, Y.F. Kiryushin1, K.N. Solodovnikov2,

Results of Radiocarbon Dating of Early Burials

Introduction which the majority of the known sites in the district

wide (up to 7 km) swampy floodplain with many oxbow

Radiocarbon dates of the samples from early burials at flat-grave cemeteries

Dating Sample Radiocarbon Calendar date, BC

Novoaltaisk-Razvilka, LSC SOAN-6863 4525 ± 95 3370–3080 3550–2900 IGM SB RAS

ʺ IGAN-5831 6100 ± 25 5055–4980 5080–4930 IG RAS

Ditto, skeleton 3 ʺ GV-02888 6723 ± 68 5710–5610 5740–5510 CCU AMS NSU–NSC

Ditto, burial 42, skeleton 1 ʺ GV-02890 6534 ± 72 5570–5460 5630–5360 ʺ

Ditto, burial 14, skeleton 1 ʺ GV-02887 7222 ± 82 6210–6130 6250–5970 ʺ

Ditto, burial 18 ʺ GV-02889 9106 ± 80 8440–8240 8600–8200 ʺ

for the disruption of this geographic regularity may be Acknowledgments

A Mortuary Complex with Animal Skulls at Khankarinsky Dol,

Introduction describes the results of cultural and chronological

The burial turned out to have been plundered.

Fig. 1. Location of the Khankarinsky Dol

Its size at the level of the ancient

Fig. 4. Inventory of the burial.

behind the eastern wall of the stone cist, parallel to

Cultural and chronological attribution

Beisenov A.Z. 1995 Kubarev V.D., Shulga P.I. 2007

Shulga P.I. 2002 Tairov A.D. 2006

A. Nachmias1, G. Bar-Oz1, D. Nadel1, L. Petrosyan2,

A Monumental Horse Burial in the Armenian Highlands

Introduction (“Armenia is an exceptionally good horse-pasturing

of the same name by archaeologists L. Petrosyan

surface modifications (butchery, burning,

The retrieved bone assemblage of the

Fig. 3. The horse interment inside the oval installation.

Fig. 5. The ring found in the horse’s mouth. 0 5 cm

Donaghy T. 2014 Mnatsakanyan A. 1961

M.O. Tarasenko1 and Z.V. Khanutina2

Scarab Amulet-Beads from 1st–2nd Century Children’s Burials

Introduction and various pendants-amulets numbering, in total,

Fig. 3. Bead in the form of scarab from burial 58.

Descriptions of faience scarabs

The finds can be divided into three groups.