PRB Population Handbook 2011 1
PRB Population Handbook 2011 1
Population
Handbook
A quick guide to population dynamics for journalists, policymakers,
teachers, students, and other people interested in demographics
BY A R T H U R H AU P T, T H O M A S T. K A N E , A N D C A R L H AU B
6TH EDITION
2011
www.prb.org
ABOUT POPULATION................................................................................. 2
Now in its sixth edition, PRB’s Population Handbook is also AGE AND SEX COMPOSITION .................................................................. 4
available online. Each updated chapter is on PRB’s website, FERTILITY ................................................................................................... 9
www.prb-population-handbook-2011.aspx.
www.prb.org/Reports/2011/prb-population-handbook-2011.
aspx. FACTORS AFFECTING FERTILITY .......................................................... 14
Since its publication in 1978, PRB’s Population Handbook
has appeared in several languages and has been circulated MORTALITY............................................................................................... 16
Since its publication in 1978, PRB’s Population Handbook
around the world. It has been used by thousands of teachers
has appeared in several languages and has been circulated MORBIDITY ............................................................................................... 21
and students in fields such as sociology, geography, and
around the world. It has been used by thousands of teachers
urban studies. Journalists refer to the handbook as an NUPTIALITY .............................................................................................. 23
and students in fields such as sociology, geography, and
authoritative guide in preparing population-related stories,
urban studies. Journalists refer to the handbook as an MIGRATION ............................................................................................... 24
while policymakers and planners have found it to be a ready
authoritative guide in preparing population-related stories,
reference to the rates, ratios, and concepts of demography. RACE AND ETHNICITY ............................................................................ 26
while policymakers and planners have found it to be a ready
Understanding the broad implications of population change
reference to the rates, ratios, and concepts of demography. HOUSEHOLDS AND FAMILIES ................................................................ 27
is important to those who make decisions and inform others
Understanding the broad implications of population change
about demographic change around the world. URBANIZATION AND DISTRIBUTION .................................................... 28
is important to those who make decisions and inform others
about demographic change around the world. POPULATION CHANGE ............................................................................ 29
Population conditions influence history. Likewise, historical events can significantly affect populations. Wars
can decimate a generation of men, as happened in the 20th century in the then-Soviet Union, France, Iraq,
and several other countries. The discovery of new medicines often leads to increases in life expectancy, and
different causes of death become more prominent. Alternatively, population change may sound a warning
of other important changes. Environmental contamination may be detected first by increased reports of
illness and rising mortality rates in certain geographic areas. In all these ways and more, population is news.
Population information is best communicated in terms of numbers and rates. It is not enough to know that life
expectancy is increasing. How many years are being added? Over what time period has the change occurred?
Which people are affected? What proportion of the population do they represent? Such information is more
meaningful when it provides an indication of the magnitude and distribution of the phenomenon, as well as the
trend. To be useful, data must be expressed clearly as well as accurately. Birth rates are often confused with
growth rates; declining growth rates are sometimes mistakenly equated with declining population size.
Demography is the scientific study of population. Demographers seek to know the levels and trends
in population size and its components. They search for explanations of demographic change and their
implications for societies. They use censuses, birth and death records, surveys, visa records, even motor
vehicle and school registrations. They shape these data into manageable forms such as simple counts,
rates, or ratios.
Most of the principal measures used in demography are defined on the following pages, together with
recent examples of their use.
The purpose of this Population Handbook is to clarify and explain demographic terms to journalists,
policymakers, teachers, students, and others who need to understand and communicate about population.
RATE
The frequency of demographic events in a population during a specified time period (usually a year) divided
by the population “at risk” of the event occurring during that time period. Rates tell how common it is for a
given event to occur. (For example, in 2008 in Zambia the death rate was 16 per 1,000 population.) Most
rates are expressed per 1,000 population. Crude rates are rates computed for an entire population. Specific
rates are computed for a subgroup, usually the population more nearly approximating the population “at
risk” of the event. (For example, the general fertility rate is the number of births per 1,000 women ages 15 to
49.) Thus, rates can be age-specific, sex-specific, race-specific, occupation-specific, and so on. In practice,
some measures that are referred to as rates would be more accurately termed ratios.
RATIO
The relation of one population subgroup to the total population or to another subgroup; that is, one
subgroup divided by another. (For example, the sex ratio in France in 2010 was 94 males per 100 females.)
CONSTANT
An unchanging, arbitrary number (for example, 100 or 1,000 or 100,000) by which rates, ratios, or
proportions can be multiplied to express these measures in a more understandable fashion. For example,
0.0184
0.00184abortions
abortionsper
perwoman
womanofofreproductive
reproductiveageageoccured
occuredininHungary
Hungaryinin2008.
2008.Multiplying
Multiplyingthis
thisrate
ratebybya a
constant (1,000) gives the same statistic in terms of 1,000 people. This is a clearer way of expressing the
same thing: There were 18.4 births
abortions
per per
1,0001,000 women.
women. In formulas
In the the formulas on following
on the the following pages,
pages, “K”
“K” means
means constant.
constant.
COHORT MEASURE
A statistic that measures events occurring to a cohort (a group of people sharing a common demographic
experience) who are observed through time. The most commonly used cohort is the birth cohort—people
born in the same year or period. Other kinds of cohorts include marriage cohorts and school class cohorts.
PERIOD MEASURE
A statistic that measures events occurring to all or part of a population during one period of time; this
measure “takes a snapshot” of a population, in effect. (For example, the emigration rate of the entire
Norwegian population in 2009 was 5.5 per 1,000.)
Developing countries have relatively young populations while most developed countries have old or “aging”
populations. In many developing countries, 40 percent or more of the population is under age 15, while 4
percent is 65 or older. On the other hand, in virtually every developed country, less than 25 percent of the
population is under age 15 and more than 10 percent is 65 or older.
Median Age
The median age is the age at which exactly half the population is older and half is younger.
The median age of the Costa Rican population in 2009 was 28 years.
In 2009, the median age of Niger, a country with a very young population, was 15, while that of Japan
was 45, signifying an older population.
Sex Ratio
The sex ratio is the ratio of males to females in a given population, usually expressed as the number of
males for every 100 females.
The sex ratio at birth in most countries is about 105 males per 100 females. After birth, sex ratios vary
because of different patterns of mortality and migration for males and females within the population.
In Russia in 2010, the sex ratio for ages 25 to 29 was 101; for ages 70 and older it was 42.
Age-Dependency Ratio
The age-dependency ratio is the ratio of people in the “dependent” ages (those under age 15 and ages 65
and older) to those in the “economically productive” ages (15 to 64 years) in a population.
The age-dependency ratio is often used as an indicator of the economic burden the productive portion of a
population must carry—even though some people defined as “dependent” are producers and some people
in the “productive” ages are economically dependent.
The age-dependency ratio is sometimes divided into old-age dependency (the ratio of people ages 65 and
older to those ages 15 to 64) and child dependency (the ratio of people under age 15 to those ages 15 to 64).
The age-dependency ratio in Uganda in 2009 was 106. This means that there were 106 people in the
dependent ages for every 100 people in the working ages.
By contrast, Guatemala had an age-dependency ratio of 85 in 2010, with 42 percent of its population
under age 15 and 4 percent ages 65 and older. In Japan, the age-dependency ratio was only 57 in
2010, with 13 percent of its population under age 15 and 23 percent ages 65 and older.
Population Pyramid
A population pyramid graphically displays a population’s age and sex composition. Horizontal bars present
the numbers or proportions of males and females in each age group. The sum of all the age-sex groups in
the population pyramid equals 100 percent of the population. Pyramids may show single years of age, as
does the one for Japan (Figure 1, page 6), or show data in age groups, as do those in Figure 2 (page 7).
The bottom bars in Japan’s pyramid show the percentage of the population that was under age 1 in 2006.
Each year a new cohort is born and appears at the bottom of the pyramid, while the cohorts above it move
up. As the cohorts age, they inevitably lose members because of death and may gain or lose members
because of migration. During the older ages, the attrition process accelerates, causing the narrowing peak
of all population pyramids. Such pyramids can tell a great deal about a population at a glance. Notice, for
example, that females form the substantial majority in the oldest age groups. In most countries, females
outlive males.
•• Rapid growth is indicated by a pyramid with a large percentage of people in the younger ages.
•• Slow growth is reflected in a pyramid with a smaller proportion of the population in the younger ages.
•• Zero growth or decline is shown by decreasing numbers in the younger age groups.
As shown in Figure 2 (page 7), the age structure of Senegal’s population is characteristic of countries
experiencing rapid growth; each younger cohort is larger than the previous cohort, producing a pyramid
shape. This expansive age structure is the result of high birth rates. Italy’s population, with decreasing
numbers in each younger age cohort, is typical of low-fertility populations experiencing zero growth and
facing population decline. The large deficit of young people—potential parents in the future—results in
population decrease being virtually “preprogrammed.” The shape of the United States’ age structure
indicates a population that is growing, but at a much slower rate than Senegal’s.
The pyramid of Japan in 2006 is a striking example of a population whose age-sex composition has been
altered by past events. The low proportion of males above age 80 represents the loss of young men
during World War II. The relatively small size of the population ages 67 and 68 (both males and females)
is a demographic response to the Sino-Japanese Incident in 1938 and 1939. The population ages 60
and 61 reflects the reduction in the birth rate around the end of World War II. The large group ages 55 to
59 was born during the first “baby boom” period (1947-1951). The very small percentage of 40-year-olds
corresponds to the birth year of 1966—“the year of Hinoeuma” or the “year of the Firehorse.” Superstition
maintains that being born during the year of Hinoeuma, which comes every 60 years, is bad luck for girls.
Age
100+
95
90 Males Females
85
80
75
70
65
60
55
50
45
40
35
30
25
20
15
10
0
1200 1000 800 600 400 200 0 200 400 600 800 1000 1200
Population in Thousands
The large percentages in ages 32 to 35 show Japan’s second “baby-boom” period (1971-1974). Population
pyramids that are constructed by single years of age can illuminate reasons for a population’s age structure
that larger age categories might mask.
Comparing Populations
The likelihood of getting married or dying varies at different ages. Populations that have comparatively large
numbers of elderly are likely to have more deaths and fewer births each year than will a population of equal
size that is largely composed of young families (other factors being equal). As a result, Finland, with a large
proportion of older people compared with Albania, will have more deaths per 1,000 people than Albania.
When comparing populations (for example, which country has higher fertility), care should be taken that
the age structure of the populations does not seriously affect the comparison. Birth and death rates are
affected by the proportions of people in the different ages and can give misleading comparisons (although
the death rate is much more likely to do so than the birth rate).
To make consistent comparisons, one can use age-specific rates. Comparing the annual death rate for
people ages 60 to 64 in Mexico and the United States shows the probability of someone in that age group
in both countries dying in a given year, and the comparison is unaffected by the number of people ages 60
to 64.
10 8 6 4 2 0 2 4 6 8 10
Percent
10 8 6 4 2 0 2 4 6 8 10
Percent
10 8 6 4 2 0 2 4 6 8 10
Percent
Sources: United Nations Population Division; U.S. Census Bureau; and ISTAT.
The U.S. crude death rate was 8.1 deaths per 1,000 people in 2008. Mexico’s crude death rate that year
was reported at 5.0. However, if Mexico’s age structure had been the same as that of the United States
in that year, Mexico’s standardized (age-adjusted) death rate would have been 11.1, higher than in the
United States.
In this example, we use the 2008 U.S. age structure as the standard; thus, the standardized U.S. death
rate would remain 8.1. We could just as well use Mexico’s age structure as the standard, or even use a
third country’s age structure.
Birth Rate
The birth rate (also called the crude birth rate) indicates the number of live births per 1,000 population in a
given year. Most annual rates, such as the birth rate, relate demographic events to the population at mid-
year (July 1), which is considered to be the average population at risk of the event occurring during the year.
Around the world, birth rates vary widely. Niger’s 52 per 1,000 in 2010 is a very high birth rate, while
Taiwan’s 8 per 1,000 in 2009 is very low.
Births are only one component of population change, and the birth rate should not be confused with the
growth rate, which includes all components of change.
The general fertility rate is a somewhat more refined measure than the birth rate because it relates births
to the age-sex group at risk of giving birth (usually defined as women ages 15 to 49). This limitation helps
eradicate distortions that might arise because of different age and sex distributions among populations.
Thus, the general fertility rate is a better basis to compare fertility levels among populations than are
changes in the crude birth rate.
Zambia’s general fertility rate from 2004 to 2007 was 214 live births per 1,000 women ages 15 to 49—
one of the highest in the world. Taiwan’s rate of 36 per 1,000 women in 2009 was one of the lowest in
the world.
In the United States in 2008, there were 103 live births for every 1,000 women ages 20 to 24.
In Tanzania from 2007 to 2010, there were 260 live births per 1,000 women ages 20 to 24. From 2006
to 2009, the rate was 163 for Guyana; in 2008, the rate was 38 for Japan.
Compare the fertility rates for women in the United States in the different age groups and time periods in
the table below.
LIVE BIRTHS PER 1,000 WOMEN AGES 20-34 BY AGE GROUP, 1970 TO 2008
In the United States in 1976, birth rates were at an all-time low. The total fertility rate reached its lowest
point in history at 1.738 children per woman. By 2008, the total fertility rate stood at 2.085, one of the
highest fertility levels among developed countries (see page 11).
In 2006, the number of children ever born to women ages 45 to 49 averaged 7.8 in Niger and, in 2007,
1.8 in Ukraine.
Often, though, we wish to summarize what fertility is now, without waiting for the end of the childbearing
years. For this purpose the total fertility rate is used.
The TFR sums up, in a single number, the fertility of all women at a given point in time. In effect, it says:
This is the total number of children a woman would have if the fertility rates for a given year applied to her
throughout her reproductive life. (See table on next page for how the TFR is calculated.)
The TFR is a synthetic measure; no individual woman is very likely to pass through three decades
conforming to the age-specific fertility rates of any single year. In reality, age-specific rates change and
The rates in column (3) simulate the likelihood of a woman giving birth during each year of her
childbearing years, approximating the “risk” of having a birth. Multiplying each of these rates by five
provides the number of children she would have for each five-year period. Each woman is subject to
the annual “risk” of a birth five times in each age group; for example, 0.103 when she is 20, 0.103 when
she is 21, and so on. Summing up the rates for all age categories results in the number of children she
would have by age 49—the total fertility rate.
The total fertility rate in 2008 in the United States was 2.09 births per woman (or 2,090 births per 1,000
women). So, if age-specific rates for 2008 stayed the same throughout their lives, U.S. women of
childbearing age would have an average of 2.1 children each.
In some developing countries, the TFR is more than five children per woman. In most developed
countries, it is below two.
4
United States
1
76
83
90
97
04
11
18
25
32
39
46
53
60
67
74
81
88
95
02
09
16
23
30
37
44
51
58
65
72
79
86
93
00
07
08
17
17
17
17
18
18
18
18
18
18
18
18
18
18
18
18
18
18
19
19
19
19
19
19
19
19
19
19
19
19
19
19
20
20
20
Year
Sources: Statistics Finland and the U.S. National Center for Health Statistics.
In 2005 to 2010, Angola had a GRR of 2.91, while that of the Netherlands was 0.87. That means that,
if 2005 to 2010 fertility levels were to continue, a woman in Angola would have 2.9 daughters, on
average, during her lifetime. In the Netherlands, by contrast, a woman would have fewer than one
daughter, on average.
In Angola, nearly one daughter would die, on average, before completing her childbearing years. In the
Netherlands virtually all daughters would survive.
Child-Woman Ratio
The child-woman ratio is the number of children under age 5 per 1,000 women of childbearing age in
a given year. This measure can be calculated from national censuses or survey data, providing some
information on fertility where registered birth statistics are not available.
There were 267 children under age 5 per 1,000 women of childbearing age in France as of March 2010.
In 2010, the child-woman ratio for South Korea was 170; in Uganda it was 892.
Replacement-Level Fertility
Replacement-level fertility is the level of fertility at which women in the same cohort have exactly enough
daughters (on average) to “replace” themselves in the population. A NRR of 1.00 is equal to replacement
level.
Once replacement-level fertility has been reached and remains there, births will gradually reach equilibrium
with deaths, and in the absence of immigration and emigration, a population ultimately will stop growing
and become stationary in both size and age structure. The time this process takes varies greatly depending
upon the current age structure of the population.
Today, virtually all developed countries are at or below replacement-level fertility. In 2009, Sweden, with an
NRR of 0.93, was below replacement level; still the Swedish population is growing.
The TFR can also be used to indicate replacement-level fertility by showing the average number of children
sufficient to replace both parents in the population. In developed countries today, a TFR of about 2.1 is
considered to be replacement level. Replacement-level TFRs higher than 2.0 (one child for each parent)
Population Momentum
Population momentum refers to the tendency of a population to continue to grow after replacement-level
fertility has been achieved. A population that has achieved replacement or below-replacement fertility
may still continue to grow for some decades because past high fertility leads to a high concentration
of people in the youngest ages. Total births continue to exceed total deaths as these youths become
parents. Eventually, this large group becomes elderly and deaths increase to equal the number of births or
outnumber them. Thus it may take two or three generations (50 to 70 years) before each new birth is offset
by a death in the population. Although replacement-level fertility was reached in Sweden by the late 1960s,
there are still about 22,000 more births than deaths each year.
There were 53 births per 1,000 unmarried women ages 15 to 44 in the United States in 2008.
In 2009, the percentage of births outside marriage was 55.1 in Norway and 6.6 in Greece.
•• Proportion of women who are not currently fecund (primarily because of breastfeeding).
Knowledge about these four factors provides clues to potential changes in fertility and aids our
understanding of past change.
The proportion of women who are in union is affected by other demographic factors including the age at
first marriage or union; the pervasiveness of marriage and other unions; rates of divorce, separation, and
remarriage; and male mortality levels.
The percentage married by age group can also be very useful for analysis. In India in 2006, 27 percent of
women ages 15 to 19 were married, while 93 percent of women ages 30 to 34 were married.
In countries where consensual unions are also prevalent, they may be included with formal marriage to
approximate the percentage of women in union.
Virtually all of Nigerian women surveyed in 2008 who had an infant under age 1 were breastfeeding.
In Bolivia in 2008, the contraceptive prevalence rate for all methods among currently married women
ages 15 to 49 was 61 percent, whereas the modern method contraceptive prevalence rate for married
women was 35 percent.
Women’s use of contraception ranges from less than 20 percent in many African countries to 75
percent or more in many European countries, Australia, Brazil, and a few countries in East and
Southeast Asia.
Abortion Rate
In 2008, there were 18 abortions in Hungary per 1,000 women of childbearing ages 15 to 49.
In 2009, the abortion rate in Estonia was 29. In Japan in 2005, it was 10.
The abortion rate is the number of induced abortions per 1,000 women of reproductive age in a given year.
This rate should not be confused with the abortion ratio, which is described below.
Abortion Ratio
The abortion ratio is the number of abortions per 1,000 live births in a given year. This ratio should not be
confused with the abortion rate, described above.
In 2008, there were 448 abortions in Hungary per 1,000 live births.
In 2009, the abortion ratio in Russia was 734. In Italy in 2007, it was 222.
Death Rate
The death rate (also called the crude death rate) is the number of deaths per 1,000 population in that
population in a given year.
In 2009, Zambia’s death rate was estimated at 16 per 1,000, while Singapore’s was 4.
The crude death rate can be particularly affected by age structure. It is therefore prudent, when comparing
death rates between countries, to adjust for differences in age composition before making inferences about
a country’s health, economic, or environmental conditions.
For example, in 2009, Sweden’s crude death rate was twice as high as Panama’s—10 per 1,000 compared
with 5 per 1,000—despite the fact that life expectancy in Sweden was 81 years, compared with 76 for
Panama. The higher Swedish rate is attributable to the differences in age composition between the two
countries. In “old” Sweden, 18 percent of its population is ages 65 and older, so deaths are more likely to
occur, while “young” Panama’s proportion of elderly people is only 6 percent of the total population. Thus,
despite Sweden’s better health conditions, it has a higher proportion of deaths in the total population each
year than Panama.
Because mortality varies greatly by sex and race, age-specific death rates are often given separately for
males and females and for different racial groups in a population.
In the United States in 2008, the age-specific death rate for ages 15 to 24 was 0.8 per 1,000.
By comparison, Puerto Rico’s 2008 age-specific death rate for ages 75 to 84 was 50.2 per 1,000.
120
90
Gambia
60
Lesotho
30
0
<1
4
1-
5-
-1
-1
-2
-2
-3
-3
-4
-4
-5
-5
-6
-6
-7
-7
-8
10
15
20
25
30
35
40
45
50
55
60
65
70
75
80
Age Group
In 2008, 203 people per 100,000 died of heart disease, the leading cause of death in the United States.
Life Expectancy at Birth in Lesotho: With and Without the Effect of HIV/AIDS, 2050
Years
80
70
Without AIDS
60
With AIDS
50
40
5
0
98
99
99
00
00
01
01
02
02
03
03
04
04
05
-1
-1
-1
-2
-2
-2
-2
-2
-2
-2
-2
-2
-2
-2
80
85
90
95
00
05
10
15
20
25
30
35
40
45
19
19
19
19
20
20
20
20
20
20
20
20
20
20
N
umber of deaths from heart disease x K = 617,527 x 100 = 25.0
Total deaths 2,472,699
In 2008, 25 percent of all deaths in the United States were from heart disease.
The causes of death vary greatly from population to population and from period to period and are
influenced by many factors, including health and environmental conditions. In 1900 in the United States,
the pneumonia-bronchitis-influenza class of diseases was the leading cause of death, accounting for 17.2
percent of all deaths, while heart disease accounted for 7.1 percent of all deaths. By 2008, however, heart
disease became the leading cause of death (25.0 percent of all deaths), while pneumonia-bronchitis-
influenza accounted for only 2.3 percent of deaths. The proportion of people who die from a specific cause
should not be confused with the cause-specific death rate.
There were 24 deaths of infants under age 1 per 1,000 live births in Brazil in 2007.
In 2009, Sweden reported the world’s lowest infant mortality rate, 2.2 per 1,000. An example of a high
national rate would be Chad’s, which was estimated at 130 between 2005 to 2010.
The infant mortality rate is considered a good indicator of the health status of a population.
There were an estimated 39 maternal deaths per 100,000 live births in Russia in 2008.
This measure is sometimes referred to as the maternal mortality rate; it is best to specify the denominator
when using either measure. A true maternal mortality rate would divide the number of maternal deaths by
the number of women of childbearing age in the population.
In practice, a maternal death is most often defined as the death of a woman while pregnant or within
42 days of termination of pregnancy from any cause related to or aggravated by the pregnancy or its
management, but not from accidental or incidental causes.
If the age-specific death rates between 2005 to 2010 remain unchanged, males born in Argentina
during that period can expect to live 72 years at the time they are born. Females can expect to live 79
years.
Because life expectancy also differs significantly depending on sex, present age, and race, these categories
are usually listed separately. Life expectancy at birth, a good indicator of current health conditions, is the
most commonly cited life expectancy measure.
Life expectancies also differ widely among countries. Between 2005 and 2010, life expectancy was
estimated at 48 years of age in the Democratic Republic of the Congo compared with 83 in Japan. Women
in Japan enjoy the world’s highest life expectancy, at 86 years in 2008.
Note that low life expectancies in developing countries are consequences of high infant mortality rates.
In 2008, for example, life expectancy at birth for females in Somalia was 49 years, but if a Somali female
survived to age 1, she could expect to live to age 54.
The life table below shows selected portions of an abridged life table for the United States in 2007. This
table is based on death rates and is abridged to display data at 5-year age intervals rather than for single
years.
Column 3 includes the number who would die within each age interval.
Column 2 has the number of people alive at the beginning of each age interval, starting with 100,000 at
birth. Each age group contains the population that survived from the immediately preceding group.
The total number of person-years to be lived within each age interval is contained in Column 4.
Life expectancy is shown in Column 6. The total person-years lived in a given interval plus subsequent
intervals, when divided by the number of persons living at the start of that interval, equals life
expectancy—the average number of years remaining for a person at a given age interval.
For example, dividing the number of person-years associated with the U.S. population who survive to
age 70 (1,156,183) by the number alive at the beginning of that age interval (77,085) shows they have an
additional life expectancy of 15.0 years, on average.
Column 6 shows the total number of years of life to be shared by the population in that age interval and in
all subsequent intervals. This measure takes into account the frequency of deaths for this and all intervals
afterward. As age increases and the population shrinks, the total person-years that the survivors have to
live also decreases.
With age, life expectancy actually rises—a kind of “bonus” for surviving. The 77,085 Americans who survive
to age 70, for example, can expect to live 15 additional years, well past their life expectancy at birth of 78
years. And, during their lifetimes, death rates are expected to decline from what they were when they were
born, so that life expectancy at each age would increase even more.
Incidence Rate
The incidence rate is the number of people contracting a disease during a given time period per 1,000
population at risk. The incidence rate and other morbidity rates vary so widely in magnitude that any
constant may be used that expresses the rate in a clear manner (from “per 100” or “percent” to “per
100,000”).
The incidence of tuberculosis in the Democratic Republic of the Congo in 2009 was 372 per 100,000
population.
Prevalence Rate
The prevalence rate is the number of people who have a particular disease at a given point in time per 1,000
population. This rate includes all known cases that have not resulted in death, cure, or remission, as well as
new cases developing during the specified period. The prevalence rate is a “snapshot” of an existing health
situation; it describes the health status of a population at a point in time.
The prevalence of HIV/AIDS in Zimbabwe among adults (ages 15-49) in 2009 was 14.3 per 100
population.
In 2009, the prevalence rate of HIV/AIDS for males ages 15-49 in Botswana was 20.6 percent and for
females, 29.2. Corresponding rates in Argentina were 0.6 and 0.3, respectively.
Case Rate
The case rate is the number of reported cases of a specific disease or illness per 100,000 population
during a given year. The case rate is a special type of incidence rate, instead being based on the number
of reported cases, which is not necessarily the number of persons contracting the disease (that is, some
people may get the disease more than once).
From April 2009 to March 2010, the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention estimates that
there were 19,511 cases of H1N1 flu in the United States per 100,000 population.
From April 2009 to March 2010, the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention estimates that
there were 12,270 deaths from H1N1 flu in the United States, or 21 deaths for every 100,000 cases.
Marriage Rate
The marriage rate (also called the crude marriage rate) is the number of marriages per 1,000 total
population in a given year. This rate is calculated using the number of marriages—not the number of people
getting married—and includes both first marriages and remarriages.
In 2009, the crude marriage rate in Japan among Japanese nationals was 5.6 per 1,000 population. In
Panama, it was 3.4 and in Jordan it was 10.4 in 2008.
In 2009, the median age at first marriage in France was 31.7 years for males and 29.8 for females. In 1990,
it had been 27.6 for males and 25.6 for females.
Median age at first marriage varies widely. In Niger in 2006, median age at first marriage was 16 for females
and 23 for males. In India, between 2005 and 2006, it was 23 for males and 17 for females.
Divorce Rate
The divorce rate (or crude divorce rate) indicates the number of divorces per 1,000 population in a given
year. This rate is calculated using the number of divorces—not the number of people getting divorced.
In 2009, the crude divorce rate in Japan among Japanese nationals was 2.0 per 1,000 population. In
Panama, it was 0.9 and in Jordan it was 2.2 in 2008.
Immigration Rate
The immigration rate is the number of immigrants arriving at a destination per 1,000 population at that
destination in a given year.
In 2009, the Norwegian immigration rate was 13.5 per 1,000 residents.
In some countries, immigration plays a significant role in population growth. In Sweden in 2009, 66
percent of all population growth was a result of immigration.
Emigration Rate
The emigration rate is the number of emigrants departing an area of origin per 1,000 population at that area
of origin in a given year.
In 2009, the Norwegian emigration rate was 5.5 emigrants per 1,000 residents.
Number of immigrants
- Number of emigrants x K = 65,210 - 26,576 x 1,000 = + 8.0
Total mid-year population 4,825,552
In 2009, Norway experienced a net increase of 8.0 persons per 1,000 population through migration.
In 2010, Australia had a net migration rate of 11.0 per 1,000 population; the United States’ rate was
2.8; while Bulgaria had a net migration rate of -2.1 per 1,000 in 2009 (the net result was a loss of 2.1
persons per 1,000 population due to migration).
N
et international immigration + Net domestic migration = Change due to migration
165,600 -98,798 66,802
In the year ending July 1, 2009, the U.S. state of California had a net international immigration of
+165,600 but it had a net outflow of -98,798 to the rest of the country. The state’s gain in population
due to migration was +66,802.
In many countries, demographic data are reported for race, ethnic group, national origin, and religious
affiliation. Definitions of race and ethnicity vary from country to country and over time. Even within academic
disciplines, not everyone agrees on how to define these concepts. Each country investigating racial or
ethnic characteristics of its population should apply the definitions and criteria determined by the groups
that it wants to identify.
Race is frequently collected in censuses and surveys, normally by self-identification, a concept that may
change over time.
Race
Race is not a scientific term. There are no universally accepted categories. Neither is there consensus
about how many races there are or about what exactly distinguishes a race from an ethnic group. Race is
frequently collected in censuses and surveys, normally by self-identification, a concept that may change
over time. Many social scientists agree that while race may have a biological or a genetic component, race
is defined primarily by society, not by genetics.
Ethnicity
Ethnicity usually is defined by cultural practices, language, cuisine, and traditions—not by biological or
physical differences.
Foreign-Born Population
The foreign-born population represents people born outside the borders or territories of a country. Place of
birth is an objective characteristic—it does not change.
Number
of foreign-born people x K = 38,517,000 x 100 = 12.5
Total population 307,007,000
Household
A household is often defined as one or more people who occupy a single housing unit. Households consist
of unrelated people or people related by birth, marriage, or adoption.
In rural areas of India, the average household contained 5.4 in 2001, while in urban India, it was 5.1.
Family
The definition of family varies by country. In Norway, a single person is regarded as a family. For the country
as a whole, nearly half of the families consisted of single people in 1997. It is important to be aware of such
differences in definitions when making comparisons across countries.
Family is usually defined as a group of two or more people residing together and related by birth, marriage,
or adoption. Family households are households maintained by a family, although the household may also
contain other unrelated people.
N
umber of married-couple families x K = 58,410,000 x 100 = 74.0
Total family households 78,883,000
In 2010, 74 percent of family households in the United States were headed by a married couple.
In 1970, 87 percent of U.S. families consisted of married couples. In 2010, 19 percent of family
households were female-headed, up from 11 percent in 1970.
Single-Parent Family
A single-parent family is one in which children are maintained by one parent as a result of a birth outside
marriage, divorce, separation, or death of a spouse.
About 22 percent of family households with children below age 18 were maintained by a single parent
in 2010 in Norway.
Urban
Countries differ in their definitions of urban, although it is fairly common for the urban population to consist
of those living in towns and cities of a few thousand or more, especially if the population of such areas
is largely nonagricultural. In densely populated Japan, the term “urban” refers to cities with populations
of 50,000 or more, and with 60 percent of the houses in the main built-up area and 60 percent of the
population engaged in urban type employment, such as manufacturing and trade.
Percent Urban
The population living in urban areas can be expressed as a percentage of the area’s total population and
is a measure of urbanization. Usually the remainder of the population is considered rural, although some
countries also have a middle category designated “semiurban.” Urban growth refers to an increase in the
physical size of an urban area.
Singapore was 100 percent urban, while Cuba was 75 percent urban and Malawi was only 14 percent
urban.
Metropolitan Area
A metropolitan area is defined as a large concentration of population, often an area with a population of
about 100,000 or more people with an important city at its core, plus suburban and “exurban” areas that
surround the city and are socially and economically integrated with it. Metropolitan areas are also often
referred to as “urban agglomerations.”
In 2008, the Budapest metropolitan area had a population of 2,489,471; 1,707,254 were in Budapest
itself and 782,217 in surrounding, contiguous localities outside the city proper.
Population Density
Population density is expressed as the number of people per square kilometer or square mile of area.
Density figures are often more meaningful if given as population per unit of arable (capable of producing
crops) land. For example, in 2010, Egypt had an estimated 80 people per square kilometer of its total area,
but about 2,365 people per square kilometer of arable land. Other useful density measures are the average
number of people per household or per room—measures that are sometimes used to show crowding.
By contrast, Singapore had a density of 7,526 people per square kilometer in 2010, Bangladesh had a
population density of 1,142, and Australia had a population density of 3.
P1 + (B – D) + (I – E) = P2
Where P2 is the population at the later date and P1 is the population at the earlier date; B is births and
D is deaths between the two dates; and I is immigration (or in-migration) and E is emigration (or out-
migration) between the two dates.
Natural Increase
Natural increase is the surplus (or deficit) of births over deaths in a population in a given time period.
NI = B – D
Where NI is the natural increase during a period; B is the number of births; and D is the number of
deaths during that period.
The rate of natural increase can also be calculated from birth and death rates:
The growth rate takes into account all components of population growth: births, deaths, and migration. It
should never be confused with the birth rate, but it sometimes is.
Births 2009 – Deaths 2009 ±Net migration 2009 x K = 111,800 – 90,080 – 63,280 x 100 = 0.91
Total population 2009 9,299,000
The growth rate can also be calculated from natural increase and net migration rates:
Birth rates and population growth characteristically fluctuate. A growth rate that is declining does not
necessarily mean that an area’s population is declining. Rather, it may indicate only that the population
is growing at a slower rate. A negative growth rate means that an area is losing population. Today, about
a dozen countries in Europe are experiencing a decline in total population, but many other countries are
experiencing a decline in their rates of population growth.
In 2010, the world’s population was growing at an annual rate of 1.2 percent, or increasing by
12 people per 1,000 population. At this growth rate, the world increased by nearly 83 million people
in 2010.
Niger, with a growth rate of 3.5 percent in 2010, had one of the world’s highest growth rates.
Ukraine’s population, on the other hand, was shrinking at an annual rate of -0.4 percent.
Doubling Time
Growth expressed as a percentage is not very descriptive for many purposes. Is a 3 percent growth rate
fast or slow? A more vivid way of showing population growth is to calculate how long, at its current growth
rate, a population would take to double in size. A country with a constant growth rate of 1 percent would
double its population in about 70 years; at 2 percent, in 35 years; at 3 percent, in 23 years.
A quick way to approximate doubling time is to divide 70 by the growth rate expressed as a percent.
70 = 70 = 875
Growth rate (%) 0.08
If its 2009 growth rate of 0.08 percent continued unchanged, Poland would double its population in
about 875 years.
With an annual growth rate of 1.4 percent in 2010, the Bangladesh would require about 50 years to
double its population. Uganda would take 21 years, at 3.4 percent. Austria, at its present low annual
growth rate of 0.2 percent, would take 350 years to double its population.
Doubling time cannot be used to project future population size, because it assumes a constant growth over
decades, whereas growth rates change. Nonetheless, calculating doubling time helps sketch how fast a
population is growing at the present time.
BOX 1
11
Constant
10
High
9
Medium
8
Low
7
0
10
12
14
16
18
20
22
24
26
28
30
32
34
36
38
40
42
44
46
48
50
20
20
20
20
20
20
20
20
20
20
20
20
20
20
20
20
20
20
20
20
20
Year
Source: United Nations Population Division, World Population Prospects: The 2008 Revision.
High Fertility that the TFR will remain constant in every country
from the present. Under this assumption, the world’s
The high fertility scenario assumes that the global
population would grow to 11.0 billion by 2050 and
average TFR (children per woman) will decline to 2.5
be growing at 1.2 percent. The total fertility rate
by 2045 to 2050 and will eventually end its decline
in 2045 to 2050 would actually rise to 3.2 children
at 2.35 children. Under this assumption, the world’s
per woman and continue increasing since higher
population would grow to 10.5 billion by 2050 and
fertility countries would increase their share of world
be growing at 0.8 percent. At present, it is growing
population, pushing up the average.
by 1.2 percent annually.
Projecting any population size requires assumptions.
Medium Fertility These assumptions concern the three components
The medium fertility scenario assumes that the of population growth: fertility, the birth rate;
global average TFR will decline to 2.0 by 2045 to mortality, the death rate, expressed in terms of life
2050 and will eventually end its decline at 1.85 expectancy at birth; and the effect of net migration
children. Under this assumption, the world’s when the projection is for a country or area. If the
population would grow to 9.1 billion by 2050 and be birth rate is high, will it come down and when? If it is
growing at 0.3 percent. low, will it rise? How high will life expectancy rise?
The experience to date shows that declining fertility may drop below replacement level and remain low.
Most developed countries have addressed the issue of low fertility and unprecedented aging but incentives
for couples to have children have resulted in infrequent success. The present population of Japan could be
reduced by one-fourth by mid-century if current rates continue.
Countries such as Hungary, Singapore, and Spain have instituted pro-growth policies with little success,
although fertility could have fallen even further without these policies. Many of the factors that lowered
fertility in the first place—greater involvement of women in the workplace, a rising cost of living, and
preferences in how people want to spend their time—appear to be keeping fertility rates low.
The needs of an aging population and the abilities of diminishing number of workers to provide for their
health care needs and pension funding are important concerns for such populations.
Historical Perspective
During most of human history, population increased very slowly. It took hundreds of thousands of years for
world population to reach 1 billion, in about 1800. At that point, growth began to accelerate as death rates
fell. World population reached 2 billion 130 years later, around 1930. It passed the 3 billion mark in 1960 and
reached 4 billion only 14 years later, in 1974. World population reached 5 billion in 1987; it reached 6 billion in
1999, just twelve years later. The seventh billion benchmark is expected in 2011, once again in just 12 years.
In 2010, the world birth rate was 20 births per 1,000 population, with women averaging about 2.5 children
each. The death rate was 8 per 1,000 population; this combination results in a growth rate of 1.2 percent
annually. This growth rate was down from a peak of about 2.1 percent in the late 1960s but was still high
enough to result in a historically rapid rate of growth. If this rate were to remain constant, the world would
reach nearly 20 billion by the year 2100. No one expects this to actually happen. Long before that point
is reached, the growth curve should level off—a result of the birth rate going down, the death rate going
up, or some combination of the two. That slowdown in growth, however, is dependent upon birth rates in
developing countries declining to the same lower levels as in developed countries—and for that to happen
with a minimum of delay.
The characteristics of population growth during the 20th century were unique in world history. At the
beginning of the last century, the world had 1.6 billion people, and at the end it had 6.1 billion—over 80
percent of them living in developing countries. The demographic story over the next few decades will reveal
the degree to which developing countries’ growth will slow while developed countries’ populations largely
stagnate or decline—and age. The world was a demographically different place in 2000 than it had been in
1900, and the world of 2050 will be very different from the present.